Qarshi qo'zg'olon - Counter-insurgency

Politsiya davomida bir fuqaroni so'roq qilmoqda Malayan favqulodda holati. Qarama-qarshi qo'zg'olonga harbiy va politsiya idoralari tomonidan qilingan harakatlar kiradi.

AQSh dengiz piyodalari va ANA askarlari yilda qo'zg'olonga qarshi operatsiyalar paytida patrulda Marja, Afg'oniston, 2010 yil fevral

A qarshi qo'zg'olon yoki qarshi qo'zg'olon^[1] (TANGA) bilan belgilanadi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Davlat departamenti "qo'zg'olonni bir vaqtning o'zida mag'lub etish va jilovlash va uning kelib chiqish sabablarini bartaraf etish uchun olib borilgan keng qamrovli fuqarolik va harbiy harakatlar" sifatida.^[2]

An isyon a isyon isyonda qatnashgan deb tan olinmasa, tashkil etilgan hokimiyatga qarshi urushayotganlar.^[3] Bu "mintaqani siyosiy nazorati ostiga olish, bekor qilish yoki unga qarshi chiqish uchun uyushtirilgan qo'poruvchilik va zo'ravonlik. Bu, avvalambor, siyosiy kurash bo'lib, unda har ikki tomon o'z siyosiy, iqtisodiy va ta'sir doiralari uchun bo'sh joy yaratish uchun qurolli kuch ishlatadi faoliyati samarali bo'lishi. "

Tegishli ravishda saylangan yoki siyosiy jihatdan tan olingan hukumatlarning qo'zg'olonga qarshi kampaniyalari davomida amalga oshiriladi urush, kasb chet ellik harbiy yoki politsiya kuchi tomonidan va ichki buzilishlar sodir bo'lganida va buzg'unchilik bilan qurollangan isyon sodir bo'lishi. Eng samarali qo'zg'olonga qarshi kampaniyalar "hukumatning qonuniyligi va samaradorligini kuchaytiradigan siyosiy, xavfsizlik, iqtisodiy va axborot tarkibiy qismlarini birlashtiradi va sinxronizatsiya qiladi, shu bilan aholiga isyonchilar ta'sirini kamaytiradi. Tangalar strategiyasi bir vaqtning o'zida aholini qo'zg'olonchilar zo'ravonligidan himoya qilish uchun ishlab chiqilishi kerak; qonuniylikni mustahkamlash va hukumat institutlarining javobgarlikni boshqarish va isyonchilarni siyosiy, ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy jihatdan chetga surib qo'yish qobiliyati. "^[2] Harbiy fanlar doirasida u asosiy operatsion yondashuvlardan biri sifatida qaraladi tartibsiz urush.^[4]

Maqsadlar

Olimlarning fikriga ko'ra, ushbu strategiyani har tomonlama tushunish uchun qanday yaratilganligini bilish juda muhimdir. COIN strategiyasi mahalliy aholining hukumatni qabul qiluvchi davlat tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanishiga erishishga qaratilgan. Zamonaviy qarshi qo'zg'olon kampaniyasining asosiy maqsadi shunchaki qo'zg'olonchilarni o'ldirish va qo'lga olish emas, balki yashash sharoitlarini yaxshilash, hukumatni odamlar uchun xizmatlar ko'rsatishda qo'llab-quvvatlash va qo'zg'olonchilarni har qanday qo'llab-quvvatlashni yo'q qilishdir.^[5]

Modellar

Qarshi qo'zg'olon odatda odatdagi harbiy operatsiyalar va boshqa vositalar kombinatsiyasi sifatida amalga oshiriladi ruhiy tushkunlik shaklida tashviqot, psy-ops va suiqasdlar. Isyonga qarshi operatsiyalar turli jabhalarni o'z ichiga oladi: harbiy, harbiylashtirilgan, siyosiy, iqtisodiy, psixologik va mag'lubiyatga qaratilgan fuqarolik harakatlari isyon.

Qarshi qo'zg'olonni tushunish uchun tushunish kerak isyon inqilobiy urush dinamikasini tushunish. Isyonchilar ko'pincha bo'shliqlar deb ataladigan ijtimoiy muammolardan foydalanadilar; qo'zg'olonga qarshi kurash bo'shliqlarni yopish uchun. Bo'shliqlar keng bo'lganda, ular norozilik dengizini vujudga keltirib, qo'zg'olonchi ishlashi mumkin bo'lgan muhitni yaratadilar.^[7]

Yilda Isyonkor arxipelagi, John Mackinlay qo'zg'olonning oltin asr davri maoist paradigmasidan XXI asr boshidagi global isyonga qadar qo'zg'olonning evolyutsiyasi kontseptsiyasini ilgari surmoqda. U bu farqni "maoist" va "post-maoist" qo'zg'olon deb ta'riflaydi.^[8]

Qarshi isyonchilar nazariyotchilari

Santa-Kruz-de-Marsenado

Uchinchi Marques Santa-Kruz-de-Marsenado (1684-1732), ehtimol o'z asarlarida qo'zg'olonga qarshi muntazam ravishda ish olib borgan eng qadimgi muallifdir. Uning ichida Refleksionlar Militares1726 yildan 1730 yilgacha nashr etilgan bo'lib, u boshlangan qo'zg'olonning dastlabki alomatlarini qanday aniqlash, qo'zg'olonlarning oldini olish va agar ularga qarshi kurashish imkoni bo'lmasa, ularga qarshi kurashish masalalarini muhokama qildi. Ajablanarlisi shundaki, Santa Kruz isyonlar odatda haqiqiy shikoyatlardan kelib chiqishini tan oldi: "Davlat kamdan-kam hollarda o'z hokimlarining aybisiz ko'tariladi." Binobarin, u aholiga nisbatan afv etishni va yaxshi boshqaruvni, xalqning "yuragi va sevgisini" izlashga undadi.^[9]

B. H. Liddell Xart

O'tgan asrda yirik davlatlar tomonidan qo'zg'olonga qarshi harakatlarning aksariyati ajoyib tarzda muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi. Bu bir qator sabablarga bog'liq bo'lishi mumkin. Birinchidan, kabi B. H. Liddell Xart uning kitobining ikkinchi versiyasiga isyonchilar qo'shimchasida ta'kidlagan Strategiya: bilvosita yondashuv, xalq qo'zg'oloni har qanday bosib oluvchi kuchga nisbatan o'ziga xos ustunlikka ega. U eng yaxshi misol sifatida ko'rsatdi Frantsiyaning Ispaniyani bosib olishi davomida Napoleon urushlari. Ispaniya kuchlari har doim o'zlarini doimiy jangovar kuchlar tarkibiga kirishga muvaffaq bo'lganda, ustun frantsuz kuchlari ularni har safar mag'lub etishadi.

Biroq, tarqatib yuborilgan va markazsizlashtirilgandan so'ng tartibsiz tabiat qo'zg'olonchilar yurishlaridan Frantsiya urush maydonidagi ustunligiga hal qiluvchi qarshilik ko'rsatdi. Napoleon qo'shinining isyonchilarga qarshi samarali kurashish vositasi yo'q edi va oxir-oqibat ularning kuchi va ruhiy holati shu qadar susaydiki, qachonki Vellington nihoyat dalada frantsuz kuchlariga qarshi chiqishga muvaffaq bo'ldi, frantsuzlar vaziyatdan voz kechishdan boshqa deyarli iloji yo'q edi.

Qarshi isyonga qarshi harakatlar muvaffaqiyatli bo'lishi mumkin, ayniqsa isyonchilar mashhur bo'lmagan paytda. The Filippin-Amerika urushi, Yorqin yo'l Peruda va Malayan favqulodda holati yilda Malaya muvaffaqiyatsiz qo'zg'olonlar bo'lgan.

Xart shuningdek, tajribalariga ishora qilmoqda T. E. Lourens va Arablar qo'zg'oloni davomida Birinchi jahon urushi isyonkor / qo'zg'olonchi kuchining yana bir misoli sifatida. Garchi Usmonlilar ko'pincha ishchi kuchida 100 dan 1 gacha ustunliklarga ega edi Arablar "sahrodan chiqib ketish, urish va yo'qolib qolish qobiliyati ko'pincha chap tomonda Turklar g'ildirak va falaj, muntazam ravishda imkoniyat yaratadi Britaniya kuchlari supurib tashlash va turk kuchlarini tugatish.

Avvalgi ikkala holatda ham qo'zg'olonchilar va isyonchilar jangarilari doimiy kuchlar bilan birgalikda yoki ularni to'ldiruvchi tarzda ishladilar. Bunday holat ham Frantsiya qarshilik davomida Ikkinchi jahon urushi va Milliy ozodlik fronti Vetnam urushi paytida. Ushbu holatlarda strategiya shundan iboratki, tartibsiz jangovar dushmanni shu darajaga qadar zaiflashtirishi va beqarorlashtirishi kerakki, g'alaba oddiy kuchlar uchun oson yoki ishonchli bo'ladi. Biroq, ko'plab zamonaviy isyonlarda, qo'zg'olonchilarning doimiy kuchlar bilan birgalikda ishlashini ko'rmaydi. Aksincha, ular uyda etishtirilgan militsiyalar yoki birlashgan maqsadlari yoki vazifalari bo'lmagan, chet eldan olib chiqilgan jangchilar.

Liddell Xartning so'zlariga ko'ra, ushbu strategiyaga qarshi samarali choralar kam. Shunday qilib, qo'zg'olon xalq tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlansa, u o'zining va xalqning nazarida harakatchanlik, ko'rinmaslik va qonuniylikning barcha strategik afzalliklarini saqlab qoladi. Vaziyat shunday ekan, qo'zg'olonni doimiy kuchlar mag'lub eta olmaydi.

Devid Galula

Devid Galula frantsuz ofitseri sifatida qo'zg'olonga qarshi amaliy tajribasini to'plagan Jazoir urushi. Uning qarshi qo'zg'olon nazariyasi asosan harbiy emas, balki yagona hokimiyatning kuchli nazorati ostidagi harbiy, siyosiy va ijtimoiy harakatlarning kombinatsiyasidir.

Galula qo'zg'olonga qarshi to'rtta qonunni taklif qiladi:^[10]

1. Urushning maqsadi hududni nazorat qilishdan ko'ra, aholining qo'llab-quvvatlashiga erishishdir.
2. Aholining aksariyati to'qnashuvda betaraf bo'ladi; ommaviy do'stlikni faol do'st ozchilik yordamida olish mumkin.
3. Aholini qo'llab-quvvatlash yo'qolishi mumkin. Qarama-qarshi tomonning jazosidan qo'rqmasdan hamkorlik qilishiga imkon berish uchun aholini samarali himoya qilish kerak.
4. Buyurtmani bajarish qurolli raqiblarni olib tashlash yoki haydash, so'ngra aholining qo'llab-quvvatlashiga erishish va oxir-oqibat infratuzilmani qurish va aholi bilan uzoq muddatli aloqalarni o'rnatish orqali pozitsiyalarni mustahkamlash orqali amalga oshirilishi kerak. Bu qo'shni hududni zabt etish uchun operatsiyaning asosi sifatida tinchlangan hududdan foydalanib, hududlar bo'yicha amalga oshirilishi kerak.

Galula buni ta'kidlaydi:

G'alaba [qarshi qo'zg'olonda] isyonchi kuchlar va uning siyosiy tashkilotining ma'lum bir hududida yo'q qilish emas. ... G'alaba shundan iboratki, qo'zg'olonchilarni aholidan doimiy ravishda ajratib qo'yish, izolyatsiya aholiga nisbatan qo'llanilmaydi, balki aholi tomonidan va ular bilan birga saqlanib turadi. ... An'anaviy urushda kuch harbiy yoki boshqa aniq mezonlarga qarab baholanadi, masalan, bo'linishlar soni, egallab turgan mavqei, sanoat zaxiralari va boshqalar. Inqilobiy urushlarda kuchni qo'llab-quvvatlash darajasi bilan baholash kerak. aholining quyi qismidagi siyosiy tashkiliy jihatdan o'lchanganligi. Qarshi qo'zg'olonchi o'z kuchini aholidan chiqaradigan va uni qattiq qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan siyosiy tashkilotga singdirganda kuchli mavqega erishadi.^[11]

Galula o'zining to'rtta printsipini hisobga olgan holda ularni qo'zg'olonchilarning to'liq nazorati ostida bo'lgan hududda ishga tushirishning umumiy harbiy va siyosiy strategiyasini ta'riflaydi:

Tanlangan hududda

1. Qurolli qo'zg'olonchilarning asosiy qismini yo'q qilish yoki chiqarib yuborish uchun etarli darajada qurolli kuchlarni to'plang.
2. Qo'zg'olonchilarning kuch bilan qaytishiga qarshi turish uchun yetarli kuchlarni ajratib oling, bu qo'shinlarni aholi yashaydigan qishloqlarga, qishloqlarga va shaharlarga o'rnating.
3. Partizanlar bilan aloqani uzish uchun aholi bilan aloqa o'rnatish, harakatlarini boshqarish.
4. Mahalliy qo'zg'olonchilar siyosiy tashkilotini yo'q qilish.
5. Saylov orqali yangi vaqtinchalik mahalliy hokimiyat organlarini tashkil eting.
6. Ushbu hokimiyat organlariga turli xil aniq vazifalar berish orqali ularni sinab ko'ring. Yumshoq va qobiliyatsizlarni almashtiring, faol rahbarlarni har tomonlama qo'llab-quvvatlang. O'zini himoya qilish bo'linmalarini tashkil qiling.
7. Milliy siyosiy harakatdagi etakchilarni guruhlang va tarbiyalang.

8. Isyonchilarning so'nggi qoldiqlarini yutib oling yoki ularni bostiring.^[11]

Galulaning so'zlariga ko'ra, ushbu qadamlarning ba'zilari faqat qisman isyonchilar nazorati ostidagi hududlarda o'tkazib yuborilishi mumkin va ularning aksariyati hukumat tomonidan nazorat qilingan hududlarda keraksizdir.^[11] Shunday qilib, isyonga qarshi urushning mohiyatini Galula "Aholidan yuqoriga qarab siyosiy mashina qurish (yoki qayta qurish)" deb xulosa qiladi.^[12]

Robert Tompson

Robert Grainger Ker Tompson yozgan Kommunistik qo'zg'olonni mag'lub etish^[13] 1966 yilda qo'zg'olonchilarning tashabbusini qo'lga kiritish uchun qo'zg'olonga qarshi muvaffaqiyatli harakat faol bo'lishi kerak degan fikrni ilgari surdi. Tompson qo'zg'olonga qarshi kurashning beshta asosiy tamoyilini bayon qildi:

1. Hukumat aniq siyosiy maqsadga ega bo'lishi kerak: siyosiy, iqtisodiy jihatdan barqaror va hayotga qodir bo'lgan erkin, mustaqil va birlashgan mamlakatni barpo etish va qo'llab-quvvatlash;
2. Hukumat qonunlarga muvofiq ish yuritishi kerak;
3. Hukumatning umumiy rejasi bo'lishi kerak;
4. Hukumat partizan jangchilarini emas, balki siyosiy buzg'unchilikni engishga ustuvor ahamiyat berishi kerak;
5. Qo'zg'olonning partizanlik bosqichida hukumat avvalo o'zining asosiy hududlarini xavfsiz holatga keltirishi kerak.^[14]

Devid Kilkulen

Qarshi qo'zg'olonning uchta ustuni

"Qarshi qo'zg'olonning uchta ustuni" da doktor. Devid Kilkulen, Terrorizmga qarshi kurash koordinatori idorasining bosh strategisti AQSh Davlat departamenti 2006 yilda isyonga qarshi operatsiyalarda idoralararo hamkorlikning asoslarini tavsifladi. Uning ustunlari - xavfsizlik, siyosiy va iqtisodiy - Boshqaruvning asosiy maqsadini qo'llab-quvvatlaydi, ammo Axborotga asoslangan:

Buning sababi, idrok aholi guruhlari ustidan nazoratni va ta'sirni rivojlantirishda hal qiluvchi ahamiyatga ega. Moddiy xavfsizlik, siyosiy va iqtisodiy choralar juda muhimdir, ammo samarali bo'lishi uchun ular ko'proq ma'lumot strategiyasiga tayanishi va birlashishi kerak. Qarshi qo'zg'olonning har qanday harakati xabar yuboradi; axborot kampaniyasining maqsadi ushbu xabarni birlashtirish va birlashtirishdir. ... Muhimi, axborot kampaniyasi global, mintaqaviy va mahalliy darajada o'tkazilishi kerak - chunki zamonaviy isyonchilar global hamdardlik, qo'llab-quvvatlash, moliyalashtirish va yollash tarmoqlaridan foydalanadilar.^[15]

Kilkullen uchta ustunni bir xil ahamiyatga ega deb hisoblaydi, chunki

agar ular parallel ravishda ishlab chiqilmasa, kampaniya muvozanatsiz bo'lib qoladi: xavfsizlikning etarli emasligi bilan juda ko'p miqdordagi iqtisodiy yordam, masalan, qo'zg'olonchilar uchun bir qator yumshoq maqsadlarni yaratadi. Shunga o'xshab, siyosiy konsensusga yoki boshqaruvga ega bo'lmagan xavfsizlik uchun juda ko'p yordam shunchaki ko'proq qobiliyatli qurolli guruhlarni yaratadi. Har bir ustunni ishlab chiqishda biz taraqqiyotni samaradorlik (qobiliyat va imkoniyatlar) va qonuniylikni (aholining hukumat harakatlari uning manfaatlariga muvofiqligini qabul qilish darajasi) aniqlash orqali o'lchaymiz.^[15]

Ushbu modelga muvofiq umumiy maqsad "zo'ravonlikni nolga kamaytirish yoki har bir qo'zg'olonchini o'ldirish emas, aksincha umumiy tizimni normal holatga qaytarishdir. Bir jamiyatdagi" normallik "boshqa jamiyatdagi odatdagidan farq qilishi mumkin. har bir vaziyatda biz nafaqat nazoratni o'rnatishga, balki ushbu nazoratni mustahkamlashga va keyin uni doimiy, samarali va qonuniy institutlarga o'tkazishga intilamiz. "^[15]

Martin van Krivld

Harbiy tarixchi Martin van Krivld isyonchilar bilan kurashish uchun deyarli barcha urinishlar muvaffaqiyatsiz tugaganligini ta'kidlab, quyidagilarni maslahat beradi:

Birinchi va mutlaqo ajralmas narsa - bu qo'zg'olonga qarshi kurash, antiterror, terrorizmga qarshi kurash va shunga o'xshashlar haqidagi adabiyotlarning 99 foizini tashlab yuborishdir. Uning aksariyati yutqazgan tomon tomonidan yozilganligi sababli, uning ahamiyati yo'q.^[16]

Van Krevelld qudratli harbiylar tomonidan nima uchun juda ko'p qarshi qo'zg'olon kuchsizroq dushmanlarga qarshi muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchraganini o'rganishda, u bolani o'ldirish metaforasi bilan tasvirlangan asosiy dinamikani aniqladi. Bola janjalni boshlaganidan yoki bolasi qanchalik qurollanganligidan qat'i nazar, bolaga qarshi kurashda kattalar, agar u bolaga zarar etkazsa, u adolatsiz harakat qilyapti, agar bola unga zarar etkazsa, u ahmoqona bo'ladi; shuning uchun u kurash kerakmi deb o'ylaydi.

Van Krivldning ta'kidlashicha, "ta'rifga ko'ra, isyonchilarning kichik, zaif tashkiloti a'zolarini o'ldirish uchun o'z kuchidan foydalanadigan kuchli qarshi qo'zg'olonchi - u qurshab olingan va qo'llab-quvvatlashi mumkin bo'lgan tinch aholini u yoqda tursin - jinoyatlar sodir etadi. nohaq sabab, "kattalar bilan jiddiy kurash olib boradigan bola mavjud bo'lgan har qanday vositadan foydalanishga haqli", ammo "u haq ekanligi uchun emas, balki uning tanlovi yo'qligi uchun."^[17] Har qanday qo'zg'olon harakati, qarshi qo'zg'olonchi nuqtai nazaridan mojaroni to'xtatish uchun sabab bo'ladi, shu bilan birga qo'zg'olonchilar g'alabaga qadar davom etishlari uchun sabab bo'ladi. Trường Chinh, buyrug'i bo'yicha ikkinchi Xoshimin ning Vetnam, deb yozgan Qo'zg'olon uchun primer:

Bizning butun qarshilikimiz uchun strategiyaning etakchi printsipi urushni uzaytirish bo'lishi kerak. Urushni cho'zish - bu g'alaba uchun kalit. Nega urushni cho'zish kerak? ... Agar natijani hal qilish uchun butun kuchimizni bir necha jangga tashlasak, albatta mag'lub bo'lamiz va dushman g'alaba qozonadi. Boshqa tomondan, agar biz jang paytida o'z kuchlarimizni ushlab tursak, ularni kengaytirsak, armiyamizni va xalqimizni mashq qilsak, harbiy taktikani o'rgansak ... va shu bilan birga dushman kuchlarini eskirgan bo'lsak, ularni charchatib, ruhini tushirib qo'yamiz. , ular qanchalik kuchli bo'lsa, ular kuchsizlanib, g'alaba o'rniga mag'lubiyat bilan uchrashadilar.^[18]

Shunday qilib Van Krivld "vaqt" ni qo'zg'olonga qarshi kurashning asosiy omili sifatida belgilaydi. Muvaffaqiyatli qarshi qo'zg'olonning bir nechta holatlaridan saboq topishga urinish uchun u ikkita aniq holatni sanab o'tdi: Britaniyaliklar Muammolar ning Shimoliy Irlandiya va 1982 yil Xama qatliomi tomonidan amalga oshirilgan Suriyalik bostirish uchun hukumat Musulmon birodarlar, u "qiyinchilikning asosiy qismi na harbiy, na siyosiy, balki axloqiy" ekanligini ta'kidlaydi va ikkita aniq usulni belgilab beradi.^[19]

Birinchi usul mojaroning tabiiy va sun'iy muhitini biladiganlar bilan bir qatorda qo'zg'olonchilar tomonidan taqdim etiladigan ajoyib aqlga tayanadi. Bunday yuksak aqlga ega bo'lgandan so'ng, qarshi qo'zg'olonchilar kamsitilish va tiyib turadigan darajada yuqori professionallik va intizomga tayyorlanishi kerak. Bunday kamsitishlar va cheklovlar bilan qarshi qo'zg'olonchilar xalqning a'zolarini ularga qarshi kurashayotganlardan tashqari chetlashtirmaydilar, shu bilan birga aksil isyonchilar o'z harakatlaridan jirkanib, ruhiy tushkunlikka tushish vaqtini kechiktiradilar.

Shimoliy Irlandiyadagi ingliz qo'shinlari qo'mondoni general Patrik Valters o'zining maqsadi imkon qadar ko'proq terrorchilarni yo'q qilish emas, balki har ikki tomonning oz sonli odamlari o'ldirilishini ta'minlash ekanligini aniq aytdi. Qarshi qo'zg'olonchilarning aksariyat qismida "tartib kuchlari" yo'qotishdan ko'ra ko'proq odamlarni o'ldiradi. Aksincha va juda qo'pol raqamlardan foydalangan holda, Shimoliy Irlandiyadagi kurash Buyuk Britaniyaga faqat o'liklarning uch ming talafotiga sabab bo'ldi. Uch ming kishidan o'n etti yuzga yaqini oddiy odamlar ... qolganlarning ming nafari ingliz askarlari edi. Uch yuzdan ko'p bo'lmagan terroristlar, ularning uchdan bittasiga nisbati.^[20]

Agar birinchi usul uchun zaruriy shartlar - zukkolik, juda yaxshi o'qitilgan va intizomli askarlar va politsiya va g'azablanishga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun temir iroda etishmayotgan bo'lsa, van Krivld hanuzgacha g'alaba qozonishni istagan qarshi qo'zg'olonchilar ikkinchi usuldan foydalanishlari kerak degan fikrda. tomonidan Xama qatliomi. 1982 yilda Suriya prezidenti rejimi Hofiz al-Assad ning mamlakat miqyosidagi qo'zg'olonidan g'arq bo'lish nuqtasida edi Musulmon birodarlar. Al-Assad akasi ostida bo'linma yubordi Rifaat shahriga Xama, qarshilik markazi sifatida tanilgan.

"Birodarlar" ning qarshi hujumidan so'ng, Rifaat o'zining og'ir artilleriyasidan foydalanib, shaharni buzdi va o'ndan 25 minggacha odamni, shu jumladan ko'plab ayollar va bolalarni o'ldirdi. Jurnalistlarning nima bo'lganligi haqidagi savoliga Hofiz al-Assad etkazilgan zarar va o'limlarni bo'rttirib ko'rsatdi, hujumlarni amalga oshirgan qo'mondonlarni targ'ib qildi va Xamaning taniqli buyuk masjidini vayron qildi, uning o'rnini avtoturargoh bilan almashtirdi. Musulmon birodarlar tarqalib ketganligi sababli, aholi shu qadar sigirlangan ediki, muxolifat guruhlari yana rejimga bo'ysunmaslikka jur'at etishidan bir necha yil oldin bo'lar edi va van Krivldning ta'kidlashicha, qirg'in, ehtimol rejimni saqlab qoldi va qonli hodisalarning oldini oldi Fuqarolar urushi.

Van Krivld Asadning strategiyasini beshta qoidaga qisqartirib, ularni osongina yozishi mumkinligini ta'kidladi Niccolò Machiavelli:^[20]

1. Shafqatsizlik zarur bo'lgan holatlar mavjud va zaruriy shafqatsizlikni qo'llamaslik - bu sizni hokimiyatga keltirgan odamlarga xiyonat qilishdir. Shafqatsizlikka duchor bo'lganingizda, hech qachon raqibingizni tahdid qilmang, aksincha niyatingizni yashiring va zarba bermaguningizcha kuchsizlikni sezing.
2. Bir marta zarba berishga qaror qilsangiz, etarli bo'lmaganidan juda ko'pini o'ldirganingiz ma'qul. Agar yana bir ish tashlash zarur bo'lsa, bu birinchi ish tashlash ta'sirini kamaytiradi. Takroriy zarbalar qarshi qo'zg'olon qo'shinlarining ruhiy holatiga ham xavf soladi; takroriy vahshiyliklarni qilishga majbur bo'lgan askarlar, ehtimol buyruqlarni bajarishga majbur qilish uchun alkogol yoki giyohvand moddalarni iste'mol qilishni boshlashadi va o'zlarining harbiy chegaralarini yo'qotib, oxir-oqibat qo'mondonlari uchun xavf tug'diradi.
3. Iloji boricha tezroq harakat qiling. Isyon ko'tarishni davom ettirishdan ko'ra, qat'iyatli harakatlar natijasida ko'proq hayot saqlanib qoladi. Qanchalik ko'p kutsangiz, aholining qoni shunchalik qoniqarli bo'ladi va taassurot qoldirish uchun sizning harakatingiz shunchalik vahshiyona bo'lishi kerak.
4. Ochiq urish. Kechirim so'ramang, bahona qiling "garovga etkazilgan zarar ", afsuslanishingizni bildiring yoki tergovni va'da qiling. Keyin, sizning ish tashlashingiz haqida iloji boricha ko'proq odam bilishiga ishonch hosil qiling; ommaviy axborot vositalari shu maqsadda foydalidir, ammo ularning tirik qolganlar bilan suhbatlashishiga va hamdardlik uyg'otishiga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun ehtiyot bo'ling.
5. Zarba berishga o'zingiz buyurmang, agar u biron bir sababga ko'ra ishlamasa va siz o'zingizning qo'mondoningizdan voz kechib, boshqa strategiyani qo'llashingiz kerak bo'lsa. Agar u ish berayotgan bo'lsa, o'z qo'mondoningizni dunyoga taqdim eting, nima qilganingizni tushuntiring va barchangiz sizni yana urishga tayyor ekanligingizni tushunishiga ishonch hosil qiling.^[21]

Lorenzo Zambernardi

"Qarshi qo'zg'olonning imkonsiz trilemmasida" italiyalik akademik, hozirda AQShda ishlayotgan doktor Lorenzo Zambernardi qarshi qo'zg'olon operatsiyalarida ishtirok etgan savdo-sotiqlarga oydinlik kiritdi.^[22] Uning ta'kidlashicha, qarshi qo'zg'olon uchta asosiy maqsadni o'z ichiga oladi, ammo amalda aksiljurist uchta maqsaddan ikkitasini tanlashi kerak. Iqtisodiy nazariyaga tayanib, aynan shu narsa Zambernardi qarshi qo'zg'olonning "imkonsiz trilemmasi" ni belgilaydi. Xususan, imkonsiz trilemma bir vaqtning o'zida erishish mumkin emasligini ko'rsatmoqda: 1) kuchdan himoya qilish, 2) dushman jangchilari va jang qilmaydiganlar orasidagi farq, 3) qo'zg'olonchilarni jismoniy yo'q qilish.

Zambernardining fikriga ko'ra, ushbu uchta maqsadning istalgan ikkitasini amalga oshirishda davlat uchinchi maqsadning bir qismidan voz kechishi kerak. Xususan, davlat qo'zg'olonchilarni yo'q qilish paytida o'z qurolli kuchlarini himoya qilishi mumkin, ammo faqat Usmonlilar, Italiyaliklar va Natsistlar Bolqon, Liviya va Sharqiy Evropada qilganidek tinch aholini bexosdan o'ldirish orqali. U o'z qurolli kuchlari bilan birgalikda tinch aholini himoya qilishni tanlashi mumkin, garov ziyonlaridan qochib qutulish mumkin, ammo faqat qo'zg'olonchilarni yo'q qilish maqsadidan voz kechish orqali. Va nihoyat, davlat isyonchilarni o'ldirish paytida jangchilar va jangovarlarni ajratib turishi mumkin, ammo faqat o'z qo'shinlari uchun xavfni oshirishi mumkin, chunki ko'pincha isyonchilar tinch aholining orqasida yashirinib olishadi yoki oddiy odamlar bo'lib ko'rinadi. Shunday qilib, mamlakat uchta maqsaddan ikkitasini tanlashi va uchinchi maqsaddan voz kechib, ularni muvaffaqiyatli bajaradigan strategiyani ishlab chiqishi kerak.

Zambernardi nazariyasi qo'zg'olonlarni yengish uchun zarur bo'lgan populyatsiyalarni himoya qilish va qo'zg'olonni jismonan yo'q qilish uchun ichki siyosiy qo'llab-quvvatlashdan mahrum bo'lish xavfini keltirib, qarshi qo'zg'olonchining harbiy kuchlarini qurbon qilish kerak degan fikrni ilgari surmoqda.

Akali Omeni

Qo'zg'olonga qarshi kurashni tushunish uchun tegishli uchlik xususiyatlarini o'rgangan yana bir yozuvchi - Akali Omeni. Zamonaviy nuqtai nazardan, afrikalik harbiylar tomonidan amalga oshirilgan COIN urushi nazariy munozaralar chegarasida bo'lishga intilmoqda - garchi bugungi kunda Afrika ko'plab halokatli isyonlarga duch kelayotgan bo'lsa ham. Yilda Nigeriyadagi qarshi qo'zg'olon, Nigeriyalik akademik Omeni, qo'zg'olonchilar urushiga qarshi jang maydonini ko'rsatadigan jang maydonidan tashqaridagi ba'zi xususiyatlarning o'zaro ta'sirini muhokama qiladi. Omeni, xususan, tarixiy tajriba, tashkiliy madaniyat (OC) va doktrinaning uchligi harbiylar tarkibidagi COIN institutini va ularning qo'zg'olonni engish uchun zarur bo'lgan yangilik va moslashishni rad etish tendentsiyasini tushuntirishga yordam beradi, deb ta'kidlaydi. Ushbu uchta xususiyat, shuningdek, qo'zg'olonchilarga qarshi operativ taktika va tushunchalarga ta'sir qiladi va ularni buzishi mumkin. Shuning uchun COIN muammosi shunchaki operativ emas; u har doimgidek madaniy va institutsional bo'lib, jang maydonida aks etadi.

Omeni fikriga ko'ra, institutsional izomorfizm - bu harbiylarning odatlarini (bu holda Nigeriya harbiylarini) uzoq vaqtdan beri shakllanib kelinayotgan, ammo tobora samarasiz bo'lib kelayotgan hujum g'oyasini tartibsiz urushlarda cheklaydigan sotsiologik hodisa. Omeni yozganidek,

Nigeriya qurolli kuchlarining Niger deltasidagi qurolli guruhlarga qarshi ishi allaqachon harbiylarning isyonchilar urushi xavfini yomon anglaganligini taxmin qilar edi; harbiylar Boko Haram tahdidiga qarshi kurash olib borganlarida, bu zaiflik darajasi oshkor bo'ldi. Eng yaxshi holatda, Nigeriya harbiylari uchun kuch ishlatish isyonchilar urushi xavfiga qarshi vaqtinchalik echimga aylandi. Eng yomoni, mavjud model shu qadar katta xarajat bilan davom etdiki, endi harbiy muassasa ichidagi qo'zg'olon g'oyasi atrofida shoshilinch revizionist fikr yuritish talab qilinishi mumkin. Bundan tashqari, harbiylarning hal qiluvchi fuqarolar urushidagi g'alabasi, Nigeriyaning strategik madaniyatidagi mintaqaviy rolga yo'naltirilgan yo'nalish va o'nlab yillik to'ntarishlar va siyosiy aralashuvlar natijasida vujudga kelgan institutsional delegitizatsiya ko'p vaqtni o'z ichki funktsiyasi atrofida harbiy tafakkurga moddiy revizionizmisiz o'tishini anglatardi. . O'zgarish, qaerda sodir bo'lgan bo'lsa, institutsional ravishda izomorf edi va o'sha o'n yilliklar taxmin qilganidek, harbiylarning kelib chiqishidan unchalik uzoq bo'lmagan.^[23]

Bundan tashqari, Nigeriya armiyasining batalyonlarining piyodalarga yo'naltirilgan tabiati, Fuqarolar urushiga qaytguncha kuzatilishi mumkin. Nigeriya 1960-yillarda, armiyaning zamonaviy COIN yondashuvining kinetik tabiatida aks etadi.^[24] Ushbu yondashuv ko'pchilik kutganidek Boko Haramni mag'lub eta olmadi. Shubhasiz, shuning uchun bugungi kunda Nigeriya armiyasining imkoniyatlaridagi kamchiliklar tufayli COIN-da kurash olib borganligi haqidagi mashhur argument biroz foydalidir. Biroq, Nigeriya ishining to'liq spektrli tahlili shuni ko'rsatadiki, ushbu mashhur dominant rivoyat haqiqiy Tangalar muammosini deyarli chizishmaydi. Bundan tashqari, aholiga yo'naltirilgan bu muammo butun dunyodagi harbiylar bilan kurashishda davom etmoqda. COIN jumboqini hal qilishda davlat kuchlari o'nlab yillar davomida bir qator taktikalarni sinab ko'rishdi.^[25]

Axborot markazli nazariya

2000-yillarning boshlaridan boshlab mikro darajadagi ma'lumotlar samarali qo'zg'olonga qarshi operatsiyalar (COIN) tahlilini o'zgartirdi. Ushbu ishda Prinston universiteti qoshidagi "Nizolarni empirik o'rganish" (ESOC) guruhi rahbarligidagi "axborot markazli" nazariyotchilar va tadqiqotchilar guruhi,^[26] va Michigan universiteti ziddiyat va tinchlik, tadqiqot va rivojlanish (CPRD) guruhi.^[27] Berman, Shapiro va Felter zamonaviy axborot markazidagi modelni bayon qildilar.^[28] Shu doirada, qo'zg'olonchilarning muvaffaqiyati uchun hal qiluvchi omil - bu qo'zg'olonchilarga berilgan qo'zg'olonchilar haqidagi ma'lumotlar, masalan isyonchilar joylashgan joylar, rejalar va maqsadlar. Ma'lumotni fuqarolik manbalaridan olish mumkin (inson aqli, HUMINT ) yoki signal orqali razvedka (BELGI ).

Taktikalar

Aholini nazorat qilish

A strategik qishloq yilda Janubiy Vetnam c.1964

Taktikaga kelsak, "suvni to'kib tashlang" yoki "botqoqni quriting" degan so'zlar majburan qo'llaniladi ko'chirish aholining ("suv") isyonchilarni fosh qilish yoki isyonchilar ("baliq"). Boshqacha qilib aytganda, ko'chirish yuqorida aytib o'tilganlarni mahalliy aholini qo'llab-quvvatlash, qoplash va resurslaridan mahrum qiladi.

Strategiyaning dastlabki misollaridan biri tomonidan qo'llanilgan Britaniya imperiyasi davomida Ikkinchi Boer urushi; potentsialni ajratish Boer tarafdorlari Boer Commandos, kuygan er Boer qishloq xo'jalik maydonlarini yo'q qilish uchun taktikalar ishlatilgan, Boers esa chet elga jo'natilgan yoki cheklangan kontslagerlar ko'chirilgan Boers uchun qochqinlar lagerlaridan aylantirildi. Keyinchalik taktika takomillashtirildi Briggs rejasi davomida Malayan favqulodda holati, asosan Xitoy gumon qilinayotgan qishloq aholi punktlari Malayan poygalari Ozodlik armiyasi xayrixohlar gut qilindi va ularning populyatsiyasi yopiq va qo'riqlanishga topshirildi "Yangi qishloqlar "aholining faolligini nazorat qilish va kuzatib borish; inglizlarni mahalliy qo'llab-quvvatlashni yaxshilash uchun Yangi Qishloqlar etarlicha oddiy sharoitlar, jumladan suv, elektr energiyasi, sog'liqni saqlash va ta'lim xizmatlari bilan ta'minlangan.

Shunga o'xshash strategiya tomonidan keng qo'llanilgan AQSh kuchlari yilda Janubiy Vetnam 1969 yilgacha, dastlab qishloq aholisini to'siq bilan ta'minlangan, xavfsiz qishloqlarga majburlash orqali Strategik Hamletlar va keyinroq Strategik Hamletlardagi odamlar e'lon qilingan hudud sifatida erkin yong'in zonalari aholining qolgan qismini o'z qishloqlari va fermer xo'jaliklaridan olib tashlash. Keng tarqalgan bo'lib ishlatilgan Agent to'q sariq (birinchi marta Malayadagi favqulodda vaziyatda inglizlar tomonidan keng miqyosda ishlatilgan), samolyotlardan püskürtülmüş, resurslarni etkazib berishi mumkin bo'lgan ekinlarni yo'q qilish uchun Vietnam Kong va Shimoliy Vetnam qo'shinlari va ularni inson qo'llab-quvvatlash bazasi. Ushbu chora-tadbirlar samarasiz bo'lib chiqdi Phm Ngọc Thảo, dasturni boshqargan, kommunistik agent bo'lgan va qishloqlarning amalga oshirilishini buzgan. Bu Vietnam Kong faollari va xayrixohlariga yangi jamoalarga kirib borishiga imkon berdi.^[29] Har qanday holatda ham, Vetnam urushi qisman qo'zg'olonga qarshi kampaniya edi, chunki u AQSh / AQSh o'rtasidagi an'anaviy kurashni ham o'z ichiga olganARVN kuchlar, Vetkong Asosiy kuch batalonlari va Shimoliy Vetnam armiyasi (NVA ).

Hisobotga ko'ra Dengiz aspiranturasi maktabi:

Aholini nazorat qilish choralari eng samarali vositalar qatoriga transport vositalari va shaxsiy nazorat punktlari hamda milliy shaxsiy guvohnomalar kiradi. Malayada an ID karta surat va bosh izi bilan majbur qildi kommunistlar o'zlarining dastlabki uch bosqichli siyosiy-harbiy strategiyasidan voz kechish va o'zlarining rahbarlari o'rtasida aholini nazorat qilish bo'yicha ushbu samarali choraga qanday javob berish kerakligi to'g'risida kelishmovchiliklar keltirib chiqarishdi.^[30]

Yog 'joyi

Yog 'nuqtai nazaridan - bu qo'zg'olonchi kuchlarning kengayib, xavfsiz zonaga to'planishidir. Ifodaning kelib chiqishini Marshal tomonidan dastlabki ishlatilishida topish mumkin Xubert Lyayti, frantsuz mustamlakachilik urushi va qo'zg'olonga qarshi strategiyasining asosiy nazariyotchisi.^[31][32] Yog'li nuqta yondashuvi keyinchalik berilgan asoslardan biri bo'ldi Pentagon hujjatlari^[33] uchun Strategik Hamlet dasturi.

Kordon va qidiruv

Kordon va qidiruv harbiy taktika, qo'zg'olonga qarshi asosiy operatsiyalardan biri^[34] unda hudud qurshab olingan va qurol yoki isyonchilar qidirilayotgan binolar.^[35][36] Boshqa tegishli operatsiyalar - "Kordon va taqillatish"^[37][38] va "Kordon va tep". "Kordon va qidirish" yangi ta'limotning bir qismidir Barqarorlik va qo'llab-quvvatlash operatsiyalari yoki SASO. Bu uyda qurolning qattiq razvedkasi bo'lmagan joyda ishlatiladigan usul va shuning uchun oddiy uy qidirishdan ko'ra unchalik kuchli emas. U shahar mahallalarida ishlatiladi. Missiyaning maqsadi - istiqomat qiluvchi oilaga imkon qadar ozgina noqulaylik tug'diradigan uyni qidirish.

Havo operatsiyalari

Havo kuchlari ko'plab operatsiyalarni amalga oshirishga qodir bo'lgan qo'zg'olonga qarshi kurashda muhim rol o'ynashi mumkin:

• Jangovar va tinch aholini qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun transport, shu jumladan qurbonlarni evakuatsiya qilish;
• Razvedka yig'ish, kuzatuv va razvedka;
• Psixologik operatsiyalar, varaqalar tomchilari, karnaylar va radioeshittirishlar orqali;
• "Yumshoq" maqsadlarga qarshi havo-yer hujumi.^[39]

A 7-SFG Maxsus kuchlar tibbiyot Qishloq diniy rahbarlari bilan uchrashuvda yosh bolaga rang-barang kitob beradi, ularni qo'llab-quvvatlash va ma'lumot olish uchun, Afg'oniston 2008 yil

Xalq diplomatiyasi

Umuman Devid Petreus ’ Qarshi qo'zg'olon Dala qo'llanmasi, qo'zg'olonga qarshi urushda g'alaba qozonishga yordam berish uchun tasvirlangan ko'plab taktikalardan biri bu usuldan foydalanishni o'z ichiga oladi xalq diplomatiyasi harbiy vositalar orqali.^[40] Qarshi qo'zg'olon "milliy hokimiyatning barcha vositalaridan foydalangan holda keng qamrovli strategiyaga", shu jumladan xalq diplomatiyasiga kiritilganida samarali bo'ladi. COIN operatsiyalarining maqsadi - qo'zg'olonchilarni qabul qiluvchi mamlakat aholisi bilan mustahkam va xavfsiz aloqalar o'rnatib, ularni samarasiz va ta'sirchan bo'lmagan shaxslarga aylantirish.

Tangalar operatsiyalari o'tkaziladigan mamlakat va atrof-muhit to'g'risida tushuncha juda muhimdir. COIN urushidagi jamoat diplomatiyasi faqat qo'l ostida bo'lgan madaniyat va aholi to'g'risida aniq tushuncha mavjud bo'lganda samarali bo'ladi. Qo'zg'olonni engish uchun zarur bo'lgan eng katta omillardan biri bu aholini, ularning qo'zg'olonchilar bilan qanday munosabatda bo'lishlarini va ular bilan qanday munosabatda bo'lishlarini tushunishni o'z ichiga oladi. nodavlat tashkilotlar mintaqada va ular o'zlarining qo'zg'olonga qarshi operatsiyalarga qanday qarashlarini.

Axloq qoidalari COIN urushida ta'kidlangan keng tarqalgan xalq diplomatiyasi jihati. Isyonchilar o'zlarining urushlarini ichki iroda va xalqaro oppozitsiyaga hujum qilish orqali yutishadi. Ushbu taktikalarga qarshi kurashish uchun qo'zg'olonga qarshi operatsiyalar o'z mahbuslari va mahbuslariga insonparvarlik bilan va Amerika qadriyatlari va tamoyillariga muvofiq munosabatda bo'lishi kerak. Shunday qilib, COIN operatsiyalari mezbon mamlakat aholisiga ularga ishonish mumkinligini va urushda muvaffaqiyat qozonish uchun aholining farovonligi haqida qayg'urishini ko'rsatadi.

Moshtarak operatsiyasi; A AQSh dengiz piyodalari isyonga qarshi operatsiyalarni olib borishda bolalarga konfet tarqatadi Marja, Afg'oniston 2010

Amaldagi hukumatdan jamoat mollari, xizmatlar va xavfsizlikni etkazib berishni tez-tez kutib turadigan aholi qarshi qo'zg'olonni qo'llab-quvvatlaydi va kelajakdagi jamoat mollari va xizmatlarni etkazib berish bo'yicha xalq kutishlarini kuchaytiradigan katta voqea jamoatchilik nuqtai nazarini qo'zg'olondan uzoqlashishga va qo'zg'olonga qarshi harakatga olib kelishi mumkin. qarshi qo'zg'olon.^[41] "Siyosiy, ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy dasturlar mojaroning kelib chiqish sabablarini bartaraf etish va qo'zg'olonga putur etkazish uchun odatdagi harbiy operatsiyalardan ko'ra ko'proq qadrlidir."^[42] Ushbu dasturlar aholining qo'llab-quvvatlashiga erishish uchun juda muhimdir. Ushbu dasturlar mahalliy aholini o'zlarini xavfsiz, xavfsiz his qilishlari va qo'zg'olonga qarshi harakatlarga ko'proq mos kelishi uchun mo'ljallangan; bu qabul qiluvchi mamlakat fuqarolariga, qo'zg'olonchilarga qarshi, qo'zg'olonga qarshi harakatlarning maqsadlari va maqsadlariga ishonishlariga imkon beradi. Qarshi qo'zg'olon g'oyalar jangi bo'lib, ushbu dasturlarni amalga oshirish va birlashtirish muvaffaqiyat uchun muhimdir. Ijtimoiy, siyosiy va iqtisodiy dasturlar mezbon davlat rahbarlari tomonidan ham muvofiqlashtirilishi va boshqarilishi kerak. Muvaffaqiyatli tangalar urushi aholiga qo'zg'olonga qarshi harakatlar qayta qurish dasturlariga mezbon davlatni qo'shayotganligini ko'rish imkonini beradi. Urush xalq orasida va odamlar uchun qo'zg'olonchilar va kontrinsiyentlar o'rtasida olib boriladi.

Qarshi qo'zg'olon strategik kommunikatsiyalar va axborot operatsiyalari muvaffaqiyatli. Qarshi qo'zg'olon - bu g'oyalar, mafkuralar va ijtimoiy-siyosiy harakatlar raqobati. Isyonkor mafkuralarga qarshi kurashish uchun uning qadriyatlari va xususiyatlarini tushunish kerak mafkura yoki din. Bundan tashqari, qo'zg'olonchilar g'oyasi yoki diniga qarshi strategik ravishda axborot-kommunikatsiya operatsiyalarini boshlash uchun qo'zg'olonchilarga qarshi kurash harakatlari qo'zg'olonning qaysi madaniyatga ega ekanligini tushunishlari kerak. Qarama-qarshi kurashish bo'yicha tezkor xodimlar o'zlarining ma'lumotlari bilan kimga ta'sir o'tkazishi va ularga murojaat qilishni bilishlari uchun asosiy auditoriyani, kommunikatorlarni va jamoat rahbarlarini aniqlashlari kerak.^[43]

Axborot operatsiyalari

Axborot operatsiyalarida jamoat diplomatiyasiga faqat to'liq tushunish orqali erishish mumkin madaniyat u qarshi harakatga qarshi operatsiyalar dunyoni mahalliy aholi nuqtai nazaridan idrok etishi kerak. Qarama-qarshilikka qarshi keng qamrovli madaniy rasmlarni ishlab chiqish uchun "ommaviy axborot vositalari bo'yicha maslahatchilar, moliya va biznes bo'yicha mutaxassislar, psixologlar, tashkiliy tarmoq tahlilchilari va turli xil fanlarning olimlarini" ishga jalb qilish kerak.^[43] Eng muhimi, qo'zg'olonga qarshi harakatlar mahalliy aholini nima uchun qo'zg'olonchilar mafkurasiga jalb qilishini tushunishi kerak, masalan, qaysi jihatlar jozibali va qanday qilib isyonchilar o'z izdoshlarini mafkuraga jalb qilish uchun ma'lumotdan foydalanadilar. Qarshilikka qarshi kurash harakatlari dushmanni mag'lub etish uchun muvaffaqiyatli xalq diplomatiyasini o'tkazish uchun operatsiyalar sohasidagi odamlarning qadriyatlari, munosabati va tushunchalarini dastlabki tushunishga muhtoj.

Axborot-kommunikatsiya strategiyasini ishlab chiqish qonuniy muqobil mafkurani ta'minlash, xavfsizlik va iqtisodiy imkoniyatlarni yaxshilash, shuningdek, tashqi aloqalarni mustahkamlashdan iborat. isyon. Ushbu vositalar yordamida xalq diplomatiyasini olib borish uchun qo'zg'olonga qarshi aloqa o'z ishini so'zlari bilan moslashtirishi kerak. Qarama-qarshi qo'zg'olon paytida xalq diplomatiyasi orqali berilgan ma'lumotlar yolg'on gapira olmaydi, xalqqa etkazilgan ma'lumot va isyonchilarga qarshi samarali kurashish uchun doimo haqiqat va ishonchli bo'lishi kerak. Public diplomacy in counterinsurgency to influence the public thoughts and ideas is a long time engagement and should not be done through negative campaigning about the enemy.

Conducting public diplomacy through relaying information and communicating with the public in a counterinsurgency is most successful when a conversation can happen between the counterinsurgency team and the local population of the area of operation. Building rapport with the public involves "listening, paying attention, and being responsive and proactive" which is sufficient for the local population to understand and trust the counterinsurgency efforts and vice versa.^[43] This relationship is stringent upon the counterinsurgents keeping their promises, providing security to the locals, and communicating their message directly and quickly in times of need.

Understanding and influencing the cognitive dimension of the local population is essential to winning counterinsurgency warfare. The people's perception of legitimacy about the host nation and the foreign country's counterinsurgency efforts is where success is determined. "The free flow of information present in all theaters via television, telephone, and Internet, can present conflicting messages and quickly defeat the intended effects."^[44] Coordination between the counterinsurgency operations, the host nation, and the local media in information presented to the public is essential to showing and influencing how the local population perceives the counterinsurgency efforts and the host nation.

Jamoatchilik fikri, the media, and rumors influence how the people view counterinsurgency, the government hosting their efforts, and the host nation qonuniylik. The use of public diplomacy to strategically relay the correct messages and information to the public is essential to success in a counterinsurgency operation. For example, close relationships with media members in the area is essential to ensure that the locals understand the counterinsurgency objectives and feel secure with the host nation government and the counterinsurgency efforts. If the local media is not in sync with the counterinsurgency operatives then they could spread incomplete or false information about the counterinsurgency campaign to the public.

"Given Al Qaeda’s global reach, the United States must develop a more integrated strategic communication strategy for counter-insurgency with its allies to diminish violent rhetoric, improve its image abroad, and detect, deter, and defeat this social movement at its many levels."^[43] Information operations and communicative abilities are one of the largest and most influence aspects of public diplomacy within a counterinsurgency.

Public diplomacy is especially important as modern insurgents are more easily able to gain support through a variety of sources, both local and transnational, thanks to advances in increased communication and globalization. Consequently, modern counter-insurgency requires attention to be focused on an insurgency's ecosystem from the national to the local level, in order to deprive the insurgency of support and prevent future insurgent groups from forming.^[45]

Specific doctrines

Vetnam urushi

During the Vietnam War, counter-insurgency initially formed part of the earlier war as Diem had implemented the poorly conceived Strategic Hamlet Program, a similar model to the Malayan Emergency, which had opposite effects. Similarly economic and rural development formed a key strategy as part of Rural Affairs development.^[46] While the earlier war was marked by considerable emphasis on counter-insurgency programs US forces initially relied on very little if any theoretical doctrine of counter-insurgency during the Ground-Intervention phase. Conventional warfare using massive fire-power and failure to implement adequate counter-insurgency had extremely negative effects and was the strategy whom the NVA were adept at countering through the protracted political and military warfare model. These are in part, reasons for the outright failure of U.S strategic policy in the war.^[46] Following the replacement of General Uilyam Vestmoreland, newer concepts were tried including a revival of earlier COIN strategies including Fuqarolik operatsiyalari va inqilobiy rivojlanishni qo'llab-quvvatlash. This was alongside the brutal and oftentimes badly implemented civilian-assassination program Feniks dasturi targeting Viet Cong civilian personnel. These reasons were contributing factors to the U.S failure as it had become too late by then.

Britaniya imperiyasi

Malaya

British forces were able to employ the relocation method with considerable success during the "Malayan favqulodda holati " Briggs rejasi, implemented fully in 1950, relocated Xitoy Malayiyaliklar into protected "Yangi qishloqlar ", designated by British forces. By the end of 1951, some 400,000 ethnic Chinese had moved into the fortifications. Of this population, the British forces were able to form a "Home Guard", armed for resistance against the Malayya Kommunistik partiyasi, an implementation mirrored by the Strategic Hamlet Program later used by US forces in South Vietnam.^[47][48] Despite British claims of a victory in the Malayan Emergency, military historian Martin van Krivld noted that the end result of the counterinsurgency, namely the withdrawal of British forces and establishment of an independent state, are identical to that of Adan, Keniya va Kipr, which are not considered victories.^[49]

Gollandiya imperiyasi

The Dutch formulated a new strategy of counter-insurgency warfare, during the Acheh urushi by deploying light-armed Marechaussee units and using scorched earth tactics.

1898 yilda Van Xeyts was proclaimed governor of Aceh, and with his lieutenant, later Dutch Prime Minister Hendrikus Colijn, would finally conquer most of Aceh. Ular ergashdilar Hurgronje 's suggestions, finding cooperative uleebelang or secular chiefs that would support them in the countryside and isolating the resistance from their rural support base.

Davomida Janubiy Sulavesi kampaniyasi Kapitan Raymond Vesterling ning KST, Special Forces of the Niderlandiya qirolligi Sharqiy Hindiston armiyasi ishlatilgan Westerling Method. Westerling ordered the registration of all Javanese arriving in Makassar due to the large numbers of Javanese participating in the Sulawesi resistance. He also used scouts to infiltrate local villages and to identify members of the resistance.^[50]

Based on their information and that of the Dutch military intelligence service, the DST surrounded one of more suspected villages during night, after which they drove the population to a central location. At daybreak, the operation began, often led by Westerling. Men would be separated from women and children. From the gathered information Westerling exposed certain people as terrorists and murderers. They were shot without any further investigation. Afterwards Westerling forced local communities to refrain from supporting guerillas by swearing on the Quran and established local self-defence units with some members recruited from former guerrillas deemed as "redeemable".

Westerling directed eleven operations throughout the campaign. He succeeded in eliminating the insurgency and undermining local support for the Republicans. His actions restored Dutch rule in southern Sulawesi. However, the Netherlands East Indies government and the Dutch army command soon realised that Westerling's notoriety led to growing public criticism. In April 1947 the Dutch government instituted an official inquiry of his controversial methods. Raymond Westerling was put on the sidelines. He was relieved of his duties in November 1948.

Frantsiya

Ushbu maqola ohang yoki uslub aks ettirmasligi mumkin entsiklopedik ohang Vikipediyada ishlatilgan. Vikipediyani ko'ring yaxshiroq maqolalar yozish uchun qo'llanma takliflar uchun. (2020 yil fevral) (Ushbu shablon xabarini qanday va qachon olib tashlashni bilib oling)

France had major counterinsurgency wars in its koloniyalar yilda Hindiston va Jazoir. McClintock cited the basic points of French doctrine as:^[51]

• Quadrillage (an administrative grid of population and territory)
• Ratissage (cordoning and "raking")
• Regroupement (relocating and closely controlling a suspect population)
• ‘Tache d'huile' – The 'oil spot' strategy
• Recruitment of local leaders and forces
• Paramilitary organization and militias

Much of the thinking was informed by the work of earlier leading French theoreticians of colonial warfare and counter-insurgency, Marshals Bugeaud, Gallieni and Lyautey.^[32]

While McClintock cites the 1894 Algerian governor, Jyul Kambon, as saying "By destroying the administration and local government we were also suppressing our means of action. ...The result is that we are today confronted by a sort of human dust on which we have no influence and in which movements take place which are unknown to us." Cambon's philosophy, however, did not seem to survive into the Jazoirning mustaqillik urushi, (1954–1962).

The sophisticated NLF/PAVN insurgent structure was embedded in the population and difficult to root out and combat. French and US Special Forces (Green Berets) saw some success in organizing tribal peoples to fight.^[52]

Hindiston

Post-WWII doctrine, as in Hindiston, took a more drastic view of "Guerre révolutionnaire", which presented an ideological and global war, with a commitment to umumiy urush. Countermeasures, in principle, needed to be both political and military; "No measure was too drastic to meet the new threat of revolution." French forces taking control from the Yapon did not seem to negotiate seriously with nationalist elements in what was to become Vetnam,^[53] and reaped the consequences of overconfidence at Điện Biên Phủ.^[54]

It occurred to various commanders that soldiers trained to operate as guerrillas would have a strong sense of how to fight guerrillas. Bo'linishidan oldin Frantsuz Hind-Xitoy, Frantsuzcha Commémentos aéroportés aralashmasi (GCMA), led by Roger Trinquier,^[55] took on this role, drawing on French experience with the Jedburgh teams.^[56] GCMA, operating in Tonkin va Laos ostida Frantsiya razvedkasi, was complemented by Commandos Nord Viêt-Nam in the North. In these missions, the SOF teams lived and fought with the locals. One Laotian, who became an officer, was Vang Pao, who was to become a general in Hmong and Laotian operations in Janubi-sharqiy Osiyo while the US forces increased their role.

Jazoir

The French counterinsurgency in colonial Algeria was a savage one. 1957 yil Jazoirdagi jang resulted in 24,000 detentions, with most qiynoqqa solingan and an estimated 3,000 killed. It may have broken the Milliy ozodlik fronti infrastructure in Algiers, but it also killed off French legitimacy as far as "hearts and minds" went.^[51][57]

Counter-insurgency requires an extremely capable intelligence infrastructure endowed with human sources and deep cultural knowledge. This contributes to the difficulty that foreign, as opposed to indigenous, powers have in counter-insurgent operations.One of France's most influential theorists was Roger Trinquier. The Zamonaviy urush counterinsurgency strategy described by Trinquier, who had led antikommunist partizanlar Hindiston, was a strong influence on French efforts in Algeria.

Trinquier suggested three principles:

1. separate the guerrilla from the population that supports it;
2. occupy the zones that the guerrillas previously operated from, making the area dangerous for the insurgents and turning the people against the guerrilla movement; va
3. coordinate actions over a wide area and for a long enough time that the guerrilla is denied access to the population centers that could support him.

Trinquier's view was that qiynoq had to be extremely focused and limited, but many French officers considered its use corrosive to its own side. There were strong protests among French leaders: the Army's most decorated officer, General Jak Paris de Bollardier, confronted General Jacques Massu, the commander of French forces in the Battle of Algiers, over orders institutionalizing torture, as "an unleashing of deplorable instincts which no longer knew any limits." He issued an open letter condemning the danger to the army of the loss of its moral values "under the fallacious pretext of immediate expediency", and was imprisoned for sixty days.^[51]

As some of the French Army protested, other parts increased the intensity of their approach, which led to an attempted harbiy to'ntarish qarshi Frantsiya to'rtinchi respublikasi o'zi. Massu and General Raul Salan led a 1958 coup in Jazoir, demanding a new Republic under Sharl de Goll. When de Gaulle's policies toward Algeria, such as a 1961 referendum on Algerian self-determination, did not meet the expectations of the colonial officers, Salan formed the underground Tashkilot armée secrète (OAS), a o'ng qanot terrorist group, whose actions included a 1962 assassination attempt against de Gaulle himself.

G'arbiy Afrika

France has had taken Barnett's Leviathan role^[58] yilda Chad va Fil suyagi qirg'og'i, the latter on two occasions, most significantly in 2002–2003.^[59] The situation with France and Ivory Coast is not a classic FID situation, as France attacked Ivorian forces that had provoked BMT tinchlikparvar kuchlari.

Another noteworthy instance of counter-insurgency in West Africa is the Nigerian military experience against Boko Haram militant Islamists. Military operations against the group occur predominantly in the far north-east areas of Nigeria. These operations have been ongoing since June 2011, and have greatly expanded within the Lake Chad Basin sub-region of West Africa.^[60]

Hindiston

There have been many insurgencies in Hindiston undan beri mustaqillik 1947 yilda Kashmir qo'zg'oloni, which started by 1989, was brought under control by Indian government and violence has been reduced. Ning filiali Hindiston armiyasi nomi bilan tanilgan Rashtriya miltiqlari (RR) was created for the sole purpose of destroying the insurgency in Kashmir, and it has played a major role in doing so. The RR was well supported by Markaziy zaxira politsiya kuchlari (CRPF), Chegara xavfsizligi kuchlari (BSF), Hind-Tibet chegara politsiyasi (ITBP) and state government police.

The Qarshi qo'zg'olon va o'rmon urushi maktabi (CIJWS) is located in the northeastern town of Vairengte hind tilida davlat ning Mizoram. Personnel from countries such as the Qo'shma Shtatlar, Birlashgan Qirollik, Frantsiya, Rossiya, Qozog'iston, Tojikiston, Bangladesh va Vetnam have attended this school.^[61] High quality graduate level training by a joint staff of highly trained special operators at Camp Taji Phoenix Academy and the Counterinsurgency Centre For Excellence is provided in India^[62] as well as many Indian Officers.

Portugaliya

Portugaliya 's experience in counterinsurgency resulted from the "pacification" campaigns conducted in the Portuguese African and Asian colonies in the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century.

In the 1960s and early 1970s, Portugal conducted large scale counterinsurgency operations in Angola, Portugaliya Gvineyasi va Mozambik against independentist guerrillas supported by the Sharqiy blok va Xitoy, as well by some G'arb mamlakatlari. Although these campaigns are collectively known as the "Portugal mustamlakalar urushi ", there were in fact three different ones: the Angolaning mustaqillik urushi, Gvineya-Bisau mustaqillik urushi va Mozambik mustaqilligi urushi. The situation was unique in that small armed forces – those of Portugal – were able to conduct three counterinsurgency wars at the same time, in three different operatsiyalar teatrlari separated by thousands of kilometr. For these operations, Portugal developed its own counterinsurgency doctrine.^[63]

Russia and The Soviet Union

The most familiar Russian counterinsurgency is the War in Afghanistan from 1979–1989. However, throughout the history of Czarist Russian, the Russians fought many counterinsurgencies as new Caucasian and Central Asian territory were occupied.^[64] It was in these conflicts that the Russians developed the following counterinsurgency tactics:^[64]

1. Deploy a significant number of troops
2. Isolate the area from outside assistance
3. Establish tight control of major cities and towns
4. Build lines of forts to restrict insurgent movement
5. Destroy the springs of resistance through destruction of settlements, livestock, crops etc.

These tactics, generally speaking, were carried over into Soviet use following the 1917 revolution for the most part, save for the integration of political-military command.^[65] This tactical blue print saw use following the First and Second World Wars in Dagestan, the Caucasus, Central Asia, Siberia, Lithuania and Ukraine.^[64] This doctrine was ultimately shown to be inadequate in The Soviet War in Afghanistan, mostly due to insufficient troop commitment, and in the Wars in Chechnya.^[64]

Qo'shma Shtatlar

The United States has conducted counterinsurgency campaigns during the Filippin-Amerika urushi, the Vietnam War, the post-2001 Afg'onistondagi urush, va Iroq urushi. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan have resulted in increased interest in counterinsurgency within the American military, exemplified by the 2006 publication of a new joint Army Dala qo'llanmasi 3-24/Marine Corps Warfighting Publication No. 3-33.5, Qarshi qo'zg'olon, which replaced the documents separately published by the Army and Marine Corps 20–25 years prior.^[66] Views of the doctrine contained in the manual has been mixed.^[67] The 2014 version of FM 3-24/MCWP 3-33.5 acquired a new title, Insurgencies and Countering Insurgencies, it consists of three main parts,

Part one provides strategic and operational context, part two provides the doctrine for understanding insurgencies, and part three provides doctrine for defeating an insurgency. In short, FM 3-24/MCWP 3-33.5 is organized to provide the context of a problem, the problem, and possible solutions.^[68]

Uilyam B. Kolduell IV yozgan:

The qurolli to'qnashuv qonuni requires that, to use force, "combatants " must distinguish individuals presenting a threat from innocent tinch aholi. This basic principle is accepted by all disciplined militaries. In the counterinsurgency, disciplined application of force is even more critical because our enemies camouflage themselves in the civilian population. Our success in Iraq depends on our ability to treat the civilian population with humanity and dignity, even as we remain ready to immediately defend ourselves or Iraqi civilians when a threat is detected.^[69]

In the recent conflicts the 101-desant diviziyasi (Air Assault) has been increasingly involved conducting maxsus operatsiyalar especially the training and development of other states' military and security forces.^[70][71] This is known in the special operations community as xorijiy ichki mudofaa. It was announced 14 January 2016 that 1,800 soldiers from the 101st's Headquarters and its 2nd Brigade Combat Team will deploy soon on regular rotations to Baghdad and Irbil to train and advise Iraqi army and Kurdish Peshmerga forces who are expected in the coming months to move toward Mosul, the Islamic State group's de facto headquarters in Iraq.^{[72][ishonchli manba? ]}

The 101st Airborne Division will serve an integral role in preparing Iraqi ground troops to expel the Islamic State group from Mosul, Defense Secretary Ash Carter told the division's soldiers during a January 2016 visit to Fort Campbell, Kentucky.^[71] Defense Secretary Ash Carter told the 101st Airborne Division that "The Iraqi and peshmerga forces you will train, advise and assist have proven their determination, their resiliency, and increasingly, their capability, but they need you to continue building on that success, preparing them for the fight today and the long hard fight for their future. They need your skill. They need your experience."^[71]

Foreign internal defense policymaking has subsequently aided in Iraqi successes in reclaiming Tikrit, Bayji, Ramadi, Falluja va Mosul dan Iroq va Shom Islom davlati.

Recent evaluations of U.S. counterinsurgency efforts in Afghanistan have yielded mixed results. A comprehensive study by the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction concluded that "the U.S. government greatly overestimated its ability" to use COIN and stabilization tactics for longterm success.^[73] The report found that "successes in stabilizing Afghan districts rarely lasted longer than the physical presence of coalition troops and civilians." These findings are corroborated by scholarly studies of U.S. counterinsurgency activities in Afghanistan, which determined that backlashes by insurgents and the local population were common.^[74][75][76]

In October 2019 at a Workshop at RAND, Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense Mik Myulroy rolled out the Irregular Warfare Annex (IWA) to the Milliy mudofaa strategiyasi of 2018. He explained that tartibsiz urush included counter-insurgency, terrorizmga qarshi kurash, noan'anaviy urush, xorijiy ichki mudofaa, sabotaj va buzg'unchilik, shuningdek barqarorlashtirish va axborot operatsiyalari. It had traditionally been perceived as a predominately counterterrorism (CT) effort used to fight violent extremist organizations, but that under the IWA the skills will be applied to all areas of military competition. These included competition against global powers competitors like China and Russia as well as rogue states like North Korea and Iran.^[77] Mulroy said that the U.S. must be prepared to respond with "aggressive, dynamic, and unorthodox approaches to IW," to be competitive across these priorities. He also explained that under the IWA, both special operations and conventional forces would play a key role.^[78][77]

Shuningdek qarang

Adabiyotlar

Izohlar

Qo'shimcha o'qish

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Tashqi havolalar

• "Qo'zg'olon: dehqonlar isyonining o'zgarishi" Raj Desai va Garri Ektshteyn tomonidan
• Kichik urushlar jurnali: qo'zg'olon / qarshi kurash tadqiqotlari sahifasi
• CNAS, Abu Muqvama "Qarama-qarshi harakatlarning o'qish ro'yxati"
• AQSh armiyasining barqarorlik operatsiyalari bo'yicha dala qo'llanmasi
• Rossiyada terrorizmning oldini olish: Beslandan bir yil o'tib
• "Kam ziddiyatli harbiy operatsiyalar" AQSh Depozitlari. armiya va havo kuchlari
• "Qarshi qo'zg'olon ichkarisida" tomonidan Sten Goff, sobiq AQSh maxsus kuchlari
• "Statecraft Instruments - AQSh partizanlari urushi, qarshi kurash va terrorizmga qarshi kurash, 1940-1990 yillar" Maykl Makklintok tomonidan
• "Inqilobga qarshi zo'ravonlik - haqiqat va tashviqotdagi qon to'kilishi" Noam Xomskiy va Edvard S. Xerman tomonidan
• "Varshava gettosi endi yo'q" SS brigada komandiri Yurgen Stroop tomonidan
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