Jon Dudli, Northumberlandning 1-gersogi - John Dudley, 1st Duke of Northumberland - Wikipedia

Jon Dudli ismli boshqa odamlar uchun qarang Jon Dadli (ajralish).

Jon Dadli
Northumberland gersogi
Jon Dadli (Knole, Kent) .jpg
Egalik1551–1553
Boshqa sarlavhalarViskont Lisle
Uorvik grafligi
Ma'lumDe-fakto hukmron Angliya, 1550–1553 yillar
Tug'ilgan1504
London
O'ldi1553 yil 22-avgust(1553-08-22) (48-49 yosh)
Tower Hill, London
O'lim sababiBoshi kesilgan
Dafn etilganChapel Royal of St. Peter ad Vincula, London minorasi
Koordinatalar: 51 ° 30′31 ″ N. 0 ° 4′37 ″ V / 51.50861 ° N 0.07694 ° Vt / 51.50861; -0.07694
MillatiIngliz tili
Yashash joyiEly Place, London
Darham uyi, London
Dadli qasri, West Midlands
JoylashuvG'arbiy Midlend
Urushlar va janglar1521–26 yillardagi Italiya urushi
1542–46 yillardagi Italiya urushi
• Bulonni qamal qilish
• Solent jangi
Qo'pollik
• Pinkie Cleugh jangi
Kettning qo'zg'oloni
Aksiya Meri Tudor, 1553
OfislarVitse-admiral
Lord Admiral
Hokimi Bulon
Lord Buyuk Chemberlen
Qirollik uyining buyuk ustasi
Lord Kengashning Prezidenti
Shotlandiya yurishlari boshlig'i
Angliya graf-marshali
Turmush o'rtoqlar
​
(m. 1525)​
Nashr
Ota-onalar
ImzoDudli, Jon imzosi.png

Jon Dudli, Northumberlandning 1-gersogi KG (1504[1] - 1553 yil 22-avgust) an Ingliz tili yoshlar hukumatiga rahbarlik qilgan general, admiral va siyosatchi Qirol Eduard VI 1550 dan 1553 gacha bo'lgan va o'rnatishga urinish muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi Ledi Jeyn Grey qirol vafotidan keyin ingliz taxtida. O'g'li Edmund Dadli, vazir Genri VII tomonidan ijro etilgan Genri VIII, John Dadli bo'ldi palata ning Ser Edvard Gildford etti yoshida. Dadli Gildfordning uyida, kelajakdagi rafiqasi Gildfordning qizi bilan birga o'sgan Jeyn, u bilan 13 nafar farzandi bo'lishi kerak edi. Dadli vitse-admiral va Lord Admiral 1537 yildan 1547 yilgacha bo'lgan davrda u dengiz flotining yangi standartlarini o'rnatdi va dengizda innovatsion qo'mondon edi. U shuningdek, unga katta qiziqish uyg'otdi chet elda razvedka. Dadli 1544 yil Shotlandiya va Frantsiyadagi yurishlarda qatnashgan va hukmronlikning so'nggi yillarida Genri VIIIning yaqinlaridan biri bo'lgan. U sudda diniy islohotlar partiyasining rahbari ham bo'lgan.

1547 yilda Dadli yaratildi Uorvik grafligi va bilan Somerset gersogi, Angliyaning Lord himoyachisi, yangilanganida ajralib turdi Shotlandiya urushi da Pinkie Cleugh jangi. 1549 yilgi mamlakat bo'ylab qo'zg'olonlar paytida Dudli tinchlantirdi Kettning qo'zg'oloni Norfolkda. Himoyachining qobiliyatsizligiga ishongan holda, u va boshqa xususiy maslahatchilar Somersetni 1549 yil oktyabrda o'z lavozimidan chetlashtirishga majbur qilishdi. Dindagi konservativ munosabat va uni Somerset bilan birga yo'q qilish rejasini oldini olgan Dadli 1550 yil boshlarida paydo bo'ldi. amalda regent 12 yoshli Edvard VI uchun. U Somerset bilan yarashdi, u tez orada unga va uning siyosatiga qarshi fitna uyushtirishni boshladi. Somerset Dudli katta bo'lganidan uch oy o'tgach, asosan to'qima ayblovlar bilan qatl etildi Northumberland gersogligi 1551 yil oktyabrda.

Sifatida Lord Kengashning Prezidenti, Dudli aniq boshchilik qildi tanish hukumat va o'spirin Qirolni biznesga joriy etishga intildi. Deyarli bankrot bo'lgan ma'muriyatni qabul qilib, u Frantsiya va Shotlandiya bilan qimmatbaho urushlarni tugatdi va moliya bilan ba'zi iqtisodiy tiklanishlarga olib keladigan usullarni hal qildi. Keyinchalik qo'zg'olonlarning oldini olish uchun u mahalliy miqyosda politsiyani tayinladi Lord-leytenantlar markaziy hokimiyat bilan yaqin aloqada bo'lganlar. Dudlining diniy siyosati - Edvardning nasl-nasabiga mos ravishda - qat'iy ravishda protestantga asoslangan bo'lib, keyinchalik Ingliz tili islohoti va radikal islohotchilarni yuqori cherkov lavozimlariga ko'tarish.

15 yoshli Qirol 1553 yil boshida kasal bo'lib, uning singillarini olib tashladi, Meri va Yelizaveta, u kim deb hisoblagan noqonuniy, merosxo'rlikdan, mavjud bo'lmagan, taxminiy erkak merosxo'rlarni belgilash. Uning o'limi yaqinlashganda, Edvard o'z irodasini o'zgartirdi, shuning uchun protestantning amakivachchasi, Jyey Grey, Northumberlandning kelini, tojni meros qilib olishi mumkin edi. Dyuk ushbu sxemaga qay darajada ta'sir ko'rsatgani noaniq. An'anaviy qarash shuki, o'z oilasini taxtga o'tirish orqali o'z hokimiyatini saqlab qolish Northumberlandning fitnasi edi. Ko'pgina tarixchilar bu loyihani Edvardning haqiqiy loyihasi deb bilishadi, uni King vafotidan keyin Dadli amalga oshirgan. Gersog bu voqeaga yaxshi tayyorgarlik ko'rmadi. Yurib Sharqiy Angliya Maryamni qo'lga olish uchun, u Maxfiy Kengash tomonlarini o'zgartirganini va Maryamni malika deb e'lon qilganini eshitib, taslim bo'ldi. Sudlangan xiyonat, Northumberland katoliklikka qaytib, qatl qilinishidan oldin protestantlik e'tiqodidan xalos bo'ldi. Ikkala diniy lagerga nisbatan nafratni, xalq nafratlanadigan va tabiiy gunoh echimini ta'minlagan holda, u "yovuz gertsog" ga aylandi, bu uning salafi Somersetdan farqli o'laroq, "yaxshi knyaz". Faqatgina 1970-yillardan boshlab u ham a Tudor Toj xizmatkori: o'ziga xizmat qiladigan, amaldagi monarxga sodiq va qiyin paytlarda qodir davlat arbobi.

Genri VIII boshchiligidagi martaba

Jon Dudli qurollari Nortumberland gersogi sifatida

Jon Dadli uch o'g'ilning to'ng'ichi edi Edmund Dadli, a maslahatchi ning Genri VII va uning ikkinchi xotini Elizabeth Grey, qizi Edvard Grey, 1-Viskont Lissel.[2] Uning otasi edi ifloslangan va uchun ijro etilgan xiyonat 1510 yilda darhol hibsga olingan Genri VIII qo'shilish, chunki yangi qirolga salafiyning mashhur bo'lmagan moliyaviy siyosati uchun gunoh echkilari kerak edi.[3] 1512 yilda etti yoshli Yuhanno bo'ldi palata ning Ser Edvard Gildford va uning uyiga olib ketildi.[4] Shu bilan birga Edmund Dudlining avtoulovi olib tashlandi va Jon Dadli "qon va qon bilan" tiklandi. Qirol "aytilgan Jon Dadli qilishi mumkin bo'lgan" yaxshi xizmatlardan umidvor edi.[5] Taxminan 15 yoshida Jon Dadli, ehtimol, vasiysi bilan birga uyga borgan Kale ranglari keyingi yillarda u erda xizmat qilish.[6] U ishtirok etdi Kardinal Volsi 1521 va 1527 yillardagi diplomatik sayohatlari va edi ritsar tomonidan Charlz Brendon, 1-suffolk gersogi, o'zining birinchi yirik harbiy tajribasi paytida, 1523 yil Frantsiyaga bostirib kirishi.[7] 1524 yilda Dadli a Tananing ritsari,[8] va 1534 yildan u qirol uchun javobgar edi tana zirhi kabi Minora qurol-yarog 'ustasi.[9] U "o'z avlodining eng mohirligi, ham piyoda, ham otda" bo'lib, u juda yaxshi edi kurash, kamondan otish, va turnirlar 1546 yil oxirida frantsuzcha hisobotda aytilganidek, qirol saroyi.[9]

1525 yilda Dadli Gildfordning qiziga uylandi Jeyn, undan to'rt yosh kichik va sobiq sinfdoshi bo'lgan.[1] Dudlilar yangisiga tegishli edi evangelistik 1530 yillar boshidagi doiralar,[10] va ularning 13 nafar farzandi ta'lim olgan Uyg'onish davri gumanizmi va fan.[11] Ser Edvard Gildford 1534 yilda vafot etdi yozma vasiyatnomasiz. Uning yagona o'g'li Gildfordning jiyani, Jon Gildford, amakisi unga meros olishni niyat qilganligini ta'kidladi. Dadli va uning rafiqasi bu da'voga qarshi chiqishdi. Tomonlar sudga va xavfsizlikni ta'minlagan Dadliga murojaat qilishdi Tomas Kromvel "s homiylik, ishni yutdi.[12] 1532 yilda u amakivachchasiga qarz berdi, Jon Satton, 3-baron Dadli, ustida £ Baronial mulk xavfsizligi bo'yicha 7000.[13] Lord Dadli hech qanday kreditorlarini to'lay olmadi, shuning uchun ipoteka muddati tugagach musodara qilingan 1530-yillarning oxirlarida ser Jon Dadli egalik qildi Dadli qasri.[14]

Dudli Genri VIII bilan uchrashuvda qatnashgan Frantsuz I Frantsisk da Calais 1532 yilda atrofning yana bir a'zosi edi Anne Boleyn, kim tez orada malika bo'lishi kerak edi. Dudli qirolning bolalarining marosimlarida qatnashdi, Yelizaveta va Edvard[15] va, shahzodaning tug'ilgan kunini e'lon qilish munosabati bilan Imperator, 1537 yil oktyabrda Frantsiya orqali Ispaniyaga sayohat qilgan.[16] U o'tirdi Islohot parlamenti uchun Kent, vafot etgan qaynotasi o'rniga,[17] 1534-1536 yillarda va qarshi yuborilgan kontingentlardan birini boshqargan Inoyat ziyoratlari 1536 yil oxirida.[18] 1537 yil yanvarda Dudli vitse-admiral lavozimiga tayinlandi va o'zini dengiz ishlarida qo'llashni boshladi.[19] U otning ustasi edi Anne Klivs va Ketrin Xovard,[20] va 1542 yilda qaytib keldi Jamiyat palatasi uchun deputat sifatida Staffordshire[17] Ammo tez orada u 1542 yil 12 martda u paydo bo'lganidan keyin Lordlar palatasiga ko'tarildi Viskont Lisle o'gay otasi vafotidan keyin Artur Plantagenet va "onasining huquqi bilan".[21] Hozir bo'lish a tengdosh, Dudli bo'ldi Lord Admiral va a Garterning ritsari 1543 yilda; u ham qabul qilindi Maxfiy kengash.[22] Keyinchalik Solvey Moss jangi 1542 yilda u boshliq sifatida xizmat qilgan Shotlandiya yurishlari va 1544 aksiya ostida ingliz kuchlari Edvard Seymur, Xertford grafligi, Dudli buyruq bergan flot tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlandi. Dadli qo'shildi Edinburgni vayron qilgan quruqlik kuchlari, u asosiy darvozani a bilan puflaganidan so'ng kulverin.[23] 1544 yil oxirida u viloyat hokimi etib tayinlandi Bulon, qamal uning katta o'g'li Genrining hayotiga zomin bo'lgan.[24] Uning vazifalari qirol Genri loyihasi bo'yicha istehkomlarni tiklash va frantsuzlarning dengiz va quruqlik hujumlarini oldini olish edi.[25]

1545 yilda Lord Admiral Jon Dadli va Viskont Lissel qirol Genrix VIIIni kemada kutib olishdi Anri Greys - Dieu, xalq deb nomlangan Ajoyib Garri.

Lord Admiral sifatida, Dudley yaratilish uchun mas'ul bo'lgan Dengiz sabablari bo'yicha kengash, bu birinchi marta turli xil vazifalarni muvofiqlashtirgan dengiz floti faoliyat ko'rsatdi va shu tariqa Angliya dengiz ma'muriyatini Evropada eng samarali qildi.[1] Dengizda Dudlining jangovar buyruqlari birinchi o'rinda turardi taktik o'ylash: o'lchamlari va o'q otish kuchi bilan buyurtma qilingan kemalar otryadlari kelishilgan qurollardan foydalanib, shakllanishda harakat qilishlari kerak edi. Bularning barchasi ingliz dengiz flotidagi yangi o'zgarishlar edi.[26] 1545 yilda u flot operatsiyalarini oldin, paytida va undan keyin boshqargan Solent jangi va flagmanda qirol Genrini mehmon qildi Anri Greys - Dieu. Cho'kish fojiali yo'qotish edi Meri Rouz bortida 500 kishi bo'lgan.[27] 1546 yilda Jon Dadli tinchlik muzokaralari uchun Frantsiyaga bordi. U shubha qilganida Frantsiya admirali, Klod d'Annebault, jangovar harakatlarning yangilanishiga olib kelishi mumkin bo'lgan manevralar bo'yicha, u muzokara stoliga qaytishdan oldin to'satdan ingliz kuchini namoyish qilib dengizga chiqdi.[28] Keyin u sayohat qildi Fonteynbo, bu erda ingliz delegatlari Dofin Anri va qirol Frensis. Lagerdagi tinchlikda frantsuz qiroli Genrix VIIIning "Angliya va Irlandiya cherkovining oliy rahbari" unvonini tan oldi, bu ham Angliya, ham uning lord-admirali uchun muvaffaqiyat.[29]

Jon Dudli, mashhur va qirol Genri tomonidan general sifatida yuqori baholangan,[30] kasal monarx bilan karta o'ynagan samimiy samimiy odamga aylandi.[24] Edvard Seymurning yonida, knyaz Edvardning onasining amakisi, Dadli sudda islohotchilar partiyasining rahbarlaridan biri bo'lgan va ularning ikkala xotinlari ham do'stlari orasida edilar Anne Askew, yepiskop tomonidan yo'q qilingan protestant shahid Stiven Gardiner 1546 yil iyulda.[31] Dadli va qirolichaning ukasi, Uilyam Parr, Anne Askewni Genrician cherkovining katolik ta'limotiga mos kelishiga ishontirishga urinib ko'rdi, ammo u "ularning bilimlariga zid ravishda maslahat berishlari juda katta sharmandalik edi" deb javob berdi.[1] Sentyabr oyida Dudli kengashning to'liq yig'ilishi paytida Gardinerning yuziga zarba berdi. Bu juda og'ir jinoyat edi va unga xijolat bilan suddan bir oylik ta'til bilan qochib qutulish nasib etdi.[32] Hukmronlikning so'nggi haftalarida Seymur va Dudli Genrining konservatorga qarshi zarbasida o'z rollarini o'ynashdi Xovard uyi Shunday qilib, protestant ozchiliklar hukmronligi yo'lini tozalaydi.[33] Ular yaqinlashib kelayotganlarning etakchi rahbarlari sifatida ko'rilgan regentsiya[34]- "yoshi va topshiriqni bajarishga qodir boshqa zodagonlar yo'q", Eustache Chapuys, sobiq imperator elchisi, nafaqaga chiqqanidan keyin izoh berdi.[35]

Uorvik grafligidan Nortumberland gersogigacha

16 ijrochilar ning Genri VIIIning vasiyati Edvard VI ning ozchilik qismi davrida jamoaviy ravishda boshqarish uchun tayinlangan Regentsiya Kengashini ham o'zida mujassam etgan.[36] Yangi Kengash Xertford grafligi Edvard Seymurni tuzishga kelishib oldi Lord himoyachisi amalda shahzodaning vakolatlari bo'lgan to'liq vakolatlarga ega.[37] Shu bilan birga Kengash o'zlarini Genri VIIIning xohish-istaklaridan kelib chiqqan holda aktsiyalarni taqdim etdi; Gertford grafi Somerset gersogi bo'ldi va Jon Dudli yaratildi Uorvik grafligi.[38][eslatma 1] Yangi Earl Lord Admiral lavozimini Somersetning ukasiga topshirishi kerak edi, Tomas Seymur, lekin oldinga Lord Buyuk Chemberlen. Himoyachining eng muhim odami sifatida qabul qilingan, u Somerset bilan do'stona munosabatda bo'lgan,[39] tez orada Shotlandiya bilan urushni qayta boshlagan. Dudli unga shaxsiy jangovar ta'mini his qilgan holda ikkinchi darajali qo'mondon sifatida hamrohlik qildi.[40] Bir safar u pistirmadan chiqib ketib, qo'lida nayza bilan shotlandiyalik hamkasbini taxminan 250 metr (230 m) bo'ylab quvib, deyarli uni bosib o'tdi.[41] In Pinkie jangi Dadli "inglizlar g'alabasining asosiy me'morlaridan biri" bo'lgan avangardni boshqargan.[42]

Edvard Seymur, Somerset gersogi

Himoyachining agrar siyosati va e'lonlari ba'zan "oddiy odamlar" deb nomlangan bir guruh ziyolilar tomonidan ilhomlangan. Ular uy egalarini qattiq tanqid ostiga olishdi va ko'plab oddiy odamlarda shunday taassurot qoldirishdi to'siqlar noqonuniy edi.[43] Dudli Angliyaning yirik yer egalaridan biri sifatida tez orada bu jiddiy muammolarga olib keladi deb qo'rqib, Somersetni ehtiyotkorlik bilan ogohlantirishga urindi.[44] 1549 yil yoziga qadar butun Angliya bo'ylab keng tarqalgan notinchlik yoki hatto isyon ko'tarildi.[45] The "Northempton" ning Markes atrofida va atrofdagi tartibni tiklay olmagan edi Norvich,[46] Shunday qilib, Jon Dadli ushlab qolish uchun yuborilgan Kettning qo'zg'oloni. Dadli taklif qildi Robert Kett dehqonlar armiyasini birdaniga tarqatib yuborish sharti bilan afv etish. Bu rad etildi va ertasi kuni kechasi Dudli isyonchilar nazorati ostidagi shaharga kichkintoy bilan bostirib kirdi yollanma shiddatli ko'cha janglaridan so'ng kontingent va qo'zg'olonchilarni quvib chiqardi; U darhol osib qo'yilgan 49 mahbusni. Ikki kundan so'ng, shahar tashqarisida o'zining asosiy lageriga ega bo'lgan Kett qirol qo'shiniga qarshi chiqdi va natijada 2000 dan ortiq dehqonlar o'ldirildi. Keyingi haftalarda Dadli olib bordi harbiy sudlar ko'plab isyonchilarni, ehtimol 300 ga qadar qatl etgan.[47] G'azablangan va kamsitilgan mahalliy uchun janob Bu hali ham etarli jazo emas edi, shuning uchun Dadli ularni ogohlantirdi: "Kechirishga joy yo'qmi? ... Keyin nima qilamiz? Shudgorni o'zimiz ushlab, karetka o'ynab, o'z qo'limiz bilan erni ishlaymizmi?" [48]

Lord Himoyachisi, uning ichida e'lonlari, oddiy odamlarga murojaat qildi.[49] U deyarli maslahatlashmagan hamkasblariga[50] u o'ziga xos avtokratik va "tobora xor" yuzini namoyish etdi.[49] 1549 yilning kuziga kelib uni Himoyachiga aylantirgan xuddi shu kengash a'zolari uning tegishli vakolatlardan foydalana olmaganiga va yaxshi maslahatlarga quloq solmoqchi emasligiga amin bo'lishdi.[51] Dudli hanuzgacha Norfolk kampaniyasidan qo'shinlar ixtiyorida edi va 1549 yil oktyabrda u qo'shildi Sautgempton grafligi va Arundel grafligi, taniqli diniy konservatorlar, Himoyachini lavozimidan chetlashtirish uchun kengashchilar to'ntarishiga rahbarlik qilish.[52] Ular suddan Londonga, Dadli qarorgohida uchrashib, chekinishdi. Himoyachidan boshlab, har bir tomon boshqasini xiyonat qilishda ayblab, shohning xavfsizligini himoya qilish uchun harakat qilishni e'lon qildi.[53] Somerset behuda kuchlarni jalb qilishga urinib ko'rdi va o'zini qirol bilan birga oldi qal'a Vindzor qasri. Qirol Edvard huzuridagi harbiy kuchni tasavvur qilib bo'lmaydigan va, ehtimol, Dadli va Arxiyepiskop Kranmer taslim bo'lgan Somerset bilan norasmiy bitimga vositachilik qildi.[54] Tashqi ko'rinishini saqlab qolish uchun 12 yoshli King amakisini hibsga olishni shaxsan o'zi buyurgan.[55] Bir lahzaga ba'zi joylarda konservativ tiklanish umidlari bor edi.[56] Biroq, Dadli va Krenmer, Edvardni Kengashga qo'shimcha islohotchi a'zolarni tayinlashga ishontirish orqali Islohot kun tartibini ta'minladilar. Maxfiy palata.[57] 1549 yil dekabrda "Sautgempton" Dudlini, Ximoyachining asl ittifoqchisi bo'lganligi uchun, Somerset bilan birga xiyonat bilan ayblash orqali ustunlikni tiklashga urindi.[58] Dudli kengashni o'z uyiga taklif qilganda va fitna uyushtiruvchilarga qo'lini qilichini ushlagancha va "jangovar ko'rinish" bilan: "Xo'jayin, siz uning [Somersetning) qonini qidirasiz va uning qonini qidirgan kishi bo'lar edi. meniki ham ".[59]

Dudli institutsional manevralar orqali o'z kuchini mustahkamladi va 1550 yil yanvariga kelib yangi regent bo'ldi. 1550 yil 2-fevralda u bo'ldi Lord Kengashning Prezidenti Kengash a'zolarini tanadan chiqarib, yangilarini tayinlash imkoniyatiga ega.[60] U Sautgempton va boshqa konservatorlarni chetlashtirdi, ammo Somersetning ozod qilinishini va Maxfiy Kengash va Maxfiy palataga qaytishini tashkil qildi.[61] 1550 yil iyun oyida Dadli vorisi Jon Somersetning qiziga uylandi Anne yarashish belgisi sifatida.[62] Shunga qaramay Somerset tez orada siyosiy hamdardlarni jalb qildi va Dudlini sahnadan olib tashlash orqali o'z kuchini tiklashga umid qildi,[63] "tafakkur qilish", keyinchalik u tan olganidek, Lord prezident hibsga olinishi va qatl etilishi.[64] Ommaviy ommabopligiga tayanib, u Dudli siyosatiga qarshi kampaniya olib bordi va unga to'sqinlik qilishga urindi.[65] Uning xatti-harakatlari ozchiliklar tuzumidagi hayotiy birlashishga tobora ko'proq tahdid solmoqda.[66] Bu borada Uorvik hech qanday imkoniyatga ega bo'lmaydi,[67] va u endi dukedomga intildi. U o'z kuchini reklama qilishi va izdoshlarini hayratda qoldirishi kerak edi; salafi singari, u Qirolning sharafini namoyish qilishi kerak edi.[68] Uning balandligi Northumberland gersogi 1551 yil 11-oktabrda Somerset gersogi marosimda qatnashgan.[69] Besh kundan keyin Somerset hibsga olindi, uning taxmin qilingan fitnalari haqida mish-mishlar tarqaldi. U "ziyofat qirg'ini" ni rejalashtirganlikda ayblanib, unda kengashga hujum qilish va Dudlini o'ldirish kerak edi.[70] Somerset oqlandi xiyonat, lekin sudlangan jinoyat litsenziyasiz qurollangan odamlar kontingentini yig'ish uchun. U 1552 yil 22-yanvarda qatl etilgan. Texnik jihatdan qonuniy bo'lsa-da,[71] bu voqealar Northumberlandning tobora ommalashib ketishiga katta hissa qo'shdi.[72] Dudlining o'zi, frantsuz guvohi so'zlariga ko'ra, "hech narsa uning vijdoniga shafqatsiz tarzda Somerset gersogiga qarshi fitna sifatida bosim o'tkazmaganligini" o'z oxirigacha tan oldi.[73]

Hukmron Angliya

Qirol Eduard VI. 1550

Lord Dadasi unvonini olish o'rniga, Jon Dadli hukmronlik qilishga kirishdi primus inter pares, ish atmosferasi Somerset davridan ko'ra ancha tanish va kam avtokratik.[74] Kengashning yangi lord prezidenti ba'zi yuqori lavozimlarni almashtirdi va bo'ldi Uy xo'jaligining buyuk ustasi o'zi va Somersetning sobiq idorasini berish Lord xazinachi ga Uilyam Polet, Vinchesterning 1-Markizi.[75] Grand Master ofisi nazoratni o'z ichiga olgan Qirollik uyi Bu Dudleyga Maxfiy palatani va shu tariqa Qirol atrofini boshqarish uchun vosita berdi.[76] Bu uning "maxsus do'stlari" orqali (u ularni shunday atagan), Ser Jon Geyts va Lord Tomas Darsi.[77] Dadli ham kuyovini joylashtirdi Ser Genri Sidni va uning ukasi Ser Endryu Dadli qirol yaqinida.[78] Uilyam Sesil Somerset gersogi hizmatida edi, u asta-sekin o'zini sodiq qilgan Jon Dadliga sodiqligini o'zgartirdi Davlat kotibi va uni "eng sodiq xizmatkor va shu vaqtga kelib juda shov-shuvli (aqlli) maslahatchi ... bu sohada kam bo'lganidek" deb o'ylardi.[79] Bu lavozimda Sesil Dudlining ishonchli qo'li edi, u Lordning xohishiga ko'ra Maxfiy Kengashni tashkil qildi. Shu bilan birga Sesil qirol bilan yaqin aloqada bo'lgan, chunki Edvard davlat kotiblari bilan yaqin hamkorlik qilgan.[80]

Dadli Edvardning siyosiy ta'limini u ishlarga qiziqishi va hech bo'lmaganda qarorlarga ta'sir qilishi kerakligi uchun tashkil qilgan.[81] U Shohning o'z hokimiyatida iloji boricha silliq o'sishini xohladi. Shunday qilib, Edvard hukumatni o'z qo'liga olgan paytdagi buzg'unchiliklar minimallashtirilishi mumkin edi, Dudlining asosiy vazir lavozimida davom etish imkoniyati yaxshi bo'lar edi.[82] Taxminan 14 yoshdan boshlab Edvardning hujjatlardagi imzosi endi kengashning imzosiga muhtoj emas edi,[83] va o'zi tanlagan Kengash bilan uchrashuvlarda qirol muntazam ravishda muhokama qilinardi - tanlanganlar orasida asosiy ma'murlar va gersog Nortumberland ham bor edi.[84] Dudli o'spirin bilan iliq munosabatda bo'lsa, u unga ko'ra uni "sevar va undan qo'rqardi" Jehan de Schefye, imperator elchisi.[85] Kechki ovqatda Edvard elchi bilan uzoq muhokama qildi, Nortumberlend qirolga etarlicha aytganini ehtiyotkorlik bilan ko'rsatguncha.[86] Shunga qaramay, Dyuk hamma narsada o'z yo'lini topishi shart emas edi. 1552–1553 yillarda Dudlining istaklariga zid bo'lgan qarorlar (va harakatsizliklar) ortida Qirolning qo'lini aniqlash mumkin.[87] Sudda murakkab ta'sir tarmoqlari ish olib bordi va Edvard bir nechta ovozni tingladi.[88] Stiven Alford Eduardning o'z hukumatida qay darajada rol o'ynaganligi haqidagi savolga quyidagicha yozadi:

Edvardning qirollik biznesining rivojlanib borayotganligini tasdiqlash mumkin va Jon Dadli va uning hamkasblarining hanuzgacha kuchli siyosiy ishtirokini qabul qiling. ... tuzilmalari ... Kengash va qirol xonadoni o'zlariga moslasha boshladi oqibatlari qirol yoshidagi ... markazdagi hokimiyatning dinamikasi o'zlarini shaklini o'zgartirishga qodir edi, chunki qirol atrofidagi odamlar, vaziyatlarda shunday bo'lishi kerakligini qabul qilishdi.[89]

Ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy siyosat

Dadli 1549 yilda ko'rilgan yangi isyonni oldini olish uchun ma'muriy samaradorlikni tiklash va jamoat tartibini saqlashga kirishdi.[90] "Noqonuniy yig'ilishlarni jazolash uchun" yangi qonun bilan jihozlangan,[91] u yer egalari va Maxfiy Kengashning birlashgan jabhasini qurdi, hukumat notinchlikning har qanday alomatiga mahalliy darajada aralashdi.[92] U litsenziyalar berishning qadimiy amaliyotiga qaytdi saqlamoq yashagan izdoshlari va o'rnatilgan Lord-leytenantlar Markaziy hukumat vakili bo'lgan va tarkibida kichik tarkibni saqlash kerak edi otliqlar.[93] Ushbu chora-tadbirlar samarali bo'ldi va mamlakat qolgan hukmronlik davrida tinch edi. Darhaqiqat, 1552 yilning yozida - vorislik inqirozidan bir yil oldin - otliq guruhlar pulni tejash uchun tarqatib yuborilgan edi.[94]

Jon Dadli ham ijtimoiy vaziyatni yumshatish uchun harakat qildi.[50] Har qanday ishsiz topgan 1547 yildagi "Vagabondlarni jazolash to'g'risidagi qonun". qashshoqlik markasi qo'yilishi va qul sifatida "taqdimotchiga" berilishi kerak edi,[50] 1550 yilda juda qattiq deb bekor qilindi.[95] 1552 yilda Northumberland bir romanni surdi Yomon qonun orqali parlament har hafta uchun taqdim etilgan cherkovga asoslangan "kambag'allarga yordam" uchun to'plamlar.[96] Parijliklar o'zlarining muhtoj aholisini va odamlar ularga berishga rozi bo'lgan miqdorlarni ro'yxatdan o'tkazishlari kerak edi, istamaganlar esa parson tomonidan, agar kerak bo'lsa, yepiskop tomonidan "qo'zg'atilishi" kerak edi.[96] 1549-1551 yillarda kam hosil va shunga mos ravishda oziq-ovqat narxlari ko'tarilib ketdi. Dadli qonunbuzarliklarga qarshi aralashishga urindi vositachilar yashirin makkajo'xori uchun rasmiy qidiruvlar va don, go'sht va boshqa oziq-ovqat mahsulotlariga maksimal narxlarni belgilash orqali.[97] Biroq, belgilangan narxlar shu qadar real bo'lmaganki, dehqonlar o'z mahsulotlarini ochiq bozorda sotishni to'xtatdilar va qoidalarni bekor qilishga to'g'ri keldi.[98] Rejimning agrar siyosati, mulkdorlarga umumiy erlarni qamrab olish uchun katta erkinlik berish bilan birga, turli xil qamrab olish shakllarini ham ajratib turardi. Noqonuniy to'siqlarda aybdor bo'lgan uy egalari tobora ko'proq javobgarlikka tortiladilar.[99]

Protektoratning moliyaviy merosi, nogiron Crown qarzlaridan tashqari, misli ko'rilmagan tanazzuldan iborat edi.[100] Ikkinchi kuni Kengashning lord prezidenti sifatida Dudli muammolarni hal qilish jarayonini boshladi yalpiz.[101] U qaraydigan qo'mita tuzdi pishirish zarbxona xodimlari va boshqa muassasalar tomonidan.[102] 1551 yilda hukumat bir vaqtning o'zida yana tanazzulga uchragan tanga chiqarish va shu zahotiyoq "yig'lab yuborish" orqali foyda olishga va tanga bo'lgan ishonchni tiklashga harakat qildi.[103] Natijada vahima va chalkashlik yuzaga keldi va vaziyatni ushlab qolish uchun bir necha oy ichida 92,3% kumush tarkibidagi tanga chiqarildi (oxirgi muomaladagi kumush tarkibidagi 25% ga nisbatan).[50] Yomon tanga yaxshilikdan ustun keldi, ammo odamlar ishonchini yo'qotganligi sababli.[104] Northumberland mag'lubiyatini tan oldi va moliyaviy ekspertni jalb qildi Tomas Gresham.[105] To'rt yil ichidagi birinchi yaxshi hosildan so'ng, 1552 yil oxiriga kelib valyuta barqaror bo'lib, oziq-ovqat mahsulotlari narxi pasayib ketdi va iqtisodiyotni tiklash uchun asos yaratildi. Crown daromadlarini boshqarishni markazlashtirish jarayoni boshlanib, tashqi qarzlar bekor qilindi.[106]

Diniy siyosat

Dan foydalanish Umumiy ibodat kitobi 1549 yilda qonun bo'ldi. Qirol Edvardning singlisi, Meri Tudor, amalda tinglashni davom ettirish uchun litsenziyaga ega edi massa shaxsiy sharoitda. Shunday qilib, u hokimiyat tepasida bo'lishi bilanoq, Dadli unga bosim o'tkazib, uning butun oilasi va ko'plab mehmonlarni tashrif buyurishiga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun uni to'xtatdi.[107] Meri, o'z navbatida bunga toqat qilmadi Umumiy ibodat kitobi uning har qanday yashash joyida hech qanday yon berishga tayyor emas edi. U mamlakatdan qochib ketishni rejalashtirgan, ammo keyin so'nggi daqiqada qaroriga kela olmadi.[108] Meri Edvardning ushbu masalaga bo'lgan shaxsiy qiziqishini rad etdi va uning muammolarida Jon Dadlini to'liq aybladi.[108] Qirol va Kengash bilan uchrashuvdan so'ng, unga uning e'tiqodi emas, balki qonunga bo'ysunmaslik muhim ekanligi aytilganidan so'ng, u imperator elchisini de Shefeyni Angliyaga qarshi urush bilan tahdid qilish uchun yubordi.[109] Angliya hukumati o'z komissiyasidan chiqib ketgan elchining urush tahdidini yuta olmadi, lekin shu bilan birga barcha muhim tijorat aloqalarini xavf ostiga qo'ymasdi. Xabsburg Gollandiya, shuning uchun elchixona yuborildi Bryussel va Maryamning ba'zi uy xizmatchilari hibsga olingan.[110] Kengashga navbatdagi tashrifi chog'ida, Uayvik Graf Angliya qiroli 14 yoshida bo'lgani kabi, 40 yoshda ham xuddi shunday vakolatlarga ega ekanligini aytdi - Dhedli Maryamning yoshligi sababli Edvardning talablarini qabul qilishdan bosh tortgani haqida gapirdi. .[111] Oxir oqibat jimgina murosa kuchga kirdi: Meri toj bilan almashinish orqali o'z mulkini ko'paytirganda, ommaviyroq eshitishni yanada xususiy tarzda davom ettirdi.[112]

Qirolning diniy didiga murojaat qilgan Jon Dudli ruhoniylar orasida evangelist protestantlarning asosiy qo'llab-quvvatlovchisiga aylandi va bir necha odamlarni episkopikaga targ'ib qildi. Jon Xuper va Jon Ponet.[113] Ingliz islohoti keng ommalashmaganiga qaramay, shiddat bilan davom etdi.[114] 1552 yilda qayta ishlangan nashri Umumiy ibodat kitobi haqidagi ta'limotni rad etdi transubstantizatsiya, va Qirq ikki maqola, 1553 yil iyun oyida chiqarilgan, e'lon qilingan imon bilan oqlanish va mavjudligini inkor etdi tozalovchi. Shunga qaramay, ularning qadrli loyihalari Arxiepiskop Tomas Krenmer,[50] u hukumat ularning masalasini ko'rib chiqishidan norozi edi.[115] 1552 yilga kelib primat va Dyuk muzli edi. Cherkovning davlatdan mustaqil bo'lishiga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun Dadli Krenmerning islohotiga qarshi edi kanon qonuni.[116] U shotlandni yolladi Jon Noks shuning uchun u, Northumberland so'zlari bilan aytganda, "o'zi kerak bo'lgan Kanterberi yepiskopini tezlashtirish va keskinlashtirish uchun toshbo'ron bo'lishi kerak".[117] Noks hamkorlik qilishdan bosh tortdi, ammo boshqa islohotchilar bilan birga baland joylarda ochko'z odamlarga qarshi va'z qilish kampaniyasida qatnashdi.[117] Kranmerning kanon qonuni, nihoyat, 1553 yil bahorgi parlamenti paytida Northumberlandning g'azablangan aralashuvi natijasida vayron bo'ldi.[118] Shaxsiy darajada bo'lsa-da, Dyuk maktab o'quvchilarini ishlab chiqarishda yordam berishdan mamnun edi kateizm lotin va ingliz tillarida.[119] 1553 yil iyun oyida u Maxfiy Kengashning taklifini qo'llab-quvvatladi Filipp Melanchton bolmoq Ilohiyot bo'yicha Regius professori da Kembrij universiteti. Ammo qirolning o'limi uchun Melanchton Angliyaga kelgan bo'lar edi - uning katta sayohat xarajatlari Edvard hukumati tomonidan allaqachon to'lab berilgan edi.[120]

Northumberland muammolari markazida episkop cherkovning boyligi, hukumat va mansabdor shaxslar o'sha paytdan beri foyda ko'rgan narsalarini musodara qilishdan bosh tortdilar Monastirlarning tugatilishi. Eng radikal va'zgo'ylar, agar kerak bo'lsa, episkoplar "lord" bo'lishi kerak deb o'ylashgan.[121] Bu munosabat Dadli uchun jozibali edi, chunki bu unga mablag'ni to'ldirishga yoki cherkov mulki bilan mukofot tarqatishga qulay edi.[121] Yangi episkoplar tayinlanganda - odatda ko'radi mahrum bo'lgan konservativ amaldagi rahbarlardan - ular ko'pincha yerga egalik huquqini tojga topshirishlari kerak edi va juda kam tushumga ega bo'ldilar.[122] Crown moliyasining og'ir ahvoli Kengashni 1552-1553 yillarda nishonga olib, cherkovni ekspluatatsiya qilishning navbatdagi to'lqiniga murojaat qildi. xitob erlar va cherkov plitalari.[123] O'sha paytda va undan keyin, parchalanishi va qayta tashkil etilishi Darham shahzodasi-episkopi Dudlining o'zini yaratishga urinishi sifatida talqin qilingan tuman palatinasi o'zi uchun. Biroq, ma'lum bo'lishicha, Darxemning butun daromadi ikki merosxo'r episkopiya va yaqin atrofga ajratilgan chegara garnizoni Norxem qasri. Dadli qabul qildi boshqaruvchilik shimolidagi yangi "King's County Palatine" (qiymati 50 funt sterling)p.a. ), lekin u uchun boshqa foyda yo'q edi.[124] Umuman olganda, Northumberland-ning qayta tashkil etish to'g'risidagi qoidalari yepiskoplar Unda "xushxabarni voizlik qilish" mablag 'etishmasligi kerak degan xavotirni oching.[125] Shunga qaramay, cherkov mulkini musodara qilish, shuningdek yotish cherkov ishlarining hukumat tomonidan olib borilgan yo'nalishi Gersogni isloh qilingan yoki konservativ bo'ladimi, ulamolar orasida yoqtirmasdi.[126] Uning ular bilan munosabatlari hech qachon Edvardning so'nggi kasalligi inqirozi yaqinlashgan paytdan yomon bo'lmagan.[127]

Tinchlik siyosati

1547–1549 yillardagi urush siyosati favqulodda xarajatlarni taxminan 350 000 funt sterlingni tashkil qildi. muntazam Crown daromadiga qarshi £ 150,000 p.a.[128] Shu tarzda davom ettirishning iloji yo'q edi,[129] va Dudli tezda pulni qaytarib olish to'g'risida muzokara olib bordi qamalda Bulonda ingliz garnizoni. Garnizonning katta xarajatlarini tejash mumkin edi va frantsuzlarning qutqarish uchun to'lovlari taxminan 180,000 funtni eng yaxshi kutilgan naqd daromad edi.[130] Frantsiya bilan tinchlik 1550 yil mart oyida Bulogne shartnomasida tuzilgan edi. O'sha paytda ham jamoat xursand bo'ldi, ham g'azablandi va ba'zi tarixchilar tinchlikni inglizlar nazorati ostidagi hududning sharmandali taslim bo'lishi sifatida qoralashdi.[131] Bir yil o'tgach, qirol Edvardning olti yoshli frantsuz kelini bo'lishi kerakligi to'g'risida kelishib olindi Elisabet Valois. Shotlandiya bilan urush xavfi ham zararsizlantirildi, Angliya evaziga ba'zi izolyatsiya qilingan garnizonlardan voz kechdi.[132] In Shotlandiya bilan tinchlik shartnomasi 1551 yil iyunida tarixda birinchilardan bo'lib qo'shma komissiya tuzildi aniq chegara ikki mamlakat o'rtasida. Ushbu masala 1552 yil avgustda Frantsiya hakamligi tomonidan tuzilgan.[133] Harbiy harakatlar to'xtatilganiga qaramay, ingliz mudofaasi yuqori darajada saqlanib qoldi: qariyb 200 ming funt sterling. Kale va Shotlandiya chegarasida dengiz flotiga va garnizonlarga sarflangan.[134] Shotlandiya yurishlari boshlig'i sifatida Northumberland yangi bino qurishni tashkil qildi Italyancha qal'a Bervik-on-Tvid.[135]

1551 yil sentyabrda Frantsiya va Imperator o'rtasidagi urush yana boshlandi. Vaqt o'tishi bilan Northumberland har ikki tomondan ingliz tilidan yordam so'rab murojaatlarni rad etdi, bu imperiya misolida Angliya-Imperial asosidagi keng miqyosli urushga bo'lgan talabdan iborat edi. 1542 yilgi shartnoma.[136] Dyuk siyosatini olib bordi betaraflik, muvozanatlashtiruvchi harakat ikki buyuk davlat o'rtasida tinchlikni jozibador qildi.[137] 1552 yil oxirlarida u ingliz vositachiligi bilan Evropada tinchlik o'rnatishni o'z zimmasiga oldi. Ushbu harakatlar raqib rezident elchilar tomonidan jiddiy qabul qilindi, ammo 1553 yil iyunida jangchilar tomonidan tugatildi, urush davom etishi ular uchun foydaliroq bo'ldi.[138]

Chet elda qiziqish

Jon Dadli 1549 yil oktyabrda Himoyachining qulashi bilanoq, Lord Admiral lavozimini tikladi,[139] Tomas Seymur 1549 yil mart oyida akasi tomonidan qatl etilgan.[140] Dadli ofisga o'tdi Edvard Lord Klinton 1550 yil may oyida, dengiz ishlariga bo'lgan qiziqishini hech qachon yo'qotmadi.[141] Genri VIII Angliya dengiz flotida, asosan harbiy jihatdan inqilob qilgan edi.[142] Dudli Ispaniyaning tahdidlariga e'tibor bermay, ingliz sayohatlarini uzoq sohillarga chorladi.[143] U hatto reyd haqida o'ylardi Peru bilan Sebastyan Kabot 1551 yilda.[144] Ekspeditsiyalar Marokash va Gvineya qirg'og'i 1551 va 1552 yillarda amalga oshirildi. Orqali Xitoyga rejalashtirilgan sayohat Shimoli-sharqiy o'tish ostida Xyu Uillobi 1553 yil may oyida suzib ketdi - qirol Edvard ularning ketishini derazasidan kuzatib turdi.[145] Northumberland "dengiz inqilobi" ning markazida edi, bu siyosat, tobora ko'proq ingliz toji to'g'ridan-to'g'ri uzoq masofali savdoni homiylik qildi.[146]

1553

Vorislikni o'zgartirish

15 yoshli Qirol 1553 yil fevralda og'ir kasal bo'lib qoldi. Uning singlisi Meri unga "Angliya malikasi bo'lganidek vazifa va sajda" qilib, uning oldiga taklif qilindi.[147] Qirol biroz tuzaldi,[148] va aprel oyida Northumberland Maryamning 1530-yillarda yo'qotgan Angliya malikasi sifatida to'liq unvonini va qo'llarini tikladi.[149] Shuningdek, u uni Edvardning ahvoli to'g'risida xabardor qilib turdi.[150] Taxminan shu vaqtda nikoh bo'yicha bir qator muzokaralar yakunlandi. 1553 yil 21-mayda Gildford Dadli, Northumberlandning ikkinchi kenja o'g'li, turmushga chiqdi Ledi Jeyn Grey, qizg'in protestant qizi Suffolk gersogi va onasi orqali Frensis Brendon, Genrix VIIIning nabirasi. Uning singlisi Ketrin merosxo'ri bilan uyg'unlashdi Pembrok grafligi va boshqasi Ketrin, Gildfordning singlisi, va'da qilingan Genri Xastings, merosxo'r Huntingdon grafligi.[151] Bir oy ichida ushbu nikohlarning birinchisi juda muhim bo'lib chiqdi. Garchi ular ajoyib tantanalar bilan ajralib tursalar-da, ular tuzilgan davrda ittifoqlar, hatto eng shubhali kuzatuvchi bo'lgan imperator elchisi Jehan de Schefye tomonidan ham siyosiy ahamiyatga ega emas edi.[152] Ko'pincha Dudli oilasini taxtga olib chiqish fitnasi isboti sifatida qabul qilinadi,[153] ular shuningdek, aristokratlar o'rtasidagi muntazam o'yinlar sifatida tavsiflangan.[154]

Edvard VI tomonidan "Vorislik uchun mening ixtiroim". Edvard o'z matnini "L Janes heires masles" dan "L Jane and her heires masles" ga o'zgartirdi.[155]

Kasallik paytida ma'lum vaqtlarda Edvard "Mening vorisim uchun o'ylayman" nomli hujjat loyihasini yozdi.[156] O'zining ashaddiy protestantligi tufayli Edvard katolik singlisi Meri muvaffaqiyat qozonishini istamadi, lekin u ham merosxo'rlik va qonuniylik bilan band edi, bu Maryam va Yelizaveta ishida Genri VIII qonunchiligi natijasida shubhali edi.[157][2-eslatma] O'zining o'lik kasalligini bilmasidan oldin yozilgan "ixtiro" ning birinchi versiyasida Edvard singillarini chetlab o'tib, faqat erkak merosxo'rlarning vorisligini ta'minladi.[158][3-eslatma] May oyi oxiri yoki iyun oyi boshlarida Edvardning ahvoli keskin yomonlashdi va u tojni nafaqat uning o'g'lon o'g'illari, balki Ledi Jeyn Greyning o'zi ham olishi uchun tuzatdi.[159] To what extent Edward's document—especially this last change—was influenced by Northumberland, his confidant Jon Geyts, or still other members of the Privy Chamber like Edward's tutor Jon Cheke yoki Secretary William Petre, is unclear.[160]

Edward fully endorsed it.[161] He personally supervised the copying of his will and twice summoned lawyers to his bedside to give them orders. On the second occasion, 15 June, Northumberland kept a watchful eye over the proceedings.[162] Days before, the Duke had intimidated the judges who were raising legal objections to the "devise".[163] The next step was an engagement to perform the King's will after his death, signed in his presence by Northumberland and 23 others.[164] Finally, the King's official "declaration", issued as patentlar xatlari, was signed by 102 notables, among them the whole Privy Council, peers, bishops, judges, and London aldermen.[165] Edward also announced to have it passed in parlament in September, and the necessary yozuvlar were prepared.[166]

It was now common knowledge that Edward was dying. The Imperial ambassador, Jehan de Scheyfye, had been convinced for years that Dudley was engaged in some "mighty plot" to settle the Crown on his own head.[167] As late as 12 June, though, he still knew nothing specific, despite having inside information about Edward's sickness.[152] France, which found the prospect of the Emperor's cousin on the English throne disagreeable, gave indications of support to Northumberland.[127] Since the Duke did not rule out an armed intervention from Charlz V, he came back on the French offer after the King's death, sending a secret and non-committal mission to Qirol Genrix II.[168] After Jane's accession in July the ambassadors of both powers were convinced she would prevail, although they were in no doubt that the common people backed Mary.[169] Antoine de Noailles wrote of Guildford Dudley as "the new King", while the Emperor instructed his envoys to arrange themselves with the Duke and to discourage Mary from undertaking anything dangerous.[170]

Whether altering the succession was Edward's own idea or not, he was determinedly at work to exclude his half-sisters in favour of what he perceived as his jeopardised legacy.[171] The original provisions of the "devise" have been described as bizarre and obsessive and as typical of a teenager, while incompatible with the mind and needs of a pragmatical politician.[172] Mary's accession could cost Northumberland his head, but not necessarily so.[173] He tried hard to please her during 1553, and may have shared the general assumption that she would succeed to the Crown as late as early June.[174] Faced with Edward's express royal will and perseverance, John Dudley submitted to his master's wishes—either seeing his chance to retain his power beyond the boy's lifetime or out of loyalty.[175]

Yiqilish

Ledi Jeyn Grey, whom Northumberland put on the English throne; he reminded his colleagues that "this virtuous lady ... by ... our enticement is rather of force placed therein than by her own seeking and request."[176]

Edward VI died on 6 July 1553. The next morning Northumberland sent his son Robert ichiga Xertfordshir with 300 men to secure the person of Mary Tudor.[177] Aware of her half-brother's condition, the Princess had only days before moved to Sharqiy Angliya, where she was the greatest landowner.[178] She began to assemble an armed following and sent a letter to the council, demanding to be recognised as queen. It arrived on 10 July, the day Jane Grey was proclaimed as queen.[179] The Duke of Northumberland's oration, held before Jane the previous day, did not move her to accept the Crown—her parents' assistance was required for that.[180] Dudley had not prepared for resolute action on Mary's part and needed a week to build up a larger force.[181] He was in a dilemma over who should lead the troops. He was the most experienced general in the kingdom, but he did not want to leave the government in the hands of his colleagues, in some of whom he had little confidence.[182] Queen Jane decided the issue by demanding that her father, the Duke of Suffolk, should remain with her and the council.[183] On 14 July Northumberland headed for Kembrij with 1,500 troops and some artilleriya, having reminded his colleagues of the gravity of the cause, "what chance of variance soever might grow amongst you in my absence".[182]

Supported by gentry and nobility in East Anglia and the Temza vodiysi, Mary's military camp was gathering strength daily and, through luck, came into possession of powerful artillery from the royal navy. In the circumstances the Duke deemed fighting a campaign hopeless. The army proceeded from Cambridge to Bury Sent-Edmunds and retreated again to Cambridge.[184] On 20 July a letter from the Council in London arrived, declaring that they had proclaimed Queen Mary and commanding Northumberland to disband the army and await events. Dudley did not contemplate resistance.[185][4-eslatma] He explained to his fellow-commanders that they had acted on the council's orders all the time and that he did not now wish "to combat the Council's decisions, supposing that they have been moved by good reasons ... and I beg your lordships to do the same."[186] Proclaiming Mary Tudor at the market place, he threw up his cap and "so laughed that the tears ran down his cheeks for grief."[187] The next morning the Earl of Arundel arrived to arrest him. A week earlier Arundel had assured Northumberland of his wish to spill his blood even at the Duke's feet; now Dudley went down on his knees as soon as he caught sight of him.[188]

Northumberland rode through the London shahri to the Tower on 25 July, with his guards struggling to protect him against the hostile populace.[189] A pamphlet appearing shortly after his arrest illustrated the general hatred of him: "the great devil Dudley ruleth, Duke I should have said".[190] He was now commonly thought to have poisoned King Edward while Mary "would have been as glad of her brother's life, as the ragged bear is glad of his death".[191] Dumbfounded by the turn of events, the French ambassador Noailles wrote: "I have witnessed the most sudden change believable in men, and I believe that God alone worked it."[192] Devid Loades, biographer of both Queen Mary and John Dudley, concludes that the lack of fighting clouds the fact that this outcome was a close-run affair, and warns

to explain Mary's triumph over Jane simply in terms of overwhelming spontaneous support. Northumberland ... was completely unprepared for the crisis which eventually overtook him. He was already losing his grip upon the situation before the council defected, and that was why they did it.[193]

Sinov va ijro

Northumberland was tried on 18 August 1553 in Vestminster zali. The panels of the jury and judges were largely made up of his former colleagues. Dudley hinted that he had acted on the authority of Prince and Council and by warrant of the Buyuk muhr. Answered that the Great Seal of a usurper was worth nothing, he asked "whether any such persons as were equally culpable of that crime ... might be his judges".[194] After sentence was passed, he begged the Queen's mercy for his five sons, the eldest of whom was condemned with him, the rest waiting for their trials.[195][5-eslatma] He also asked to "confess to a learned divine" and was visited by Bishop Stephen Gardiner, who had passed most of Edward's reign in the Tower and was now Mary's Lord Kantsler.[196] The Duke's execution was planned for 21 August at eight in the morning; however, it was suddenly cancelled.[197] Northumberland was instead escorted to Sent-Piter ad Vincula, where he took the Catholic birlik and professed that "the plagues that is upon the realm and upon us now is that we have erred from the faith these sixteen years."[198] A great propaganda coup for the new government, Dudley's words were officially distributed—especially in the territories of the Emperor Charles V.[199] In the evening the Duke learnt "that I must prepare myself against tomorrow to receive my deadly stroke", as he wrote in a desperate plea to the Earl of Arundel: "O my good lord remember how sweet life is, and how bitter ye contrary."[200] On the scaffold, before 10,000 people,[201] Dudley confessed his guilt but maintained:[202]

"And yet this act wherefore I die, was not altogether of me (as it is thought) but I was procured and induced thereunto by other[s]. I was I say induced thereunto by other[s], howbeit, God forbid that I should name any man unto you, I will name no man unto you, and therefore I beseech you look not for it. ... And one thing more good people I have to say unto you ... and that is to warn you and exhort you to beware of these seditious preachers, and teachers of new doctrine, which pretend to preach God's word, but in very deed they preach their own fancies, ... they know not today what they would have tomorrow, ... they open the book, but they cannot shut it again. ... I could good people rehearse much more ... but you know I have another thing to do, whereunto I must prepare me, for the time draweth away." ... And after he had thus spoken he kneeled down ... and bowing toward the block he said, I have deserved a thousand deaths, and thereupon he made a cross upon the straw, and kissed it, and laid his head upon the block, and so died.[203]

Assessments

Historical reputation

A black legend about the Duke of Northumberland was already in the making when he was still in power, the more after his fall.[204] From the last days of Henry VIII he was to have planned, years in advance, the destruction of both King Edward's Seymour uncles—Lord Thomas and the Protector—as well as Edward himself.[205] He also served as an indispensable scapegoat: It was the most practical thing for Queen Mary to believe that Dudley had been acting all alone and it was in nobody's interest to doubt it.[206] Further questions were unwelcome, as Charles V's ambassadors found out: "it was thought best not to inquire too closely into what had happened, so as to make no discoveries that might prejudice those [who tried the duke]".[207] By renouncing the Protestantism he had so conspicuously stood for, Northumberland lost every respect and became ineligible for rehabilitation in a world dominated by thinking along mazhabparast chiziqlar.[208] Protestant writers like Jon Foks va John Ponet concentrated on the pious King Edward's achievements and reinvented Somerset as the "good Duke"—it followed that there had also to be a "wicked Duke".[209] This interpretation was enhanced by the High and Late Victorian historians, James Anthony Froude va A. F. Pollard, who saw Somerset as a champion of political liberty whose desire "to do good"[210] was thwarted by, in Pollard's phrase, "the subtlest intriguer in English History".[50]

As late as 1968/1970, VK. Iordaniya embraced this good duke/bad duke dichotomy in a two-volume study of Edward VI's reign.[211] However, he saw the King on the verge of assuming full authority at the beginning of 1553 (with Dudley contemplating retirement) and ascribed the succession alteration to Edward's resolution, Northumberland playing the part of the loyal and tragic enforcer instead of the original instigator.[212] Many historians have since seen the "devise" as Edward's very own project.[6-eslatma] Others, while remarking upon the plan's sloppy implementation,[213] have seen Northumberland as behind the scheme, yet in concord with Edward's convictions; the Duke acting out of despair for his own survival,[50] or to rescue political and religious reform and save England from Habsburg domination.[214]

Since the 1970s, critical reassessments of the Duke of Somerset's policies and government style led to acknowledgment that Northumberland revitalised and reformed the Privy Council as a central part of the administration,[215] and that he "took the necessary but unpopular steps to hold the minority regime together".[216] Stability and reconstruction have been made out as the mark of most of his policies;[217] the scale of his motivation ranging from "determined ambition"[218] bilan GR. Elton in 1977 to "idealism of a sort" with Diarmaid MacCulloch 1999 yilda.[219] Dale Hoak concluded in 1980: "given the circumstances which he inherited in 1549, the duke of Northumberland appears to have been one of the most remarkably able governors of any European state during the sixteenth century."[220]

Shaxsiyat

John Dudley, 1540s, with wand of office

John Dudley's recantation of his Protestant faith before his execution delighted Queen Mary and enraged Lady Jane.[198] The general opinion, especially among Protestants, was that he tried to seek a pardon by this move.[221] Historians have often believed that he had no faith whatsoever, being a mere cynic.[222] Further explanations—both contemporary and modern—have been that Northumberland sought to rescue his family from the axe,[223] that, in the face of catastrophe, he found a spiritual home in the church of his childhood,[224] or that he saw the hand of God in Mary's success.[225] Although he endorsed the Reformation from at least the mid-1530s,[10] Dudley may not have understood theological subtleties, being a "simple man in such matters".[198] The Duke was stung by an outspoken letter he received from John Knox, whom he had invited to preach before the King and in vain had offered a bishopric. William Cecil was informed:[226]

I love not to have to do with men which be neither grateful nor pleasable. I assure you I mind to have no more to do with him but to wish him well ... he cannot tell whether I be a dissembler in religion or not ... for my own part, if I should have passed more upon the speech of the people than upon the service of my master ... I needed not to have had so much obloquy of some kind of men; but the living God, that knoweth the hearts of all men, shall be my judge at the last day with what zeal, faith, and truth I serve my master.[227]

Northumberland was not an old-style peer, despite his aristocratic ancestry and existence as a great lord.[228] He acquired, sold, and exchanged lands, but never strove to build himself a territorial power base or a large armed force of ushlagichlar (which proved fatal in the end).[229] His maximum income of £4,300 p.a. from land and a £2,000 p.a. dan annuities va to'lovlar, was appropriate to his rank and figured well below the annuity of £5,333 p.a. the Duke of Somerset had granted himself, thus reaching an income of over £10,000 p.a. while in office.[230] John Dudley was a typical Tudor Crown servant, self-interested but absolutely loyal to the incumbent sovereign: The monarch's every wish was law.[231] This uncritical stance may have played a decisive role in Northumberland's decision to implement Edward's succession device, as it did in his attitude towards Mary when she had become queen.[232] The fear his services could be inadequate or go unacknowledged by the monarch was constant in Dudley,[233] who also was very sensitive on what he called "estimation", meaning status.[234] Edmund Dadli was unforgotten: "my poor father's fate who, after his master was gone, suffered death for doing his master's commandments", the Duke wrote to Cecil nine months before his own end.[235]

John Dudley was an imposing figure with a strong temperament who could also charm people with his courtesy and a graceful presence.[236] He was a family man, an understanding father and husband who was passionately loved by his wife.[237] Frequent phases of illness, partly due to a stomach ailment, occasioned long absences from court but did not reduce his high output of paperwork, and may have had an element of gipoxondriya ularda.[238] The English diplomat Richard Morrison wrote of his onetime superior: "This Earl had such a head that he seldom went about anything but he had three or four purposes beforehand."[239] A French eyewitness of 1553 described him as "an intelligent man who could explain his ideas and who displayed an impressive dignity. Others, who did not know him, would have considered him worthy of a kingdom."[41]

Shuningdek qarang

Izohlar

  1. ^ Claims that he was the grandson of a carpenter notwithstanding, John Dudley was of noble ancestry. Uning ota bobosi edi John Sutton, 1st Baron Dudley. On his mother's side he descended from the Yuz yillik urush qahramonlar, Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick va Jon Talbot, Shrysberining birinchi grafligi. He accordingly assumed the bear and the ragged staff, the arms of the medieval Earls of Warwick (Wilson 1981 pp. 1, 3; Adams 2002 pp. 312–313).
  2. ^ Henry VIII, in his Third Succession Act of 1544 and in his will, nominated his daughters Mary and Elizabeth as successors to the Crown, "upon condition" that they did not marry without the consent of the Privy Council (Hutchinson 2006 p. 212). In the same 1544 act his daughters were still, as in earlier legislation, declared illegitimate and unable to inherit by common law (Ives 2009 p. 143).
  3. ^ If there were no male heirs at the time of his death, England should have no king until the birth of a male royal child; a detailed system of female regency provisions was to apply in this case. Edward also distinguished between different types of minority rule and envisaged the possibility of having adult sons to succeed him (Ives 2009 pp. 137–139; Alford 2002 pp. 172–173).
  4. ^ It was said that "his men forsook him", as the London chronicler Henry Machyn put it (Loades 2004 p. 127). Such rumours and claims were largely exaggerated, though (Ives 2009 pp. 203–205; Loades 2004 p. 127). The bulk of the troops he had brought from London were with the Duke until the end and, in the words of David Loades, "he could have made a considerable nuisance of himself if he had chosen."(Loades 2004 p. 127).
  5. ^ Jon, Ambrose, Robert, Henry, and Guildford Dudley were all condemned to death, as was Sir Andrew Dudley, Northumberland's brother. Only Guildford was executed, in February 1554, with his wife Lady Jane Grey. The only other people who died were Sir John Gates va Sir Thomas Palmer, on the same day as the Duke (Loades 1996 pp. 270, 271).
  6. ^ For example: Stephen Alford (Alford 2002 pp. 171–174); Dale Hoak (Hoak 2004); Eric Ives (Ives 2009 pp. 136–142, 145–148); Devid Loades (Loades 1996 pp. 231–233, 239–241; Loades 2003 pp. 79–80; Loades 2004 pp. 68–69, 121–123; Loades 2008); Diarmaid MacCulloch (MacCulloch 2001 pp. 39–41); Linda Porter (Porter 2007 p. 188); Judith Richards (Richards 2007); Kris Skidmor (Skidmore 2007 pp. 247–250); Devid Starki (Starkey 2001 pp. 112–114); Derek Wilson (Wilson 2005 pp. 215–221).

Iqtiboslar

  1. ^ a b v d Loades 2008
  2. ^ Loades 2008; Adams 2002 pp. 312–313
  3. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 7–11
  4. ^ Loades 1996 p. 17
  5. ^ Loades 1996 p. 18
  6. ^ Loades 1996 p. 20
  7. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 20–22, 24–25
  8. ^ Loades 1996 p. 22
  9. ^ a b Ives 2009 p. 99
  10. ^ a b MacCulloch 2001 pp. 52–53; Ives 2009 pp. 114–115
  11. ^ Wilson 1981 pp. 11, 15–16; French 2002 p. 33
  12. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 30–32; Beer 1973 p. 8
  13. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 27–28
  14. ^ Loades 1996 p. 28
  15. ^ Beer 1973 pp. 8–9
  16. ^ Loades 1996 p. 36
  17. ^ a b Hawkyard 1982
  18. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 31, 33–34
  19. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 34–36, viii; Wilson 1981 p. 20
  20. ^ Ives 2009 p. 99; Warnicke 2012 p. 64
  21. ^ Loades 1996 p. 48
  22. ^ Ives 2009 p. 103
  23. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 100–101
  24. ^ a b Wilson 1981 p. 22
  25. ^ Ives 2009 p. 101
  26. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 71, 85
  27. ^ Beer 1973 p. 32; Loades 1996 pp. 69–71
  28. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 77
  29. ^ Beer 1973 p. 36; Loades 1996 pp. 78–80; Ives 2009 p. 103
  30. ^ Wilson 1981 p. 22; Beer 1973 p. 36
  31. ^ Loades 1996 p. 79
  32. ^ Hutchinson 2006 p. 181; Loades 1996 pp. 81–82
  33. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 82–85; MacCulloch 2001 pp. 7–8
  34. ^ Rathbone 2002; Loades 1996 pp. 82–85
  35. ^ Beer 1973 p. 41
  36. ^ Hutchinson 2006 p. 213
  37. ^ Alford 2002 pp. 29, 69–70
  38. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 88–90
  39. ^ Beer 1973 pp. 58–60; Loades 2008
  40. ^ Loades 1996 p. 100
  41. ^ a b Ives 2009 p. 104
  42. ^ Merriman 2000 p. 353
  43. ^ Loades 1996 p. 107
  44. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 107–108; Loades 2004 pp. 44–45; Loades 2008
  45. ^ Loades 1996 p. 118
  46. ^ Ives 2009 p. 102
  47. ^ Wood 2007 p. 72
  48. ^ Chapman 1962 p. 63; Wood 2007 pp. 72–73
  49. ^ a b MacCulloch 2001 pp. 50–51
  50. ^ a b v d e f g Rathbone 2002
  51. ^ Alford 2002 pp. 71–72
  52. ^ Loades 2004 pp. 47–48
  53. ^ Beer 1973 p. 88; Loades 2004 p. 48
  54. ^ Loades 2004 pp. 48–50; MacCulloch 2001 p. 51
  55. ^ Loades 2004 p. 50
  56. ^ Loades 2004 pp. 84–85
  57. ^ Loades 2004 pp. 84–85; Hoak 1980 pp. 36–37
  58. ^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 95; Hoak 1980 p. 36
  59. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 144–145
  60. ^ Hoak 1980 pp. 36–39; Loades 2004 p. 88
  61. ^ Loades 2004 pp. 87–88, 104
  62. ^ Ives 2009 p. 111
  63. ^ Hoak 1980 p. 39; Loades 1996 p. 186
  64. ^ Hoak 1980 p. 48; Loades 2004 p. 110
  65. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 168–169
  66. ^ Alford 2002 p. 170
  67. ^ Loades 2004 pp. 108–109
  68. ^ Loades 1996 p. 182; Hoak 1980 p. 46
  69. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 180–181
  70. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 183, 184, 188
  71. ^ Loades 2004 pp. 110–111; Loades 2008
  72. ^ Ives 2009 p. 109; Loades 1996 pp. 189, 190
  73. ^ Hoak 1980 p. 203; Loades 2004 p. 110
  74. ^ Loades 1996 p. 182; MacCulloch 2001 p. 55
  75. ^ Loades 1996 p. 149
  76. ^ Hoak 1980 p. 38
  77. ^ Hoak 1980 p. 44
  78. ^ Christmas 1997
  79. ^ Alford 2002 p. 140
  80. ^ Hoak 1980 p. 40; Alford 2002 pp. 139–141
  81. ^ Loades 2004 p. 88; Loades 1996 pp. 201–203
  82. ^ Loades 2004 p. 88; Loades 1996 pp. 173, 193
  83. ^ Loades 1996 p. 193
  84. ^ Alford 2002 pp. 163–166, 168
  85. ^ Beer 1973 pp. 124–125; Loades 2004 p. 89; MacCulloch 2001 p. 53
  86. ^ Ives 2009 p. 133
  87. ^ Loades 1996 p. 234
  88. ^ Alford 2002 pp. 142, 148; Loades 1996 p. 202
  89. ^ Alford 2002 p. 159
  90. ^ Hoak 1980 pp. 29–30
  91. ^ Loades 1996 p. 145
  92. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 111–112, 308; Loades 2008
  93. ^ Loades 2004 p. 98; Loades 2008
  94. ^ Hoak 1980 p. 42
  95. ^ Williams 1998 p. 67
  96. ^ a b Slack 1980 p. 103; Guy 1990 p. 221
  97. ^ Slack 1980 pp. 105–106
  98. ^ Williams 1998 p. 68
  99. ^ Loades 1996 p. 150; Rathbone 2002
  100. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 169–170; Hoak 1980 p. 30
  101. ^ Ives 2009 p. 132
  102. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 162, 227–229
  103. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 170–171
  104. ^ Loades 1996 p. 171
  105. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 211–213
  106. ^ Ives 2009 p. 7; Loades 1996 pp. 248–251; Loach 2002 p. 113; Hoak 1980 p. 42
  107. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 158–159; Ives 2009 p. 88
  108. ^ a b Loades 1996 pp. 158–159
  109. ^ Starkey 2001 p. 105
  110. ^ Loades 2004 p. 101
  111. ^ Loades 2004 p. 102; Ives 2009 p. 92
  112. ^ Ives 2009 p. 93; Richards 2007
  113. ^ Loades 2004 p. 76; Jordan and Gleason 1975 pp. 4–5
  114. ^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 56; Loades 2008
  115. ^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 101; Loades 1996 p. 254
  116. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 115–116
  117. ^ a b Ives 2009 p. 116
  118. ^ MacCulloch 2001 pp. 101–102; Loades 1996 pp. 218–219
  119. ^ Alford 2002 p. 139
  120. ^ Loades 1996 p. 254; MacCulloch 2001 p. 170
  121. ^ a b Loades 1996 p. 176
  122. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 176–177; Heal 1980 pp. 141–142
  123. ^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 154; Loades 1996 p. 255
  124. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 198, 302
  125. ^ Heal 1980 pp. 145–146; 149
  126. ^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 55; Heal 1980 p. 147
  127. ^ a b Loades 1996 pp. 254–255
  128. ^ Loades 1996 p. 170
  129. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 169–170
  130. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 169–170; Loades 2008
  131. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 154–155; MacCulloch 2001 p. 55
  132. ^ Loades 1996 p. 166
  133. ^ Merriman 2000 p. 377
  134. ^ Loades 1996 p. 209
  135. ^ Merriman 2000 pp. 373–376; Loades 1996 p. 221
  136. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 203–206
  137. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 203, 241–242
  138. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 203, 241–244
  139. ^ Wilson 1981 p. 41
  140. ^ Alford 2002 p. 97
  141. ^ Loades 1996 p. 210
  142. ^ Loades 1996 p. 244
  143. ^ Loades 1996 p. 245
  144. ^ Beer 1973 p. 193
  145. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 245–247, 238
  146. ^ Loades 1996 p. 247
  147. ^ Ives 2009 p. 11; Loades 1996 p. 237
  148. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 237–238
  149. ^ Ives 2009 p. 94
  150. ^ Loades 1996 p. 237
  151. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 238–239; Adams 1995 p. 44
  152. ^ a b Loades 1996 p. 239
  153. ^ Ives 2009 p. 152
  154. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 238–239; Loades 2004 p. 121; Ives 2009 pp. 152–154; Jordan and Gleason 1975 pp. 10–11; Wilson 2005 pp. 214–215; Christmas 1997
  155. ^ Alford 2002 pp. 171–172
  156. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 137–139; Loades 2004 p. 68
  157. ^ Loades 2003 pp. 79–80; Starkey 2001 pp. 111–113; Loades 1996 p. 232; Ives 2009 pp. 142–143; Hoak 2008
  158. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 139–140; Starkey 2001 p. 113
  159. ^ Ives 2009 p. 145; Loades 1996 p. 239
  160. ^ Loades 2004 p. 121; Ives 2009 p. 150; Alford 2002 p. 172; Hoak 2008
  161. ^ Alford 2002 p. 172; Loades 2004 p. 122; Hoak 2008
  162. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 145, 148; Loades 1996 p. 241
  163. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 105, 148
  164. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 160–161; Alford 2002 p. 172
  165. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 165–166; Hoak 1980 p. 49
  166. ^ Hoak 2008
  167. ^ Loades 1996 p. 240; Ives 2009 p. 151
  168. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 262–263
  169. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 256–257
  170. ^ Chapman 1962 p. 121 2
  171. ^ MacCulloch 2001 pp. 39–41; Starkey 2001 pp. 112–114; Alford 2002 pp. 171–172; Jordan 1970 pp. 515–516
  172. ^ Ives 2009 p. 141; MacCulloch 2001 p. 41; Loades 1996 p. 233; Hoak 2008; Wilson 2005 p. 216
  173. ^ Starkey 2001 p. 111; Beer 1973 pp. 147–148; Loades 1996 pp. 238
  174. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 240–241; Jordan 1970 pp. 511, 517
  175. ^ Loades 1996 p. 241; Loades 2008; Jordan 1970 pp. 531–532
  176. ^ Ives 2009 p. 216
  177. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 202, 325
  178. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 257–258; Loach 2002 p. 170
  179. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 258–259
  180. ^ Ives 2009 p. 187
  181. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 258–261
  182. ^ a b Loades 1996 p. 261
  183. ^ Ives 2009 p. 198
  184. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 209–212; Loach 2002 p. 172
  185. ^ Loades 2004 p. 127; Ives 2009 p. 241–242
  186. ^ Chapman 1962 p. 149; Ives 2009 p. 241–242
  187. ^ Ives 2009 p. 242
  188. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 243–244; Nichols 1850 p. 7
  189. ^ Chapman 1962 pp. 150–151
  190. ^ Alford 2002 p. 7
  191. ^ Alford 2002 p. 8; Loades 1996 p. 257
  192. ^ Loades 1996 p. 265
  193. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 264–265
  194. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 96–97
  195. ^ Tytler 1839 pp. 225–226; Ives 2009 p. 96; Loades 1996 pp. 266, 271
  196. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 267–268; Ives 2009 p. 184
  197. ^ Ives 2009 p. 117
  198. ^ a b v Loades 1996 p. 268
  199. ^ Ives 2009 p. 119
  200. ^ Loades 1996 p. 269
  201. ^ Chapman 1962 p. 169
  202. ^ Loades 1996 p. 270
  203. ^ Jordan and Gleason 1975 pp. 45–47
  204. ^ Ives 2009 p. 109; Loades 2008
  205. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 107–109
  206. ^ Loades 1996 p. 267; Ives 2009 p. 3
  207. ^ Ives 2009 p. 154 (square brackets by Ives)
  208. ^ Loades 1996 pp. vii–viii; Jordan and Gleason 1975 pp. 54–55
  209. ^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 42; Loades 1996 p. 192; Loades 2008
  210. ^ Alford 2002 pp. 20–21
  211. ^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 42
  212. ^ Loades 1996 p. 192; Jordan and Gleason 1975 pp. 9–10, 12; Jordan 1970 pp. 531–532
  213. ^ Beer 1973 p. 149; Rathbone 2002
  214. ^ Hoak 1980 p. 49; Beer 1973 pp. 148, 164
  215. ^ Hoak 1980 p. 50; Loades 1996 p. viii
  216. ^ Loades 1996 p. vii
  217. ^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 55; Alford 2002 p. 170; Hoak 1980 p. 50
  218. ^ Dawson 1993 p. 253
  219. ^ MacCulloch 2001 p. 55
  220. ^ Hoak 1980 p. 51; Dawson 1993 p. 243
  221. ^ Ives 2009 p. 118; Jordan and Gleason 1975 p. 56
  222. ^ Ives 2009 p. 115
  223. ^ Adams 2002 p. 133; Ives 2009 p. 118
  224. ^ Chapman 1962 p. 166; Jordan and Gleason 1975 p. 58; Loades 2008
  225. ^ Beer 1973 p. 158; Loades 1996 p. 268; Ives p. 309
  226. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 196, 198, 199
  227. ^ Tytler 1839 p. 148
  228. ^ Loades 1996 pp. ix, 285
  229. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 285–286, 258
  230. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 222–223; 97–98; Hoak 1980 p. 46
  231. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 269–270; Hoak 1980 p. 45; Jordan and Gleason 1975 p. 57
  232. ^ Loades 1996 pp. 269–270; Ives 2009 pp. 122–123, 124; Jordan and Gleason 1975 p. 12
  233. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 120–123; Jordan and Gleason 1975 p. 57
  234. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 123–124
  235. ^ Ives 2009 p. 122
  236. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 104–105; Hoak 1980 pp. 44–45
  237. ^ Ives 2009 pp. 105–106, 307; Loades 2008; Gunn 1999 pp. 1268, 1270–1271
  238. ^ Hoak 1980 p. 40; Alford 2002 p. 140; Ives 2009 pp. 124–125
  239. ^ Nichols 1857 pp. ccxxii, ccxxiv; Ives 2009 p. 104

Adabiyotlar

  • Adams, Simon (ed.) (1995): Household Accounts and Disbursement Books of Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, 1558–1561, 1584–1586. Kembrij universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  0-521-55156-0.
  • Adams, Simon (2002): Leicester and the Court: Essays in Elizabethan Politics. Manchester universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  0-7190-5325-0.
  • Alford, Stephen (2002): Kingship and Politics in the Reign of Edward VI. Kembrij universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0-521-03971-0.
  • Beer, B.L. (1973): Northumberland: The Political Career of John Dudley, Earl of Warwick and Duke of Northumberland. Kent shtati universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  0-87338-140-8.
  • Chapman, Hester (1962): Ledi Jeyn Grey. Jonathan Keyp. OCLC 51384729.
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Tashqi havolalar

Siyosiy idoralar
Oldingi
The Earl of Hertford		 Lord oliy admiral
1543–1547		Muvaffaqiyatli
The Lord Seymour of Sudeley
Oldingi
The Lord Seymour of Sudeley		 Lord oliy admiral
1549–1550		Muvaffaqiyatli
The Lord Clinton
Oldingi
Somerset gersogi		 Lord Great Chamberlain
1547–1550		Muvaffaqiyatli
The Marquess of Northampton
Graf Marshal
1551–1553		Muvaffaqiyatli
The Duke of Norfolk
Oldingi
The Lord St John		 Grand Master of the Household
1550–1553		Muvaffaqiyatli
The Earl of Arundel
Lord Kengashning Prezidenti
1550–1553
Oldingi
The Earl of Rutland		 Lord Warden of the Shotlandiya yurishlari
1542–1543		Muvaffaqiyatli
The Lord Parr
Oldingi
Richard Sampson		 Prezidenti Council in the Marches
1548–1550		Muvaffaqiyatli
Ser Uilyam Gerbert
Harbiy idoralar
Oldingi
Sir Edward Guildford		 Master of the Minora Armoury
1535–1544		Muvaffaqiyatli
Sir Thomas Darcy
Bo'sh Hokimi Bulon
1544–1545		Muvaffaqiyatli
The Lord Poynings
Ilmiy idoralar
Oldingi
Somerset gersogi		 Chancellor of the University of Cambridge
1552–1553		Muvaffaqiyatli
Vinchester episkopi
Angliyaning tengdoshligi
Yangi ijod Uorvik grafligi
2nd creation
1547–1553		Muvaffaqiyatli
Jon Dadli