Rud kontsessiyasi - Rudd Concession

Rud kontsessiyasi

Imzolangan	1888 yil 30-oktyabr (1888-10-30)
Manzil	Bulawayo, Matabeleland
Depozitariy	Britaniyaning Janubiy Afrika kompaniyasi (1890 yildan)
Rud kontsessiyasi da Vikipediya

The Rud kontsessiyasi, yozma imtiyoz yilda eksklyuziv konchilik huquqlari uchun Matabeleland, Mashonaland va hozirgi Zimbabve hududidagi boshqa qo'shni hududlar tomonidan berilgan Qirol Lobengula Matabeleland to Charlz Rud, Jeyms Rochfort Maguayr va Janubiy Afrikada joylashgan siyosatchi va ishbilarmon nomidan ish yuritgan uchta agent Frensis Tompson Sesil Rods, 1888 yil 30 oktyabrda. Lobengulaning retrospektiv ravishda uni rad etishga urinishlariga qaramay, bu qirol nizomi Buyuk Britaniya tomonidan Rodosga berilgan Britaniyaning Janubiy Afrika kompaniyasi 1889 yil oktyabrda va undan keyin Kashshoflar ustuni 1890 yilda Mashonalandni ishg'ol etishi, bu oq rangli joylashishni boshlagan, ma'muriyat va oxir-oqibat sodir bo'lgan mamlakatda rivojlanish Rodeziya, 1895 yilda Rodos nomi bilan atalgan.

Rhodesning Matabeleland, Mashonaland va uning atrofidagi hududlarida kon qazish bo'yicha eksklyuziv huquqlarni amalga oshirishga intilishi, ularni ularni tarkibiga qo'shib qo'yish istagi bilan bog'liq edi. Britaniya imperiyasi a uchun shaxsiy ambitsiyasining bir qismi sifatida Keypdan Qohiraga temir yo'l - imtiyozni qo'lga kiritish unga a uchun Britaniya hukumatidan qirollik xartiyasini olishga imkon beradi charterli kompaniya, qo'shib olish huquqiga ega va undan keyin boshqarish Zambezi –Limpopo Buyuk Britaniya nomidan suv havzasi. U 1888 yil boshida inglizlar bilan do'stlik shartnomasini tuzish orqali konsessiya muzokaralariga asos solgan Matabele xalqlar^{[n 1]} va keyin huquqni olish uchun Janubiy Afrikadan Radning jamoasini yubordi. Matdele poytaxtiga poygadan so'ng Rud muvaffaqiyatga erishdi Bulawayo qarshi Edvard Artur Maund Londonda joylashgan sindikat tomonidan ishlab chiqarilgan va raqobatchi raqibi, qirol va uning kengashi bilan uzoq muzokaralardan so'ng ruxsatDuna (qabila rahbarlari).

Imtiyoz, grant oluvchilarga Lobengulaning butun mamlakati bo'ylab kon qazish huquqini, shuningdek qurol va oddiy pul miqdorida evaziga ushbu eksklyuzivlikni kuch bilan himoya qilish huquqini berdi. 1889 yil boshidan boshlab, qirol bir necha bor kontsessionerlarning kelishilgan shartlarga nisbatan hiyla-nayranglari sababli hujjatni bekor qilishga urinib ko'rdi; (faqat Rud ko'pgina shartlarni tushungan.) Qirol nafaqa oluvchilar faoliyatiga cheklovlar og'zaki ravishda kelishilgan deb turib oldi. va shartnomaning ushbu qismini ko'rib chiqdi. U Britaniya hukumatini konsessiyani bekor deb hisoblashiga ishontirishga urinib ko'rdi, shu qatorda emissarlarni uchrashuvga yuboradi Qirolicha Viktoriya da Vindzor qasri, ammo bu harakatlar muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'ldi.

Rodos va London konsortsiumi o'z manfaatlarini birlashtirishga kelishgandan so'ng, Rodos 1889 yil mart oyida Londonga yo'l oldi. Uning birlashgan nizom taklifi keyingi bir necha oy ichida katta siyosiy va xalq tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlandi, bu esa Bosh vazirni, Lord Solsberi, 1889 yil oktyabrda rasmiy ravishda berilgan qirollik nizomini tasdiqlash. Kompaniya taxminan bir yil o'tib Mashonalandni egallab oldi va qo'shib oldi. Rudd kontsessiyasiga raqib bo'lishga urinib ko'rgan Lobengula 1891 yilda nemis tijoratchisi Eduard Lippertga xuddi shunday huquqlarni berdi, ammo Rodos darhol bu imtiyozga ega bo'ldi. Kompaniya qo'shinlari davomida Matabelelandni bosib oldi Birinchi Matabele urushi ning 1893–1894va Lobengula vafot etdi chechak ko'p o'tmay surgunda.

Fon

Mzilikazi uni boshqargan Zulu 1820 va 1830 yillar davomida ikki shimoliy migratsiya bo'yicha izdoshlar. Ular Matabele va ular 1838 yilda joylashtirilgan maydonga aylandi Matabeleland.

1810 yillar davomida Zulu qirolligi jangchi qirol tomonidan Afrikaning janubida tashkil etilgan Shaka bir qator raqib klanlarni markazlashgan monarxiyaga birlashtirgan. Zulu qirolligining asosiy rahbarlari va harbiy qo'mondonlari orasida edi Mzilikazi, bir muncha vaqt qirolning yuqori marhamatidan bahramand bo'lgan, ammo oxir-oqibat qirolning g'azabini qo'zg'atib, uni bir necha bor xafa qilgan. 1823 yilda Shaka Mzilikazi va uning izdoshlarini mamlakatni tark etishga majbur qilganida, ular shimoliy-g'arbiy tomon Transvaalga ko'chib o'tdilar va u erda Ndebele yoki "Matabele "^{[n 1]}- ikkala ism ham "uzun qalqon odamlari" degan ma'noni anglatadi.^[2] Mahalliy chaqirilgan urush va xaos davri o'rtasida mfecane ("ezish"), Matabele tezda mintaqaning ustun qabilasiga aylandi.^[3] 1836 yilda ular bilan tinchlik shartnomasi bo'yicha muzokaralar olib borishdi Ser Benjamin d'Urban, Hokimi Britaniya Keyp Koloniyasi,^[4] lekin o'sha yili Boer Voortrekkerlar hududiga ko'chib o'tdi, ularning davrida Katta trek Keypdagi inglizlar hukmronligidan uzoqda. Tez orada ushbu yangi kelishlar Mzilikazining Transvaaldagi hukmronligini ag'darib tashladi va uni 1838 yilda shimolga boshqa ko'chishni olib borishga majbur qildi. Limpopo daryosi, Matabele Zambezi –Limpopo suv havzasining janubi-g'arbiy qismida; shu vaqtdan buyon ushbu hudud chaqirildi Matabeleland.^[3]

Matabele madaniyati zuluslar madaniyatini ko'p jihatdan aks ettirdi. Matabele tili, Sindebele, asosan asoslangan edi Zulu - va xuddi Zululand singari, Matabeleland ham kuchli jangovar an'analarga ega edi. Matabele odamlari intizomli jangchilar etishtirishga mo'ljallangan Sparta tarbiyasidan o'tdilar va harbiy tashkilot asosan ma'muriy javobgarlikni taqsimlashni buyurdi. The siyoh (qirol) bir qator tayinladi ruxsatDuna (yoki indunas), ham harbiy, ham fuqarolik masalalarida qabila rahbarlari sifatida qatnashgan. Zulus singari, Matabele ham jangchilar polkini an impi. The Mashona xalqi Asrlar davomida mintaqaning shimoli-sharqida yashab kelgan Matabeladan ancha ustun bo'lgan, ammo harbiy jihatdan kuchsizroq bo'lgan va shuning uchun katta darajada ularga bo'ysunuvchi bo'ysunish holatiga o'tgan.^[5] Mzilikazi 1853 yilda Transvaal Boers bilan ikkita shartnomaga rozi bo'ldi, avval Xendrik Potjieter (muzokaralar tugashidan bir oz oldin vafot etgan), keyin bilan Andris Pretorius; Mzilikazining o'ziga xos belgisiga ega bo'lmagan bularning birinchisi Matabelelandni Transvaal protektoratiga aylantiradi, ikkinchisi esa to'g'ri tuzilgan, teng huquqli tinchlik shartnomasini o'z ichiga oladi.^[6]

Qirol Lobengula; zamonaviy eskiz asosida o'limdan keyingi tasvir

Mzilikazi 1868 yilda vafot etganidan keyin uning o'g'li Lobengula uning o'rnini 1870 yilda, qisqa vorislik kurashidan so'ng oldi.^[7] Baland va yaxshi qurilgan Lobengula, hatto zamonaviy G'arb hisobotlarida ham, odatda, mulohazali va oqilona hisoblangan; Janubiy Afrikaning fikriga ko'ra katta ovchi U bilan 1875 yilda uchrashgan Frederik Xyu Barber aqlli, aqlan o'tkir va obro'li - "har bir qarich dyuym qirol" edi.^[8] Uning qirolligiga asoslangan kraal da Bulawayo,^{[n 2]} Lobengula dastlab o'z mamlakatidagi G'arb korxonalari uchun ochiq bo'lib, G'arb uslubidagi kiyim-kechaklarni qabul qilib, kon qazib olishga imkoniyat yaratdi imtiyozlar evaziga oq mehmonlarga ov litsenziyalari funt sterling, qurol va o'q-dorilar. Qirolning savodsizligi sababli ushbu hujjatlar ingliz yoki golland tillarida uning kraalida istiqomat qilgan oqlar tomonidan tayyorlangan; yozilgan narsalar uning aytganlarini chinakam aks ettirishiga amin bo'lish uchun Lobengulaning so'zlarini oqlardan biri tarjima qilib, yozib, keyin boshqasi tomonidan tarjima qilingan bo'lar edi. Qirol yozma tarjimaning to'g'riligidan mamnun bo'lganidan so'ng, u o'z belgisiga imzo qo'yib, qirollik muhrini (fil tasvirlangan) qo'yar, so'ngra hujjatni bir qator oq tanli odamlar imzolagan va guvoh qilgan, ulardan kamida bittasi ham e'lonni tasdiqlashni yozing.^[10]

Noma'lum sabablarga ko'ra Lobengulaning chet elliklarga bo'lgan munosabati 1870 yillarning oxirlarida keskin o'zgarib ketdi. U g'arbiy kiyimlarini an'anaviy an'anaviy teridan tikilgan kiyimlar foydasiga tashladi, savdo korxonalarini qo'llab-quvvatlashni to'xtatdi,^[10] va oq tanlilarning o'z mamlakati va uning atrofida harakatlanishini cheklashni boshladi. Biroq, oqlar, ayniqsa 1886 yilda oltin konlari topilgandan so'ng, kelishda davom etishdi Janubiy Afrika Respublikasi ga undagan (yoki Transvaal) Witwatersrand Gold Rush va tashkil etilishi Yoxannesburg. Witwatersrand (yoki Rand) yanada boyroq yo'llarni qidiruvchilar orasida mish-mishlar tarqalgandan so'ng, "ikkinchi Rand", Limpoponing shimolida, konchilar Lobenguladan Matabelelandda oltin qidirishga imkon beradigan imtiyozlarni qidirish uchun shimolga yurishni boshladilar. Mashonaland.^[11] Ushbu harakatlar asosan behuda edi. Tashqari Tati imtiyozi bilan chegaradosh kichik bir er uchastkasini qoplagan Bechuanaland protektorati 1868 yildan beri konchilar ishlagan,^[12] suv havzasida qazib olish ishlari kam bo'lib qoldi.^[11]

Ayni paytda Afrikaning janubidagi eng yirik biznes va siyosiy arbob edi Sesil Rods, 1870 yilda Angliyadan kelgan vikarning o'g'li, 17 yoshda.^[13] Da olmos savdosiga kirganidan beri Kimberli 1871 yilda Rhodes yordamida olmos bozorida deyarli to'liq hukmronlikni qo'lga kiritdi Charlz Rud, Alfred Beyt va boshqa ishbilarmon sheriklar, shuningdek moliyaviy yordamning saxiyligi Natan Mayer Rotshild.^[14] Rods ham a'zosi bo'lgan Cape parlamenti, 1881 yilda saylangan.^[15] Evropa orasida Afrika uchun kurash, unga qo'shilishni nazarda tutgan Britaniya imperiyasi Afrikaning janubiy uchida joylashgan Keypni birlashtiradigan hududlar Qohira, qit'aning shimoliy uchida joylashgan Misr shahri va a qurilishiga imkon beradi ikkalasini bog'laydigan temir yo'l. Ushbu ambitsiya to'g'ridan-to'g'ri janubda mavjud bo'lganligi bilan qarshi chiqdi Boer respublikalari va shimol tomonda joylashgan Lobengulaning domenlari.^[16] Zambezi-Limpopo mintaqasi biron biriga kirmaganligi "ta'sir doiralari "da belgilangan 1884–85 Berlin konferentsiyasi yanada murakkab masalalar; Transvaalterlar, nemislar va portugaliyaliklar ham bu sohaga qiziqish bildirishgan, bu Lobengula va Rodosning g'azabiga sabab bo'lgan.^[17]

Muqaddima: Moffat shartnomasi

Sesil Rods, chizilganidek Binafsha odob-axloq

Rods 1887 yilda Buyuk Britaniyaning Matabeleland va Mashonaland tomonidan qo'shib olinishini bir qator yuqori lavozimli mustamlakachilarga bosim o'tkazib, asosan, Janubiy Afrikaning oliy komissari, Ser Herkul Robinson va Sidney Shippard, Britaniya ma'muri Bechuanaland toj koloniyasi (o'sha mamlakatning janubiy qismini o'z ichiga olgan). Rodosning qadimgi do'sti Shippard,^[17] tez orada bu g'oya ustidan g'alaba qozondi va 1887 yil may oyida ma'mur Robinzonga hududlarni, xususan Mashonalandning qo'shilishini qat'iyan ma'qulladi va u "Zambezi janubidagi eng qimmat mamlakatni taqqoslab bo'lmaydigan darajada" deb ta'rifladi.^[18] Lobengula bilan birinchi bo'lib diplomatik yutuqlarga erishgan "burlar" edi. Pieter Grobler 1887 yil iyul oyida Matabeleland va Janubiy Afrika Respublikasi o'rtasida "do'stlikni yangilash" shartnomasini imzoladi.^{[n 3]} Xuddi shu oyda Robinzon tayinlashni tashkil qildi Jon Smit Moffat, Bechuanalendda komissar yordamchisi sifatida mahalliy tug'ilgan missioner.^[20] Lobengulaga yaxshi tanish bo'lgan Moffat, bu lavozimni qirolni burlar bilan unchalik samimiy qilmasligi va inglizlarni qo'llab-quvvatlashi uchun bergan edi.^{[21][n 4]}

Ser Herkul Robinson, inglizlar Janubiy Afrikaning oliy komissari

1887 yil sentyabrda Robinson Moffat orqali Lobengulaga maktub yozib, qirolni birinchi marta missioner bilan maslahatlashmasdan Transvaal, nemis yoki portugal agentlariga hech qanday imtiyozlar bermaslikka chaqirdi.^[21] Moffat 29 noyabr kuni Bulavayodan Groblerni o'sha erda topish uchun yetib bordi. Grobler shartnomasining aniq matni ommaviy ravishda e'lon qilinmaganligi sababli, tashqi kuzatuvchilar uchun iyul oyida Lobengula bilan qanday kelishilganligi aniq emas edi; noaniqlikda, Janubiy Afrikadagi gazetalar ushbu shartnoma Matabelelandni Janubiy Afrika Respublikasining protektoratiga aylantirganligi haqida xabar berishdi. Moffat Bulawayoda so'rov o'tkazdi. Grobler gazetadagi Lobengula mamlakati ustidan Transvaal protektorati to'g'risidagi xabarlarni rad etdi, qirol esa kelishuv mavjudligini, ammo bu Pretorius tinchlik shartnomasining yangilanishi va boshqa hech narsa emasligini aytdi.^[21]

Yilda Pretoriya, dekabr boshida yana bir ingliz agenti uchrashdi Pol Kruger Xabarlarga ko'ra, Janubiy Afrika Respublikasi prezidenti, uning hukumati endi Matabelelandni Transvaalni "himoya va suverenitet" deb bilishini aytgan va Grobler shartnomasining bandlaridan biri Lobengula "hech qanday imtiyozlar bera olmasligi yoki hech qanday xatti-harakatlar qila olmasligi" edi. Pretoria ruxsatisiz hech kim bilan hech qanday aloqada bo'lmang ".^[23] Uchrashuv Gremstaun Rojdestvo kuni, Rods, Shippard va Robinzon Moffatga Lobengula bilan masalani o'rganishni va Grobler shartnomasining nusxasini qo'shimcha tushuntirish uchun ta'minlashni, shuningdek Anglo-Matabele rasmiy shartnomasini tuzishni buyurdilar. Lobengulaning Britaniyadan tashqari chet el kuchlari bilan boshqa bitimlar tuzishiga yo'l qo'ymaslik.^[23]

Lobengula, ba'zilar uning Grobler bilan munosabatlarini qanday qabul qilganidan qo'rqib ketdi va shuning uchun chet elliklar bilan boshqa bitimlar tuzishni istamadi. Moffat bilan yaxshi tanish bo'lishiga qaramay, qirol uni shubhadan yuqori deb hisoblamadi va u o'zini ingliz lageriga qat'iy joylashtirish haqida shubhali edi; umuman Moffat Matabele rahbariyati haqida aytganidek, "ular bizni yaxshi ko'rishlari mumkin, ammo ular" Burlardan "ko'proq qo'rqishadi".^[23] Moffatning qirol bilan muzokaralari va ruxsatDuna shuning uchun juda uzoq va bezovta edilar. Missioner taklif qilingan Britaniya shartnomasini 1836 yilda d'Urban va Mzilikazi tomonidan tuzilgan shartnomani yangilash taklifi sifatida taqdim etdi.^[4] U Matabelega burlar ularni yo'ldan ozdirayotganini, Pretoriyaning Grobler shartnomasini talqini o'zlaridan farq qilayotganini va inglizlarning taklifi har qanday holatda Matabele manfaatlariga yaxshiroq xizmat qilishini aytdi.^[24] 1888 yil 11-fevralda Lobengula rozi bo'ldi va shartnoma poyiga belgi va muhrini qo'ydi.^[24] Hujjatda Matabele va inglizlar endi tinchlikda ekanligi, Lobengulaning Britaniyadan tashqari biron bir davlat bilan har qanday diplomatik yozishmalarga kirmasligi va qirol Matabeleland yoki Mashonalandning biron bir qismini "sotmaydi, begonalashtirmaydi yoki boshqalarga bermaydi" deb e'lon qilingan. hech kim.^[25]

Lord Solsberi, inglizlar Bosh Vazir

Hujjat bir tomonlama shaklda bo'lib, faqatgina Lobengulaning ushbu shartlarning buzilishiga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun nima qilishini tasvirlaydi. Shippard bu haqda va ularning hech biri shubhali edi ruxsatDuna deklaratsiyani imzolagan va Robinsondan boshqa shartnoma bo'yicha muzokara olib borish maqsadga muvofiqligini so'ragan. Robinson Lobengula bilan tez orada muzokaralarni qayta boshlash uni shubhali holatga keltirishi mumkin deb o'ylab, salbiy javob berdi. Buyuk Britaniyaning vazirlari Uaytxoll Shartnomaning bir tomonlama xarakterini Buyuk Britaniya uchun foydaliroq deb bildi, chunki u Buyuk Britaniya hukumatini biron bir aniq harakatga majburlamadi. Lord Solsberi, Buyuk Britaniya Bosh vaziri, Moffat shartnomasi keyinchalik imzolanganiga qaramay, Groblerni soxta deb qaror qildi, chunki 1884 yildagi London konvensiyasi Janubiy Afrika Respublikasidan tashqari har qanday davlat bilan shartnoma tuzishga to'sqinlik qildi Orange Free State; Limpoponing shimolida joylashgan "mahalliy qabilalar" bilan shartnomalarga ruxsat berildi, ammo Bosh vazir Matabelelandni shunchaki qabila deb hisoblash uchun juda uyushgan va buning o'rniga millat deb hisoblash kerak deb da'vo qildi. U ushbu mulohazadan Grobler shartnomasi bo'lgan degan xulosaga keldi ultra viruslar va huquqiy jihatdan ma'nosiz. Tez orada Uaytxoll Robinsonga Moffat shartnomasini ratifikatsiya qilishga ruxsat berdi va u jamoatchilikka e'lon qilindi Keyptaun 1888 yil 25-aprelda.^[25]

Rods uchun Moffat Lobengula bilan tuzgan shartnomasi juda muhim edi, chunki vaqtni sotib olish unga Janubiy Afrikadagi olmos manfaatlarini yakuniy birlashtirishga zarur e'tiborni sarflashga imkon berdi. Lobengula uchun vaziyatdan chiqishning iloji bor edi - Zambezi bo'ylab yana bir Matabele migratsiyasini olib borish, ammo Rods shohni Boerning kengayishiga qarshi tampon sifatida hozirgacha saqlab qolish umidida edi.^[26] 1888 yil mart oyida Rods o'zining so'nggi raqobatchisi, shirk shouini olmos millioneriga aylantirgan kompaniyani sotib oldi Barni Barnato, shakllantirish De Beers konsolidatsiyalangan minalar, dunyo miqyosidagi olmos ishlab chiqarishning 90 foizini boshqaradigan keng tarqalgan milliy monopoliya.^[27] Barnato De Beers-ni olmos qazib olish bilan cheklamoqchi edi, lekin Rods kompaniyani "shimolni yutib olish" uchun ishlatmoqchi ekanligini ta'kidladi: shu maqsadda u De Beers-ning konchilikdan uzoq bo'lgan faoliyatga ishonishini, shu jumladan bank ishi va temir yo'l qurilishi, erlarni qo'shib olish va boshqarish qobiliyati va qurolli kuchlarni ko'paytirish.^[28] Bularning barchasi ulkan boy kompaniyalarga o'xshagan vakolatlarni berdi East India kompaniyasi bor edi boshqariladi Hindiston Buyuk Britaniya nomidan 1757 yildan 1857 yilgacha.^[29] De Beers orqali va Janubiy Afrikaning oltin konlari Yaqinda Charlz Rud bilan boshlagan oltin qazib oluvchi firma, Rods Afrika imperiyasi haqidagi orzusini ro'yobga chiqarish uchun, ammo bunday ambitsiyalarni amalga oshirish uchun imkoniyat va moliyaviy imkoniyatlarga ega edi.^[28] u avvaliga ega bo'lishi kerak edi qirol nizomi unga tegishli hududlarni Buyuk Britaniya nomidan shaxsiy nazoratiga olish huquqini berish.^[30] Ushbu qirollik nizomini ta'minlash uchun u Uaytxollga mahalliy hukmdor tomonidan imzolangan va Rodosga qo'shilishni umid qilgan erlarda eksklyuziv kon qazish huquqini beradigan imtiyozni taqdim etishi kerak edi.^[28]

Imtiyoz

Bulawayoga poyga

Lord Knutsford, inglizlar Mustamlakachi kotib

Rhodes Matabeleland kon kontsessiyasi uchun Jorj Kavston va Lord Gifford, Londonning ikki moliyachisi. Ular o'zlarining agentlari sifatida tayinlanishdi Edvard Artur Maund, kim bilan xizmat qilgan Ser Charlz Uorren 1884 yildan 1885 yilgacha Bechuanalendda, shu vaqt oxiriga kelib Lobengulaga Buyuk Britaniyaning rasmiy vakili sifatida tashrif buyurgan. Kavston va Giffordning Angliyadagi bazasi ularga Uaytxoll bilan yaxshi aloqalarni o'rnatishning afzalliklarini berdi, Rodsning Keypda joylashgani unga vaziyatni o'z ko'zlari bilan ko'rishga imkon berdi. Shuningdek, u ulkan moliyaviy kapitalga va tegishli mustamlakachi ma'murlar bilan yaqin aloqalarga ega edi. 1888 yil may oyida Kavston va Gifford yozishdi Lord Knutsford, inglizlar Mustamlakachi kotib, ularning dizaynlari uchun uning roziligini izlash.^[31]

Kontsessiya bo'yicha muzokaralar olib borish dolzarbligi Rodosga 1888 yil iyun oyida Londonga tashrif buyurganida, London sindikatining Knutsfordga yozgan maktubi va ularning Maundni tayinlashi to'g'risida bilganida aniq bo'ldi. Rhodes endi Matabeleland kontsessiyasi hujjatni tezda ta'minlamasa, boshqa joyga borishi mumkinligini tushundi.^{[32][n 5]} "Kimdir mamlakatni egallashi kerak va menimcha, bizda eng katta imkoniyat bo'lishi kerak", dedi Rods Rotshildga; "Men har doim Matabele qiroli bilan muomala qilish qiyinligidan qo'rqardim. U Markaziy Afrikaga olib boradigan yagona to'siqdir, chunki agar biz uning hududiga ega bo'lsak, qolganlari oson ... qolganlari shunchaki alohida boshliqlari bo'lgan qishloq tizimi. ... Men mamlakatga ishonaman va Afrika harakatga keladi, menimcha bu ikkinchi Zolushka. "^[34]

Charlz Rud Rodning muzokarachilariga rahbarlik qilish uchun tanlangan, chunki u ilgari Boer fermerlari bilan muzokara olib borgan.

Rods va Beyt Rudni yangi muzokaralar guruhining boshiga qo'yishdi, chunki uning oltin izlash uchun Boers fermer xo'jaliklarini sotib olish bo'yicha muzokaralarida katta tajribasi bor edi. Rudd afrikaliklarning mahalliy urf-odatlari va tillarini ozgina bilganligi sababli, Rods o'z ishchisi Frensis "Matabele" Tompsonni qo'shib qo'ydi, u ko'p yillar davomida olmos dalalarida qora mardikorlar joylashgan zaxiralar va birikmalarni boshqargan. Tompson yaxshi bilardi Setvana, tili Tsvana xalqi Lobengulaning janubi-g'arbiy qismida joylashgan va shuning uchun ham tilni biladigan qirol bilan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri va aniq gaplashishi mumkin edi. Jeyms Rochfort Maguayr, Irlandiyalik advokat Rods bilgan Oksford, uchinchi a'zosi sifatida yollangan.^[35]

Ko'pgina tahlilchilar madaniyatli, metropolitan Maguayrning tarkibiga kirishini jumboqli deb hisoblashadi - ko'pincha uni ingliz barining ishlab chiqilgan yuridik tilida hujjatni yotqizishi va shu bilan uni tanib bo'lmaydigan qilib qo'yishi uchun uni olib kelishgan deb taxmin qilishadi.^[34] lekin tarixchi sifatida John Semple Galbraith izohlar, talab qilingan kelishuv deyarli Maguayrni olib kelish uchun katta xarajat va noqulayliklarni keltirib chiqarish uchun juda murakkab edi.^[35] Rodosning biografiyasida, Robert I. Rotberg u Maguayrdan Rudning ekspeditsiyasiga "madaniyat va sinfga tegishlicha" qarz berishni maqsad qilgan bo'lishi mumkin, deb taxmin qilmoqda.^[34] bu Lobengula va raqib bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan konsessionlarni hayratga solishi mumkin degan umidda. London sindikatining ustunliklaridan biri, ayniqsa Giffordning ijtimoiy obro'si edi va Rodos bunga Maguayr orqali qarshi turishga umid qilgan.^[34] Radning partiyasi oxir-oqibat o'zini Tompson, Maguayr, J G Drayer (ularning gollandiyalik vagon haydovchisi), beshinchi oq tanli, Cape Coloured, afroamerikalik va ikki qora tanli xizmatkor.^[36]

Maund Keyptaunga 1888 yil iyun oyining oxirlarida kelib, Kavston - Gifford taklifiga Robinzonning roziligini olishga harakat qildi. Robinson Matabelelandni bunday qo'llab-quvvatlovchi kompaniya tomonidan rivojlantirishni qo'llab-quvvatlaganini, ammo faqatgina boshqa potentsial kontsessorlar qolganida, eng ko'zga ko'ringan Rodos bo'lganida, faqatgina Kawston va Giffordni qo'llab-quvvatlash majburiyatini o'z zimmasiga olganini aytdi. Whitehall-ning aniq ko'rsatmalarisiz. Rudning partiyasi Kimberleyda yig'ilib, tayyorgarlik ko'rayotgan paytda, Maund shimolga sayohat qilib, iyul oyining boshlarida olmos konlariga etib bordi.^[37] 14-iyul kuni Bulavayoda Janubiy Afrikada yashovchi tadbirkor Tomas Leask boshchiligidagi konsortsium vakili bo'lgan agentlar Lobenguladan kon kontsessiyasini oldi,^[38] butun mamlakatini qamrab oldi va daromadning yarmini qirolga va'da qildi. Ushbu so'nggi holatni bilganida, Leask imtiyoz "tijorat maqsadlarida foydasiz" deb xafa bo'ldi.^[39] Moffat Leaskning ta'kidlashicha, uning guruhida baribir kontsessiya bo'yicha harakat qilish uchun resurslar yo'q va Rods ham, London sindikatida ham shunday; Moffatning taklifiga binoan Leask kutib turishga qaror qildi va Lobenguladan yangi ishbilarmonlarning qaysi biri katta biznes guruhga sotgan bo'lsa, o'sha konsessiyasini sotib yubordi. Na Rods guruhi, na Keston-Gifford konsortsiumi va na Britaniya mustamlakachilari rasmiylari Leask imtiyozi to'g'risida darhol bilishmadi.^[39]

1888 yil iyul oyining boshlarida Rods Londondan qaytib kelib, a tashkil etishni taklif qilib, Robinzon bilan uchrashdi charterli kompaniya o'zi boshida va shunga o'xshash vakolatlarga ega Afrikaning janubiy-markaziy qismini boshqarish va rivojlantirish Britaniyaning Shimoliy Borneo, Imperator Britaniya Sharqiy Afrika va Niger qirolligi kompaniyalari. Rodsning aytishicha, ushbu kompaniya mahalliy aholi tomonidan "foydalanilmayotgan" Matabeleland va Mashonaland qismlarini o'z nazorati ostiga oladi, mahalliy aholi uchun ajratilgan joylarni ajratadi va keyinchalik ikkalasini ham himoya qiladi, shu bilan birga mahalliy aholi uchun ajratilmagan erlarni o'zlashtiradi. Shu tarzda, u Matabele va Mashona manfaatlari himoya qilinadi va Afrikaning janubi-markazini rivojlantiradi, deb aytdi u. Ulug'vor hazinasi. Robinson 21 iyul kuni Knutsfordga Uaytxoll bu g'oyani qo'llab-quvvatlashi kerak deb yozgan; u Burlar Zambezi-Limpopo suv havzasida Britaniyaning kengayishini, agar u charterli kompaniya shaklida bo'lsa, yangi toj koloniyasi yaratilishidan ko'ra yaxshiroq bo'lishini taxmin qildi.^[40] Bundan tashqari, u Rudning partiyasiga Bulavayoga olib borishi to'g'risida xat yozib, Rud va uning hamrohlarini Lobengulaga tavsiya qildi.^[41]

Matabele kraal, tasvirlangan Uilyam Kornuollis Xarris, 1836

Maund Kimberlini iyul oyida Rud partiyasidan ancha oldin tark etdi.^[40] Robinning Robinsonning fikri bilan qurollangan muzokaralar guruhi hali tayyor emas edi - ular Kimberlidan faqat 15 avgustda ketishdi, ammo Moffat Shoshong Bechuanalendda ikkala ekspeditsiyadan oldinda edi. U avgust oyining oxirlarida oq konsessiya-ovchilar bilan to'ldirilgan kraalni topish uchun Bulawayoga etib bordi.^[34] Turli xil ishtirokchilar shohni bir qator sovg'alar va ne'matlar bilan tortib olishga harakat qilishdi, ammo buning uchun ozgina g'alaba qozonishdi.^[42]

Kimberley va Mafeking, Maund Shipparddan Grobler bir guruh tomonidan o'ldirilganligini bilib oldi Ngvato jangchilar Transvaalga qaytib kelayotganlarida va burlar inglizlar tomonidan himoya qilinadigan Ngvatoning boshlig'iga hujum qilish bilan tahdid qilganliklari, Xama III, javoban. Maund Xamani himoya qilishga ko'maklashdi va o'z ish beruvchilariga xat yozib, Xamadan Matabele va Ngvatoning bahslashayotgan hududini qamrab olgan imtiyozga asos yaratishi mumkinligini tushuntirdi. Kavston zudlik bilan Bulawayoga buyurtma berish bilan kechiktirmasdan javob qaytardi, ammo bu yozma almashinuvni talab qilgan vaqt ichida bir oydan ko'proq vaqt o'tdi va Maund boshini Rudga boshlagan holda behuda o'tkazdi.^[43] Lobengula Tati-da, oq tanli katta ovchilar va konsessiya izlovchilarga kirishni taqiqlab qo'ygan xabarnomani e'tiborsiz qoldirgandan so'ng,^[44] Rudd partiyasi 1888 yil 21 sentyabrda Maunddan uch hafta oldin qirol kraaliga etib bordi.^[42]

Muzokaralar

Rad, Tompson va Maguayr zudlik bilan Lobengulaga o'zlarini tanishtirishga kirishdilar, u o'zlarining shaxsiy xonalaridan ikkilanmasdan chiqib, mehmonlarni xushmuomalalik bilan kutib oldi.^[45] Sindebele tarjimoni orqali Rud o'zini va boshqalarni tanishtirdi, ular kimning nomidan ish tutganligini tushuntirdi, ular tinch yashash uchun kelganlarini aytdilar va qirolga sovg'a topshirdilar £ 100.^[46]

Bir necha kun davomida biznes mavzusidan voz kechgandan so'ng, Tompson Setsvanadagi qirolga u va uning konfederatlari haqida suhbatlashish uchun kelgan narsalarni tushuntirib berdi. Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, uning tarafdorlari, Transvaalerlardan farqli o'laroq, er qidirmaydilar, faqat Zambezi-Limpopo suv havzasida oltin qazib olishni xohlashadi.^[46] Keyingi haftalarda muzokaralar vaqti-vaqti bilan bo'lib o'tdi. Bulawayoda qolgan Moffat vaqti-vaqti bilan qirol tomonidan maslahat uchun chaqirilib, missionerni Rudning jamoasiga uning maslahati orqali nozik yordam berishga undagan. U Lobengulani ko'pgina kichik tashvishlar bilan emas, balki bitta katta tashkilot bilan birga ishlashga undab, bu unga masalani boshqarishni osonlashtirishini aytdi.^[47] Keyin u qirolga Shippard oktyabr oyida rasmiy tashrif bilan borishi to'g'risida xabar berdi va unga bu ish tugamaguncha qaror qilmaslikni maslahat berdi.^[47]

Hamrohligida Ser Xemilton Goold-Adams va 16 politsiyachi, Shippard 1888 yil oktyabr o'rtalarida kelgan. Qirol u bilan uchrashuvlar foydasiga kontsessiya muzokaralarini to'xtatdi.^{[n 6]} Mustamlakachi amaldor qirolga burlar ko'proq erga chanqoq ekanliklarini va juda uzoq vaqt oldin o'z mamlakatlarini bosib olish niyatida ekanliklarini aytdi; u shuningdek, Rudning ishini qo'llab-quvvatlab, Lobengulaga Rudning jamoasi qo'llab-quvvatlagan qudratli, moliyaviy jihatdan xavfli tashkilot nomidan harakat qilganini aytdi. Qirolicha Viktoriya.^[47] Ayni paytda Rods Rudga bir qancha maktublar yuborib, Maundni uning asosiy raqibi bo'lganligi va London sindikatining maqsadlari o'zlarining maqsadlari bilan chambarchas to'qnash kelganligi sababli, Kavston va Giffordni mag'lub etish yoki boshqa yo'l bilan Rodos lageriga olib kirish zarurligi to'g'risida ogohlantirgan. .^[48] Lobengula haqida Rods Ruddga shohga konsessiya unga foyda keltiradi deb o'ylashni maslahat berdi. "Zambizi ustida [Genri Morton] singari paroxodni taklif eting. Stenli ustiga qo'ying Yuqori Kongo ... yopishib oling Uy qoidalari va Matabeleland uchun Matabele [,] bu chiptaga aminman. "^[48]

Oktyabr oyi katta muvaffaqiyatsizlik bilan o'tayotganida, Rudd Vitsvaterrend oltin konlariga qaytishni juda xohlardi, ammo Rods Bulavayodan imtiyozsiz ketolmasligini ta'kidladi. "Siz vakuum qoldirmasligingiz kerak", deb ko'rsatma berdi Rods. "Agar kerak bo'lsa, Tompson va Maguayrni tark eting yoki men qo'shilishimni kuting ... agar biz biron bir narsa olsak, bizda doimiy yashovchi bo'lishi kerak".^[48] Shunday qilib, ketishga to'sqinlik qilgan Rud, Lobengulani u bilan kontsessiya bo'yicha to'g'ridan-to'g'ri muzokaralarga kirishishga ishontirishga astoydil harakat qildi, ammo bir necha bor rad etildi. Qirol faqat Shippard oktyabr oyi oxirida jo'nab ketishi arafasida, asosan Rud tomonidan yozilgan hujjat loyihasini ko'rib chiqishga rozi bo'ldi. Ushbu uchrashuvda Lobengula Radd bilan shartlarni bir soatdan ko'proq muhokama qildi.^[49] Charlz Xelm, yaqin atrofda joylashgan missioner, tarjimon vazifasini bajarish uchun qirol tomonidan chaqirilgan. Xelmning so'zlariga ko'ra, Rud Lobengulaga yozma hujjatda bo'lmagan bir qator og'zaki va'dalarni bergan, shu jumladan "ular o'z mamlakatlarida ishlash uchun 10 dan ortiq oq tanlilarni olib kelmasliklarini, shaharlarga yaqin joyda hech qanday qazish qilmasliklarini va hk." Va ular va ularning odamlari uning mamlakat qonunlariga rioya qilishlari va aslida uning xalqi bo'lishlari. "^[50]

Rud bilan olib borilgan ushbu muzokaralardan so'ng Lobengula an indaba (konferentsiya) 100 dan ortiq ruxsatDuna ularga taqdim etilayotgan imtiyoz shartlarini taqdim etish va ularning hamdardliklarini aniqlash. Tez orada fikr ikkiga bo'linganligi aniq bo'ldi: yoshlarning aksariyati ruxsatDuna podshohning o'zi va undan katta yoshdagilar esa, har qanday imtiyozga qarshi edi ruxsatDuna Radning taklifini ko'rib chiqish uchun ochiq edilar. Rudning qudratli tarafdorlari qo'lidagi tog'-kon monopoliyasi g'oyasi ba'zi jihatdan Matabele uchun jozibador edi, chunki bu kichik vaqt qidiruvchilar tomonidan imtiyozlar berish bo'yicha tinimsiz takliflarni tugatishi mumkin edi, ammo raqobatni davom ettirishga imkon beradigan holat ham mavjud edi, shuning uchun raqib konchilar Lobengula foydasiga kurashish kerak edi.^[51]

Martini-Genri miltiqlar. Rudning ushbu qurollardan 1000 tasini va tegishli o'q-dorilarni taklif qilishi Lobengulani imtiyoz berishga ishontirishda muhim omil bo'ldi.^[49]

Ko'pchilik uchun indaba, eng muhim turtki Matabeleland xavfsizligi edi. Lobengula Transvaalerlarni inglizlarga qaraganda ancha dahshatli jangovar dushmanlar deb hisoblagan bo'lsa-da, u Angliya dunyo miqyosida ko'proq taniqli bo'lganligini tushundi va boers er istagan paytda, Rud partiyasi faqat tog'-kon qazish va savdo-sotiqdan manfaatdor ekanligini ta'kidladi. Lobengulaning fikriga ko'ra, agar u Rudning takliflarini qabul qilsa, u o'z erini saqlab qoladi va inglizlar uni burlar tomonidan bosib olinishidan himoya qilishga majburdirlar.^[51]

Rudd juda kam raqobatchilar hatto yaqinlashishga umid qiladigan saxiy shartlarni taklif qilar edi. Agar Lobengula rozilik bergan bo'lsa, Rudni qo'llab-quvvatlovchilar qirolga 1000 kishi bilan ta'minlaydilar Martini-Genri pog'onali o'qotar qurollar, mos keladigan 100000 o'q-dorilar, Zambezidagi paroxod (yoki agar Lobengula ma'qul ko'rsa, bir martalik 500 funt sterling) va doimiy ravishda oyiga 100 funt. Ushbu taklifning moliyaviy jihatlaridan ko'ra qirolga ta'sirchanroq qurol-yarog 'edi: u o'sha paytda 600 dan 800 gacha bo'lgan miltiq va karbinalarga ega edi, ammo ular uchun o'q-dorilar deyarli yo'q edi. Taklif etilayotgan kelishuv uning qurol-yarog'ini ikkala o'qotar qurol va o'q bilan to'ldiradi, bu esa Janubiy Afrika Respublikasi bilan to'qnashuvda hal qiluvchi bo'lishi mumkin.^[51] Qurollar, shuningdek, unga o'z guruhlari orasida ancha jirkanch guruhlarni nazorat qilishda yordam berishi mumkin impis.^[49] Lobengula Helm yozilgan narsalarni to'g'ri tushunishini ta'minlash uchun hujjatni bir necha bor batafsil ko'rib chiqishga majbur qildi.^[50] Ruddning taxmin qilingan og'zaki shartlarining hech biri kontsessiya hujjatida bo'lmagan va ularni qonuniy ravishda bajarib bo'lmaydigan holga keltirgan (ular mavjudligini taxmin qilgan holda), ammo, ehtimol, qirol ularni taklif qilingan kelishuvning bir qismi deb bilgan.^[52]

Muzokaralarning so'nggi bosqichi 30 oktyabr kuni ertalab qirol kraalida boshlandi. Muzokaralar an indaba o'rtasida ruxsatDuna va Rudning partiyasi; podshohning o'zi qatnashmadi, lekin yaqinda edi. The ruxsatDuna Rudni va uning hamrohlarini aniq qaerda minalashni rejalashtirganliklari to'g'risida surishtirdilar va ular "butun mamlakatni" qamrab oladigan huquqlarga ega bo'lishni istashlarini aytdilar.^[50] Qachon ruxsatDuna G'azablanib, Tompson: "Yo'q, bizda Mashonaland va Zambezilargacha ham, aslida butun mamlakat bo'lishi kerak", deb turib oldi.^[50] Tompsonning so'zlariga ko'ra, bu odamlar o'rtasida chalkashliklarni keltirib chiqardi ruxsatDuna, kim bu joylarning qaerdaligini bilmaganga o'xshaydi. "Zambezi u erda bo'lishi kerak", dedi biri noto'g'ri (janubga emas) janubga ishora qilib.^[50] Matabele vakillari keyinchalik muzokaralarni "geografik johillikni kechiktirish va namoyish qilish" orqali uzaytirdilar, bu tarixchi Artur Keppel-Jonsning iborasi bilan,^[50] Rudd va Tompson gaplashib bo'ldiklarini e'lon qilishguncha va o'rnidan turishga ketishdi. The ruxsatDuna bundan biroz xavotirga tushishdi va mehmonlardan iltimos, qolishlarini va davom etishlarini iltimos qilishdi. Keyin bunga kelishib olindi inDuna Lotshe va Tompson birgalikda kunning borishi haqida qirolga xabar berishadi.^[50]

Shartnoma

Lotshe va Tompson bilan gaplashgandan so'ng, qirol qaror qabul qilishda hali ham ikkilanib turardi. Tompson Lobengulaga ritorik savol bilan murojaat qildi: «Kim odamga an assegay [nayza] agar u keyinchalik unga hujum qilishini kutsa? "^[53] Taklif qilinayotgan Martini-Genri miltiqlari haqidagi ishorani ko'rib, Lobengula bu mantiqdan chalg'idi va imtiyoz berishga qaror qildi. "Menga uchib ketgan qog'ozni olib keling, men unga imzo chekaman" dedi.^[53] Tompson Ruddan, Maguayrdan, Xelm va Drayerni chaqirish uchun xonadan qisqa vaqt ichida chiqib ketdi,^[53] va ular shoh atrofida yarim doira ichida o'tirishdi.^[49] Keyin Lobengula imtiyozga belgi qo'ydi,^[53] qaysi o'qiladi:^[54]

Barcha erkaklarni ushbu sovg'alar bilan biling, Charlz Dunell Rud esa Kimberlidan; Rochfort Maguire, London; va bundan keyin grant oluvchilar deb ataladigan Kimberli fuqarosi Frensis Robert Tompson ahdlashib, kelishib oldilar va shu bilan ahd qildilar va rozi bo'lishdi, mening merosxo'rlarim va vorislarimga birinchi kunida yuz funt sterling (ingliz valyutasi) miqdorida pul to'layman. har bir qamariy oyning; va bundan tashqari, mening qirollik kraalimga mingta Martini - Genri brechka yuklaydigan miltiqlarini, shuningdek, yuz ming dona mos to'pli patronlarni, shu yuz miltiqni va ellik mingtasini darhol Angliyadan buyurtma qilish uchun va oqilona jo'natish bilan etkazib berildi va ushbu miltiq va patronlarning qolgan qismi ushbu grant oluvchilar mening hududimdagi kon texnikasini ishga tushirishni boshlashlari bilanoq etkazib berilishi kerak; va bundan tashqari, Zambesi daryosida mudofaa maqsadlari uchun yaroqli qurol-yarog 'bilan ushbu daryoda yoki ushbu paroxod o'rniga, agar men tanlasam, menga besh yuz funt sterling (ingliz valyutasi) pulini to'lashni xohlayman. On the execution of these presents, I, Lobengula, King of Matabeleland, Mashonaland, and other adjoining territories, in exercise of my sovereign powers, and in the presence and with the consent of my council of indunalar, do hereby grant and assign unto the said grantees, their heirs, representatives, and assigns, jointly and severally, the complete and exclusive charge over all metals and minerals situated and contained in my kingdoms, principalities, and dominions, together with full power to do all things that they may deem necessary to win and procure the same, and to hold, collect, and enjoy the profits and revenues, if any, derivable from the said metals and minerals, subject to the aforesaid payment; and whereas I have been much molested of late by divers persons seeking and desiring to obtain grants and concessions of land and mining rights in my territories, I do hereby authorise the said grantees, their heirs, representatives and assigns, to take all necessary and lawful steps to exclude from my kingdom, principalities, and dominions all persons seeking land, metals, minerals, or mining rights therein, and I do hereby undertake to render them all such needful assistance as they may from time to time require for the exclusion of such persons, and to grant no concessions of land or mining rights from and after this date without their consent and concurrence; provided that, if at any time the said monthly payment of one hundred pounds shall be in arrear for a period of three months, then this grant shall cease and determine from the date of the last-made payment; and further provided that nothing contained in these presents shall extend to or affect a grant made by me of certain mining rights in a portion of my territory south of the Ramaquaban River, which grant is commonly known as the Tati Concession.

As Lobengula inscribed his mark at the foot of the paper, Maguire turned to Thompson and said "Thompson, this is the epoch of our lives."^[53] Once Rudd, Maguire and Thompson had signed the concession, Helm and Dreyer added their signatures as witnesses, and Helm wrote an endorsement beside the terms:^[53]

Lobengula refused to allow any of the ruxsatDuna to sign the document. Exactly why he did this is not clear. Rudd's interpretation was that the king considered them to have already been consulted at the day's indaba, and so did not think it necessary for them to also sign. Keppel-Jones comments that Lobengula might have felt that it would be harder to repudiate the document later if it bore the marks of his ruxsatDuna alongside his own.^[53]

Validity dispute

Announcement and reception

Within hours, Rudd and Dreyer were hurrying south to present the document to Rhodes, travelling by mule cart, the fastest mode of transport available.^{[n 7]} Thompson and Maguire stayed in Bulawayo to defend the concession against potential challenges. Rudd reached Kimberley and Rhodes on 19 November 1888, a mere 20 days after the document's signing, and commented with great satisfaction that this marked a record that would surely not be broken until the railway was laid into the interior.^[55] Rhodes was elated by Rudd's results, describing the concession as "so gigantic it is like giving a man the whole of Australia".^[56] Both in high spirits, the pair travelled to Cape Town by train, and presented themselves to Robinson on 21 November.^[55]

Robinson was pleased to learn of Rudd's success. The High Commissioner wanted to gazeta the concession immediately, but Rhodes knew that the promise to arm Lobengula with 1,000 Martini–Henrys would be received with apprehension elsewhere in South Africa, especially among Boers; he suggested that this aspect of the concession should be kept quiet until the guns were already in Bechuanaland. Rudd therefore prepared a version of the document omitting mention of the Martini–Henrys, which was approved by Rhodes and Robinson, and published in the Cape Times va Argus burni newspapers on 24 November 1888. The altered version described the agreed price for the Zambezi–Limpopo mining monopoly as "the valuable consideration of a large monthly payment in cash, a gunboat for defensive purposes on the Zambesi, and other services."^[55] Ikki kundan keyin Cape Times printed a notice from Lobengula:^[57]

But the king was already beginning to receive reports telling him that he had been hoodwinked into "selling his country".^[58] Word abounded in Bulawayo that with the Rudd Concession (as the document became called), Lobengula had signed away far more impressive rights than he had thought. Some of the Matabele began to question the king's judgement. Da ruxsatDuna looked on anxiously, Moffat questioned whether Lobengula would be able to keep control.^[58] Thompson was summoned by the ruxsatDuna and interrogated for over 10 hours before being released; according to Thompson, they were "prepared to suspect even the king himself".^[59] Rumours spread among the kraal's white residents of a freebooter force in the South African Republic that allegedly intended to invade and support Gambo, a prominent inDuna, in overthrowing and killing Lobengula.^[58] Horrified by these developments, Lobengula attempted to secure his position by deflecting blame.^[59] InDuna Lotshe, who had supported granting the concession, was condemned for having misled his king and executed, along with his extended family and followers—over 300 men, women and children in all.^[60] Meanwhile, Rhodes and Rudd returned to Kimberley, and Robinson wrote to the Mustamlaka idorasi at Whitehall on 5 December 1888 to inform them of Rudd's concession.^[57]

Lobengula's embassy

Qirolicha Viktoriya was referred to by the Matabele as the "White Queen".^[61] Lobengula sent emissaries to meet her with the hope of, among other things, ascertaining her existence.

While reassuring Thompson and Maguire that he was only repudiating the idea that he had given his country away, and not the concession itself (which he told them would be respected), Lobengula asked Maund to accompany two of his ruxsatDuna, Babayane and Mshete, to England, so they could meet Queen Victoria herself, officially to present to her a letter bemoaning Portuguese incursions on eastern Mashonaland, but also unofficially to seek counsel regarding the crisis at Bulawayo.^[58] The mission was furthermore motivated by the simple desire of Lobengula and his ruxsatDuna to see if this white queen, whose name the British swore by, really existed. The king's letter concluded with a request for the Queen to send a representative of her own to Bulawayo.^[61] Maund, who saw a second chance to secure his own concession, perhaps even at Rudd's expense, said he was more than happy to assist, but Lobengula remained cautious with him: when Maund raised the subject of a new concession covering the Mazoe valley, the king replied "Take my men to England for me; and when you return, then I will talk about that."^[58] Johannes Colenbrander, a frontiersman from Natal, was recruited to accompany the Matabele emissaries as an interpreter. They left in mid-December 1888.^[62]

Around this time, a group of Austral Africa Company prospectors, led by Alfred Haggard, approached Lobengula's south-western border, hoping to gain their own Matabeleland mining concession; on learning of this, the king honoured one of the terms of the Rudd Concession by allowing Maguire to go at the head of a Matabele impi to turn Haggard away.^[63] While Robinson's letter to Knutsford made its way to England by sea, the Colonial Secretary learned of the Rudd Concession from Cawston and Gifford. Knutsford wired Robinson on 17 December to ask if there was any truth in what the London syndicate had told him about the agreed transfer of 1,000 Martini–Henrys: "If rifles part of consideration, as reported, do you think there will be danger of complications arising from this?"^[57] Robinson replied, again in writing; he enclosed a minute from Shippard in which the Bechuanaland official explained how the concession had come about, and expressed the view that the Matabele were less experienced with rifles than with assegaislar, so their receipt of such weapons did not in itself make them lethally dangerous.^{[n 8]} He then argued that it would not be diplomatic to give Khama and other chiefs firearms while withholding them from Lobengula, and that a suitably armed Matabeleland might act as a deterrent against Boer interference.^[64]

Surprised by the news of a Matabele mission to London, Rhodes attempted to publicly downplay the credentials of the ruxsatDuna and to stop them from leaving Africa. When the envoys reached Kimberley Rhodes told his close friend, associate and housemate Dr Leander Starr Jeymson —who himself held the rank of inDuna, having been so honoured by Lobengula years before as thanks for medical treatment—to invite Maund to their cottage. Maund was suspicious, but came anyway. At the cottage, Rhodes offered Maund financial and professional incentives to defect from the London syndicate. Maund refused, prompting Rhodes to declare furiously that he would have Robinson stop his progress at Cape Town. The ruxsatDuna reached Cape Town in mid-January 1889 to find that it was as Rhodes had said; to delay their departure, Robinson discredited them, Maund and Colenbrander in cables to the Colonial Office in London, saying that Shippard had described Maund as "mendacious" and "dangerous", Colenbrander as "hopelessly unreliable", and Babayane and Mshete as not actually ruxsatDuna or even headmen.^[65] Cawston forlornly telegraphed Maund that it was pointless to try to go on while Robinson continued in this vein.^[65]

Rhodes and the London syndicate join forces

Rhodes then arrived in Cape Town to talk again with Maund. His mood was markedly different: after looking over Lobengula's message to Queen Victoria, he said that he believed the Matabele expedition to England could actually buttress the concession and associated development plans if the London syndicate would agree to merge its interests with his own and form an amalgamated company alongside him. He told Maund to wire this pitch to his employers. Maund presumed that Rhodes's shift in attitude had come about because of his own influence, coupled with the threat to Rhodes's concession posed by the Matabele mission, but in fact the idea for uniting the two rival bids had come from Knutsford, who the previous month had suggested to Cawston and Gifford that they were likelier to gain a royal charter covering south-central Africa if they joined forces with Rhodes. They had wired Rhodes, who had in turn come back to Maund. The unification, which extricated Rhodes and his London rivals from their long-standing stalemate, was happily received by both sides; Cawston and Gifford could now tap Rhodes's considerable financial and political resources, and Rhodes's Rudd Concession had greater value now the London consortium no longer challenged it.^[66]

There still remained the question of Leask's concession, the existence of which Rudd's negotiating team had learned in Bulawayo towards the end of October.^[39] Rhodes resolved that it must be acquired: "I quite see that worthless as [Leask's] concession is, it logically destroys yours," he told Rudd.^[67] This loose end was tied up in late January 1889, when Rhodes met and settled with Leask and his associates, James Fairbairn and George Phillips, in Johannesburg. Leask was given £2,000 in cash and a 10% interest in the Rudd Concession, and allowed to retain a 10% share in his own agreement with Lobengula. Fairbairn and Phillips were granted an annual allowance of £300 each.^[68] In Cape Town, with Rhodes's opposition removed, Robinson altered his stance regarding the Matabele mission, cabling Whitehall that further investigation had shown Babayane and Mshete to be headmen after all, so they should be allowed to board ship for England.^[69]

Lobengula's enquiry

Meanwhile, in Bulawayo, South African newspaper reports of the concession started to arrive in the middle of January 1889. William Tainton, one of the local white residents, translated a press cutting for Lobengula, adding a few embellishments of his own: he told the king that he had sold his country, that the grantees could dig for minerals anywhere they liked, including in and around kraals, and that they could bring an army into Matabeleland to depose Lobengula in favour of a new chief. The king told Helm to read back and translate the copy of the concession that had remained in Bulawayo; Helm did so, and pointed out that none of the allegations Tainton had made were actually reflected in the text. Lobengula then said he wished to dictate an announcement. After Helm refused, Tainton translated and transcribed the king's words:^[70]

This notice was published in the Bechuanaland News and Malmani Chronicle on 2 February 1889.^[71] A grand indaba ning ruxsatDuna and the whites of Bulawayo was soon convened, but because Helm and Thompson were not present, the start of the investigation was delayed until 11 March. As in the negotiations with Rudd and Thompson in October, Lobengula did not himself attend, remaining close by but not interfering. The ruxsatDuna questioned Helm and Thompson at great length, and various white men gave their opinions on the concession. A group of missionaries acted as mediators. Condemnation of the concession was led not by the ruxsatDuna, but by the other whites, particularly Tainton.^[71]

Tainton and the other white opponents of the concession contended that the document conferred upon the grantees all of the watershed's minerals, lands, wood and water, and was therefore tantamount to a purchase receipt for the whole country. Thompson, backed by the missionaries, insisted that the agreement only involved the extraction of metals and minerals, and that anything else the concessionaires might do was covered by the concession's granting of "full power to do all things that they may deem necessary to win and procure" the mining yield. William Mzisi, a Fengu from the Cape, who had been to the diamond fields at Kimberley, pointed out that the mining would take thousands of men rather than the handful Lobengula had imagined, and argued that digging into the land amounted to taking possession of it: "You say you do not want any land, how can you dig for gold without it, is it not in the land?"^[63] Thompson was then questioned as to where exactly it had been agreed that the concessionaires could mine; he affirmed that the document licensed them to prospect and dig anywhere in the country.^[63]

Helm was painted as a suspicious figure by some of the ruxsatDuna because all white visitors to Bulawayo met with him before seeing the king. This feeling was compounded by the fact that Helm had for some time acted as Lobengula's postmaster, and so handled all mail coming into Bulawayo. He was accused of having hidden the concession's true meaning from the king and of having knowingly sabotaged the prices being paid by traders for cattle, but neither of these charges could be proven either way. On the fourth day of the enquiry, Elliot and Rees, two missionaries based at Inyati, were asked if exclusive mining rights in other countries could be bought for similar sums, as Helm was claiming; they replied in the negative. The ruxsatDuna concluded that either Helm or the missionaries must be lying. Elliot and Rees attempted to convince Lobengula that honest men did not necessarily always hold the same opinions, but had little success.^[63]

Amid the enquiry, Thompson and Maguire received a number of threats and had to tolerate other more minor vexations. Maguire, unaccustomed to the African bush as he was, brought a number of accusations on himself through his personal habits. One day he happened to clean his false teeth in what the Matabele considered a sacred spring and accidentally dropped some Köln tantanasi into it; the angry locals interpreted this as him deliberately poisoning the spring. They also alleged that Maguire partook of witchcraft and spent his nights riding around the bush on a hyena.^[63]

Rhodes sent the first shipments of rifles up to Bechuanaland in January and February 1889, sending 250 each month, and instructed Jameson, Dr Frederik Rezerford Xarris and a Shoshong trader, George Musson, to convey them to Bulawayo.^[72] Lobengula had so far accepted the financial payments described in the Rudd Concession (and continued to do so for years afterwards), but when the guns arrived in early April, he refused to take them. Jameson placed the weapons under a canvas cover in Maguire's camp, stayed at the kraal for ten days, and then went back south with Maguire in tow, leaving the rifles behind. A few weeks later, Lobengula dictated a letter for Fairbairn to write to the Queen—he said he had never intended to sign away mineral rights and that he and his ruxsatDuna revoked their recognition of the document.^[73]

Babayane and Mshete in England

Vindzor qasri, qayerda Qirolicha Viktoriya received the Matabele emissaries in March 1889

Following their long delay, Babayane, Mshete, Maund and Colenbrander journeyed to England aboard the Mur. Ular tushishdi Sautgempton in early March 1889, and travelled by train to London, where they checked into the Berners Hotel on Oksford ko'chasi. Ular taklif qilindi Vindzor qasri after two days in the capital.^[74] The audience was originally meant only for the two ruxsatDuna and their interpreter—Maund could not attend such a meeting as he was a British subject—but Knutsford arranged an exception for Maund when Babayane and Mshete refused to go without him; the Colonial Secretary said that it would be regrettable for all concerned if the embassy were derailed by such a technicality.^[69] The emissaries duly met the Queen and delivered the letter from Lobengula, as well as an oral message they had been told to pass on.^[74]

The ruxsatDuna stayed in London throughout the month of March, attending a number of dinners in their honour,^[74] including one hosted by the Aborigenlarni himoya qilish jamiyati. The Society sent a letter to Lobengula, advising him to be "wary and firm in resisting proposals that will not bring good to you and your people".^[75] The diplomats saw many of the British capital's sights, including London hayvonot bog'i, Alhambra teatri va Angliya banki. Their hosts showed them the spear of the Zulu king Ketsyuey, which now hung on a wall at Windsor Castle, and took them to Aldershot to observe military manoeuvres conducted by Major-General Evelin Vud, the man who had given this spear to the Queen after routing the Zulus in 1879. Knutsford held two more meetings with the ruxsatDuna, and during the second of these gave them the Queen's reply to Lobengula's letter, which mostly comprised vague assurances of goodwill. Satisfied with this, the emissaries sailed for home.^[74]

Rhodes wins the royal charter

Albert Grey, Fayf grafligi va Aberkorn gersogi (chapdan o'ngga), the three public board members recruited by Rhodes and Cawston for their prospective charterli kompaniya during early 1889, all depicted by Lesli Uord yilda Vanity Fair

In late March 1889, just as the ruxsatDuna were about to leave London, Rhodes arrived to make the amalgamation with Cawston and Gifford official. To the amalgamators' dismay, the Colonial Office had received protests against the Rudd Concession from a number of London businessmen and humanitarian societies, and had resolved that it could not sanction the concession because of its equivocal nature, as well as the fact that Lobengula had announced its suspension. Rhodes was originally angry with Maund, accusing him of responsibility for this, but eventually accepted that it was not Maund's fault. Rhodes told Maund to go back to Bulawayo, to pose as an impartial adviser, and to try to sway the king back in favour of the concession; as an added contingency, he told Maund to secure as many new subconcessions as he could.^[76]

In London, as the amalgamation was formalised, Rhodes and Cawston sought public members to sit on the board of their prospective chartered company. They recruited the Aberkorn gersogi, an affluent Irish peer and landowner with estates in Donegal and Scotland, to chair the firm, and the Fayf grafligi —soon to become the Duke of Fife, following his marriage to the daughter of the Uels shahzodasi —to act as his deputy. The third and final public member added to the board was the nephew and heir apparent of the erstwhile Cabinet minister Graf Grey, Albert Grey, who was a staunch imperialist, already associated with southern Africa. Attempting to ingratiate himself with Lord Salisbury, Rhodes then gave the position of standing counsel in the proposed company to the Prime Minister's son, Lord Robert Sesil.^[77] Horace Farquhar, a prominent London financier and friend of the Prince of Wales, was added to the board at Fife's suggestion later in the year.^[78]

Rhodes spent the next few months in London, seeking out supporters for his cause in the West End, Shahar and, occasionally, the rural estates of the landed gentry. These efforts yielded the public backing of the prominent imperialist Garri Djonston, Alexander Livingstone Bruce (who sat on the board of the East Africa Company), and Burli shahridan lord Balfur, Boshqalar orasida. Along with Grey's active involvement and Lord Salisbury's continuing favour, the weight of this opinion seemed to be reaping dividends for Rhodes by June 1889.^[79] The amalgamation with the London syndicate was complete, and Whitehall appeared to have dropped its reservations regarding the Rudd Concession's validity.^[76] Opposition to the charter in parliament and elsewhere had been for the most part silenced, and, with the help of Rhodes's press contacts, prominently Uilyam Tomas Stid, muharriri Pall Mall gazetasi, opinion in the media was starting to back the idea of a chartered company for south-central Africa. But in June 1889, just as the Colonial Office looked poised to grant the royal charter, Lobengula's letter repudiating the Rudd Concession, written two months previously, arrived in London.^[79]

Maguire, in London, promptly wrote to the Colonial Office, casting doubt on the letter's character on the grounds that it lacked the witnessing signature of an unbiased missionary. He concurrently wrote to Thompson, who was still in Bulawayo, to ask if there was any sign that the king had been misled during the repudiation letter's drafting. Around the same time, Robinson's strident attacks on parliamentary opponents of the Rudd Concession led to Lord Salisbury replacing him with Ser Genri Brougham Loch. Rhodes claimed not to be worried, telling Shippard in a letter that "the policy will not be altered".^[80] Indeed, by the end of June 1889, despite the removal of Robinson and the sensation caused by Lobengula's letter rejecting the concession, Rhodes had got his way: Lord Salisbury's concerns of Portuguese and German expansionism in Africa, coupled with Rhodes's personal exertions in London, prompted the Prime Minister to approve the granting of a royal charter. Rhodes returned victorious to the Cape in August 1889, while back in London Cawston oversaw the final preparations for the chartered company's establishment.^[80]

Bayroq Britaniyaning Janubiy Afrika kompaniyasi

"My part is done," Rhodes wrote to Maund, soon after reaching Cape Town; "the charter is granted supporting Rudd Concession and granting us the interior ... We have the whole thing recognised by the Queen and even if eventually we had any difficulty with king [Lobengula] the Home people would now always recognise us in possession of the minerals[;] they quite understand that savage potentates frequently repudiate."^[80] A few weeks later, he wrote to Maund again: with the royal charter in place, "whatever [Lobengula] does now will not affect the fact that when there is a white occupation of the country our concession will come into force provided the English and not Boers get the country".^[80] On 29 October 1889, nearly a year to the day after the signing of the Rudd Concession, Rhodes's chartered company, the Britaniyaning Janubiy Afrika kompaniyasi, was officially granted its royal charter by Queen Victoria.^[80] The concession's legitimacy was now safeguarded by the charter and, by extension, the British Crown, making it practically unassailable.^[30]

Natijada

Occupation of Mashonaland

The Britaniyaning Janubiy Afrika kompaniyasi 's original board of directors, 1889.

Sichqonchani ismini ko'rsatish uchun har bir erkak ustiga suring; batafsil ma'lumot uchun bosing.

Babayane and Mshete had arrived back in Bulawayo in August, accompanied by Maund, and Lobengula had immediately written again to Whitehall, reaffirming that "If the Queen hears that I have given away the whole country, it is not so."^[75] But this letter only reached the Colonial Office in London in late October, too late to make a difference.^[75] Meanwhile, the British appointed an official resident in Bulawayo, as Lobengula had requested; much to the king's indignation, it was Moffat.^[74] Maund counselled Lobengula that the concession was legal beyond doubt and that he would just have to accept it.^[76] Lobengula rued the situation to Helm: "Did you ever see a chameleon catch a fly? The chameleon gets behind the fly and remains motionless for some time, then he advances very slowly and gently, first putting forward one leg and then another. At last, when well within reach, he darts out his tongue and the fly disappears. England is the chameleon and I am that fly."^[81]

The charter incorporating the British South Africa Company committed it to remaining "British in character and domicile",^[82] and defined its area of operations extremely vaguely, mentioning only that it was empowered to operate north of Bechuanaland and the Transvaal, and west of Mozambique. Northern and western bounds were not indicated. This was done deliberately to allow Rhodes to acquire as much land as he could without interference. The Company was made responsible for the safeguarding of peace and law in its territory, and licensed to do so "in such ways and manners as it shall consider necessary". It was vested with the power to raise its own police force, and charged with, among other things, abolishing slavery in all of its territories and restricting the sale of liquor to indigenous Africans. Local traditions were to be respected. The Company's charter was otherwise made extremely equivocal with the intention that this would allow it to operate freely and independently, and to govern and develop its acquired territories while also turning a profit.^[82]

Rhodes capitalised the Company at £1,000,000, split into £1 shares, and used his other business interests to pump capital into it. Rhodes's diamond concern, De Beers, invested more than £200,000, while his gold firm, Gold Fields, put in nearly £100,000. He himself put in £45,000, along with another £11,000 jointly with Beit. Overall, about half of the Chartered Company's capital was held by its main actors, particularly Rhodes, Beit, Rudd and their confederates.^[82] During the Company's early days, Rhodes and his associates set themselves up to make millions over the coming years through what Robert Bleyk "deb ta'riflaydisuppressio veri ... which must be regarded as one of Rhodes's least creditable actions".^[83] Contrary to what Whitehall and the public had been allowed to think, the Rudd Concession was not vested in the British South Africa Company, but in a short-lived ancillary concern of Rhodes, Rudd and others called the Central Search Association, which was quietly formed in London in 1889. This entity renamed itself the United Concessions Company in 1890, and soon after sold the Rudd Concession to the Chartered Company for 1,000,000 shares. When Colonial Office functionaries discovered this chicanery in 1891, they advised Knutsford to consider revoking the concession, but no action was taken.^[83]

Fort Salisbury

Fort Charter

Viktoriya Fort

Fort Tuli

Bulawayo

Mashonaland

Matabeleland

Barotseland

Bechuanaland

(British prot.)

Transvaal

Portugal

Mozambik

The Kashshoflar ustuni 's route north, 1890:

• – founded by the Pioneer Column
• - boshqa joylar

Rhodes became Prime Minister of the Cape Colony in July 1890 on the back of widespread support among Cape Afrikaliklar. He announced that his first objective as premier was the occupation of the Zambezi–Limpopo watershed.^[84] His Chartered Company had by this time raised the Kashshoflar ustuni, a few hundred volunteers referred to as "pioneers" whose lot was to both occupy Mashonaland and begin its development. To this end its ranks were filled with men from all corners of southern African society, including, at Rhodes's insistence, several sons of the Cape's leading families. Each pioneer was promised 3,000 acres (12 km²) of land and 15 mining claims in return for his service.^[85]

Lobengula impassively acquiesced to the expedition at the behest of his friend Jameson, much to the fury of many of the ruxsatDuna, who saw the column's march to Mashonaland as an appropriation of Matabele territory. Led by Major Frank Johnson and the famed hunter Frederick Courteney Selous, and escorted by 500 Britaniya Janubiy Afrika kompaniyasi politsiyasi under Lieutenant-Colonel Edward Pennefather,^[85] the pioneers skirted their way around Lobengula's heartlands, heading north-east from Bechuanaland and then north, and founded Fort Tuli, Viktoriya Fort and Fort Charter along the way. They stopped at the site of the future capital, Fort Salisbury (named after the Prime Minister), on 12 September 1890, and ceremonially raised the Union Jek Keyingi tong.^[86]

The administration of Mashonaland did not immediately prove profitable for the Company or its investors, partly because of the costly police force, which Rhodes dramatically downsized in 1891 to save money. There also existed the problem of land ownership; Britain recognised the Company's subsoil rights in Mashonaland, but not its possession of the land itself, and the Company therefore could not grant titles to land or accept rents and other payments from farmers.^[87]

Lippert concession

Edward Renny-Tailyour, representing the Gamburg businessman Eduard Lippert—an estranged cousin of Beit—had been attempting to gain a concession from Lobengula since early 1888. Rhodes saw Lippert's activities as unwelcome meddling and so repeatedly tried (and failed) to settle with him. In April 1891, Renny-Tailyour grandly announced that he and Lobengula had made an agreement: in return for £1,000 up front and £500 annually, the king would bestow on Lippert the exclusive rights to manage lands, establish banks, mint money, and conduct trade in the territory of the Chartered Company. The authenticity of this document was disputed, largely because the only witnesses to have signed it, apart from inDuna Mshete, were Renny-Tailyour's associates, one of whom soon attested that Lobengula had believed himself to be granting a concession to Teofil Shepstone 's son, "Offy" Shepstone, with Lippert merely acting as an agent. The Lippert concession therefore had a number of potential defects, but Lippert was still confident he could extract a princely fee for it from the Chartered Company; he named his price as £250,000 in cash or shares at par.^[88]

Rhodes, backed by Loch, initially condemned the Lippert concession as a fraud and branded Lippert's locally based agents enemies of the peace. Loch assured Rhodes that if Lippert tried to gazette his agreement, he would issue a proclamation warning of its infringement on the Rudd Concession and the Company's charter, and threaten Lippert's associates with legal action. The Colonial Office agreed with Loch. Rhodes initially said that he would not pay Lippert's price, which he described as blackmail,^[88] but after conferring with Beit decided that refusing to buy out Lippert might lead to drawn-out and similarly expensive court proceedings, which they could not be sure of winning. Rhodes told Beit to start bargaining.^[89] Lippert's agreement turned out to be an unexpected blessing for Rhodes in that it included a concession on land rights from Lobengula, which the Chartered Company itself lacked, and needed if it were to be recognised by Whitehall as legally owning the occupied territory in Mashonaland. After two months and a number of breakdowns in talks, Rudd took over the negotiations. He and Lippert agreed on 12 September 1891 that the Company would take over the concession from Lippert on the condition that he returned to Bulawayo and had it more properly formalised by Lobengula; in return the Company would grant the German 75 square miles (190 km²) of his choice in Matabeleland (with full land and mineral rights), 30,000 shares in the Chartered Company and other financial incentives.^[89]

The success of this plan hinged on Lobengula continuing to believe that Lippert was acting against Rhodes rather than on his behalf. The religious Moffat was deeply troubled by what he called the "palpable immorality" of this deceit,^[89] but agreed not to interfere, deciding that Lobengula was just as untrustworthy as Lippert. With Moffat looking on as a witness, Lippert delivered his side of the deal in November 1891, extracting from the Matabele king the exclusive land rights for a century in the Chartered Company's operative territories, including permission to lay out farms and towns and to levy rents, in place of what had been agreed in April. As arranged, Lippert sold these rights to the Company, whereupon Loch approved the concession, expressing contentment at the solving of the Company's land rights problem; in an internal Whitehall memorandum, the Colonial Office affably remarked how expediently that administrative obstacle had been removed.^[89] The Matabele remained unaware of this subterfuge until May 1892.^[90]

Conquest of Matabeleland: the end of Lobengula

Da Battle of the Shangani on 25 October 1893, during the Birinchi Matabele urushi, 700 Company troops defeated over 3,000 Matabele warriors, killing about 1,500, while losing only four of their own number. Such victories were made possible by the Maksim qurol.^[91]

Lobengula's weakened Matabele kingdom uneasily coexisted with Rhodes's Company settlements in Mashonaland and north of the Zambezi for about another year. The king was angered by the lack of respect he perceived Company officials to have towards his authority, their insistence that his kingdom was separated from Company territory by a line between the Shashe va Hunyani Rivers, and their demands that he stop the traditional raids on Mashona villages by Matabele impis.^[92] After Matabele warriors began slaughtering Mashonas near Viktoriya Fort in July 1893,^[93] Jameson, who Rhodes had appointed Company administrator in Mashonaland, unsuccessfully tried to stop the violence through an indaba.^[93] Lobengula complained that the Chartered Company had "come not only to dig the gold but to rob me of my people and country as well".^[94] Monitoring events from Cape Town, Rhodes gauged Jameson's readiness for war by telegraph: "Read Luke 14:31".^{[n 9]} Jameson wired back: "All right. Have read Luke 14:31".^[95]

On 13 August 1893, Lobengula refused to accept the stipend due him under the terms of the Rudd Concession, saying "it is the price of my blood".^[96] The next day, Jameson signed a secret agreement with settlers at Fort Victoria, promising each man 6,000 acres (24 km²) of farm land, 20 gold claims and a share of Lobengula's cattle in return for service in a war against Matabeleland.^[96] Lobengula wrote again to Queen Victoria, and tried to send Mshete to England again at the head of another embassy, but Loch detained the ruxsatDuna at Cape Town for a few days, then sent them home. Following a few minor skirmishes,^[97] The Birinchi Matabele urushi started in earnest in October: Company troops moved on Lobengula, using the inexorable firepower of their Maksim avtomatlari to crush attacks by the far larger Matabele army.^[91] On 3 November, with the whites nearing Bulawayo, Lobengula torched the town and fled;^{[n 10]} the settlers began rebuilding atop the ruins the next day.^[9] Jameson sent troops north from Bulawayo to bring the king back, but this column ceased its pursuit in early December after the remnants of Lobengula's army ambushed and annihilated 34 troopers who were sent across the Shangani daryosi ahead of the main force.^[93] Lobengula had escaped the Company, but he lived only another two months before dying from chechak in the north of the country on 22 or 23 January 1894.^[98]

Matabeleland was conquered.^[99] The Matabele ruxsatDuna unanimously accepted peace with the Company at an indaba in late February 1894.^[100] Rhodes subsequently funded education for three of Lobengula's sons.^[92] The name applied to the Company's domain by many of its early settlers, "Rodeziya ",^{[n 11]} was made official by the Company in May 1895, and by Britain in 1898.^[99] The lands south of the Zambezi were designated "Janubiy Rodeziya ", while those to the north were divided into Shimoliy-g'arbiy va Shimoliy-Sharqiy Rodeziya, which merged to form Shimoliy Rodeziya 1911 yilda.^[102] During three decades under Company rule, railways, telegraph wires and roads were laid across the territories' previously bare landscape with great vigour, and, with the immigration of tens of thousands of white colonists, prominent mining and tobacco farming industries were created, albeit partly at the expense of the black population's traditional ways of life, which were varyingly disrupted by the introduction of Western-style infrastructure, government, religion and economics.^[103] Southern Rhodesia, which attracted most of the settlers and investment, was turning a profit by 1912;^[104] Northern Rhodesia, by contrast, annually lost the Company millions right up to the 1920s.^[105] Following the results of the government referendum of 1922, Southern Rhodesia received mas'ul hukumat from Britain at the termination of the Company's charter in 1923, and became a o'zini o'zi boshqaradigan koloniya.^[106] Northern Rhodesia became a directly administered British protectorate the following year.^[107]

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