Qashshoqlikni feminizatsiya qilish - Feminization of poverty

Qashshoqlikni feminizatsiya qilish o'sish tendentsiyasiga ishora qiladi tengsizlik yilda turmush darajasi inqirozning kengayishi sababli erkaklar va ayollar o'rtasida qashshoqlik yigirmanchi asrning oxirlarida sezilgan ayollar va erkaklar o'rtasida.[1] Ushbu hodisa nafaqat daromad etishmasligining oqibati, balki imkoniyatlardan mahrum bo'lish natijasidir va jinsga moyillik ham jamiyatlarda, ham hukumatlarda mavjud.[2] Bu uzoq, sog'lom va ijodiy hayot kechirish qobiliyati va zavqlanish kabi tanlov va imkoniyatlarning qashshoqligini qamrab oladi asosiy huquqlar erkinlik, hurmat va qadr-qimmat kabi.[3]

Atama "feminizatsiya qashshoqlik "daromadlari, mol-mulki, vaqti, sog'lig'i cheklanganligi va ijtimoiy va madaniy istisnolarga qaratilgan turli xil yo'llar bilan aniqlandi.

Tarix

"Qashshoqlikning feminizatsiyasi" tushunchasi 1970-yillardan boshlangan va 1990-yillarda ba'zi birlari orqali ommalashgan Birlashgan Millatlar hujjatlar.[4][5] Qo'shma Shtatlardagi qashshoqlik darajasi evolyutsiyasidagi gender naqshlariga bag'ishlangan tadqiqot chiqarilgandan so'ng u mashhur jamiyatda taniqli bo'ldi.

Kambag'allikni feminizatsiya qilish - bu ayollar va erkaklar taqqoslashiga asoslangan nisbiy tushuncha. Masalan, agar jamiyatdagi qashshoqlik erkaklar o'rtasida aniq kamaytirilsa va ayollar orasida biroz kamaytirilsa, qashshoqlikning feminizatsiyasi yuz berishi mumkin.[6]

Ta'riflar

Qashshoqlikni feminizatsiyalash bo'yicha ko'plab ta'riflar mavjud. Bir ta'rifda ayollar va erkaklar o'rtasidagi hayot sifatidagi farqning tobora ortib borayotgani haqida gap ketsa, boshqasida boshliq ayol va erkaklar yoki er-xotin boshchiligidagi oilalar o'rtasidagi farq tasvirlangan.[6]

Shuningdek, u qashshoqlikni aniqlashda gender kamsitilishining kuchayib borayotgan rolini tasvirlaydi. Masalan, o'sish ish haqini kamsitish erkaklar va ayollar o'rtasida, shuningdek, barcha turdagi oilalardagi ayollar va erkaklar o'rtasida qashshoqlikni kuchaytiradi. Buni qashshoqlikni feminizatsiya qilish deb tushunish mumkin, chunki bu ayollarga nisbatan tarafkashlik va qashshoqlikning ko'tarilishi o'rtasidagi munosabatni bildiradi. Ko'pgina hollarda, qashshoqlik sabablarining bunday o'zgarishi qashshoqlikning feminizatsiyalash turlaridan biriga, ya'ni ayollar va boshchiligidagi uy xo'jaliklari ayollarining qashshoqlik darajasining nisbiy o'zgarishiga olib keladi.[6]

Kontseptsiya, shuningdek, ayollarning qashshoqligini keltirib chiqaradigan ko'plab ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy omillarni, shu jumladan muhim omillarni tasvirlashga xizmat qildi ish haqi bo'yicha farq ayollar va erkaklar o'rtasida.[7]

Bu atama AQShda kelib chiqqan va bu xalqaro hodisa bo'ladimi yoki yo'qmi degan savol tug'iladi.[8] Daromadlari "qashshoqlik chegarasi" dan past bo'lgan boshliq ayollarning uy xo'jaliklari ulushi keng miqyosda ayollar qashshoqligining o'lchovi sifatida qabul qilingan.[3] Ko'pgina mamlakatlarda uy xo'jaliklarining iste'mol va sarf-xarajatlari bo'yicha o'tkazilgan so'rovlar, "kambag'allar" orasida boshliq ayollarning oilalari bilan kasallanish darajasi yuqori ekanligini ko'rsatmoqda.[3]

Kambag'allikning daromadlarga asoslangan o'lchovlari asosida ikkita taxmin mavjud.[9] Birinchidan, daromadlarni daromadlarni boshqarish qobiliyatiga tenglashtirish tendentsiyasi mavjud.[9] Ayollar ishlab topgan daromadlarini nazorat qilishlari mumkin bo'lsa-da, kambag'al ayollarning moliyaviy suvereniteti chegaralari yaxshi namoyon bo'ldi. Daromadga asoslangan chora, ayollar daromad olayotgan, ammo daromadlari ustidan nazoratni qo'lga kiritmagan paytda qashshoqlik darajasi va mohiyatini yashirishi mumkin.[9] Daromadni kim nazorat qiladi, degan savol ayollar uchun nozik masala bo'lsa-da, erkaklarning mavqei va farovonligiga ham tegishli.[9] Jismoniy shaxslar zimmasiga og'ir kommunal, qarindoshlik yoki klanlik majburiyatini yuklaydigan jamiyatlar ayollar va erkaklar shaxsiy daromadlari ustidan cheklangan nazoratga ega bo'lishlari bilan tugashi mumkin.

Ikkinchidan, daromad teng kirish imkoniyatini yaratadi va teng foyda keltiradi degan taxmindir.[9] Ta'lim olish imkoniyati bu fikrni aks ettiradi. Moliyaviy resurslarning etishmasligi kambag'al bolalar orasida talabalar sonining pastligi yoki maktabni tark etishining yuqori bo'lishiga olib kelishi mumkin bo'lsa-da, ayollar roli atrofidagi ijtimoiy qadriyatlar va qizlar uchun rasmiy ta'limning ahamiyati, ehtimol, o'qishga kirish va erkak o'rtasidagi farqni ko'rsatishda yanada ahamiyatliroq bo'lishi mumkin. stavkalar.[9]

Sabablari

Qashshoqlikni feminizatsiya qilish foydali kontseptsiya vositasi bo'lsa-da, uning asosiy sabablari masalasi qolmoqda.[10] Ayollarni qashshoqlik xavfi yuqori bo'lgan bir qancha omillar mavjud. Bunga oila tuzilmasining o'zgarishi, ish haqi bo'yicha bo'shliqlar, ayollarning kam haq to'lanadigan kasblarda tarqalishi, oilada ishchilarni qo'llab-quvvatlashning etishmasligi va jamoat imtiyozlaridan foydalanish bilan bog'liq muammolar kiradi.[11][12] Qashshoqlikni femisizatsiya qilish - bu Janubiy Osiyoning ayrim mintaqalarida eng og'ir bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan muammo, shuningdek, ijtimoiy sinflarga ko'ra farq qilishi mumkin.[13] Garchi kam daromad asosiy sabab bo'lsa ham, bu muammoning o'zaro bog'liq tomonlari ko'p. Yolg'iz onalar odatda o'ta qashshoqlik xavfi yuqori, chunki ularning daromadlari bolalarni tarbiyalash uchun etarli emas. "An'anaviy" ayol qiyofasi va an'anaviy rol hozirgi dunyodagi ko'plab madaniyatlarga ta'sir ko'rsatmoqda va ayollar iqtisodiyotning ajralmas qismi ekanligini hali ham to'liq anglamaydilar. Bundan tashqari, daromadning qashshoqligi o'z farzandlarining yaxshi ta'lim olish va ovqatlanish uchun imkoniyatlarini pasaytiradi. Kam daromad ayollar olishga intilayotgan ijtimoiy tarafkashlikning natijasidir rasmiy ish bilan ta'minlash, bu esa o'z navbatida qashshoqlik aylanishi. Daromaddan tashqari, qashshoqlik boshqa o'lchovlarda namoyon bo'ladi, masalan, vaqt qashshoqligi va qobiliyatdan mahrum etish.[14] Qashshoqlik ko'p o'lchovli bo'lib, shuning uchun iqtisodiy, demografik va ijtimoiy-madaniy omillar bir-biriga to'g'ri keladi va qashshoqlikning paydo bo'lishiga yordam beradi.[15] Bu ko'plab ildiz sabablari va namoyon bo'lishiga ega bo'lgan hodisa.[15]

Yolg'iz ona oilalar

Yolg'iz ona oilalar qashshoqlikning feminizatsiyasini hal qilishda hal qiluvchi ahamiyatga ega va keng ma'noda ayollar boshliqlari bo'lgan va erkaklar boshliqlari bo'lmagan uy xo'jaliklari sifatida ta'riflanishi mumkin. Yolg'iz ona oilalari eng yuqori xavf ostida qashshoqlik etishmasligi sababli ayollar uchun Daromad va resurslar.[16] Dunyoda yakka onalik uy xo'jaliklarining o'sishi davom etmoqda, bu esa qashshoqlikka uchragan ayollar foizining yuqori bo'lishiga olib keladi.[2] Yolg'iz onalar jamiyatdagi eng kambag'al ayollardir va ularning farzandlari tengdoshlariga nisbatan kambag'al bo'lishadi.[17] Uy xo'jaliklarida ayollar rahbarligi sonining ko'payishi uchun turli xil omillarni hisobga olish mumkin. Hech qachon turmush qurmagan oila boshliqlari iqtisodiy xavf ostida bo'lsa-da, ayniqsa oila tuzilmasidagi o'zgarishlar ajralish, ayollar boshchiligidagi uy xo'jaliklari orasida qashshoqlikning dastlabki sabablari.[18][19] Qachon erkaklar mehnat muhojirlari, ayollar o'z uylarining asosiy qarovchisi bo'lish uchun qoldirilgan. Ishlash imkoniga ega bo'lgan ayollar, odatda, qo'shimcha ma'lumot bilan yaxshi ish topa olmaydilar. Ularda moliyaviy barqarorlik yoki foyda keltirmaydigan ish joylari qolmoqda.[20] Erlarning kasalliklari va o'limi kabi boshqa omillar yolg'iz onalik oilalarining ko'payishiga olib keladi rivojlanayotgan davlatlar.[21]

Boshchiligidagi ayollar oilalari qashshoqlikka ko'proq moyil bo'lishadi, chunki ular uy sharoitida moliyaviy ko'mak berish uchun kam daromad oladilar.[21] Zimbabveda o'tkazilgan amaliy tadqiqotlar natijalariga ko'ra, beva ayollar boshchiligidagi uy xo'jaliklarining daromadi erkaklar boshchiligidagi uylarning daromadlarining taxminan yarmiga teng, va amalda Boshchiligidagi ayollar oilalari erkaklar boshchiligidagi uy-joylar daromadlarining to'rtdan uch qismiga ega.[21] Bundan tashqari, yolg'iz onalik oilalari hayotda juda muhim manbalarga ega emaslar, bu esa ularning qashshoqlik holatini yomonlashtiradi.[3] Ular sog'liqni saqlash va ta'lim kabi asosiy ehtiyojlar bilan bir qatorda munosib turmush darajasiga erishish imkoniyatlaridan foydalana olmaydilar.[22] Yolg'iz ona oilalari bilan bog'liq gender tengsizligi Ayollar qashshoqlikka ko'proq moyil bo'lib, erkaklarnikiga nisbatan hayotiy zaruratlarga ega emaslar.[23]

Qashshoqlik sharoitida ota-ona bolada hissiy beqarorlikni va ularning yolg'iz ona bilan bo'lgan munosabatini keltirib chiqarishi mumkin.[24]

Kambag'al bo'lib qolish uchun ko'plab omillar yordam beradi. Ushbu omillarning ba'zilari yolg'iz onalar hayotida ko'proq uchraydi. Yolg'iz onalarning demografik atributlari o'rganilganda, yuqori ko'rsatkichlarda bir nechta omillar paydo bo'ldi. Oilaviy ahvol (ajrashgan yoki beva ayol), ma'lumoti va irqi yolg'iz onalarning qashshoqlik darajasi bilan juda bog'liq.[25] Aniqrog'i, kambag'allik darajasida bo'lgan onalardan juda oz qismi kollej diplomiga ega va "kunlik pulini topish uchun ishlashga" majbur bo'lgan.[25] Ushbu demografik atributlar nafaqat qashshoqlikdagi ota-onalarga ta'sir qiladi, balki hissiy xususiyatlar ham doktor Bloom tomonidan ko'rib chiqilganda beqarorlikni ta'minladi. Onalar oilalarning "tarbiyachisi" yoki "tarbiyachisi" sifatida qayd etilgan. Onalar kutayotgan ba'zi bir stereotipik narsalarni kam ta'minlangan uy sharoitida ta'minlash, agar onaning asosiy ta'minotchisi bo'lsa. Doktor Bloomning stereotipik onalik ishi misolida tug'ilgan kunida maktabga muomala qilish va ota-onalarning konferentsiyalariga borishi kutilgan edi.[26] Tadqiqotchi Denis Zabkievich, qashshoqlikdagi yolg'iz onalarni o'rganib chiqdi va vaqt o'tishi bilan depressiyani aniqladi. Yaqinda o'tkazilgan 2010 yildagi tadqiqotlar ish ruhiy salomatlik uchun foydali degan fikrni keltirib chiqarganligi sababli, Zabkievich ish joylari qashshoqlik chegarasi yolg'iz onalarga foydali bo'ladimi yoki yo'qligini tadqiq qilishni o'ylardi. Ushbu natijalar to'g'ri deb topildi; barqaror va uzoq muddatli ish bilan shug'ullanganda onalarning tushkunlik darajasi ancha past bo'lgan.[27] To'liq kunlik ishga joylashish ehtimoli ma'lum omillar bilan kamayadi. Ushbu ba'zi omillar yolg'iz onalarda o'rganilganda, ular yuqori stavkalarda sodir bo'ldi: birgalikda yashash, kollej darajasi va farovonlikdan foydalanish.[25] Ushbu omillarning barchasi tadqiqotchilar Brayan Braun va Deniel Lichter tomonidan yolg'iz onalarning qashshoqligini keltirib chiqaradigan omil sifatida aniqlangan.

Bandlik

"Ishga yaroqsiz bachadon", Lyublyanadagi grafit, Sloveniya

Dunyo bo'ylab ayollar uchun ish bilan ta'minlash imkoniyatlari cheklangan.[28] Insonparvarlik va boshqa ishchilar bilan mazmunli munosabatlarni o'rnatishga imkon beradigan ishlarga teng ravishda kirish huquqini qo'lga kiritish orqali o'z atrofini moddiy nazorat qilish qobiliyati muhim qobiliyatdir.[29] Ish bilan ta'minlash nafaqat moliyaviy mustaqillik, balki boshpana topgan yoki uyatchan ayollar uchun juda muhim ahamiyatga ega bo'lgan qonuniy pozitsiya, haqiqiy dunyo tajribasi va oilada yuqori darajadagi hurmat orqali yuqori darajadagi xavfsizlik, ayollarga yaxshi savdolashuv mavqeini beradi. Ayollarning ish bilan ta'minlanishida katta o'sish kuzatilgan bo'lsa-da, ish joylarining sifati hali ham tengsiz bo'lib qolmoqda.[30] O'smir onalik - bu qashshoqlikka mos keladigan omil.

Bandlikning ikki turi mavjud: Rasmiy va Norasmiy. Rasmiy ish bilan ta'minlash davlat tomonidan tartibga solinadi va ishchilar ish haqi va muayyan huquqlar bilan sug'urta qilinadi. Norasmiy bandlik ro'yxatdan o'tmagan kichik korxonalarda amalga oshiriladi. Odatda bu ayollar uchun katta ish manbai.[30] Norasmiy parvarishlash ishlarining og'irligi asosan ayollarga tushadi, ular bu rolda erkaklarnikiga qaraganda ko'proq va ko'proq ishlaydi. Bu ularning boshqa ish joylarini egallash va lavozimlarni o'zgartirish qobiliyatiga, ish vaqti va ishdan voz kechish qaroriga ta'sir qiladi. Biroq, universitet darajalariga ega bo'lgan yoki boshqa oliy ma'lumotli ayollar o'z ishlarida g'amxo'rlik majburiyatlari bilan ham qolishga moyildirlar, bu shuni ko'rsatadiki, ushbu tajribadan kelib chiqqan holda inson kapitali ayollarni ishdan bo'shatganda imkoniyat xarajatlarini his qilishlariga olib keladi.[31] Bolalarga ega bo'lish tarixiy jihatdan ayollarning ish joyida qolish tanloviga ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Ushbu "bolalar effekti" o'tgan asrning 70-yillaridan beri sezilarli darajada kamaygan bo'lsa, hozirgi paytda ayollar bandligi kamaymoqda. Bu bolalar tarbiyasi bilan kamroq bog'liq va ko'proq barcha ayollar, onalar va onalar bo'lmaganlar uchun ish bozorining yomonligi bilan bog'liq.[32]

Jinsiy zo'ravonlik

Qo'shma Shtatlarda jinsiy zo'ravonlikning bir turi o'sib bormoqda Odam savdosi.[33] Kambag'allik odam savdosi ko'payishiga olib kelishi mumkin, chunki ko'chada ko'proq odamlar bor.[34] Odam savdosiga yollanish uchun kambag'al, chet ellik, ijtimoiy jihatdan mahrum bo'lgan yoki boshqa noqulay ahvolda bo'lgan ayollar ko'proq moyil.[33] Yaqinda Kelsi Tumielning dissertatsiyasida ko'rsatilgan ko'plab qonunlar ushbu hodisaga qarshi kurashishga qaratilgan, ammo odam savdosi AQShda noqonuniy giyohvand moddalar savdosidan oshib ketishi taxmin qilinmoqda.[33] Ushbu jinsiy zo'ravonlik qurbonlari bo'lgan ayollar hokimiyatni suiiste'mol qilish, uyushgan jinoyatchilik va ularni himoya qilish uchun etarli qonunlar tufayli hayotdan qochib qutulish qiyin kechmoqda.[35] Hozirda odam savdosi qullari bo'lganlar afrikalik qul savdosi davridagiga qaraganda ko'proq.[35] Odam savdosining "brendlashi" muallif Tam Mayning ta'kidlashicha, bu masala bo'yicha xabardorlikni keltirib chiqaradi. Bu jamoatchilik fikri va aralashuviga imkon beradi. Tam Mayning maqolasida keltirilgan da'voga ko'ra, qashshoqlikni kamaytirish orqali ko'chalardan odam savdosi kamayishiga olib kelishi mumkin.[36]

Ta'lim

Ayollarning qashshoqligini kamaytirishning asosiy kaliti - bu oliy ma'lumot olishning muhimligini ta'kidlashdir.[37] Asosiy ta'lim, ma'lumotni tanlash qobiliyatini beradi va maqsadlarga erishish uchun imkoniyatlarga ega. Bu nafaqat ayollarga uydagi qashshoqlikni kamaytirishga,[38] lekin bolalarning ta'lim olish imkoniyatlarini oshiradi,[39] va onalar salomatligini va harakat erkinligini oshiradi.[39] Garchi dunyo ta'lim sohasida gender tengligi borasida rivojlanayotgan bo'lsa-da, rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlardagi qizlarning taxminan to'rtdan biri maktabga bormaydi.[40] Ushbu rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlarda kuchli gender kamsitishlari va ijtimoiy ierarxiyalar ayollarning asosiy ta'lim olish imkoniyatini cheklaydi. [38]

Jinsiy oqibatlar va qashshoqlikning ijtimoiy xarajatlari orasida o'g'il bolalar va qizlarning uy sharoitidagi muomalasi, qizlar istagan ma'lumotni olmaganligi, qizlarning maktabdan chiqib ketish darajasi, qizlarni tezda turmushga berishga majbur qilish, yo'q qizlarni o'z ichiga oladi. tug'ilish ustidan huquq yoki nazorat va qizlar fohishalikni qochish sifatida tanlaydilar, bu tengsizlikni va qizlar va o'g'il bolalar duch keladigan vaziyatlar o'rtasidagi farqni aks ettiradi.

Kambag'al va Afrikaning qishloq joylarida yashovchi oilalar turli sabablarga ko'ra o'g'illarini qizlari o'rniga maktabga berishadi. Maktab to'lovlari ota-onalarni qizlarini maktabga yuborishlariga to'sqinlik qiladi, chunki ular o'qishga loyiq emas. Uy ishlarini bajarish, kichik birodarlariga g'amxo'rlik qilish, ovqat tayyorlash va tozalash orqali oilaga qanday g'amxo'rlik qilishni o'rganish uchun qizlar uyda saqlanadi. Maktabda o'qiyotgan qizlarning nomaqbul homiladorlikka olib kelishi mumkin bo'lgan zo'rlash yoki jinsiy tajovuz tufayli o'g'il bolalarga qaraganda maktabni tashlab ketish ehtimoli yuqori.[41] Kasb-hunar buzilishi bo'yicha da'volarning juda yuqori darajasi, odatda, ayollarning jinsiy imtiyozlar darajasi bo'yicha. Talabalar va ma'ruzachilar tomonidan jinsiy zo'ravonlik tufayli ayollar uchun oliy ma'lumotlarning tengsizligi katta.[42]

Iqlim o'zgarishi

Ayollar kambag'al bo'lishlari va kambag'al bolalarning g'amxo'rligi uchun erkaklarga qaraganda ko'proq javob berishadi.[43] Dunyodagi kambag'allarning taxminan 70 foizini ayollar tashkil etadi; rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlarning qishloq ayollari sayyoramizdagi eng qashshoq guruhlar qatoriga kiradi.[43] Shuning uchun ular iqlim o'zgarishi bilan bog'liq o'zgarishlarni engish uchun zarur resurslarga ega bo'lishlari ehtimoldan yiroq emas va ularning kundalik sharoitlari yomonlashishi ehtimoldan yiroq emas. Kambag'al ayollar tabiiy ofatlar va ob-havoning keskin hodisalari tufayli erkaklarnikiga qaraganda ko'proq zarar ko'radi yoki o'ldiradi.[43] Uy xo'jaliklari oziq-ovqat etishmovchiligini boshdan kechirganda, ayollar sog'lig'ining barcha oqibatlarini hisobga olib, farzandlari ovqat eyishi uchun u erga borishga moyilligini ko'rsatadigan dalillar ham mavjud.[43] Beri qashshoqlik va iqlim o'zgarishi bir-biri bilan chambarchas bog'liq, eng qashshoq va eng qashshoq guruhlar ko'pincha qishloq xo'jaligi kabi iqlimga sezgir bo'lgan hayotga bog'liq bo'lib, bu ularni nomutanosib iqlim o'zgarishiga ta'sirchan qiladi.[44] Ushbu guruhlarda ob-havoning ob-havosini yaxshilash uchun zarur bo'lgan resurslar etishmayapti, chunki yaxshi uylar va qurg'oqchilikka chidamli ekinlar[44] Ushbu pasaygan moslashuvchanlik qobiliyati ularni yanada zaifroq qiladi va ularni farovonligini saqlash uchun o'rmonlarni kesish kabi barqaror bo'lmagan ekologik amaliyotlarda qatnashishga undaydi.[44] Iqlim o'zgarishi odamlarga qanchalik ta'sir ko'rsatishi qisman ularning ijtimoiy mavqei, qudrati, qashshoqligi va resurslardan foydalanish va ularni boshqarish funktsiyasidir.[44] Ayollar iqlim o'zgarishi ta'siriga ko'proq moyil bo'lishadi, chunki ular dunyodagi kambag'allarning asosiy qismini tashkil qiladi va ob-havoning o'zgarishi tahdidi ostida bo'lgan tabiiy resurslarga ko'proq bog'liqdir. Cheklangan harakatchanlik resurslarga va qaror qabul qilish jarayonlariga teng bo'lmagan kirish bilan birlashganda, qishloq joylarida ayollarni iqlim o'zgarishi nomutanosib ta'sir ko'rsatadigan holatga keltiradi.[44] Ayollar va iqlim o'zgarishi bilan bog'liq uchta asosiy dalil mavjud.[45] Birinchidan, ayollar alohida e'tiborga muhtoj, chunki ular kambag'allarning eng qashshoqlari; ikkinchidan, iqlim o'zgarishi natijasida yuzaga keladigan tabiiy ofatlar paytida o'lim darajasi yuqori bo'lganligi va uchinchidan, ayollar atrof-muhitga nisbatan ongli ekanliklari.[45] Dastlabki ikkitasi asosan janubdagi ayollarni nazarda tutgan bo'lsa, ikkinchisi, ayniqsa, shimoldagi jins va iqlim o'zgarishi haqidagi adabiyotlarda yaqqol ko'rinadi.[45] Qashshoqlikni feminizatsiya qilish ma'lum bir kontekstda erkak va ayol qashshoqligi o'rtasidagi farqlarni va vaqt o'tishi bilan erkaklar va ayollar qashshoqligining o'zgarishini ko'rsatish uchun ishlatilgan. Odatda, ushbu yondashuv boshchiligidagi ayollarning uylari boshqa uy xo'jaliklariga qaraganda kambag'al bo'lishga moyil degan tushunchani oziqlantirdi.[45] Maishiy infratuzilmaning yomonligi yoki suv o'tkazmaydigan suv va kam iste'mol qilinadigan energiya manbalarining etishmasligi ayollarga nisbatan erkaklarnikiga qaraganda ancha noqulay.[46]

Femonomika

Kamroq maosh olishdan tashqari, ayollar "Femonomika" ga duch kelishlari mumkin,[47] yoki pul jinsi, bu muddat Reeta Volfson, CMSW tomonidan yaratilgan,[48] moliyaviy qiyinchiliklardan aziyat chekish ehtimolini oshiradigan ayollar duch keladigan ko'plab adolatsizliklarni aks ettirish.[49][50] "An'anaviy" ayol qiyofasi va an'anaviy rol hozirgi dunyodagi ko'plab madaniyatlarga ta'sir ko'rsatmoqda va ayollar iqtisodiyotning ajralmas qismi ekanligini hali ham to'liq anglamaydilar.[51] Ayollarda sog'liqni saqlash xarajatlari va xatarlarni ko'paytiradigan ko'payish bilan bog'liq noyob sog'liqni saqlash muammolari / kirish muammolari mavjud.[52][53][54] Tadqiqotlar shuni ko'rsatadiki, ayollar erkaklarnikiga qaraganda o'rtacha besh yil ko'proq umr ko'rishadi.[55] Turmush o'rtog'ining o'limi ayollarning keksa yoshdagi qashshoqligining muhim omilidir, chunki bu ayollarni moliya bilan shug'ullanishga majbur qiladi. Biroq, ayollar moliyaviy jihatdan savodsiz bo'lishlari ehtimoli ko'proq va shuning uchun pullarini qanday boshqarishni bilish qiyinroq kechadi.[56]

2009 yilda Gornik va boshq. keksa ayollarning (60 yoshdan oshgan) odatda Germaniya, AQSh, Buyuk Britaniya, Shvetsiya va Italiyadagi milliy o'rtacha ko'rsatkichidan ancha boy ekanligi aniqlandi (1999-2001 yillar ma'lumotlari). AQShda ularning boyliklari milliy medianing to'rt baravariga teng edi.[57]

Sog'liqni saqlash

Shuningdek qarang: Sog'liqni saqlashning ijtimoiy omillari

Qashshoqlikda bo'lgan ayollar sog'liqni saqlash xizmatlari va manbalaridan foydalanish imkoniyatini kamaytirdilar.[58] Yaxshi sog'liqqa, shu jumladan reproduktiv salomatlikka, etarli darajada oziqlanishga va boshpana olishga qodir bo'lish ularning hayotiga juda katta o'zgarishlar kiritishi mumkin.[59] Jamiyatdagi gender tengsizligi ayollarni parvarishlash xizmatlaridan foydalanishga to'sqinlik qiladi va shuning uchun ayollarni sog'lig'i yomon, ovqatlanish va og'ir kasalliklar xavfi ostida qoldiradi. Qashshoqlikdagi ayollar, shuningdek, jinsiy zo'ravonlik va xavf ostida bo'lish xavfiga ko'proq moyil OIV /OITS, chunki ular o'zlarini jinsiy zo'rlashi mumkin bo'lgan ta'sirchan odamlardan himoya qilishga qodir emaslar. OIV infektsiyasi ayol va qizlarning isnodini va ijtimoiy xavfini oshiradi.[60] Oziqlanish va parazit yuki kabi boshqa kasalliklar onani zaiflashtirishi va xavfli muhit yaratishi, kambag'al ayollar uchun jinsiy aloqa, tug'ilish va onalikni parvarish qilish xavfini tug'dirishi mumkin.[61] Koreyada sog'lig'ining yomonligi uy xo'jaliklarining qashshoqligining asosiy omilidir.[62]

Ayollar qashshoqlikning echimi sifatida

Kambag'al oilalarga moddiy yordam dasturlari tufayli uyni saqlash va bolalarga g'amxo'rlik qilish faqat ayollar zimmasiga yuklanadi, ushbu moddiy yordamni to'g'ri boshqarish uchun ayollar zimmasiga yuk tushishi mumkin. Bunday dasturlar, shuningdek, ayollarning barchasi bir xil ijtimoiy mavqei va ehtiyojlariga ega deb taxmin qilishadi, garchi bunday bo'lmasa.[63] Ushbu ta'sir nafaqat ayollarning rivojlanishiga qaratilgan NNTlar sonining ko'payishi bilan kuchaymoqda. Rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlarda ayollar duch keladigan qashshoqlik yukini qo'shishi mumkin bo'lgan vazifalar, ayollar o'zlarining oilalarini saqlab qolishlari va oilani qashshoqlikdan qutqarishlari kutilmoqda.[64] Ko'p sohalarda, Shartli naqd pul o'tkazish (CCT) dasturlari qashshoqlikdan qutulish maqsadida ayollarga to'g'ridan-to'g'ri moliyaviy yordam ko'rsatish, ammo ular ko'pincha ayollarning daromad olish imkoniyatlarini cheklash bilan yakunlanadi. Dasturlar, odatda, ayollar o'z farzandlarining sog'lig'i va ta'lim natijalari uchun javobgar bo'lishlarini kutishadi, shuningdek, ulardan ko'proq daromad olishga olib keladigan kasb-hunar yoki ta'lim imkoniyatlaridan foydalanishga vaqt ajratmaydigan boshqa dastur tadbirlarini bajarishni talab qiladi. salohiyat[65]

Qashshoqlikning shakllari

Qaror qabul qilish kuchi

Qaror qabul qilish kuchi ayollarning uy sharoitidagi savdolashish pozitsiyasida asosiy o'rinni egallaydi. Qanday qilib ayollar va erkaklar butun uy birliklariga ta'sir qiladigan qarorlarni qabul qilishadi. Biroq, ayollar va erkaklar oila uchun eng muhimi nima ekanligini aniqlashda ko'pincha turli xil ustuvorliklarga ega.[iqtibos kerak ] Qaror qabul qilishda oilaning qaysi a'zosi ko'proq kuchga ega ekanligini aniqlaydigan omillar madaniyatlar bo'yicha farq qiladi, lekin aksariyat mamlakatlarda[qaysi? ] haddan tashqari gender tengsizligi mavjud.[66][iqtibos kerak ] Odatda erkaklar[tushuntirish kerak ] ayollarning sog'lig'i, ularning do'stlari va oilalariga tashrif buyurish qobiliyati va uy xarajatlari bo'yicha qanday qarorlar qabul qilinishini aniqlashga qodir.[iqtibos kerak ] O'z sog'lig'i uchun tanlov qilish qobiliyati ham ayollar, ham bolalarning sog'lig'iga ta'sir qiladi. Uy xarajatlari qanday hal qilinishi ayollar va bolalarning ta'limiga, sog'lig'iga va farovonligiga ta'sir qiladi. Ayollarning harakatchanlik erkinligi ularning o'z ehtiyojlarini va farzandlarining ehtiyojlarini qondirish qobiliyatiga ta'sir qiladi.

Uy xo'jaliklaridagi gender kamsitish ko'pincha ayollarning ijtimoiy mavqeiga qarshi patriarxal tarafkashliklardan kelib chiqadi.[iqtibos kerak ] Uy xo'jaligi savdosining asosiy belgilovchilariga daromadlar va mol-mulkni, yoshni, bilimga kirish darajasi va darajasini nazorat qilish kiradi. Ayollarning qaror qabul qilish kuchi oshgani sayin, ularning farzandlari va oilasining farovonligi umuman foyda keltiradi. Katta ma'lumotga ega bo'lgan ayollar, shuningdek, farzandlarining omon qolish, ovqatlanish va maktabga borishi haqida ko'proq tashvishlanadilar.[30]

Turli xil daromadlar

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: Jinslar bo'yicha ish haqi bo'yicha farq

Daromad etishmasligi ayollarning qashshoqlik xavfining asosiy sababidir. Daromaddan mahrum qilish ayollarga resurslarga ega bo'lishga va pul resurslarini ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy holatga o'tkazishga to'sqinlik qiladi. Nafaqat yuqori daromad ish qobiliyatiga ega bo'lish imkoniyatini beradi; ko'proq ish ko'nikmalariga ega bo'lish daromadni ham oshiradi. Ayollar erkaklarnikiga qaraganda kam daromad oladilar va davlat imtiyozlaridan foydalanish uchun kurashadilar. Ular asosiy ta'lim va sog'liqni saqlashdan mahrum bo'lib, natijada bu ayollarning yuqori daromad olish qobiliyatini susaytiradigan tsiklga aylanadi.[67]

Aktivlarning etishmasligi

Marta Nussbaumning so'zlariga ko'ra,[59] insonning markaziy funktsional imkoniyatlaridan biri ham erning, ham ko'char mollarning mulkini saqlash imkoniyatiga ega bo'lishdir. Turli millatlarda ayollar qonun bo'yicha teng huquqli emaslar, demak ular erkaklar kabi mulk huquqiga ega emaslar; shartnoma tuzish huquqlari; yoki uyushma, harakatchanlik va diniy erkinlik huquqlari.[59] Aktivlar, asosan, erlarga tegishli yoki uy xo'jaliklarini ishlab chiqarish yoki iste'mol qilish uchun ishlatiladi, ularning hech biri ayollarga qarzni to'lashda yordam bermaydi. Kreditlarni qaytarish uchun, odatda, ayollardan maoshli ishchilar sifatida ko'proq ishlashlari kerak bo'lgan "bo'shashtiruvchi" jarayonni boshdan kechirish talab etiladi, shu bilan birga ichki darajadagi o'sib boradigan gender taqsimotiga duch kelishadi.[68] Xotin-qizlarning qashshoqlikni kuchayishiga ta'sir qiluvchi asosiy omillardan biri bu er, ishchi kuchi, inson kapitali aktivlari, shu jumladan ta'lim va sog'liqni saqlash, shuningdek, ishtirok etish kabi ijtimoiy kapital aktivlarining ishlab chiqarish resurslariga kirish va ularni boshqarish nuqtai nazaridan cheklangan imkoniyatlar, imkoniyatlar va vakolatdir. turli darajalar, qonuniy huquqlar va himoya.[69]

Vaqt qashshoqligi

Vaqt qashshoqlikka kiritilgan tarkibiy qismdir, chunki u ko'pincha odamlarga, ayniqsa, boshqa resurslarning etishmasligi sharoitida tengsiz taqsimlanadigan muhim manba hisoblanadi.[46] Bu butun dunyo bo'ylab kuzatilgan gender rollari va majburiyatlari sezilarli farqi bilan jinsga juda mos keladi.[46] Daromad taqsimotida ayollar, albatta, erkaklarnikiga qaraganda ancha kambag'al.[46] Ayollar reproduktiv yoki ish haqi to'lanadigan faoliyatga, erkaklar esa samarali yoki kompensatsiya qilingan faoliyatga e'tibor berishadi. Ayollar, odatda, erkaklarnikiga qaraganda samarali va reproduktiv ish yig'indisida ko'proq vaqt o'tkazish va bo'sh vaqtni cheklash imkoniyatiga ega.[46] Vaqt qashshoqligini dam olish va uxlash uchun etarli vaqt yo'qligi bilan izohlash mumkin. Pullik yoki ish haqi bo'lmagan ishlarga ajratilgan vaqt qancha ko'p bo'lsa, dam olish va zavq olish kabi boshqa mashg'ulotlar uchun vaqt kam bo'ladi. Uxlash va dam olish uchun etarli vaqt etishmaydigan odam, "vaqt qashshoqligi" holatida ishlaydi va ishlaydi.[46] Uyda va iqtisodiyotda ayollar va erkaklar o'rtasida vaqtni taqsimlash, qashshoqlik haqidagi rivojlanayotgan nutqda asosiy gender muammosi hisoblanadi.[70] Imkoniyatlar yondashuviga ko'ra, odamlar farovonligi to'g'risida har qanday so'rovda odamlar o'zlarining tirikchiligini qondirish uchun tovar va xizmatlarni olish uchun nafaqat odamlar qancha pul ishlagani, balki o'z vaqtlarini qanday sarflashlarini so'rash kerak.[71] Vaqt qashshoqligi individual farovonlikka jiddiy to'siqdir, chunki u etarli dam olish va uxlashni, bo'sh vaqtdan zavqlanishni va jamoat yoki ijtimoiy hayotda qatnashishni oldini oladi.[71]

Imkoniyatlardan mahrum qilish

So'nggi yigirma besh yildan beri feministik tadqiqotlar doimiy ravishda jinsiy xususiylashtirishni kapsulalash uchun yanada yaxlit kontseptual asoslarning muhimligini ta'kidlab kelmoqda.[72] Bunga quyidagilar kiradi: ta'lim va sog'liqdagi mahrumlik kabi omillarni aniqlaydigan "qobiliyat" va "inson rivojlanishi" asoslari. Boshqasi - bu ijtimoiy va moddiy boyliklarni ko'rsatadigan "tirikchilik" asoslari. Shuningdek, kambag'allarning marginallashishini ta'kidlaydigan "ijtimoiy chetlashtirish" istiqbollari; va o'z qadr-qimmati, qadr-qimmati, tanlovi va kuchi kabi qashshoqlikning sub'ektiv o'lchamlari ahamiyatini ta'kidlaydigan ramkalar. Ayollarning erkaklarnikiga qaraganda ko'proq ulushi kambag'al, ayollar qashshoqlik darajasi erkaklarnikiga qaraganda chuqurroq yoki og'irroq, ayollarda erkaklarnikiga qaraganda doimiy va uzoq muddatli qashshoqlik kuzatilishi mumkin, ayollarning kambag'allik yuki erkaklarnikiga nisbatan ortib bormoqda. o'zlarini qashshoqlikdan xalos qilishda ko'proq qiyinchiliklar va "kambag'allarning eng qashshoqlari" bo'lgan ayollar boshchiligidagi uy-joylar "qashshoqlikning feminizatsiyasi" ning umumiy tavsifidir.

Sog'liqni saqlash natijalaridan mahrum bo'lish

Kambag'al ayollar surunkali kasalliklarga ko'proq moyil bo'lishadi, chunki moddiy etishmovchilik va psixo-ijtimoiy stress, xavf darajasi yuqori xatti-harakatlar, nosog'lom turmush sharoitlari va sifatli tibbiy xizmatdan foydalanish imkoniyati cheklangan.[73] Ayollar qashshoqlik kasalliklariga ko'proq moyil, chunki ular erkaklarnikiga qaraganda ozroq oziqlangan va sog'lom va jismoniy zo'ravonlik va jinsiy zo'ravonlik ta'siriga ko'proq moyil. Yaxshi sog'liqqa, shu jumladan reproduktiv salomatlikka, etarlicha oziqlanishga va etarli boshpana olishga qodir bo'lish ularning hayotiga juda katta o'zgarishlar kiritishi mumkin.[59] Ayollarga nisbatan zo'ravonlik OIV infektsiyasining asosiy omilidir. Stillvaggon Afrikaning Sahroi sharqida OIV yuqtirish xavfi yuqori bo'lgan qashshoqlik, ayniqsa, ayollar va qizlar uchun stigma va ijtimoiy xavfni kuchaytiradi, deb ta'kidlaydi. Kambag'allik va uning to'yib ovqatlanmaslik va parazit yuki kabi o'zaro bog'liqligi uy egasini zaiflashtirishi va xavfli muhit yaratishi, kambag'al ayollar uchun jinsiy aloqa va tug'ilish va tibbiy yordamni xavf ostiga qo'yishi mumkin.[61]

Ijtimoiy va madaniy istisnolar

Ko'rsatkichlaridan tashqari boshqa ko'rsatkichlardan foydalanish mumkin qashshoqlik chegarasi, odamlar o'z mamlakatlarida qashshoqlashgan yoki yo'qligini ko'rish.[15] Ijtimoiy va madaniy istisno tushunchasi qashshoqlikni bir nechta agentlarni o'z ichiga olgan jarayon sifatida yaxshiroq etkazishga yordam beradi.[15] Ko'pgina rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlarda ayollarning rasmiy ish bilan ta'minlanishiga to'sqinlik qiluvchi ijtimoiy va madaniy me'yorlar mavjud.[74] Ayniqsa, Osiyo, Shimoliy Afrika va Lotin Amerikasining ayrim qismlarida madaniy va ijtimoiy me'yorlar ayollarga uydan tashqarida ko'p mehnat unumdorligiga ega bo'lishiga, shuningdek, uy sharoitida iqtisodiy savdolashishga imkon bermaydi.[74] Ushbu ijtimoiy tengsizlik ayollarni qobiliyatidan mahrum qiladi, xususan, ish bilan bandlik, bu esa ayollarning qashshoqlik xavfi yuqori bo'lishiga olib keladi.[75] Kasbiy o'sish jinsni ajratish va kengayishi ish haqidagi farq ayollarning qashshoqlikka moyilligini oshiradi.[14]

Qashshoqlik choralari

Qashshoqlikning feminizatsiyasini tahlil qilishning muhim jihati bu uning qanday o'lchanishini tushunishdir. Daromad ayollarning qashshoqligiga ta'sir qiladigan yagona mahrumlikdir, deb taxmin qilish noto'g'ri. Muammoni ko'p o'lchovli nuqtai nazardan o'rganish uchun, avvalo, gender imkoniyatlarini kengaytirishga qiziqqan siyosatchilar uchun aniq va indekslar mavjud bo'lishi kerak.[3] Ko'pincha yalpi indekslar ularning pul-kredit masalalari bo'yicha konsentratsiyasi uchun tanqid qilinadi, ayniqsa, ayollar daromadlari to'g'risidagi ma'lumotlar kam bo'lsa va ayollarni bir xil, farqlanmagan massaga birlashtirganda.[2] Ko'pincha tekshiriladigan uchta indeks Jins bilan bog'liq rivojlanish indeksi, Jinslarni kuchaytirish choralari va Inson qashshoqligi indeksi. Dastlabki ikkitasi - gender tengligi, chunki ular ayollarning jinsi tengsizligini baholash uchun ma'lumot to'plashadi,[3] va gender imkoniyatlari va tanlovidagi farqlarni tushunishda foydalidir.[3] HPI ammo, daromad choralariga emas, balki mahrum etish choralariga e'tibor beradi.[3]GDI sozlaydi Inson taraqqiyoti indeksi uchta usulda:

  • Ayollar va erkaklarning uzoq umr ko'rishlari yoki umr ko'rishlarini ko'rsatadi
  • Ta'lim yoki bilim
  • Yaxshi turmush darajasi[2]

Ushbu indeksning maqsadi mamlakatlarni inson taraqqiyotining mutlaq darajasiga va gender tengligi bo'yicha nisbiy ko'rsatkichlariga qarab saralashdir. Ushbu indeks hukumatning gender tengsizligi va rivojlanishiga e'tiborini oshirgan bo'lsa-da, uning uchta chorasi ko'pincha muhim jihatlarni e'tiborsiz qoldirgani uchun tanqid qilindi. Shu bilan birga, uning dolzarbligi qashshoqlikning feminizatsiyasini tushunishda ajralmas bo'lib qolmoqda, chunki keyinchalik ballari pastroq bo'lgan mamlakatlar keyinchalik gender tengsizligini baholash va kamaytirish siyosatiga e'tiborni jalb qilishlari mumkin.[76]GEM ayollarning siyosiy va daromad imkoniyatlarini quyidagilar orqali o'lchaydi:

  • Hukumatning qancha o'rindig'ini ayollar egallaganligini tahlil qilish
  • Ayollar egallagan boshqaruv lavozimlarining nisbati
  • Ish o'rinlarining ayollar ulushi
  • Ayollar va erkaklar daromadlarining nisbati[2]

HPI ko'p o'lchovli, daromadga asoslangan bo'lmagan usul. Bu to'rt o'lchovni hisobga oladi:

  • Omon qolish
  • Bilim
  • Yaxshi turmush darajasi
  • Ijtimoiy ishtirok

Ushbu indeks odamlarning qashshoqligi (qadr-qimmat va erkinlik kabi asosiy huquqlarni inkor etishga qaratilgan) va daromadlar bilan qashshoqlik o'rtasidagi farqlarni tushunish va yoritishda foydalidir. Masalan, AQShning yuqori daromad barqarorligiga qaramay, u odamlarning qashshoqligi bo'yicha eng yuqori rivojlangan davlatlar qatoriga kiradi.[3] "Jinsiy qashshoqlik choralari tomon" maqolasida Elizabet Durbin HPIni tanqid qiladi va jinsga nisbatan sezgir ko'rsatkichni kengaytiradi. Uning ta'kidlashicha, HPI kambag'allikning uch o'lchovini o'z ichiga oladi: 40 yoshgacha vafot etishi kutilayotgan aholining ulushi bilan o'lchanadigan umr, savodsizlar nisbati bilan o'lchanadigan bilimlarning etishmasligi va kirishning kompozitsion ko'rsatkichi bilan o'lchangan munosib turmush darajasi. 5 yoshdan kichik bo'lgan bolalar o'rtasida sog'liqni saqlash xizmatlari, xavfsiz suvdan foydalanish va to'yib ovqatlanmaslik, bu ayniqsa gender tengsizligini hisobga olishi mumkin. Shunga qaramay, foydalanishga qaramay, HPI kambag'allikning haqiqiy o'lchovi bo'lolmasligini ta'kidlash kerak, chunki u ayollarda uy sharoitida savdolashib kelishuv pozitsiyasi uchun muhim bo'lgan mulkiy mulk va kredit etishmasligi kabi ba'zi bir mahrumliklarni tekshirmaydi. .[77]

Din

Dunyodagi ko'plab diniy guruhlarning asosiy yo'nalishlari an'anaviy gender rollari va har bir kishining burchiga qaratilgan. Har bir dinning ko'plab dindor izdoshlari o'zlarining diniy matnlaridan yoki hukmlaridan butun dunyo bo'ylab ayollarning qashshoqlik tsiklini rivojlantirish uchun foydalanganlar.

Islom

In a 2004 report by the Norwegian Institute for Urban and Regional Research, Musulmon women were found more likely to work part-time jobs than Muslim men because of their religion's emphasis on the role of women as caregivers and housekeepers. The study found that these women are more likely to be financially dependent than men because of they choose to participate less in the labor market.[78] Muslim women who choose to wear traditional female Muslim accessories such as xina va hijoblar may have a more difficult time finding employment than those who do not wear such clothing. On the local level, a woman was fired from a Jiffy Lube for refusing to remove her hijab at work because it violated the company's "no hat" rule.[79] In the 2008 case Webb versus Philadelphia, the court ruled that an officer wearing her hijab with her uniform, was in violation of the states' standard of neutrality. Because of the violation of this standard, she was not allowed to legally wear the hijab while on duty.[80]

Traditional Judaism

An'anaviy ravishda Halachic law, Yahudiy women are also considered to be household caregivers rather than breadwinners. Within the Jewish text, the Mishna, it states "she should fill for him his cup, make ready his bed and wash his face, hands and feet," when describing the role of women under Jewish law.[81]

Nasroniylik

Ba'zi mazhablar Nasroniylik also regard women as more family-oriented than men.[82] Women in certain sects of Christianity, namely Pentecostal women, may leave their faith traditions in order to obtain employment and escape poverty.[83]

Female poverty by region

Many developing countries in the world have exceptionally high rates of females under the poverty line. Ko'p mamlakatlar Osiyo, Afrika, and parts of Europe deprive women of access to higher income and important capabilities. Women in these countries are disproportionately put at the highest risk of poverty and continue to face social and cultural barriers that prevent them from escaping poverty.[84]

Sharqiy Osiyo

Although China has grown tremendously in its economy over the past years, its economic growth has had minimal effect on decreasing the number of females below the poverty line. Economic growth did not reduce gender gaps in income or provide more formal employment opportunities for women. Instead, China's economic growth increased its use of informal employment, which has affected women disproportionately. In the Republic of Korea, low wages for women helped instigate an economic growth in Korea since low-cost exports were mostly produced by women. Similar to China, Korean women mostly had the opportunity for informal employment, which deprives women of financial stability and safe working environments. Although women in East Asia had greater access to employment, they faced job segregation in export industries, which placed them at a high risk of poverty.[85]

China is a country with a long history of gender discrimination. In order to address gender inequality issues, Chinese leaders have created more access for women to obtain capabilities. As a result, Chinese women are granted greater access to health services, employment opportunities, and general recognition for their important contributions to the economy and society.[74]

Afrika

Afrikadagi ayollar face considerable barriers to achieving economic equality with their male counterparts due to a general lack of property rights, access to credit, education and technical skills, health, protection against gender-based violence, and political power.[86] Although women work 50% longer workdays than men,[86] they receive two-thirds of the pay of their male counterparts and hold only 40% of formal salaried jobs.[87] The longer workdays can be attributed to the cultural expectations of women to perform forms of unpaid labor such as gathering firewood, drawing water, childcare, eldercare, and housework.[87][88] Women face greater challenges in finding employment because of their lack of education. According to Montenegro and Patrinos, one additional year of primary, secondary, and tertiary school can increase future wages by 17.5%, 12.7%, and 21.3% respectively.[89] Unfortunately, due to factors such as child marriage, early pregnancy, and cultural norms, only 21% of girls complete tertiary school.[90] Without formal property rights, women in Africa only own 15% of the land, which makes them more vulnerable to be economically dependent on male family members or partners and diminishes their ability to use property to access financial systems such as banks and loans.[91] As a result of having less economic power, women are generally more vulnerable to gender-based violence and risk of HIV/AIDS.[92]

Marokash

The female population, especially in rural areas, dominantly represents the face of poverty in Marokash. There have been two major methods to measure poverty in Morocco, which include the 'classic approach' and a second approach that pertains more towards the capabilities approach. The 'classic approach' uses the poverty line to statistically determine the impoverished population. This approach quantifies the number of poor individuals and households but does not take into account how the impoverished population lacks basic needs such as housing, food, health and education. The second approach focuses on satisfying this lack of basic needs and emphasizes the multidimensional nature of poverty.[15]

Moroccan women represent the most economically insecure social group in the country. One of six Moroccan households are lone-mother households, which represent the most impoverished households in the country. Women are categorized to have the highest levels of socio-economic and legal constraints, which exclude them from obtaining their basic needs. Although recent surveys show that women actively help in providing for their families economically, Moroccan legal texts discourage women's participation in economic productivity. Article 114 of the Moroccan Family Law states, "every human being is responsible for providing for his needs by his own powers except the wife whose needs will be taken care of by her husband." The patriarchal social structure of Morocco puts women as being inferior to men in all aspects. Women are denied equal opportunities in education and employment before the law, as well as access to resources. As a result, the female population in Morocco suffers from deprivation of capabilities. Young girls are often excluded from educational opportunities due to limited financial resources within the household and the burden of household chores expected from them.[15]

Over time, Moroccan women have gained more access to employment. However, this quantitative increase in labor participation for women has not been accompanied by higher qualitative standards of labor. The labor of rural women in Morocco remain unacknowledged and unpaid. Women are put into a higher risk of poverty as their domestic workload is added onto their unpaid labor. This balance of domestic labor and work outside the home imposes a burden on rural women. Since the socioeconomic exclusion of women deprive them of the capabilities to be educated and trained for certain employment skills, their susceptibility to poverty is heightened. Low educational skills of women directly relate to the limited employment options they have in society. Although both men and women are affected by unemployment, women are more likely to lose their jobs than men. Recent research in Morocco shows that economic recessions in the country affect women the most.[15]

Birlashgan Qirollik

An investigation of women below the poverty line in the Birlashgan Qirollik between 1959 and 1984 discovered a substantial increase in the percentage of women who are in poverty in the 1960s. The percentage remained relatively constant in the 1970s, and then decreased between 1979 and 1984. The increase of women below the poverty line in the 1960s was determined to be from an increase of women in one-sex households. This was more adverse for black women than white women.[93][94]

Dominika Respublikasi

Dominican women make generally forty-four cents on the dollar as compared to men. Bu wage gap often leads to a high level of food insecurity among women in the Dominican Republic. Those in poverty have an increased likelihood to participate in dangerous behaviors such as unprotected sex and giyohvand moddalarni iste'mol qilish. These behaviors put them at a greater risk for contracting HIV and other diseases. There is a negative stigma around OIV yuqtirgan women in the Dominican Republic. For this reason, women are more likely to be subjected to health screenings when applying for a job. If the screening reveals a person is HIV positive, they are less likely to be given employment.[95]

Qo'shma Shtatlar

In 2016, 14.0% of women and 11.3% of men were below the poverty threshold.[96] The 2016 poverty threshold was $12,228 for single people and $24,339 for a family of four with two children.[96]

In response, the United States government provides financial assistance to those who do not earn as much money. In 2015, 23.2% of women were given financial assistance compared with 19.3% of men.[97] More women are given financial assistance than men in all government programs (Medicaid, SNAP, housing assistance, SSI, TANF /GA ). Women were given 86% of child-support in 2013.[98]

Hindiston

The poverty that women experience in Hindiston is known as human poverty, or issues of inadequate food, housing, ta'lim, Sog'liqni saqlash, sanitation, poor developmental policies, and more.[99] Poverty has been prevalent in India for many years, but there was a noticeable increase after globallashuv in 1991 when the Xalqaro valyuta fondi instilled a tizimli sozlash program (SAP) in order to give India a loan. Large amounts of capital flowed into the country but also led to the exploitation of the Indian market, particularly of women for their cheap labor. This reduced their opportunities for education and escape from the qashshoqlik tuzog'i.[99]

The Indian Constitution has proclaimed that all citizens have equal rights, but this is not always practiced by all Indians.[100] Jinsiy ravishda tanlangan abort is a wide phenomenon in India in which males are preferentially selected. In order to get married, it is normal to see the girl's family paying mahr to the male's family. This leads to more sex-selective abortion as females are more costly for the family, and less focus on female development.[101]

Uy hayoti

Women are restricted in India due to a heavy dependency of social status on female appearance and activity around the home. Poor behavior on their part results in lower social status and shame for the male head of the family.[102] Women are expected to maintain the household with a strict schedule. Husbands often move to the city to find work and leave their wife as the primary earner in their absence. Women in these situations may resort to using favors or borrowing money in order to survive, which they must later return in cash with interest. Young girls are especially vulnerable to prostitution or bribing as a form of repayment. Competition amongst women around water, food, and employment is also prevalent, especially in urban kechqurunlar.[100]

Bandlik

The expectation for Indian women is to be the sole care taker and maintainer of the home.[99] If women leave their children and work they are often left in the hands of a poor care taker (possibly the eldest daughter) and don't get enough resources for development.[103] In many areas working outside of the home is seen as symbolic of having low status. Upper-class women have similar social restrictions, although lower class females frequently have a larger necessity of the added income than upper class females.[102] Men tend to send money back to extended family, whereas money that a woman makes goes to her husband. This reduces the incentive of the family to urge their daughter to find work as they wouldn't receive money but would face shame in society.[104]

Conceptual barriers prevent women from being accepted as equally paid and equally able laborers.[100] In many ways women are seen as excess reserve labor and get pushed into roles that are known as being dirty, unorganized, arduous, and underdeveloped. They are hurt by the mexanizatsiya of industries and while o'z-o'zini ish bilan ta'minlash is a viable option, there is always a large risk of failure and exploitation.[100]

Sog'liqni saqlash

Sog'liqni saqlash is difficult to access for women, particularly elderly women. Public clinics are overcrowded, understaffed, and have high transportation costs, while private clinics are too expensive without insurance.[105][106] Females are more likely to get ill than males although males receive medical advice with higher frequency.[101] Women frequently feel as if they are a burden to their husband or son when they get sick and require money to purchase the correct medicines. Some believe that their alomatlar are not serious or important enough to spend money on.[106] When women do receive some form of care, many times medical providers are biased against them and are partial to treating males over females.[100][101] Many mothers also die during tug'ish yoki homiladorlik as they suffer from to'yib ovqatlanmaslik va anemiya. Over 50% of women in the National Family Health Surveys were anemic.[107]

Oziqlanish

Qashshoqlik is a large source of to'yib ovqatlanmaslik ayollarda. Women in poverty are not allowed to eat the nutritious food that men are when it is available. While it is the women's job to obtain the food, it is fed to the males of the household.[101] The 2005-2006 National Family Health Survey found that more men drink milk and eat fruit in comparison to women, and that less than 5% of females in the states of Panjob, Xaryana va Rajastan eat meat or eggs. Poor nutrition begins at a young age and gets worse as women mature and become mothers.[101]

Ta'lim

Effective policies to aid in expanding ayollar ta'limi aren't productively enforced by the Hindiston hukumati. Data from the 2001 census showed that primary school completion rates were around 62% for males and 40% for females.[100] Teenage girls are generally taught how to care for their siblings and cook food and not taught math or science.[100] Some families may believe men to be more qualified than women to get a higher paying job. In many instances this inequality between male and female education leads to bolalar nikohi, teenage pregnancies, and a male dominated household.[99] Evidence suggests that educating girls results in reduced unumdorlik, due to an urge to work and pursue higher social status. This lessens the financial burden on families.[103]

Siyosatlar

Shartli pul o'tkazmasi

Shartli pul o'tkazmasi is a possible policy for addressing current and intergenerational poverty where poor women play a central role. Women in the role as mothers are given the additional work burdens imposed. Conditional cash transfers are not ideal for addressing single-mother poverty.

Mikrokredit

Mikrokredit can be a potential policy for assisting poor women in developing countries. Microcredit is a tool design to hopefully alleviate poverty given that women living in developing countries have very few resources and connections for survival due to not having a solid financial foundation.

Welfare reform in the U.S.

In light of welfare reforms as of 2001, federal legislation required recipients of welfare (mainly aided to families) to participate in an educational or vocational school and work part-time in order to receive the benefits. Recipients attending a college now have 3 years to complete those degree in order to get people to work as quickly as possible.[37] To try towards a system of reward, Mojisola Tiamiyu and Shelley Mitchell, suggest implementing child care services to promote employment. Women with children work in either low-paying or part-time jobs that are insufficient to raise a family.[37][tekshirish kerak ] Single parenting in the United States has increased to 1 in 4 families being headed by a single parent.[37] It is estimated that children living in single parent homes are as much as 4 times more likely to become impoverished (Juvenilization of poverty ).[108]

Shuningdek qarang

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  • Allard SW, Danziger S (January 2002). "Proximity and opportunity: how residence and race affect the employment of welfare recipients". Uy-joy siyosati bo'yicha munozara. 13 (4): 675–700. doi:10.1080/10511482.2002.9521461. S2CID  53694681.CS1 maint: ref = harv (havola) PDF.
Also as: Allard SW, Danziger S (September 2001). Proximity and opportunity: how residence and race affect the employment of welfare recipients (PDF). National Poverty Center, University of Michigan.