Madriddagi respublika qatag'onlari (1936–1939) - Republican repression in Madrid (1936–1939)

Respublika ga qarshi afishada ogohlantirish Beshinchi ustun

The 1936–1939 yillarda Madriddagi respublika qatag'onlari ning taxmin qilingan dushmanlariga qarshi qo'llanilgan bir qator tadbirlar edi Ikkinchi Ispaniya Respublikasi. Repressiv harakatlar davlat xizmatlari, partiya militsiyalari va gibrid tuzilmalar tomonidan uyushtirildi. Ba'zi tadbirlar qonuniy protseduralar doirasida amalga oshirilgan va turli sud tizimiga taalluqli bo'lishi mumkin edi, ammo boshqalari qonunchilik bazasi yoqasida yoki undan tashqarida. Qonuniy ravishda sanksiya qilingan repressiv harakatlar qatoriga ijro, ekspluatatsiya, jarimalar, ishdan bo'shatish, qamoq, ko'chirish, majburiy mehnat yoki fuqarolik huquqlarini yo'qotish kiradi. Suddan tashqari zo'ravonlik qatl qilish, zo'rlash, tanani buzish, qiynoqqa solish, tahqirlash, qamoqqa olish, yo'q qilish yoki mulkni egallab olishni o'z ichiga olgan. Repressiyalarning avj nuqtasi 1936 yilda sodir bo'lgan, ammo keyingi yillarda ham davom etdi. Ularning umumiy ko'lami aniq emas; parcha-parcha raqamlar shuni ko'rsatadiki, bitta muassasa 1936 yilda kamida 18000 kishini hibsga olgan. Qatl qilinganlarning soni bahsli; ishlab chiqarilgan ikkita shaxsiy ro'yxatda 9000 va 11500 atrofida ismlar mavjud. Fuqarolar urushi qatag'onlari bilan bog'liq bo'lgan ko'pgina masalalarda, shu jumladan, tarixchilar hamfikr emaslar Madrid 1936-1939 yillarda.

Tashkilot doirasi

Respublika militsiyasi, Madrid 1936 yil

Ispaniyada fuqarolar urushi boshlanganda Madridda uchta politsiya birlashmasi faoliyat ko'rsatdi, ularning barchasi ichki ishlar vaziriga hisobot berishdi: Guardia Fuqarolik, Gvardiya de Asalto va politsiya. Guardia Civil dastlab katta tozalash va islohotlarni amalga oshirishga qaratilgan edi,[1] ammo 1936 yil avgust oyi oxirida u tarqatib yuborilgan va uning o'rniga yangi xizmat paydo bo'ldi, Guardia Nacional Republicana (GNR). Yaqinda GNRga ishga qabul qilish boshlandi, ammo Gvardiya repressiya choralarini amalga oshirishda muhim rol o'ynamadi; 1936 yil oxiridan boshlab u yangi jamoat tartibini shakllantirishga qo'shilish uchun allaqachon belgilangan edi.[2] Gvardiya de Asalto o'z faoliyatini davom ettirdi, ammo uning Madrid bo'linmalari isyonchilarga qarshi frontga joylashtirilgan va shaharda deyarli qatnashmagan. Politsiya va ayniqsa uning tergov bo'limi Cuerpo de Investigación va Vigilancia (CIV), boshlanishidan boshlab katta o'zgarishlarga duch keldi. Nazorat qiladi Dirección General de Seguridad (DSG), Ichki ishlar vazirligining xavfsizlik idorasi, o'zgarish bir tomondan katta tozalashlardan, ikkinchi tomondan esa yangi ishga yollanishdan iborat edi.[3] Inqilobiy partiyalardan kelgan yangi jangari a'zolar bilan to'ldirilgan Brigada Atadell, Brigada de Amanacer yoki Los Linces de la República kabi ba'zi CIV bo'linmalari Respublikachilar tartibini amalga oshirishda muhim rol o'ynadi.[4]

Harbiy harakatlarning boshlanishi va ayniqsa qurollarni tinch aholiga, asosan partiyaviy va kasaba uyushma a'zolariga topshirish to'g'risidagi qaror, qurolli militsiyalarning tez paydo bo'lishiga olib keldi, odatda, har doim ham siyosiy tashkilotlarga bog'liq emas.[5] Urushning birinchi oylarida ular Madriddagi jamoat tartibini shakllantirish nuqtai nazaridan davlat tuzilmalarini uzoq vaqt qamrab olishdi, ammo o'zlarining uyushqoqligi, vaqtinchalik tabiati va qo'lbola uslubi tufayli bu ulkan kuch muntazam tizimli tavsifdan qochib qutulishdi. Ushbu guruhlar hibsga olish va so'roq qilish punktlari faoliyat yuritgani tufayli, odatda, ma'lum checas;[6] ularning soni hozirda 350 atrofida,[7] har kvadrat kilometrga 4 tadan va har 3000 kishiga bitta;[8] ko'pchilik 1937 yil boshiga kelib g'oyib bo'ldi.[9] Garchi militsiya va jamoat tartibini saqlash rasmiy bo'linmalari o'rtasida ziddiyatlar kamdan-kam uchraydi[10] umuman olganda ikkinchisi oldingisiga qarshi chiqishdan qochgan. Ikkala ishlab chiqilgan operatsion simbioz, masalan. militsiyalar gumon qilinuvchilarni aniqlash va topish uchun rasmiy politsiya yozuvlaridan foydalangan, ba'zida hibsga olinganlarni DSGga topshirgan yoki ko'pincha - qamoqxonalardan, hibsga olinganlardan yoki politsiya bo'limlaridan olib ketgan. Gumon qilinishicha, istisno asosida frontal harbiy qismlar ham respublikaga qarshi fitnaga qarshi harakatlarda qatnashgan bo'lishi mumkin.[11]

1936 yil avgustda DSG yirik partiyalar bilan kelishgan holda yangi organni (Comité Provincial de Investigación Pública) (CPIP) tashkil etishga qaror qildi.[12] Pullik politsiya xizmati[13] partiya delegatlaridan iborat kengash tomonidan boshqariladi,[14] CPIP respublikalarga qarshi fitnalarning oldini olish va unga aloqador shaxslarni hibsga olish edi. Nazariy jihatdan ular DSGga qo'shimcha tekshirish uchun berilishi kerak edi; amalda qamoqqa olinganlarni qayta ishlash uchun tashkil etilgan CPIPning ichki filtrlash organi qatl etishni boshqarishga haqli edi.[15] O'zining mavjud bo'lgan 100 kun ichida CPIP 1936 yil noyabr oyining boshida tarqatib yuborish to'g'risidagi qaror chiqarilishidan oldin asosiy huquqni muhofaza qilish idorasi bo'lgan.[16] bir oz vaqt o'tgach, bir nechta bloklar ishlashni davom ettirdilar.[17] Yana bir yangi organ, unchalik ahamiyatli bo'lmagan Inspección General de Milicias (IGM) edi.[18] 1936 yil avgustda tashkil etilgan bu armiya bo'limi bo'lib, u partiyaning militsiyalarini moddiy-texnika ta'minoti va moliyalashtirishni muvofiqlashtirishi kerak edi, ammo u o'zining "Sección de Investigación" ni ham boshqargan; IGM 1936 yil noyabrda tarqatib yuborilgan.[19] 1936 yil sentyabrda Ichki ishlar vazirligi militsiya faoliyatini muvofiqlashtirish uchun o'z bo'linmasini tashkil etdi - Milicias de Vigilancia de la Retaguardia (MVR), davlat politsiyasi va partiya militsiyalari o'rtasida gibrid; dastlab deyarli faol bo'lmagan, keyinchalik MVR eritilgan CPIPdan erkaklarni yollagan[20] va tezlashdi; uning ayrim bo'limlari MVR, shu jumladan militsiya bo'linmalari 1936 yil dekabrida tarqatib yuborilguncha juda faollashdi.[21]

Atocha, sobiq hibsga olingan joy (hozirgi ko'rinish)

1936 yil dekabrda barcha politsiya birlashmalari - Guardia de Asalto, GNR, CIV, MVR, IGM - yangi xizmat Cuerpo de Seguridad (CS) tarkibiga kirishi ma'lum bo'ldi. Uning ikkita filialidan Grupo Uniformado va Grupo Civil, ikkinchisiga Sección de Investigaciones Especiales; bu oddiy kiyimlarni tergov qilish xizmati Ichki ishlar vazirligi tomonidan boshqariladigan politsiya tuzilmalarining asosiga aylandi.[22] Biroq, o'sha vazir 1937 yil iyun oyida DSGdan nomli birlikni o'yib topdi Departamento Especial de Información de Estado (DEDIDE), asosan a qarshi razvedka agentligi, u ham Madridda o'zining tezkor va binolar tarmog'ini boshqargan.[23] Ikki oydan so'ng, 1937 yil avgustda, Harbiy Vazirlik barcha josuslik, josuslikka qarshi va axborot faoliyatini to'plashi kerak bo'lgan yangi tashkilot tuzganligini e'lon qildi: Servicio de Investigación Militar (SIM).[24] Shu vaqtdan boshlab SIM taxmin qilingan fitnaga qarshi kurashda asosiy davlat vositasi bo'ldi. 1938 yil mart oyida u tarqatib yuborilgan DEDIDE-ni o'z ichiga oldi.[25] Bosh shtabning ikkinchi bo'limi, keyinchalik Servicio de Información del Estado Mayor (SIEM) nomi bilan tanilgan armiya razvedka bo'linmalari mustaqil ravishda ishlashni davom ettirdilar,[26] 1936 yil oxiri / 1937 yil boshidan tashqari, harbiy josuslikka qarshi maxsus xizmatlar ancha faol bo'lib turganda, ular Madriddagi jamoat tartibiga o'z hissalarini qo'shishmadi.[27]

Modus operandi

Sinop Evropa, sobiq CNT hibsxonasi (hozirgi ko'rinish)

Respublika jamoat tartibini tashkil etuvchi bo'linmalar gumonlanuvchilarni ta'qib qilishda turli usullarga tayangan.[28] Eng mashhuri, xavfsizlik bilan hamkorlik qiladigan shaxslarning, yoki eng ko'zga ko'ringan portterlarning maslahatlari va qoralashlariga javob bo'ldi. UGT politsiya tarmog'iga aloqador bo'lmagan portchilar yoki madrilyonlarning birlashmasi. Yana bir usul - odatda militsiya bo'limlari kabi urushgacha bo'lgan idoralarda saqlanadigan fayllar yoki o'ng qanot partiyalar yoki muassasalar binosini bosqindan olingan hujjatlar asosida muntazam ravishda qidirish.[29] Yana bir usul - ko'cha hushyorligi va asosiy ob'ektlar bilan bog'liq kuzatuv qora bozor. Va nihoyat, soxta elchixona kabi tuzoqlarni o'rnatishga ixtisoslashgan ba'zi bo'limlar Siam yoki Tune de Usera deb nomlangan.[30]

Ba'zi shaxslar qo'lga olindi[31] va o'limdan oldin yomon muomalada bo'lgan joyda yoki birozdan keyin qatl etilgan.[32] Ammo ularning ko'plari qandaydir qamoq bilan tugashgan; Bu rasmiy qamoqxonalarda, politsiya bo'limlarida yoki turli guruhlar tomonidan boshqariladigan hibsxonalarda, odatda sobiq konventsiyalarda yoki boshqa tegishli yirik binolarda hibsga olinishda bo'lishi mumkin edi.[33] Ko'rinishidan, hibsga olish odatda bir necha oydan ortiq bo'lmagan, ammo hibsga olish muddatlari ancha uzoq bo'lgan.[34] So'ngra tergov o'tkazildi; so'roq natijalariga ko'ra hibsga olinganlarni ozod qilish, boshqa hibsxonaga o'tkazish, masalan. CPIP-dan DSG-ga,[35] hibsda qoldirilgan, sud oldida turish uchun belgilangan yoki ijro uchun tanlangan.[36] Hech qanday ishonchli statistika mavjud emas; CPIP filtrlash komissiyasi a'zolarining fikriga ko'ra[37] 1939 yildan keyin o'zlarining millatchi zo'ravonlari tomonidan so'roq qilinayotganda, asirlarning 50% ozod qilindi, 25% ko'proq qamoqqa tashlandi va 25% qatl etildi.

Sudda ishtirok etishi kerak bo'lgan gumonlanuvchilar turli xil sud yoki yarim sud organlariga duch kelishgan bo'lishi mumkin.[38] Tuman sudlarining doimiy tizimi o'z faoliyatini davom ettirdi,[39] ammo hibsga olishlar miqyosiga dosh berolmadi. 1936 yil avgustda hukumat faqat "isyon va isyon" jinoyatlariga qarshi kurashishga bag'ishlangan Tribunal Especial tashkil etdi;[40] 1936 yil sentyabrda unga yangi turdagi sud organi - Tribunal Popular de Responsabilidades Civiles va shu yilning oktyabrida Jurados de Urgencia yordam berdi.[41] va Jurados de Guardia,[42] ikkalasi ham 1938 yil mart oyida bekor qilindi;[43] 1937 yil iyun oyida tashkil etilgan Tribunal Especial de Espionaje y Alta Traición ishi emas edi.[44] Ushbu sudlarning ko'pchiligida jamoatchilik tomonidan yollangan professional sudyalar / advokatlar va professional bo'lmagan hakamlar hay'ati a'zolarining aralash tarkibi bor edi; ular hech bo'lmaganda nazariy jihatdan har xil darajadagi mudofaa yoki o'zini himoya qilishni tan oldilar, ammo murojaat yo'q edi. Sudlar tez va silliq adolatni berish uchun yaratilgan, ammo bunga qodir emas; masalan. 1936 yilda Madrid Tribunal Maxsus mahkamasi oldida paydo bo'lgan atigi 389 ayblanuvchi bor edi.[45] Qabul qilingan hukmlarning faqat qisman statistikasi mavjud;[46] sudlanuvchilarning 50 foizga yaqini ozod qilinganga o'xshaydi[47] va taxminan 8% o'lim jazosiga hukm qilingan.[48] Sud va o'lim jazosidan keyin Madrid qatl etilishining eng yaxshi ma'lum bo'lgan holati shu Xoakin Fanjul. Qatl etish qamoq paytida yoki qamoqqa olish joyida yoki ijro etiladigan joylardan birida qamoq paytida, ushlash paytida yoki undan biroz vaqt o'tgach amalga oshirilgan bo'lishi mumkin, ikkinchisi esa kamroq yoki ko'proq rasmiy ma'muriy / yuridik qarorga binoan yoki hatto shubhali protsedura bilan ruxsat etilmagan harakatlar natijasida kelib chiqqan.[49]

CIV birlik, 1936 yil

Miqdoriy hisob-kitoblarni amalga oshirishga imkon beradigan tizimli ma'lumotlar mavjud emas, ammo o'lim joyida qatl qilinganlarning soni urushning dastlabki oylarida eng ko'p bo'lgan va keyinchalik tezda kamaygan deb hisoblashadi.[50] Qotillikning eng taniqli shakli paseos deb nomlangan[51] va sakas.[52] Birinchisi odatda norasmiy qatllarni kichik hajmda amalga oshirsa, ikkinchisi odatda mahbuslarni hibsga olish joylaridan katta miqdordagi chiqarib yuborilishini anglatadi, bu ko'pincha rasmiy qarorlar bilan tasdiqlanadi. Ikkala holatda ham mahbuslar kam sonli joylarda, odatda parklarda yoki qabristonlar yaqinida otilgan. Keyinchalik jasadlar eng yaqin qabristonga tashlangan yoki keyinchalik shahar xizmatlari tomonidan to'planishi uchun qoldirilgan, ammo eng katta holatda Paracuellos de Jarama, ular sayoz umumiy qabrlarga ko'milgan. 1937 yil oxirida mahbuslar odatda SIM tomonidan boshqariladigan mehnat lagerlariga tobora ko'proq yo'naltirildi.[53] Ularni keyinchalik taqqoslash mumkin emas edi Natsistlarning o'lim lagerlari, ammo ba'zi mahbuslar shafqatsiz sharoitda halok bo'lishdi; Madrid viloyatida bunday lager mavjud edi Ambite.[54]

Jabrlanganlar

Ramiro Maeztu

Ko'rilgan manbalarning hech biri, fuqarolar urushi paytida qancha Madrid aholisi qatag'onlarga duchor bo'lishi mumkinligini taxmin qilmaydi. Barcha hisob-kitoblar qatl etilganlarga qaratiladi, ammo repressiya qilinganlarning boshqa toifalari bilan bog'liq bo'lgan raqamlarni ilgari surmaydi, xoh sud protsesslari bilan bog'liq bo'lsa - ekspropiratsiya, jarimaga tortish, ishdan bo'shatish, qamoqqa olish, boshqa joyga ko'chirish, majburiy mehnatga mahkum etilgan, fuqarolik huquqlaridan mahrum qilingan - yoki tegishli bo'lganlar zo'rlangan, buzilgan, kaltaklangan, qiynoqqa solingan, xo'rlangan, hibsga olingan yoki mulkini buzilgan, o'g'irlangan, yoqib yuborilgan yoki boshqa yo'l bilan yo'q qilingan deb topganlar kabi sudsiz zo'ravonliklarga. Bir tadqiqot shuni ko'rsatadiki, CPIP hibsga olinganlarning soni faqat 18000 bo'lishi mumkin edi.[55] Dastlab qatl etilganlar soni o'n minglab hisoblangan, masalan. 1937 yil boshida The Guardian 40000 raqamini yaratdi.[56] Frankoist Diktamen, 1939 yilda chiqarilgan, 60,000 ni tanlagan, ammo maxfiy ravishda tez orada 18000 gacha qisqartirilgan.[57] Oxirigacha Frankoizm ushbu da'volarni tekshirish imkonsiz edi; 20-asrning oxiridagi arxiv tadqiqotlari natijasida 8815 ta jabrlanganlarning ikkita ro'yxati tuzildi[58] va bittasi 11756.[59] Ikkala ro'yxatning ham nosozligi isbotlangan; bir tomondan, ularning nusxalari takrorlangan, ikkinchidan, hibsga olingan va hech qachon qayta ko'rinmaydigan, ammo ismlar orasida yo'qolgan shaxslar bor. Ko'pgina olimlar 8815 raqamini umumiy taxmin sifatida afzal ko'rishadi,[60] ozgina mualliflarning ta'kidlashicha, faqat aniqlangan jabrlanganlar ro'yxatida berilgan, ammo viloyatdagi o'lganlarning umumiy soni 15000 atrofida edi.[61] Hatto eng past bahoga ko'ra 8,815 Madridni repressiya darajasi nisbatan yuqori bo'lgan viloyatlar qatoriga kiritadi sodiq hudud;[62] mutlaq ma'noda Madrid "respublika zonasida eng ko'p qotilliklarga guvoh bo'lgan" degan savol yo'q.[63]

Repressiyalar to'g'risida har qanday oqilona ijtimoiy profillashga imkon beradigan muntazam hujjatlar mavjud emas. To'liq ma'lumotlarning mavjud to'plamlari aniq jarayonlarga ishora qiladi va ularning qanchalik vakili ekanligi aniq emas; bu masalan. mashhur sudlar tomonidan ishlab chiqarilgan fayllar ishi. Ba'zi olimlar ularni barcha repressiyalarning umumiy ijtimoiy tarkibining ko'rsatkichi sifatida qabul qilishga moyildirlar,[64] masalan. jinsiy aloqada katta farqlar mavjud.[65] Sud mahkamalariga ko'ra, ayblanuvchilarning aksariyati ishqibozlar bo'lgan, keng va noaniq toifalar, odatda, oq tanli yollangan ishchilarni ko'rsatmoqda; boshqa yuqori toifalar orasida uy bekalari 14%, harbiylar 12% va talabalar 8%; sanoat xodimlari 6% ni tashkil qiladi.[66] Yosh jihatidan bu toifalar 26 dan 30 yoshgacha (17%) ustunlik qiladi,[67] Sudlanuvchilarning 52 foizi yakka va 41 foizi turmush qurgan.[68] Ularning siyosiy afzalliklari bo'yicha aksariyat ko'pchilik ikki partiyaga tegishli edi, Acción mashhur (40%) va Falang (38%).[69] Og'zaki hisobotlarga asoslangan da'volarga ko'ra, repressiyaning asosiy maqsadi sifatida ajralib turadigan ikkita ijtimoiy guruh bor edi: harbiy va diniy, ikkalasi ham bir xil dushmanning qurol-yarog 'va targ'ibot bo'limlari. Ushbu da'volar sud ma'lumotlari bilan tasdiqlanmaydi, bu harbiy sudlanuvchilarning 57% oqlanganligini ko'rsatadi;[70] diniy holatlarda bu ko'rsatkich 75% ni tashkil etdi.[71] Oqlov hukmlarining nisbatan yuqori foizli ekanligi shuni ko'rsatadiki, sudlar sud ishlarini tergov qilish uchun bir oz harakat qilishgan va o'lim jazosini bekor qilmaganlar. Shuningdek, hibsga olingan va keyinchalik sudga kelgan shaxslarning kamida 50 foizi hech qanday fitna uyushtirmaganligini taxmin qilmoqda. Sud oldidan qatl etilgan qancha mahbus respublikaga qarshi ish bilan shug'ullanganligini aytib berishning iloji yo'q,[72] ayniqsa, bu atama juda moslashuvchan qo'llanilgan.[73] Xorijiy diplomatik korpuslarga a'zolik hibsga olish yoki qatl etishdan xalos qilmadi.[74]

"Monchin" Triana

Ko'plab milliy taniqli shaxslar Madrid qatag'onlari qurboniga aylanishdi. Ehtimol, taniqli shaxs maqomidan zavq olgan kishi edi Ramiro Maeztu Uitni; boshqa yozuvchilar va rassomlar qatl etilgan Pedro Muñoz Seca, Manuel Siges Aparisio, Frantsisko Vega Ceide va Alvaro Alkala Galiano. Biroq, o'lim soni siyosatchilar orasida, ayniqsa, og'ir bo'lgan Melquades Alvarez Gonsales-Posada, Xose Mariya Albiñana Sanz, Manuel Riko Avello, Ramon Alvarez-Valdes, Federiko Salmon Amorin, Tomas Salort zaytunlari, Rafael Esparza Garsiya, Fransisko Xavyer Ximenes de la Puente, Ramiro Ledesma Ramos, Rafael Salazar Alonso, Antonio Bermudes Kanete va Andres Nin Peres . Pio Lopes Pozas, Xose Rodrigez Kasademunt,[75] Rafael Villegas Montesinos, Osvaldo Kapaz Montes, Xoakin Fanjul Goni, Eduardo Lopes Ochoa, Mateo García de los Reyes, Xulio Ruis de Alda va Luis Barselo Jover. Hayotini yo'qotgan yuqori mansabdor shaxslar Santyago Martin Bagenas va Xose Martines de Velasko, olimlar ro'yxatiga kiritilgan Rufino Blanko Sanches va Alvaro Lopes Nunez. Taniqli diniy o'ldirilganlar Zakarias García Villada, Pedro Poveda Kastroverde va Ignacio Casanovas Camprubí. Shuningdek, sport namoyandalari repressiyaga uchragan bo'lishi mumkin Rikardo Zamora Martines (o'limdan qochgan), Ramon Triana Arroyo va Hernando Fits-Jeyms Styuart.

Vaqt va geografiya

Checa de Bellas Artes

Madrid qatag'onlari ko'lamini yil sayin taxminiy miqdoriy baholashni taklif qiladigan biron bir tadqiqot mavjud emas. Ammo deyarli barcha tadqiqotlar shuni ko'rsatadiki, zo'ravonlik ko'p hollarda 1936 yilda sodir bo'lgan. Bir tarixchi da'vo qilishicha, qatllarning 96% 1936 yilda sodir bo'lgan;[76] ba'zilari metodologiyani umuman rad etadi yoki rad etadi, boshqalari raqamlarni qabul qilishga moyildirlar.[77] Faqatgina paseolarni tahlil qilish, Madrid Audiencia Territorial-da saqlangan fayllar asosida olib borilgan tadqiqotlar shuni ko'rsatadiki, bu qotilliklarning 97,6% 1937 yilgacha bo'lgan,[78] ammo saqlangan hujjatlar xavfsizlik kuchlari tarkibidagi o'zgaruvchan protsessual va hujjatlarning shakllarini ham aks ettirishi mumkin. Kichik hajmdagi qatllarning mavjud dalillarini batafsil tahlil qilish shuni ko'rsatadiki, ular iyul oyida avjiga chiqqan (400),[79] Avgust (650) va sentyabr (550), oktyabr va noyabr oylari (har biri 300 atrofida) kichikroq ko'rsatkichlarga ega va dekabrda hali ham pastroq (100 dan past).[80] Biroq, qurbonlarning umumiy soni 1936 yil davomida kamaygan deb o'ylamaslik kerak; Paracuellos qatl etilishi noyabr oyi oxiri va dekabr oyi boshlarida amalga oshirilib, kamida 2000 qurbonni o'ldirdi, ammo taxminlarga ko'ra 4 ming atrofida. Hech shubha yo'qki, qotilliklar ko'lami 1937, 1938 va 1939 yillar davomida ancha kichik bo'lgan, ayniqsa 1937 yil bahoridan boshlab Adliya vaziri. Garsiya Olivier majburiy mehnat lagerlarining keng tarmog'ini yaratishga intilib, jinoyati uchun o'lim jazosiga emas, respublika dushmanlari o'z ishlarini mashaqqat bilan qaytarib olishlari kerak degan tezisni ilgari surdilar.[81] Biroq, bundan keyin ham qatllar davom etdi va ba'zida katta miqyosdagi qotillik to'lqinlari avjiga chiqdi; 1937 yil noyabr oyida Tünel de Usera deb nomlangan firibgarlikda kamida 67 kishi qatl etildi, 1939 yil martda SIM noma'lum kommunistlarga qarshi kurash olib bordi, ularning ko'plari o'ldirildi.

Respublikachilar Madrididagi repressiya tizimining geografik tahlili Madrid hibsxonalarining joylashishida o'ziga xos qonuniyatlarni namoyish etmaydi. O'rtacha bir kvadrat kilometrga 4 ta cheka ega bo'lib, ular shaharni zich va ancha muntazam tarmoq bilan qoplagan;[82] hatto o'sha paytda shahar atrofi tumanida Puente de Vallecas 17 ta bunday joyga mezbonlik qildi.[83] Jabrlanganlarning soni eng ko'p qayd etilgan 5 ta cheka orasida Checa San Bernardo, Checa Lista va Checa Santa Engracia markazda joylashgan, Checa del Ateneo va Checa del Circulo esa tashqarida.[84] CPIPning shtab-kvartirasi, ehtimol respublika repressiya tizimining eng ko'zga ko'ringan muassasasi,[85] birinchi bo'lib markazda joylashgan edi Kale de Alkala va keyin Calle de Fomento-da; DGS binolari va uning kun tartiblari atrofga tarqalib ketgan Salamanka tumani, odatda yoki yaqinida Kale de Serrano. 1937 yil o'rtalariga qadar qamoqqa olishlarning aksariyati tumanlarda o'tkazilgan Chamberi va Buenavista; keyinchalik bu joylar ajralib turishni to'xtatdi.[86]

Pradera de San Isidro Bugun

Vaqt o'tishi bilan ijro etiladigan joylarning geografik joylashuvi o'zgargan.[87] Mojaroning birinchi oylarida mahbuslar odatda Madridning G'arbiy tumanlariga yoki uning G'arbiy chekkalariga, ayniqsa, Aravaka Shimolda katta yashil maydonlar mavjud Casa de Campo markazida va park sifatida tanilgan Pradera de San Isidro janubda.[88] Taxminlarga ko'ra, aholisi kam bo'lgan va qisman qishloq joylari poytaxtning zichroq yashaydigan Sharqiy va Shimoliy periferiyalariga qaraganda qatl qilish uchun qulayroq bo'lgan. Biroq, G'arbdan millatchi qo'shinlar yaqinlashganda, Aravaka yoki Casa del Campo xavfli darajada o'zlarini frontga yaqinlashdilar va tez orada o'zlari jang maydoniga aylandilar, bu esa qatllarni qayta yo'naltirishga undadi. Oktyabr oyidan boshlab ular Sharqda va Janubda, ayniqsa Rivas-Vaciamadrid, Carretera de Andalusia bo'yida va unga yaqin Cimiterio del Este.[89] Parakuellos de Jarama eng katta qatl qilinadigan joy sifatida tanlangan, chunki u frontdan uzoqlashgan, Madriddan yo'lga kirish oson bo'lgan va mahalliy aholi. ayuntamientos siyosiy jihatdan ishonchli, mahalliy aholini jasadlarni ko'mish bilan bog'liq ishlarni tashkil etishga tayyor deb hisoblangan.[90]

Bosh qahramonlar

Anxel Galarza

Urushning dastlabki bir necha haftasida respublika Ispaniyasida jamoat tartibiga mas'ul shaxs bo'lgan Sebastian Pozas Perea, ichki ishlar vaziri; Madridning mahalliy masalalarida deyarli qatnashmagan, u baribir inqilobiy guruhlarga nisbatan xotirjamlik ko'rsatdi.[91] Uning ikkinchi buyrug'i, DSG rahbari Xose Alonso Mallol, hali ham voqealar girdobida qolgan davlat tuzilmalarining yaxlitligini saqlashga harakat qildi, 1936 yil 31 iyulda iste'foga chiqdi. Uning o'rnini egalladi Manuel Munos Martines,[92] sentyabr oyining boshidan beri yangi vazirga xabar bergan, Anxel Galarza Gago. Ikkalasi ham poytaxtni tark etishgach, 1936 yil noyabr oyining boshigacha Madridda jamoat tartibini saqlashning asosiy amaldorlari bo'lib qolishdi. Shu paytdan boshlab Galarza va Münoz, shuningdek, vazirlik va DSGdagi vorislari Madriddagi davlat tartibini saqlash tuzilmalari ustidan kamroq ta'sirni saqlab qolishdi. Ularning roli ba'zi tarkibiy o'zgarishlarni boshlash va nazorat qilishdan iborat edi, ammo amalga oshirish va mahalliy jamoat tartibi siyosati asosan qo'llarda qoldi Xunta de Defensa de Madrid (JDM) va keyinchalik boshqa mahalliy organlar.

JDM 1936 yil noyabr oyining boshlarida tashkil etilgan; uning jamoat tartibi uchun mas'ul bo'limi Consejeria de Orden Publico tomonidan qabul qilingan Santiago Carillo Solares va uning o'rinbosari Xose Kasorla Maure. Bir oy o'tgach, Karillo Madridni tark etganida, Kasorla poytaxt xavfsizlik kuchlarining eng kuchli odamiga aylandi, bu lavozim deyarli 1937 yil aprelida JDM tarqatib yuborilguniga qadar bo'lgan.[93] Bir necha oy davomida turli xil shaxslar hokimiyat uchun kurashdilar, masalan. Madrid politsiyasining bosh inspektori sifatida Kasorlaning nomzodi Devid Vaskes Baldominos. 1937 yil yozida Gustavo Duran Martines Madrid SIM boshlig'i etib tayinlandi. Uning xizmat muddati bir necha oy davom etdi; 1937 yil oktyabrda uning o'rnini egalladi Anxel Pedrero Garsiya, Atadell brigadasi rahbarining sobiq o'rinbosari va shaxsiy Prietoning ishonchli shaxs.[94] Pedrero 17 oy davomida Madrid politsiya tuzilmalarida eng muhim odam bo'lgan; 1939 yil martdagi Casado to'ntarishi paytida u isyonchilarga katta yordam berib, SIM-ni Madriddagi bir qator kommunistik shaxslarni hibsga olishga olib keldi.[95] U mart oyining oxirida poytaxtni tark etdi; o'sha paytda tartib kuchlari orqasida turgan asosiy odam edi Visente Jirauta Linares, 1938 yil o'rtalaridan beri viloyatdagi Komissari General de Seguridad.[96]

Ba'zi bir shaxslar qisqa vaqt ichida muhim jamoat tartibini saqlash tuzilmalariga buyruq berdilar. Bu shunday edi Segundo Serrano Poncela; u bir necha hafta ichida DSG Xavfsizlik Kengashini boshqargan, vaqtida Paracuellosda tugagan mahbuslarni chiqarib yuborish haqida buyruq berish uchun.[97] Federiko Manzano Govantes avval MVRni boshqargan va Paracuellos ekstraktsiyalarini boshqaradigan militsiyani samarali boshqargan; keyinchalik u SIM-ga o'tdi.[98] Ramon Rascón Ramírez CPIPning shaxsiy bo'limini boshqargan, DGS kengashida o'tirgan va uning qamoqxona bo'limini boshqargan, Parakuellos uchun mahbuslarni tanlash bo'yicha komissiyalarni boshqargan va 1937 yilda frontga ketgan.[99] Manuel Salgado Moreyra 1936 va 1937 yillarning boshlarida harbiy qarshi razvedkaga qattiq buyruq bergan va yolg'on Siam elchixonasi singari ba'zi ajoyib firibgarlikni uyushtirgan. Xulio de Mora Martines 1938 yildan buyon viloyatdagi SIM mehnat lagerlari tuzilishini boshqargan.[100] Benigno Mancebo Martin CPIP-ning kotibi bo'lib ishlagan, keyinchalik viloyat xavfsizlik kengashining a'zosi bo'lib, yangi xavfsizlik kuchlarini qayta tiklagan.[101] Melxor Rodriges Garsiya qisqacha Delegado General de Prisiones edi va cheklangan muvaffaqiyat bilan Paracuellos ekstraktsiyasini to'xtatishga harakat qildi.[102]

Santyago Karrillo

Hokimiyat tuzilmalarida yuqori lavozimlarni egallamagan, ammo yangi tartibni amalga oshirishda o'zini ayniqsa samarali deb tan olgan shaxslar mavjud. Agapito Garsiya Atadell u 1936 yil oktyabrida ketguniga qadar CIV otryadining boshlig'i sifatida taniqli taniqli bo'ldi.[103] Valero Serrano Tagueña va Marcos Garcia Redondo mos ravishda Brigada de Amanacer va Los Linces de la Repúlica rahbarlari sifatida nom qozonishdi.[104] Karmelo Iglesias Muñoz 1936 yilda tribunal rahbari sifatida ayniqsa faol bo'lgan. Felipe Sandoval Kabrerizo inqilobiy tribunal a'zosi va otryad rahbari sifatida ishlagan; Modelo va Paracuellos harakatlarida ham muhim rol o'ynadi, u yangi Seguridadga qo'shildi va 1938 yilgacha Mancebo bo'limi a'zosi sifatida ishladi.[105] Fernando Valenti Fernandez josuslikka qarshi tergov bilan shug'ullangan va tuzoqlarni o'rnatish bilan keng tanilgan Brigada Especial-ni boshqargan; keyin u DEDIDE-ga jo'natildi va SIM-da qoldi.[106] Elviro Ferret Obrador DGS Texnik kotibiyati tarkibiga qo'mondonlik qildi va ekspluatatsiya qilishda ustun bo'ldi.[107] Eduardo Val Beskos CNT Mudofaa qo'mitasining boshlig'i sifatida urushning ko'p qismida anarxist militsiyalar uchun mas'ul bo'lgan.[108]

Siyosat

Anarxist standart

Dastlab Madridda jamoat tartibi bilan bog'liq lavozimlarni egallab turgan asosiy shaxslar odatda jangarilar o'rtasida bo'lib qolishdi Respublikachilik va mo''tadil sotsializm. Mallol va Münoz avvallari edi Respublika radikal sotsialistlari va ikkalasi ham qo'shildi Izquierda Republicana 1930-yillarning o'rtalarida va Galarza sobiq PRRSI jangari bo'lgan, ammo hamkasblaridan farqli o'laroq, u ko'chib o'tishni afzal ko'rgan PSOE va sotsialist va nomzod sifatida Largo Kabalero nomzod, u Ichki ishlar vaziri lavozimini egalladi. Iyul oyi oxirida tayinlangan Madrid politsiyasining yangi rahbari, Manuel Lopes Rey Arroyo, shuningdek, IR xodimi edi.[109] Darhaqiqat, ba'zi olimlarning ta'kidlashicha, urushning dastlabki haftalarida "burjua politsiyasini" saqlab qolish urinishlari bo'lgan,[110] tark qilingan va CPIP vujudga kelgan paytda xavfsizlikning yangi turiga yo'l qo'ygan naqsh. Uning yaratilishi qo'zg'atuvchi partiya va kasaba uyushma militsiyalari tomonidan tasdiqlangan kuchlarning yangi muvozanatini tan oldi. Qismlar orasidagi siyosiy ta'sir ulushini aniqlashga urinishlar Madridda faoliyat yuritayotgan checasning taxmin qilingan mansubligiga asoslanadi, ammo bu chora noaniq. Keng miqyosda checas deb tasniflangan taxminan 300 ta fikrni tahlil qilish anarxistga o'xshaydi CNT -FAI va kommunist PCE ularning har birining 25 foizini boshqargan, qolganlari PSOE o'rtasida taqsimlangan, JSU kabi turli xil respublikachilar guruhlari va siyosiy-noaniq birliklar UHT.[111] 70 ga yaqin qamoqxonalarni tahlili CNT-FAI ning 34% hukmronligini ko'rsatmoqda, PCE 19%, PSOE 13% va JSU 6% orqada.[112]

CPIPning o'zi nazariy jihatdan bir qator partiyalar o'rtasida teng taqsimlangan 30 kishilik kengash tomonidan boshqarilgan,[113] ammo uning tergov guruhlari aniq anarxistik hukmronlikni aks ettirdi: 40% CNT-FAI, 19% PSOE va 19% PCE bilan bog'liq.[114] "Burjuaziya politsiyasi" ning oxiri, shuningdek, SIV-ning o'zgarishi bilan belgilandi, bu davlat oddiy kiyimidagi politsiya, bu sotsialistlar tomonidan bosib o'tilgan edi, chunki yangi ishga qabul qilinganlarning 31% UGTdan, 17% PSOE dan, 15% IR dan, 5 PCE-dan% va shunchaki 3% - ehtimol davlat tuzilmalariga va xususan politsiyaga nisbatan anarxistik pozitsiya tufayli - CNT-FAI dan ajablanarli emas.[115] Xavfsizlik tizimida marginal ravishda ishtirok etgan IGM, 64% da PSOE marginal anarxistlar ishtirokida hukmronlik qildi.[116] Shubhasiz muhimroq MVR ham xuddi shunday sotsialistik kurash edi; uning direktori Manzano o'sha paytda PSOE odam bo'lgan[117] ro'yxatdan o'tgan militsionerlarning 59% UGT a'zolari; ammo, PCE a'zoliklari ularning 17 foizini qayd etgan va kommunistik hukmronlik qilgan JSUga a'zolik 14 foizni tashkil etgan.[118]

Madriddagi davlat xavfsizlik tuzilmalarining siyosiy nazorati hukumat poytaxtni tark etishi bilan burchakka aylandi. JDM ichida jamoat tartibini saqlash bo'limi kommunistlar tomonidan qo'lga olindi, bu Karillo va Kasorlaning tayinlanishlari aks etgan edi.[119] ayniqsa PSOE hukmron bo'lgan CPIP va IGM tez orada tarqatib yuborilganligi sababli, MVR biroz vaqt o'tgach, unga ergashdi. Biroq, 1936 yil oxiri va 1937 yil boshlarida otishmadan keyin anarxistlar va kommunistlar o'rtasida mojaro kuchayib bordi.[120] va hukumatdagi kabinet urushi JDMning tarqalishiga olib keldi; Shunga qaramay, kommunistlar hech bo'lmaganda bir muncha vaqt davomida ba'zi CIV brigadalari ustidan nazoratni saqlab qolishdi va Valentining taqdiridagi roli taklif qilganidek, ba'zi birlarini o'z kampaniyalarida ishlatishdi. Nin.[121] Anarxistlar Salgado va Val nazorati ostida bo'lgan harbiy qarshi razvedka ustidan nazoratni saqlab qolishdi. 1937 yil o'rtalarida paydo bo'lgan yangi jismlardan Madrid DEDIDE PCE tomonidan boshqarilgan[122] Madrid SIM-si asosan sotsialistlar qo'liga o'tganda, uning rahbari Pedreroning siyosiy aloqalari tasdiqlangan.[123] Yangi politsiya kuchi Kuerpo de Seguridad 70% tarkibida sobiq CPIPdan iborat edi[124] va sobiq MVR a'zolarining 30% da, bu ikkita erigan shakllanishning tuzilishini hisobga olgan holda, PSOE ustunlikni qo'lga kiritganligini ko'rsatadi.[125] Respublikachilar faqat yuridik organlarda ko'rinadigan bo'lib qolishdi, masalan. Jurados de Urgencia'da ular 34% a'zolarni tashkil qilishdi, CNT-FAI esa 21% bilan ikkinchi o'rinni egalladi.[126]

PSOE belgi

Ko'rinib turibdiki, 1938 yil davomida Madrid jamoat tartibini saqlash tizimi kommunistlar (DEDIDE), anarxistlar (harbiy kontrrazvedka, militsiya) va sotsialistlar (Seguridad, SIM) bilan bir-birini nazorat qilib turadigan siyosiy jihatdan muvozanatli tuzilma bo'lib qoldi. Ushbu titroq modus vivendi davomida buzib tashlandi Casado to'ntarishi 1939 yil mart oyida, PSOE boshchiligidagi SIM va Anarxistlar boshchiligidagi harbiy qismlar kommunistik qarshilikni tor-mor etganlarida. Ko'rgazma ba'zi PCE shaxslarini ijro etdi, masalan, IGMning sobiq rahbari kabi Barselo va ba'zilari qamoqqa olingan, masalan DSG Xavfsizlik Kengashining sobiq rahbari Kasorla ishi kabi. Respublikachilar Madrid xavfsizligining eng yuqori martabali odami deb hisoblanishi mumkin bo'lgan so'nggi odam Jirauta professional politsiya-detektiv bo'lgan va uni deyarli har qanday siyosiy rubrikaga kiritish qiyin edi.

Natijada

Causa General fayllar

Urush paytida Madrid politsiya bo'linmalarining ozgina qahramonlari millatchilar tomonidan qo'lga olindi, ammo bu 1936 yil noyabrida ushlangan Atadell bilan bog'liq edi. Kanareykalar orollari qachon frantsuzlar kruiz layneri u o'tirgan edi Sankt-Nazair yo'lga chiqmoqchi edi Kuba.[127] Endi o'z lavozimlarini egallamagan ba'zi yuqori mansabdor shaxslar (Galarza, Münoz, Karillo, Serrano Poncela va Pozas) Frantsiya chegarasini kesib o'tdilar. Kataloniya 1939 yil boshida. Ularning aksariyati hanuzgacha urushning so'nggi haftalarida Madridni tark etib, tomon yo'l olishgan Levantin qirg'oq, ammo ozchilik Ispaniyani tark etishga muvaffaq bo'ldi. Val samolyotda o'tiradigan joyni ta'minladi va Duran va Salgado ingliz harbiy kemasiga o'tirdilar. Qolganlari o'zlarini kvartallarda ushlab qolishgan Alikante ularni olib chiqish uchun kemadan umidvor. Jirauta, Manzano, de Mora, Pedrero, Sandoval va Valenti singari ko'pchilik u erda ushlanib, 1939 yil aprelda aniqlangan. Ba'zilari millatchilarning xavfsizlik tarmog'idan o'tib ketishga muvaffaq bo'lishdi va yolg'on shaxsni hisobga olgan holda yangi hayot boshlashga harakat qilishdi. Biroq, Francoist ovchilari ta'qib qilishda qat'iy edilar; Mancebo va Kasorla[128] 1939 yil avgustda, 1940 yil iyulda Gartsiya Redondo,[129] 1940 yil noyabrda Iglesias va 1941 yil iyulda Rasson.[130] Muñoz topshirdi Vichi Frantsiya 1942 yil avgustda. Ferret 1953 yil iyun oyida hibsga olinishdan oldin 14 yil qochqinda yurgan.[131] Ko'pchilik shafqatsiz so'roqqa tutilgan; Sandoval o'z joniga qasd qilish bilan buni tugatdi. Qolganlarning hammasi qatl etildi, ba'zilari tomonidan garrote.[132] Duran,[133] Galarza,[134] Mallol,[135] Pozas,[136] Salgado,[137] Serrano Poncela[138] va Val[139] surgunda vafot etdi, ularning ba'zilari, masalan Serrano Poncela - taniqli shaxslar sifatida.[140] Umuman olganda, Madrid respublika jamoat tartibini saqlash tizimida faol deb topilgan 1143 kishidan 90 atrofida urushdan keyin qatl etilganligi ma'lum.[141] Ulardan ba'zilari asirga tushdilar, ammo qamoqdan omon qolishdi va oxir-oqibat ozod bo'lishdi. Rodriges Garsiya[142] uzoq muddatli qamoq jazosiga hukm qilindi[143] qamoqqa olingan, ammo 1944 yilda ozod qilingan.[144] Checa de Fuencarral deb nomlangan rahbari Anselmo Gil Burgos avval o'limga mahkum etilgan, keyin 30 yillik qamoq jazosiga tushirilgan va 1944 yilda shartli ravishda ozod qilingan.[145] Ba'zi shaxslarning taqdiri noma'lum.[146]

Urushdan keyin ispaniyaliklar Ministerio fiskal respublika miqyosida respublika repressiyasi bo'yicha katta tergov ishlarini boshladi; sxema odatda ma'lum bo'lgan Causa General va jinoiy tergov, tarixiy tadqiqot va targ'ibot faoliyati uchun asos bo'lib xizmat qiladigan ulkan hujjatlar zaxirasini olgan. Darhaqiqat, hokimiyat katta kampaniyani boshladi; it was intended to present the Republican rule in Madrid as period of savage barbarity and to honor its victims. Apart from frequent press notes, there were tens of documentary, para-documentary or historical books on what was dubbed "red terror" published every year, and Madrid featured prominently in most of them; it is estimated that some 450 related works were released until 1975, though mostly during the first two decades of Francoism.[147] Republican system of public order was depicted in culture, presented as horrific machine of murder in numerous novels and in some films.[148] Following exhumation of bodies some execution scenes were turned into commemorative sites; this was the case especially of Paracuellos de Jarama, where El Cementerio de los Mártires was constructed and at times visited by the officials, though first of all remained frequented by relatives of these executed.

Cementerio de los Mártires in Paracuellos de Jarama

After the fall of Franco public attention shifted to the Millatparvar repressiyalar. Memory of victims of Republican violence in Madrid was cultivated mostly by their relatives, though periodically it gained renewed attention, especially in relation to Santiago Carillo;[149] his re-entry into politics sparked heated controversy which continued for decades, climaxing in a failed attempt to launch legal action on basis of presumed crimes against humanity.[150] Some major new publications, e.g. 1983 yil Gibsonniki work on Paracuellos, renewed public attention; it was also the case of beatifications, proceeded and completed by pope Yuhanno Pol II 1990-yillarda va Benedikt XVI 21-asrning boshlarida.[151] Public debate on role and official acknowledgement of the Madrid repression system continued. In 2015 Comisionado de Memoria Histórica marked the Bellas Artes checa, the Modelo prison and the Porlier prison to feature among 15 "sites of historical memory" in Madrid.[152] The proposal generated ongoing public controversy related to the list of sites and exact wording used.[153] Initially it was intended to mount plaques commemorating the victims; however, according to legal expertise obtained the proposal would be incompatible with Ley de Memoria Histórica, which prohibits "exaltación de la sublevación militar, de la Guerra Civil y de la represión de la Dictadura".[154] So far, minor plaques are currently mounted in premises which do not form public space, e.g. in religious buildings.[155] Debates related to other initiatives of the Madrid town hall continue.[156]

In historiography

Pol Preston

Historiography on the violence in the Civil War is massive and growing every week.[157] Until 1975, the focus was mostly on terror behind the Republican lines;[158] in the late 20th century, attention shifted to Nationalist repression. Research on the Loyalist zone has been reinvigorated recently, resulting in at least three major works dedicated to Madrid;[159] some specific issues, especially the Paracuellos killings, also earned a sizeable literature. However, the contributions are by no means finish the issue; most of the questions raised are still subject to historiographic debates, usually unrelated to Madrid specifics but referring to violence during the Civil War in general. In the early 21st century, it was hoped that the discourse was approaching "synthesis"[160] and "normalisación".[161] but that judgment turned decisively premature; quite to the contrary, the debate grew "more heated than ever before".[162]

The central point of almost all debates is the role of state structures in repression behind the Republican lines. Most generally, the discussion is whether violence occurred despite of or because of the regime. Some claim that terror was integral to the Republic's system[163] and some maintain that it was fundamentally opposed by official structures.[164] Most specific problems are part of the general dilemma. One of these questions is the existence of a blueprint for extermination; some suggest that Republican violence resulted from a premeditated general strategy,[165] others claim that no such plan, strategy or intention has ever existed.[166] Another question is whether violence might be perceived as a revolution; some scholars see the Civil War principally in revolutionary terms, but others note that violence "was not related to any revolutionary project".[167] These who associate violence with revolution[168] debate whether it was a Communist, multifold or "leaderless" one.[169] Some suppose that the state was assuming a revolutionary format[170] and some disagree by claiming that it competed for power with revolutionary groupings.[171] Accordingly, there are conflicting views of public realm shaped either by collapse of state or by excess of state power[172] or by fragmentation of power.[173]

A separate problem is "autonomous violence"[174] or the impact of criminal activity;[175] some consider it central and key for terror in the Republican rear, others apply the criminal tag to systemic nature of the Republic,[176] and some consider the criminal thread generally misleading. A related analytical concept is this of "incontrolados";[177] some approach them as key agents of violence,[178] others claim that principal protagonists of terror were firmly mounted within political structures.[179] The role of ideology remains disputed; some name the public order model adopted in the Republican zone a "crusade" against ideological enemies[180] and underline importance of inflammatory, ideology-driven press,[181] others claim that focus on ideology obscures a complex tangle of various factors.[182] One more point is reactive nature of terror behind the Republican lines.[183] There are scholars who discuss outbreaks of violence in relation to specific preceding events[184] or to systemic features of Spanish society and politics.[185] Others either question factual sequences presented[186] or the logic of structural links advanced and reject the "reactive" label. A related problem is this of continuity; some students see the wartime unrest as climax of violence mounting through previous decades,[187] others make it clear that these are two clearly distinct phenomena.[188] One more and also related puzzle is about selective or sweeping nature of terror, namely whether it was directed against specific individuals, whether it was generally chaotic or whether it was aimed against particular sections of the population.[189] Many authors claim that since there was no real threat of Fifth Column,[190] the Republican repressive measures were means of terrorizing the population; many others relate violence to anti-Republican conspiracy and consider it mostly means of fighting Nationalist subversion.[191] Ning roli Sovetlar remains another point of contention; some students consider it instrumental,[192] others tend to view it as of minor importance.[193]

Julian Casanova

Most if not all questions discussed in general translate also to specifics of Madrid; in case of the capital they might be anchored in issues related to 100-day period of central government institutions operating from the capital, genesis and role of CPIP, transformation of police force, relations between JDM and central authorities operating from "Valensiya", mechanics of the Paracuellos executions, responsibility of single individuals like Carillo, Orlov or Galarza, functioning of local branches of central institutions like DEDIDE, SIM or DSG, role of the Fifth Column, specifics related to proximity to the frontlines, local balance of power between key political groupings or Madrid dynamics of the Casado coup. However, local-scale analysis has not significantly contributed to reaching consensus in general debate and in most of the cases discussed agreement seems to be nowhere near; moreover, in terms of tension and vitriol historiographic debate has been recently brought to another level[194] and some suggest that it is less of a historiography and more of a memory war.[195]

Shuningdek qarang

Izohlar

  1. ^ Gerald Blaney Jr., La historiografía sobre la Guardia Civil. Crítica y propuestas de investigación, [in:] Politica y sociedad 42/3 (2005), pp. 31–44
  2. ^ Julius Ruiz, The ‘Red Terror’ and the Spanish Civil War. Revolutionary violence in Madrid, Cambridge 2014, ISBN  9781107054547, 86-87 betlar
  3. ^ following 1936 purges the CIV was only in 26% composed of former policemen; 30% were industry workers and 24% service workers, Ruiz 2014, p. 90
  4. ^ Ruiz 2014, pp. 92–98
  5. ^ Sara Izquierdo Alvarez, Las checas del Madrid Republicano: un ejemplo de investigación interdisciplinar, [in:] Aportes' 79 (2012), p. 79
  6. ^ the name was then applied to all detention posts, also these operated by state police
  7. ^ there were 276 checas in the very city and 64 in its immediate vicinity, Izquierdo Alvarez 2012, pp. 82, 86
  8. ^ Izquierdo Alvarez 2012, p. 85
  9. ^ Izquierdo Alvarez 2012, pp. 79–80. Most of the checas were abandoned in November, when the Nationalist troops were approaching the city, Izquierdo Alvarez 2012, p. 88
  10. ^ qarang masalan. there is an account of a police detachment preventing execution of religious from raided convent, Ruiz 2014, p. 71
  11. ^ this is the case of 36. Brigada Mixta, believed to be involved in a scam known as Túnel de Usera in October 1937
  12. ^ Fernando Jiménez Herrera, El Comité Provincial de Investigación Pública a través de la documentación custoriada en el archivo general militar de Madrid, [ichida:] Hispaniya Nova 12 (2014), p. 5 [sequential page, there is no original pagination]
  13. ^ Jiménez Herrera 2014, p.8
  14. ^ Jiménez Herrera 2014, p. 5. Detailed social analysis of members of public order structures is not available. In case of CPIP all were males, mostly between 25 and 45 years. Usually they were former service employees with many industry men as well; there were also single writers, periodistas, teachers, or painters, Jiménez Herrera 2014, p. 28
  15. ^ Jiménez Herrera 2014, p. 17, Ruiz 2014, pp. 263-266. It is not clear whether CPIP and its filtering bodies, named "tribunales", should be considered part of the police system or part of the judiciary. CPIP was set up by Ministry of Interior and was subordinate to its office DSG, not to Ministry of Justice
  16. ^ Jiménez Herrera 2014, p.18
  17. ^ Jiménez Herrera 2014, pp. 23-25
  18. ^ at one point there were 1,004 men employed in IGM, Ruiz 2014, p. 101
  19. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 101
  20. ^ exact reason for dissolution of CPIP is not clear and all related theories are speculative, Jiménez Herrera 2014, p. 10
  21. ^ at one point there were 1,378 men registered in MVR, Ruiz 2014, pp. 180-182, 268
  22. ^ Ruiz 2014, pp. 294-295
  23. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 321
  24. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 298
  25. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 322
  26. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 285
  27. ^ for organigram see Javier Cervera, Madrid en guerra, Madrid 1998 yil, ISBN  9788420629087, p. 428
  28. ^ brief discussion of modus operandi in Cervera 1998, pp. 60-68; discussion of who could have been considered a suspect Cervera 1998, pp. 130-148
  29. ^ Izquierdo Alvarez 2012, p. 79
  30. ^ process flow graph with organigram in Izquierdo Alvarez 2012, p. 89, see also annexes in Ruiz 2014
  31. ^ most (79.8%) were apprehended in late evening, Javier Cervera Gil, Violencia en el Madrid de la Guerra Civil: los ‘paseos’ (julio a diciembre de 1936), [in:] Studia Historica Contemporanea 13-14 (1995-1996), p. 76
  32. ^ bodies were at times found with various types of injuries, see e.g. Ruiz 2014, p. 79
  33. ^ Izquierdo Alvarez 2012, p. 85
  34. ^ masalan. an individual arrested in July 1936 was kept behind bars until June 1937, when he finally faced the tribunal, Ruiz 2014, p. 59. Another one, arrested in October 1936, perished in a SIM labor camp in December 1938, Julius Ruiz, Work and Don't Lose Hope': Republican Forced Labour Camps during the Spanish Civil War, [in:] Zamonaviy Evropa tarixi 18/4 (2009), p. 437
  35. ^ Izquierdo Alvarez 2012, p. 79, Jiménez Herrera 2014, p. 6
  36. ^ Jiménez Herrera 2014, p. 17
  37. ^ it was named "tribunal" and worked in three shifts to ensure around the clock proceedings; each sitting was attended by three tribunal members and their decision had to be unanimous; hearings lasted some 20 minutes, Jiménez Herrera 2014, pp. 14–18
  38. ^ detailed analysis in Javier Cervera Gil, Contra el enemigo de la República... desde la ley, Madrid 2015, ISBN  9788416170654; organigrams of justice system on various stages of organisation in Cervera 1998, pp. 425, 427, 429–430
  39. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 174
  40. ^ Historia institucional, [in:] Archivos Espanoles portali, mavjud Bu yerga
  41. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 179
  42. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 180, it might be interesting to note that about the same time, in November 1936, also the Nationalists set up their judicial structures to dispense justice in Madrid. They consisted of eight military tribunals, sixteen examining magistrates and the Auditoria del Ejercito de Ocupación, BOE 05.11.1936.
  43. ^ Cervera Gil 2015, pp. 126–149
  44. ^ Cervera Gil 2015, pp. 175-185
  45. ^ the death sentence was by no means default. There were cases of popular tribunals engaging into detailed examination; a man charged with sniping in October 1936 and trialed in mid-1937 was acquitted following opinion of experts, who inspected the place of alleged crime and found that it physically was not possible for the man to have engaged in sniping, Ruiz 2014, p. 59
  46. ^ for an attempt of the summary see Cervera Gil 2015, pp. 223–231
  47. ^ Cervera 1998, pp. 153–155; 53% of workers and 44% of middle-class defendants were acquitted, Cervera 1998, p. 152
  48. ^ 45 death sentences of out 566 cases produced by one tribunal, Santos Juliá Díaz (ed.), Victimas de la guerra civil, Madrid 1999 yil, ISBN  9788484603337, p. 164
  49. ^ vast majority of the killings took place in the early morning hours, Cervera 1995-1996, p. 76
  50. ^ Cervera 1995-1996, p. 76
  51. ^ detailed discussion in Javier Cervera, Madrid en guerra, Madrid 1998 yil, ISBN  9788478809837, pp. 68-71
  52. ^ Cervera 1998, pp. 84–102
  53. ^ though they could have been operated by also DEDIDE or directly by DSG; Cervera Gil 2015, pp. 214–222, Ruiz 2009, pp. 419–441
  54. ^ Ruiz 2014, pp. 313–323
  55. ^ Jiménez Herrera 2014, p. 12
  56. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 3
  57. ^ Ruiz 2014, pp. 3-4
  58. ^ Rafael Casas de la Vega, El Terror. Madrid 1936, Toledo 1994, ISBN  9788488787040
  59. ^ Cesar Vidal, Checas de Madrid, Barcelona 2004, ISBN  9788497931687
  60. ^ qarang masalan. José Luis Ledesma, Una retaguardia al rojo: lasviolencias en la zona republicana, [in:] Francisco Espinosa Maestre (ed.), Violencia roja y azul: España, 1936–1950, Barcelona 2010, 9788498921168 pp. 247, 409, Mirta Núñez Díaz-Balart (ed.), La gran represión: los años de plomo del franquismo, Barcelona 2009, ISBN  9788496495371, p. 443, Ruiz 2014, p. 4, Antony Beevor, The Battle for Spain: The Spanish Civil War 1936-1939, London 2006 yil, ISBN  9781101201206, p. 87; others offer close estimates, e.g. "perhaps as many as 10,000", Stanley G. Payne, Ispaniyada fuqarolar urushi, Kembrij 2012, ISBN  978-0-521-17470-1, p. 108
  61. ^ 16,000 according to Vidal, see e.g. ABC 18.08.2013, available Bu yerga, or 14,898 according to Ángel David Martín Rubio, Los Mitos de la Represión en la Guerra Civil, Madrid 2005 yil, ISBN  9788496281202, p. 82. Some historians, like Luis Togores, note 20,000 dead in Madrid, compare YouTube footage (19:41)
  62. ^ out of 22 provinces with research into detailed number of victims either completed or advanced in 1999, the total number of those killed in the rearguard of the Republican zone was estimated at 37,843 victims, Julia 1999, p. 412, though some estimates for all the Republic-held territory claim 56,000 executions, Payne 2012, p. 110. The province identified as the one with the most severe repression in proportion to overall population was Zaragoza, subject to the Nationalist terror, Stanley G. Payne, Civil War in Europe, Cambridge 2011, ISBN  9781139499644, p. 153
  63. ^ Francisco Espinosa (ed.), Violencia roja y azul. España 1936-1939, Barselona 2010 yil, ISBN  9788498921168, p. 409
  64. ^ see the analysis in Cervera 1998
  65. ^ Popular tribunal data indicate that females formed 26% of the defendants (Cervera 1998, p. 171), while on lists of those killed during paseos the females make up 7% (Ruiz 2014, p. 4). The discrepancy gives rise to a hypothesis that detained women were more likely than men to evade execution and enjoyed far greater chance to be delivered for orderly trial, which in turn might render the tribunal data scarcely representative.
  66. ^ Cervera 1998, p. 151
  67. ^ followed by these aged 20–25 (15%), 31–35 (13%) and 36–40 (13%), Cervera 1998, p. 167
  68. ^ Cervera 1998, p. 169
  69. ^ some 10% were recorded as supporters of Renovación Española, Cervera 1998, pp. 193–166
  70. ^ Cervera 1998, p. 154
  71. ^ Cervera 1998, p. 155
  72. ^ counter-espionage services kept claiming successes when fighting conspiracy, e.g. in May 1937 "San Francisco El Grande" network was broken up, later that year "Golfin-Corujo organisation" was unearthed, and in April 1938 members of "163 Conspiracy" were apprehended, Ruiz 2014, pp. 286–293. Given all documentation related is produced by security forces telling to what extent charges were made up is impossible
  73. ^ masalan. paperclips with obituary of Calvo Sotelo might have been considered subversive materials, Ruiz 2014, pp. 248–9
  74. ^ a Belgian diplomat Jacques Borchgrave was detained and shot in December 1936. A diplomatic scandal ensued; it was settled a year later, when the Republican government paid 1m francs of indemnity and the Belgians agreed to recognize that no government agent was involved, Ruiz 2014, p. 285. Not all cases ended up with compromise; following a similar case, Uruguay broke diplomatic relations with Spain
  75. ^ both in the rank of teniente general, the highest one in the Spanish army; at the outbreak of the Civil War, there were 3 tenientes generales in the army
  76. ^ Cervera 1995-1996, p. 76
  77. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 4
  78. ^ Cervera 1995-1996, p. 76
  79. ^ 372 bodies were collected for burial at the Cementerio del Este, Ruiz 2014, p. 70
  80. ^ Cervera 1996-1996, p. 77, also Cervera 1998, especially graphs on pp. 73–79
  81. ^ Cervera 2015, pp. 214–215
  82. ^ detailed analysis Izquierdo Alvarez 2012, p. 86, Cervera 1998, pp. 64–65
  83. ^ qarang masalan. a map published in La Razon, mavjud Bu yerga
  84. ^ out of some 100 barrios of Madrid there were 20 with no checas, Izquierdo Alvarez 2012, p. 87
  85. ^ the number of deaths administered or otherwise effectuated by CPIP is estimated between 2,400 and 7,200, Jiménez Herrera 2014, p. 18
  86. ^ Cervera 1998. pp. 161–162
  87. ^ details Cervera 1995-1996
  88. ^ Cervera 1995-1996, p. 81
  89. ^ Cervera 1995-1996, pp. 80–81
  90. ^ Ruiz 2014, pp. 230 and onwards
  91. ^ as example of Pozas' yielding position versus the militias some historians quote his stand in case of the so-called Jaen trains, Ruiz 2014, pp. 154–156
  92. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 372
  93. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 369
  94. ^ Julius Ruiz, Defending the Republic: The García Atadell Brigade in Madrid, 1936, [in:] Zamonaviy tarix jurnali 42 (2007), pp. 114-115
  95. ^ Ruiz 2007, p. 115
  96. ^ BOE 18.08.1937, available Bu yerga, Ruiz 2014, p. 88
  97. ^ Ruiz 2014, pp. 239–240
  98. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 243
  99. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 373
  100. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 322
  101. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 371
  102. ^ he secured the post of Prisons Director specifically to stop the killings and at this post he was successful until dismissed by Garcia Oliver. After few days he managed to secure his re-appointment. It is not clear whether he managed to stop the Paracuellos killings again, compare Ruiz 2014, p. 283, or whether the extractions were stopped anyway, as due to international uproar they were no longer "plausibly deniable", Ruiz 2014, p. 236
  103. ^ Ruiz 2007, pp. 97–115
  104. ^ Ruiz 2014, pp. 92–98
  105. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 373
  106. ^ A. Vargas, Fernando Valenti, un Sherlock Holmes republicano en el Madrid de la Guerra Civil, [in:] Guerra en Madrid service, mavjud Bu yerga
  107. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 99
  108. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 285
  109. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 77; His tenure did not last long since in September, he was promoted to director of prisons nationwide, López-Rey Arrojo, Manuel entry, [in:] Diccionario de Catedráticos Españoles de Derecho, mavjud Bu yerga
  110. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 71
  111. ^ see map in La Razon, nashr etilgan Bu yerga
  112. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 90
  113. ^ Confederación Nacional de Trabajadores (CNT), Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI), Federación Ibérica de Juventudes Libertarias (FIJL), Partido Sindicalista (PS), Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE), Unión General de Trabajadores (UGT), Partido Comunista Español (PCE), Juventudes Socialistas Unificadas (JSU) Izquierda Republicana (IR) and Unión Republicana (UR), Jiménez Herrera 2014, p. 10
  114. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 102
  115. ^ Ruiz 2014, pp. 90–91
  116. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 101
  117. ^ later, he changed to join the communists, Ruiz 2014, p. 243
  118. ^ Ruiz 2014, pp. 180–182
  119. ^ new Consejo de la Dirección General de Seguridad, presided by Poncela, was composed mostly of members of PCU and JSU, Ruiz 2014, pp. 293–240
  120. ^ in what looked like an accidental night control getting got out of hand anarchist militiamen wounded Pablo Yague, a PCE member and head of JDM Supply Department. Cazorla and PCE demanded dissolution of military counterintelligence brigades controlled by CNT and exemplary punishment for the culprits, but the anarchists opposed these demands and the militiamen were eventually released, Ruiz 2014, p. 289
  121. ^ Ruiz 2014, pp. 289–292
  122. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 299
  123. ^ Ruiz 2007, p. 114
  124. ^ for fate of dissolved CPIP members see Jiménez Herrera 2014, pp. 25–27
  125. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 296
  126. ^ Ruiz 2014, pp. 296–297
  127. ^ Ruiz 2007, pp. 111-113
  128. ^ Cazorla was arrested by the Casadistas at the post of civil governor of Guadalajara. However, on March 28, he left prison, but whether he was released or he escaped is unclear
  129. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 331
  130. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 329
  131. ^ the last person charged with terror who died in captivity was Justo López de la Fuente who was commanding the 36. Brigada Mixta at a time when the unit was involved in the Tunel de Usera scam. For decades on exile, he returned to Spain in 1963. Arrested in 1964 in relation to his clandestine PCE activities, he died in prison in 1967
  132. ^ masalan. Pedrero, Ruiz 2007, pp. 115
  133. ^ Duran moved from France to the US, where he married a wealthy woman and acquired American citizenship. He worked in the Museum of Modern Art in New York and than as a diplomat in Havana, recommended by his friend Hemingway. During World War II he worked for the State Department. In 1946 he was employed by the United Nations, assuming a post in the Social Department of the Refugee Division. Back in the US he was accused of being a Soviet agent, but the charges have never been proven; he died in 1969. Francisco J. Romero Salvadó, Ispaniya fuqarolar urushi tarixiy lug'ati, Plymouth 2013, ISBN  9780810880092, p. 116.
  134. ^ following his 1939 move to France at unspecified time, though probably prior to the fall of France in 1940, he transferred to Mexico. Galarza returned to France in 1946, Galarza Gago, Angel, [in:] Catedra del Exilio service 17.09.12, available Bu yerga
  135. ^ in 1938 Mallol was nominated Inspector General de los Consulados de España en el Norte de África and at the moment of Republican defeat served at the consular post in French Africa. In 1940 he was interned by the Vichy government, perhaps to be handed over to the Francoist Spain, but in unclear circumstances he was eventually set free. He left to Mexico either in 1940 or 1941, Ángel Herrerín López, El dinero del exilio: Indalecio Prieto y las pugnas de posguerra (1939-1947), Madrid 2009, ISBN  9788432315183, p. 75
  136. ^ having crossed in early 1939 to France, at unspecified time - though probably prior to the fall of France in 1940 - Pozas transferred to Mexico, Hugh Thomas, Ispaniyada fuqarolar urushi, London 2007, ISBN  0375755152, p. 923
  137. ^ having boarded a British warship in Gandia, Salgado was transported to the UK. He spent the rest of his life in Britain, reportedly managing a restaurant, Manuel Salgado Moreira (1899-1967), [in:] EstelNegre service, available Bu yerga
  138. ^ Serrano crossed the French frontier in early 1939 and spent 9 months in Boulogne sur Seine. He then transferred to Santo Domingo, see the chapter De Paris a Santo Domingo uning ichida Xotiralar
  139. ^ Val was imprisoned in the Vichy France, though not because of his Madrid engagements; he nearly missed transport to a Nazi death camp and was set free in 1944, Val Bescos Eduardo ‘El Serio’, [ichida:] lacntenelexilio service, available Bu yerga; from France he moved to Britain, where until death in 1967 he worked as a waiter in a Spanish restaurant in London, Romero Salvadó 2013, p. 299
  140. ^ Serrano became a scholar of Spanish literature and a writer himself, residing in numerous Latin American countries. Despite his involvement in Paracuellos killings, some of his novels were published in the Francoist Spain
  141. ^ Entregada la más amplia y novedosa investigación sobre las checas en Madrid, [in:] Universidad CEU San-Pablo service, available Bu yerga
  142. ^ who since his second dismissal from the prison director job kept occupying various posts in the Madrid city council and officially handed the city over to the Nationalists
  143. ^ according to some sources he was sentenced to lifetime incarceration, Antonio Gutiérrez López, Melchor Rodrguez, el ‘Angel Rojo’: el adalidad del anarquismo humanista, [in:] feandalucia service, p. 10, mavjud Bu yerga; Preston claims he was sentenced to 20 years and some authors mention a 30-year sentence, others note that he was sentenced to life behind bars but first got the sentence commuted to 20 years and then to 5 years
  144. ^ Gutiérrez López, Melchor Rodrguez, el ‘Angel Rojo’: el adalidad del anarquismo humanista
  145. ^ Burgos Gil, Anselmo entry, [in:] Fundacion Pablo Iglesias service, available Bu yerga
  146. ^ none of the sources consulted provides information on fate of David Vazquez Baldominos, briefly head of the Fuencarral checa, temporarily head of the Madrid CIV and possibly also of the Madrid DEDIDE, the person by some deemed to be the one who shot José Robles Pazos
  147. ^ José Luis Ledesma, El 1936 más opaco: las violencias en la zona republicana durante la guerra civil y sus narrativas, [in:] Historia Social 58 (2007), p. 153
  148. ^ not all films were unambigious in their presentation of the Republicans, compare Yo amé a un rojo. La película falangista maldita que Franco decidió enterrar, [in:] elconfidencial service, available Bu yerga
  149. ^ Carillo's fate following his crossing to France in early 1939 is unclear. During World War Two as one of key PCE personalities he shuttled between France, Latin America and the USSR, but details are either unknown or highly uncertain. He returned permanently to France in the late 1940s
  150. ^ ABC 08.09.2008, available Bu yerga
  151. ^ qarang masalan. LXXX Aniversario del Martirio de 134 Beatos de Paracuellos de Jarama, [in:] Diocesis de Alcalá de Henares service, available Bu yerga
  152. ^ Antonia Laborde, El Comisionado renuncia a poner una placa en la checa del Círculo de Bellas Artes, [in:] El Pais 26.01.2017, available Bu yerga
  153. ^ Luca Constantini, Rojo, Miaja y De los Ríoz tendrán una placa conmemorativa en la ciudad, [in:] El Pais 28.11.2017, available Bu yerga, Juan E. Plfuger, La ‘memoria histórica’ reivindica ahora las checas por su ‘lucha contra los sublevados’, [in:] gaceta.es service, available Bu yerga
  154. ^ Laborde 2017
  155. ^ El Túnel de la Muerte de Usera, 80 años después, [in:] Acción Juvenil Española blog, mavjud Bu yerga
  156. ^ the Madrid town hall, headed by a left-wing mayor Manuela Karmena, decided to commemorate victims of Francoism by a dedicated site on the Madrid Almudena cemetery. Some historians claim that among a few thousand names to be engraved there are few hundred names of operatives of the Republican repression system, including the notorious ones, compare Carmena homenajeará a 335 «chequistas» en un memorial de La Almudena, [in:] ABC 19.02.18, mavjud Bu yerga
  157. ^ "rarely a week goes by without two or three books being published on the subject", Angel Viñas, On the 80th Anniversary of the Spanish Civil War, [in:] Zamonaviy tarix jurnali 52/1 (2017), p. 126
  158. ^ there were 489 studies on violence in the Republican zone, published before 1975, J. J. Ledesma, El 1936 más opaco: las violencias en la zona republicana durante la guerra civil y sus narrativas, [in:] Historia Social 58 (2007), p. 153
  159. ^ Rafael Casas de la Vega, El Terror. Madrid 1936, Toledo 1994, ISBN  9788488787040, Cesar Vidal, Checas de Madrid, Barcelona 2004, ISBN  9788497931687, Julius Ruiz, Red Terror and the Spanish Civil War, Cambridge 2015, ISBN  9781107682931. A few works on wartime Madrid are not dedicated exclusively to terror but dwell on it extensively, see e.g. Javier Cervera, Madrid en guerra, Madrid 1998 yil, ISBN  9788420629087, yoki Pedro Montoliu lagerlari, Madrid en la guerra civil: La historia, Madrid 1998 yil, ISBN  9788477370727
  160. ^ Francois Godicheau, La represión y la guerra civil española. Memoria y tratamiento histórico, [in:] Prohistoria 5 (2001), p. 112
  161. ^ Godicheau 2001, p. 117
  162. ^ Maria Thomas, Political Violence in the Republican Zone of Spain during the Spanish Civil War: Evolving Historiographical Perspectives, [in:] Zamonaviy tarix jurnali 52/1 (2017), p. 140
  163. ^ Fernando del Rey Reguillo, Por tierras de la Mancha: Apuntos sobre la violencia revolucionaria en la Guerra Civil española (1936-1939), [in:] Alkores 11 (2011), pp. 261–262, Ruiz 2014, p. 8
  164. ^ Thomas 2017, p. 145
  165. ^ the extermination thesis is perhaps most decisively presented in Cesar Vidal, Paracuellos – Katyn: un ensayo sobre el genocidio de la izquierda, Madrid 2005 yil, ISBN  9788496088320
  166. ^ Ruiz 2014, pp. 333-334
  167. ^ Cervera 1995-1996, p. 67
  168. ^ qarang masalan. Kris Ealxem, Class, Culture and Conflict in Barcelona, 1898-1937, London 2004 yil, ISBN  9781134423392, or Julián Casanova, Anarquismo y revolución en la sociedad rural aragonesa, 1936-1938, Madrid 1985 yil, ISBN  9788432305122
  169. ^ Chris Ealham, ‘Myths’ and the Spanish Civil War: Some Old, Some Exploded, Some Clearly Borrowed and Some Almost ‘Blue’, [in:] Zamonaviy tarix jurnali 42/2 (2007), p. 372
  170. ^ Payne 2007, p. 370
  171. ^ F. J. Jiménez Herrera, ‘El Terror Rojo’. Discursos y realidades sobre la violencia en la zona republicana (fothcoming), Peter Anderson, Knowing and Acknowledging Spain’s Dark Civil War Past, [in:] Zamonaviy tarix jurnali 52/1 (2017), p. 135
  172. ^ some scholars refer to the Republican zone as to a "new type of democracy", see e.g. writings of Burnett Bollotten or Stanley G. Payne, referred after Gerald Blaney Jr, Violence, Continuity, and the Spanish State: Some Considerations, [in:] Zamonaviy tarix jurnali 51/2 (2016), p. 415
  173. ^ Jiménez Herrera 2017. Fragmentation of power is a theory advanced mostly by Ledesma, see José Luis Ledesma Vera, Total War behind the Frontlines. An Inquiry into the Violence on the Republican Side in the Spanish Civil War in the Age of Total War, [in:] M. Baumeister, S. Schuler-Springorum, If you tolerate this: the Spanish Civil War in the Age of Total War, Frankfurt a/M, 2008, ISBN  9783593386942
  174. ^ Cervera 1995-1996, p. 67
  175. ^ qarang masalan. Pol Preston, Ispaniyadagi qirg'in, London 2013, ISBN  9780006386957, p. xiii; "opening of the prisons saw hundreds of common criminals released, among them sadists and psychopaths who were only too willing to use the political chaos as a shield for their activities", Preston 2013, p. 259
  176. ^ Estado Español, Dictamen de la Comisión sobre ilegitimidad de poderes actuantes en 18 de julio de 1936, Barcelona 1939, p. 104
  177. ^ key supporter of the thesis is Alberto Reig Tapia, see Alberto Reig Tapia, Ideología y historia: sobre la represión franquista y la guerra civil, Madrid 1984 yil, ISBN  9788476000144
  178. ^ masalan. Atadell is presented as one of "thieves and criminals that passed themselves off as radical or revolutionary socialists", opinion of Juliá 1999, p. 132, and "leading protagonist of uncontrollable murders in Madrid", Javier Tusell, Historia de España en el siglo XX. II. La crisis de los años treinta. República y Guerra Civil, Madrid 1998 yil, ISBN  9788430606306, p. 315
  179. ^ one author notes that only 3 CPIP operatives had been earlier convicted of crimes, Jiménez Herrera 2014, pp. 30–31. Another author claims that one of the best known cases of criminal incontrolados, Luis Bonilla, was executed by the Republicans not because he was a criminal, but because he lacked political sponsor, Julius Ruiz, "Incontrolados" en la España republicana durante la guerra civil el caso de Luis Bonilla Echevarría, [in:] Historia y política: G'oyalar, procesos y movimientos sociales 21 (2009), pp. 191–218
  180. ^ Blaney 2016, p. 419
  181. ^ one Socialist daily claimed that "the instigators [of rebellion] were all members of the old and rotten society..." and went on listing its their sub-categories, El Sociala 21.07.1936; another called "don’t be sentimental", CNT 31.07.1936; one more demanded "death penalty" to "hidden enemies", Klaridad 09.10.1936; top Republican personalities like Ibárruri or Nelken penned articles and delivered lectures by some scholars presented as inflammatory, Ruiz 2014, pp. 60, Julius Ruiz, Militant history and the Spanish Civil War. Paul Preston’s The Spanish Holocaust, [in:] Academia.edu service, pp. 26, 37–38, available Bu yerga
  182. ^ Anderson 2017, p. 133
  183. ^ "in contrast, the repression in the Republican zone was hot-blooded and reactive", Preston 2013, pp. xii-xiii, same opinion in Cathie Carmichael, The Need to Record the Past, [in:] Zamonaviy tarix jurnali 51/2 (2016), p. 438
  184. ^ like Nationalist bombing raids, radio harrangues of Queipo de Llano or news aboud the Badajoz massacre; Preston 2013 titled his a chapter on Paracuellos killings "the response of a terrorised city"
  185. ^ like decades of establishment-driven politics or omnipresence of Church and religion; one scholar notes that "Spain’s harshly repressive society had produced a brutalized underclass", Preston 2013, p. 259
  186. ^ one scholar claims that Nationalist bombing raids, supposed to have led to outburst of violence in August 1936, have never taken place, Ruiz 2012, p. 190
  187. ^ qarang masalan. claims that violence of the Civil War "can be explained through reading of the early Republican period", Fernando del Rey, The Spanish Second Republic Revisited: From Democratic Hopes to Civil War (1931-1936), London 2013, ISBN  9781845195922, 432-433 betlar
  188. ^ Blaney 2016, p. 415, Roberto Villa García, The Second Republic: Myths and Realities, [in:] Zamonaviy tarix jurnali 51/2 (2016), p. 421
  189. ^ qarang masalan. Cervera 1998, p. 153. The author inspected verdicts of popular tribunals and concluded that 50% of cases resulted in acquitttal and death penalties formed 8%
  190. ^ one author admits that anti-Republican conspiracy might have involved 3,000 individuals and further 30,000 "collaborators", yet notes they were engaged mostly in mutual assistance, evasion and psychological warfare, with cases of gathering intelligence and small-scale sabotage being rather marginal, Ruiz 2014, p. 287
  191. ^ "in addition, there was the real military necessity of combating the enemy within", Preston 2013, p. xiii, on nocturnal snipers, saboteurs and agents Preston 2013, p. 293; in his 536-page monograph on wartime Madrid one author dedicates 100 pages to the Fifth Column, Cervera 1998, pp. 235–338
  192. ^ Angel Viñas, Aportaciones para una reescritura de la Guerra Civil española, [in:] Revista de libros 59 (2010), pp. 9–12
  193. ^ Ruiz 2014, p. 257
  194. ^ compare contributions of Blaney, Villa Garcia, Alvarez Tardio and del Rey in Zamonaviy tarix jurnali 51/2 (2016) and Vinas, Anderson, Thomas, Casanova and Marco in Zamonaviy tarix jurnali 52/1 (2017), all triggered by a review article of Ealham in Zamonaviy tarix jurnali 48/1 (2012); most authors suspect their adversaries of pursuing a hidden political or ideological agenda. Escalation of abuse seems to be ongoing, see the article “Cry babies” or authoritarians?, being prepared by Chris Ealham, available Bu yerga
  195. ^ Fernando del Rey, The Spanish Second Republic and Political Violence, [in:] Zamonaviy tarix jurnali 51/2 (2016), p. 431

Qo'shimcha o'qish

  • Rafael Casas de la Vega, El Terror. Madrid 1936, Toledo 1994, ISBN  9788488787040
  • Javier Cervera, Madrid en guerra, Madrid 1998 yil, ISBN  9788420629087
  • Pedro Montoliu lagerlari, Madrid en la guerra civil: La historia, Madrid 1998 yil, ISBN  9788477370727
  • Julius Ruiz, Red Terror and the Spanish Civil War, Cambridge 2015, ISBN  9781107682931
  • Cesar Vidal, Checas de Madrid, Barcelona 2004, ISBN  9788497931687