Norvegiya munozarasi - Norway Debate

The Norvegiya munozarasi, ba'zan Narvik munozarasi, juda muhim edi munozara inglizlarda Jamiyat palatasi davomida Ikkinchi jahon urushi 1940 yil 7-9 may kunlari. Bu yigirmanchi asrning eng keng qamrovli parlament munozarasi deb nomlandi. Ikkinchi kun oxirida a'zolar a ishonchsizlik ovozi hukumat tomonidan qo'lga kiritildi, ammo keskin qisqartirilgan ko'pchilik bilan. Bu 10 may kuni olib bordi Nevill Chemberlen kabi iste'foga chiqish Bosh Vazir va uning o'rnini bosishi urush vazirligi keng asosda koalitsion hukumat qaysi ostida Uinston Cherchill, 1945 yil may oyida Evropada urush tugaguniga qadar Buyuk Britaniyani boshqargan.

Da bo'lib o'tgan debatlarning rasmiy sarlavhasi Xansard parlament arxivi Urushni o'tkazish. Oldindan rejalashtirilgan, u tomonidan boshlangan tanaffus harakati Commons-ga taraqqiyotni erkin muhokama qilish imkoniyatini berish Norvegiya kampaniyasi. Ushbu munozaralar tezda Chemberlen hukumati tomonidan urushning umumiy o'tkazilishidan keng norozilikni keltirib chiqardi.

Hukumat nafaqat tomonidan tanqid qilindi Qarama-qarshilik shuningdek, Chemberlenning hurmatli a'zolari tomonidan Konservativ partiya. Muxolifat ishonchsiz ovoz berishga majbur qildi, unda konservativ a'zolarning to'rtdan bir qismi oppozitsiya bilan ovoz berdi betaraf qoldi, qaramay uch qatorli qamchi. Butun partiyaviy koalitsiya tuzish orqali milliy birlikni o'rnatishga chaqiriqlar bo'lgan, ammo Chemberlenning oppozitsiya bilan kelishuvga erishishi mumkin emas edi Mehnat va Liberal partiyalar. Ular boshqa konservatorni bosh vazir sifatida qabul qilishlariga qaramay, uning qo'l ostida xizmat qilishdan bosh tortdilar. Chemberlen bosh vazir lavozimidan iste'foga chiqqandan so'ng (garchi u Konservativ partiyaning etakchisi bo'lib qolgan bo'lsa ham), ular Cherchill davrida xizmat qilishga rozi bo'lishdi.

Fon

1937 yilda, Nevill Chemberlen, keyin Bosh vazirning kansleri, muvaffaqiyatli bo'ldi Stenli Bolduin kabi Bosh Vazir, etakchi a Milliy hukumat juda ko'p tarkib topgan Konservatorlar ammo kichik tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadi Milliy mehnat va Milliy liberal partiyalar. Bunga qarshi bo'lgan Mehnat va Liberal partiyalar. Bilan duch kelgan irredentist Natsistlar Germaniyasi, Chemberlen siyosati bilan urushni oldini olishga harakat qildi tinchlantirish Germaniya bilan ekspansionist bo'lib qolganidan keyingina tark qilingan Chexoslovakiyaning anneksiyasi 1939 yil martda. Ham tinchlanishni, ham fashistlarning tajovuzini tanqid qiluvchi eng kuchli tanqidchilardan biri bu konservativ orqaga qaytish edi. Uinston Cherchill u garchi u mamlakatning taniqli siyosiy arboblaridan biri bo'lgan bo'lsa-da, oxirgi marta 1929 yilda hukumat idorasida ishlagan. Keyin Germaniya Polshani bosib oldi 1939 yil 1 sentyabrda Buyuk Britaniya va Frantsiya Germaniyaga urush e'lon qildi. Shundan keyin Chemberlen a urush kabineti unga Cherchillni xuddi shunday taklif qildi Admirallikning birinchi lordidir.

Aynan shu paytda hukumat tarafdori (ehtimol Devid Margesson, Hukumat boshlig'i qamchi) alohida ta'kidladi:[1][a]

Ikki yarim yil davomida Nevill Chemberlen Buyuk Britaniyaning bosh vaziri bo'lib ishlagan. Ushbu davr mobaynida Buyuk Britaniya bir qator diplomatik mag'lubiyatlarga va xo'rliklarga uchradi, natijada Evropa urushi boshlandi. Bu tashqi siyosatdagi muvaffaqiyatsizliklar to'g'risidagi uzluksiz rekorddir va chet elda etishmovchilikni bartaraf etish uchun mamlakatda katta yutuqlar bo'lmagan ... Shunday bo'lsa-da, ehtimol Nevil Chemberlen hali ham ko'pchilikning ishonchini saqlab qoladi - erkaklar va agar saylovchilarning his-tuyg'ularini aniq sinab ko'rish imkoni bo'lsa, Chemberlen bu erdagi eng mashhur davlat arbobi deb topiladi.

10 va 13 aprel kunlari Narvikdagi ingliz-nemis dengiz kuchlari janglari.

1939 yil sentyabr oyida Germaniya Polshani tezda bosib olganidan so'ng, olti oydan beri davom etgan harbiy harakatsizlik davri bor edi va bu "Feneni urushi 1940 yil 3 aprelda Chemberlen Konservativ Milliy Ittifoqga murojaatida shunday dedi Gitler "avtobusni o'tkazib yuborgan edi".[2] Faqat olti kundan so'ng, 9 aprel kuni Germaniya katta kuch bilan hujum qilish Daniyani tezda bosib olganidan keyin neytral va bexabar Norvegiyada. Bunga javoban Buyuk Britaniya norvegiyaliklarga yordam berish uchun cheklangan quruqlik va dengiz kuchlarini yubordi.

Cherchill, birinchi lord sifatida, Norvegiya kampaniyasida dengiz harakatlarini o'tkazish uchun bevosita javobgar edi. Germaniya istilosidan oldin u vazirlar mahkamasini Norvegiyaning betarafligiga e'tibor bermaslik, uning hududiy suvlarini qazib olish va Narvikni egallab olishga tayyor bo'lishni, ikkala holatda ham shved temir javhari Germaniyaga qish oylarida Germaniyaga eksport qilinishini to'xtatish uchun bosim o'tkazgan edi. Boltiq dengizi muzlatilgan edi. Ammo u Norvegiyaga katta qo'nish Germaniyaning vakolatiga kirmasligi haqida maslahat bergan edi.[3] Tashqari dengizdagi muvaffaqiyat da Narvik, Norvegiya kampaniyasi ingliz kuchlari uchun yomon o'tdi, chunki u odatda rejalashtirish va tashkilotning yomonligi tufayli, ammo asosan harbiy ta'minot etarli emas edi va 27 apreldan ittifoqchilar evakuatsiya qilinishi kerak edi.[4]

2 may payshanba kuni jamoalar palatasi yig'ilganda, Leyboristlar partiyasi rahbari Klement Attlei deb so'radi: "Bosh vazir endi Norvegiyadagi mavqei to'g'risida bayonot bera oladimi?" Xomberlend xavfsizlik omillari sababli harbiy vaziyatni muhokama qilishni istamadi, ammo u va Cherchill keyingi hafta ko'proq gapira olishiga umid bildirdi. U ishlar to'g'risida vaqtinchalik bayonot berishni davom ettirdi, ammo "ba'zi operatsiyalar davom etayotgani (biz) ular bilan shug'ullanadiganlarning hayotiga xavf soladigan hech narsa qilmasligimiz kerak" degan fikrga kelmadi. U uydan kelgusi haftagacha izoh va savolni qoldirishni iltimos qildi. Attle rozilik berdi va Liberallar etakchisi ham rozi bo'ldi Archibald Sinclair, bundan tashqari u Norvegiya bo'yicha bir kundan ko'proq davom etadigan bahsni talab qildi.[5]

So'ngra Attlee Chemberlenga kelgusi haftadagi Commons biznesining jadvalini so'ragan shaxsiy xabarnomasini taqdim etdi. Chemberlen urushning umumiy o'tkazilishi bo'yicha munozara 7-may, seshanba kuni boshlanishini ma'lum qildi.[6] Bahslar parlamentda ham, mamlakatda ham kutilgan edi. 6 may, dushanba kuni o'zining kundalik yozuvida, Chemberlenning Xususiy kotibning yordamchisi Jon Kolvil barcha qiziqish munozaraga qaratilgan deb yozgan. Shubhasiz, uning fikriga ko'ra, hukumat g'alaba qozonadi, ammo Norvegiya haqida juda noqulay vaziyatlarga duch kelgandan keyin. Kolvillning ba'zi hamkasblari, shu jumladan Lord Dunglass, kim Chemberlenga tegishli edi Parlamentning xususiy kotibi O'sha paytda (PPS) hukumatning pozitsiyasini siyosiy jihatdan sog'lom deb hisoblagan, ammo boshqa jihatlarga ko'ra unchalik emas. Kolvil "mamlakatning ishonchi biroz chayqalishi mumkin" deb xavotirda edi.[7]

7 may: bahsning birinchi kuni

Preambula va boshqa biznes

1940 yil 7-may, seshanba kuni o'tirgan jamoalar soat 14:45 da boshlandi Spiker Edvard FitzRoy kafedrada.[8] Ba'zi xususiy biznes masalalari va Britaniya armiyasi bilan bog'liq bo'lgan ko'plab savollarga og'zaki javoblar kuzatildi.[9]

Ushbu masalalar tugagandan so'ng, Norvegiya kampaniyasi bo'yicha munozaralar muntazam ravishda boshlandi tanaffus harakati (ya'ni, "bu uy endi to'xtaydi"). Ostida Vestminster qoidalar, turli xil mavzularni keng muhokama qilish uchun o'tkaziladigan bu kabi munozaralarda odatda masala ovozga qo'yilmaydi.

15:48 da, kapitan Devid Margesson, hukumat Bosh qamchi, "bu uy endi to'xtaydi" deb ko'chirildi. Ushbu kelishuvga binoan, uy "Urushning o'tkazilishi", xususan Norvegiya kampaniyasining borishi to'g'risida ochiqchasiga muhokama qildi va Chambleyl o'zining ochilish bayonotini berdi.[10]

Chemberlenning ochilish nutqi

Nevill Chemberlen

Chamberlend 5-kun oldin, 2-may, payshanba kuni Britaniya kuchlari olib chiqib ketilgani ma'lum bo'lganida, uyning bayonotini eslatish bilan boshladi. Åndalsnes. U endi ular ham olib qo'yilganligini tasdiqlashi mumkin edi Namsos Norvegiyaning markaziy va janubiy qismidan ittifoqchi kuchlarni evakuatsiya qilishni yakunlash Norvegiya shimolidagi kampaniya davom etdi). Chemberlen ittifoqchilarning yo'qotishlarini ahamiyatsiz deb hisoblashga urinib ko'rdi va ingliz askarlari "odam uchun odam o'z dushmanlaridan ustun edi" deb da'vo qildi. U ingliz kuchlarining "ajoyib gallantika va shafqatsizligi" ni maqtadi. Ammo bu da'volardan farqli o'laroq, U ularni "ustun uskunalar bilan ustun kuchlarga ta'sir qilgani kabi fosh qilishlarini" tan oldi.[11]

Shundan so'ng, Chemberlen "vaziyatning rasmini taqdim etishni" va "hukumatning ayrim tanqidlarini ko'rib chiqishni" taklif qilganini aytdi. Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, "shubhasiz" chekinish Uyda ham, mamlakatda ham shokka sabab bo'ldi. Shu payt uzilishlar Leyboristlar a'zosining: "Butun dunyoda" deb baqirishi bilan boshlandi.[11][12]

Chemberlen istehzo bilan "vazirlar, albatta, hamma narsada aybdor bo'lishini kutish kerak" deb javob berdi. Bu qizg'in reaktsiyaga sabab bo'ldi, bir nechta a'zolar istehzo bilan: "Ular avtobusni o'tkazib yuborishdi!"[13] Spiker a'zolarni xalaqit bermaslikka chaqirishi kerak edi, ammo ular bu iborani Chemberlenning nutqi davomida takrorlashda davom etishdi va u "juda g'azablangan ayol ishorasi" deb ta'riflangan narsalarga munosabat bildirdi.[14] Oxir oqibat u urush boshlanganda Germaniyaning ittifoqchilarga qarshi hujumini kutgan bo'lar edi, deb da'vo qilib, ushbu iboraning asl ishlatilishini to'g'ridan-to'g'ri himoya qilishga majbur bo'ldi.[15]

Chemberlenning nutqi keng tanqidlarga uchradi. Roy Jenkins buni "hech kimga ta'sir qilmagan charchagan, mudofaa nutqi" deb ataydi.[16] Liberal deputat Genri Morris-Jons - dedi Chemberlen "parchalanib ketgan odamga" o'xshardi va odatdagi o'ziga ishonmasdan gapirdi.[14] Chemberlen "ustunlik balansi biz tomonda" deb turib olganida, liberal deputat Dingle Foot eshitganiga ishonolmadi va Chemberlen Buyuk Britaniyaning katta mag'lubiyatga uchraganligini inkor qilayotganini aytdi.[14] Orqa tarafdagi konservativ deputat Leo Amery - dedi Chemberlenning nutqi uyni tinch va ruhiy tushkunlikda, ammo hali ham g'azablanmagan ruhiy holatda tark etdi. Ameri, Chemberlenni "turgan joyidan ravshanki qoniqtiradi", deb ishongan va hukumat lagerida kayfiyat aslida ular ishonganidek ijobiy bo'lgan Jon Kolvil so'zlari, "bu bilan qutulish uchun".[17]

Atlining Chemberlenga javobi

Klement Attlei oppozitsiya rahbari sifatida javob berdi. U Chemberlen va Cherchillning yaqinda inglizlarning g'alaba qozonishi mumkinligi haqidagi ba'zi ishonchli da'volaridan iqtibos keltirdi. Vazirlarning bayonotlari va hattoki, hukumat tomonidan boshqariladigan (yoki qasddan tuzatilmagan holda qoldirilgan) matbuot Norvegiya kampaniyasining rasmini juda optimistik tarzda chizgan edi.[17] Yaratilgan ishonch darajasini hisobga olgan holda, muvaffaqiyatsizlik keng tarqalgan umidsizlikni keltirib chiqardi. Endi Attlei keyinchalik bir necha ma'ruzachilar tomonidan ko'rib chiqiladigan hukumat rejalashtirish masalasini ko'tardi:[18]

Aytishlaricha, bu urushda shu paytgacha bizning tarafimizdan hech qanday tashabbus bo'lmagan va shuningdek, bizga qarshi olib borilishi mumkin bo'lgan zarbalarni kutish uchun hech qanday haqiqiy rejalashtirish mavjud emasligi aytilgan. O'ylaymanki, biz ushbu voqeani shu tomondan o'rganishimiz kerak.

Klement Attlei, Muxolifat lideri.

Chemberlen Cherchillga qo'shimcha vakolatlar berilishini e'lon qildi, bu unga shtab boshliqlarining ko'rsatmalariga ega edi. Attlei bunga hukumatning qobiliyatsizligi misolida murojaat qildi, ammo Cherchillni ayblamasdan:[19]

Katta strategiya uchun javobgar bo'lgan odam ham ma'lum bir bo'linma qo'mondoni bo'lishi tashkilotning barcha yaxshi qoidalariga ziddir. Bu dalada armiyani boshqaradigan va shuningdek, a ni boshqaradigan odamga o'xshaydi bo'linish. U strategiyaning kengroq savollari va o'zining bevosita buyrug'iga ta'sir qiladigan muammolar o'rtasida ikkiga bo'lingan. Admirallikning birinchi Rabbisi katta qobiliyatlarga ega, ammo uni bunday imkonsiz holatga qo'yish adolatdan emas.

Attle bu erda munozaralar davomida takrorlanadigan mavzuni ochib berdi - hukumat qobiliyatsiz edi, lekin Cherchillning o'zi emas, garchi u tarkibida bo'lsa ham, chunki Jenkins o'zining iste'dodini noto'g'ri yo'naltirishidan aziyat chekdi.[16] Jenkins Cherchillning salohiyatidan to'liq foydalanilmaganligini va eng muhimi, u tinchlanish dog'idan pokligini ta'kidlaydi.[20]

Chamblen nutq paytida "avtobusni o'tkazib yuborganligi" uchun juda xursand bo'lgan va u bir oy oldin ushbu iborani ishlatishni bahona qilib, umidsiz harakat qilib, ishni yomonlashtirdi. Shunday qilib, u Attlega imkoniyat yaratdi. Javobining yakunida u shunday dedi:[21]

Norvegiya Chexoslovakiya va Polshadan keyin. Hamma joyda voqea "juda kech". Bosh vazir yo'qolgan avtobuslar haqida gapirdi. U va uning sheriklari 1931 yildan beri o'tkazib yuborgan barcha avtobuslar haqida nima deyish mumkin? Ular barcha tinchlik avtobuslarini sog'inib qolishdi, ammo urush avtobusiga chiqishdi.

Atlining yakuniy so'zlari barcha konservativ a'zolarga to'g'ridan-to'g'ri hujum bo'lib, ularni muvaffaqiyatsizlik deb bilgan vazirlarni kaltaklaganlikda aybladi:[22]

Ular mamlakatning haqiqiy ehtiyojlariga bo'lgan sadoqatini engib o'tish uchun Bosh Qamchiqqa sodiq bo'lishlariga yo'l qo'ydilar. Jamoatchilik palatasi barcha mas'uliyatni o'z zimmasiga olishi kerak, deyman. Men bu mamlakatda keng tarqalgan tuyg'u bor, biz urushda yutqazamiz, urushda g'alaba qozonamiz degan fikr emas, balki urushda g'alaba qozonish uchun bizni unga olib kelganlardan boshqalarni boshqarishni xohlaymiz.

Leo Amery Keyinchalik aytganidek, Attlei o'zini tutib turishi kerak uyning bo'linishi (ya'ni, ovoz berish), uning barcha tanqidlaridan ko'ra ko'proq natijalarga olib keldi, chunki Ameri, bu konservativ a'zolarning munozaraning ochilish kuni ta'siriga tushishini ancha osonlashtirdi.[23]

Sinklerning Chemberlenga javobi

Ser Archibald Sinclair

Janob Archibald Sinclair, keyin Liberallar etakchisi so'zga chiqdi. U ham tanqidiy munosabatda bo'lib, o'zini isbotlangan deb hisoblagan harbiy va dengiz xodimlarining samaradorligini siyosiy samarasizlik bilan taqqoslashdan boshladi:[24][b]

Mening fikrimcha, tashkilotdagi bunday buzilish urushning siyosiy yo'nalishi va shtabga ushbu juda qiyin operatsiyalarga o'z vaqtida tayyorgarlik ko'rish bo'yicha ko'rsatmalarida hech qanday bashorat bo'lmagani va uning o'rniga shtablar shoshilinch ravishda improvizatsiya qilganligi sababli sodir bo'ldi. uzoq va puxta pishgan rejalar bo'yicha ishlash.

U Chemberlendan qo'shinlarni Norvegiyaga jo'natishga tayyor holda ushlab turganda, ularni yuborish uchun hech qanday harbiy kuchlar saqlanmaganligini tan oldi. Sinkler Norvegiyadan qaytib kelayotgan harbiy xizmatchilar tomonidan unga yetarli bo'lmagan va nuqsonli uskunalar va tartibsizliklar haqida xabar bergan. Chemberlen, ittifoqchilarning rejalari muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi, chunki norvegiyaliklar nemislarga kutilgan qarshilik ko'rsatmadilar deb taxmin qilishgan. Sinclairning xabar berishicha, harbiy xizmatchilar "norvegiyaliklar ular bilan birga kurashgan jasorat va qat'iyatlilikka katta hurmat ko'rsatdilar. Norvegiyalik chang'i patrullariga alohida hurmat bajardilar. Lillexammerda norvegiyaliklar etti kun davomida miltiq bilan faqat tanklar bilan nemis kuchlarini ushlab turishdi. zirhli mashinalar, bombardimon qiluvchi samolyotlar va zamonaviy urushning barcha jihozlari ".[24]

U nutqini parlamentni "biz urushni yanada kuchliroq o'tkazish siyosatini (ilgari surish) bilan amalga oshirgan bo'lsak kerak" deb aytishga) chaqirdi.[24]

Endi oddiy bahs emas

Birinchi kunning qolgan munozaralarida Chemberlen hukumatini qo'llab-quvvatlagan va tanqid qilgan nutqlari bo'lib o'tdi. Sinklerdan keyin sobiq ikki askar - brigada generali ergashdi Genri Peyj Kroft konservatorlar va polkovnik uchun Josiya Uedvud mehnat uchun. Mehnat tomonidan tahqirlangan,[25] Croft, Chemberlenni qo'llab-quvvatlab, ishontirmas ish qo'zg'atdi va matbuotni "eng katta diktator" deb ta'rifladi.[26]

Uedvud Kroftni "butun mamlakatning ruhiyatini buzadigan tashqi ko'rinishdagi optimizm" uchun qoraladi.[27] Uedvud Gitler bilan muzokara olib borishga urinishlarga xos bo'lgan xavf haqida ogohlantirdi va "bu urushni jiddiy qabul qila oladigan hukumat" tomonidan urushni ta'qib qilishni talab qildi.[28][25]

Debatga Milliy Mehnat Deputati tashrif buyurdi Garold Nikolson yigirmanchi asrda Britaniya siyosatining taniqli diaristi bo'lgan.[29] U Nikgsonning fikriga ko'ra "odatdagi bahsni (ulkan irodalar to'qnashuviga)" o'zgartirgan Wedgvud tomonidan berilgan izohga alohida e'tibor qaratdi.[25] Wedgvud hukumat Buyuk Britaniyaning bosib olinishini oldini olish uchun biron bir rejani tayyorlayaptimi, deb so'ragan edi. Konservativ deputat uning gapini to'xtatib, undan Qirollik flotini unutganmisiz, deb so'radi. Wedgvud bunga qarshi chiqdi:[25][30]

Agar u o'zini bombardimon qilishdan saqlanish uchun O'rta er dengizi narigi chetiga bormagan bo'lsa, Britaniya dengiz kuchlari bu mamlakatni juda yaxshi himoya qila olardi.

Bir necha lahzadan so'ng, Fil admirali ser Rojer Keys palataga etib kelib, shov-shuvga sabab bo'ldi, chunki u oltin to'qish va oltita qator medallar bilan formada ajoyib edi. U Nikolsonning orqasidagi skameykaga o'tirdi, u unga Vedgvudning so'zlari yozilgan qog'ozni uzatdi. Keys spikerning oldiga bordi va uni chaqirishni iltimos qildi, chunki dengiz flotining sharafi xavf ostida edi, garchi Keys uyga haqiqatan ham Chemberlen hukumatini tanqid qilish niyatida kelgan bo'lsa.[31]

Keys: "Men jangovar dengiz kuchlari uchun gaplashaman"

Vedvud o'tirganda, spiker Kessni chaqirdi, u Vedgvudning izohini "la'nati haqorat" deb qoralamoqda.[32] Uy, ayniqsa Devid Lloyd Jorj, "qarsaklaridan xirillagan".[32] Keys tezda harakatga keldi va munozaralarning birinchi Tori isyonchisi bo'ldi. Jenkins aytganidek, Keys "qurolini Chemberlenga qaratdi", lekin "Cherchillning buyuk qobiliyatlaridan to'g'ri foydalanishni" orzu qilayotgani sharti bilan.[33]

Keys eskizi Glin Uorren Filpot, 1918. Imperial urush muzeyi

Keyes, uchun konservativ a'zo saylov okrugi dengiz flotida Portsmut, Birinchi Jahon urushi qahramoni va Filo admirali, endi faol ro'yxat. U asosan dengiz operatsiyalarini o'tkazish, xususan Trondxaymni qaytarib olish uchun abort operatsiyalari. Keys uyga shunday dedi:[34]

Men bugun jamoalar uyiga birinchi marta forma kiyib kelganman, chunki jangovar dengiz flotining ba'zi ofitserlari va odamlari uchun juda baxtsiz bo'lganlar uchun gaplashmoqchiman. Men shuni aniq aytmoqchimanki, xiyonat bilan Norvegiya portlariga kirishga majbur bo'lgan nemis harbiy kemalari va transport vositalarining Narvikdagi singari ta'qib qilinmaganligi va yo'q qilinganligi ularning gunohi emas. Dushman zaif portlar va aerodromlarni qariyb bir oy davomida shubhasiz egallab olgani, dengiz va havo orqali qo'shimcha kuchlarni quyish, tanklar, og'ir artilleriya va quruqliklarga tushish uchun vaqt ajratilganligi men uchun gapiradiganlarning aybi emas. mexanizatsiyalashgan transport va Uaytxolning ruhiyatiga bunday halokatli ta'sir ko'rsatgan havo hujumini rivojlantirish uchun vaqt berildi. Agar ular yanada jasoratli va tajovuzkor ish bilan shug'ullanganlarida, ular ushbu baxtsiz hodisalarning oldini olish va do'stona neytrallarga ta'sir qilish uchun ko'p ish qilishlari mumkin edi.

Uy sukut bilan tinglar ekan, Keys so'zlarini keltirdi Xoratio Nelson:[35]

Qo'lga olishni intiqlik bilan kutayotgan yuzlab yosh zobitlar mavjud Uorberton-Li mash'alasi yoki amallariga taqlid qiling Vian ning "Kazak ". Bir yuz qirq yil oldin, Nelson shunday degan edi:" Men eng jasur choralar eng xavfsiz deb o'ylayman "va bu hali ham yaxshi saqlanib kelmoqda.

Keys "gulduros qarsaklar" ostida o'tirganda soat 19:30 edi. Nikolson Keysning nutqi u eshitgan eng dramatik nutq ekanligini yozdi,[36]va o'sha paytdan boshlab munozara endi Norvegiya kampaniyasini tergov qilish emas, balki "hukumatning butun urush harakatlarini tanqid qilish" edi.[37]

Jons va Bellenger

Keyingi ikki ma'ruzachi Milliy Liberal edi Lyuis Jons va mehnat Frederik Bellenger, hanuzgacha xizmat qilayotgan armiya ofitseri bo'lgan va faqat bir oydan so'ng Frantsiyadan evakuatsiya qilingan. Chemberlenni qo'llab-quvvatlagan Jons taassurot qoldirmadi va keyinchalik partiya siyosatini munozaraga kiritishda ayblandi. Jons gapirayotganda palatadan umuman chiqib ketish sodir bo'ldi.[37] Atlining avvalgi xabarining ko'p qismini takrorlagan Bellenger, "jamoat manfaati uchun" hukumatni "boshqa xarakterga va boshqa tabiatga" chaqirdi.[38]

Ameri: "Xudoning nomi bilan, boring!"

Leo Amery

Bellenger o'tirganda, soat 20:03 va spiker o'rinbosari, Dennis Herbert, chaqirildi Leo Amery, bir necha soat davomida Spikerning e'tiborini qozonishga harakat qilgan. Keyinchalik Ameri nutq so'zlay boshlaganda, uning tarkibida "deyarli o'nlab" a'zolar borligini aytdi (ular orasida Nikolson ham bor edi).[37] Amerydan kuchli tanqidiy nutqni kutgan Nikolson, Amery boshlagan va uning nutqi tez orada "isitma nuqtasidan ancha baland ko'tarilgani" sababli harorat ko'tarilishini davom ettirishni yozgan.[39]

Amerining ittifoqchisi bo'lgan Klement Devies Oltmish nafar deputatni o'z ichiga olgan Butun partiya harakat guruhining raisi. Devies Milliy Hukumat qamchisiga milliy liberal bo'ysungan edi, ammo Chemberlenga qarshi norozilik sifatida 1939 yil dekabrda uni iste'foga chiqardi va oppozitsiyada liberallarga qo'shilish uchun uyning polini kesib o'tdi. Jons nutq so'zlay boshlaganda, boshqa ko'plab a'zolar singari, Devies ham ovqatlanishga ketgan edi, ammo Amerining chaqirilganini eshitib, palataga qaytib ketdi. Deyarli bo'sh bo'lganini ko'rib, Devies Ameryga yaqinlashdi va uni to'liq nutqini hukumatga qarshi da'volarini aytib berish uchun va shuningdek, Devisga katta auditoriya yig'ish uchun vaqt berishga undadi. Yaqinda, garchi kechki soat bo'lsa ham, Uy tezda to'ldirila boshladi.[40]

Amerining nutqi parlament tarixidagi eng taniqli nutqlardan biridir.[40] Devies so'raganidek, u palata deyarli to'lguncha vaqt o'ynadi. Nutqning aksariyat qismi uchun eng ko'zga ko'ringan chet ellik, Bukingem saroyida qirol bilan tinglovchilar uchun bo'lgan Chemberlenning o'zi edi.[41] Amery hukumatning Norvegiya kampaniyasini rejalashtirish va amalga oshirishni tanqid qilishdan boshladi, ayniqsa Germaniyaning ehtimoliy aralashuvi to'g'risida razvedka ogohlantirishiga qaramay va Norvegiya xududiy suvlarini qazib olish yo'li bilan Britaniyaning Norvegiya betarafligini buzilishiga qarshi bunday reaktsiyaning aniq imkoniyatiga qaramay. U o'z tajribasidan o'xshashlik keltirdi, bu hukumatning tashabbuskor emasligini dahshatli tarzda ko'rsatib berdi:[42]

Esimda, ko'p yillar oldin Sharqiy Afrikada mening yosh do'stim sherni ovlashga ketgan edi. U temir yo'lda uxlab yotgan vagonni xavfsiz holatga keltirdi va u odam yeyayotgan sherni topishini kutgan joy yaqinida uni poyezddan ajratib qo'ydi. U dam olishga ketdi va ertalab sherini ov qilishni orzu qildi. Afsuski, sher o'sha kuni odam ovida edi. U mashinaning orqa tomoniga urilib, sirpanib ochilgan eshikni qoqib ochdi va do'stimni yedi. Qisqacha bizning Norvegiya bo'yicha tashabbusimiz haqida hikoya qilinadi.

Uyda keskinlik kuchayib, Ameri o'zini "qarsaklarning kressendo" si bilan gaplashayotganini ko'rdi,[43] Edvard Spirs u hukumatning shishaxonasiga ulkan toshlarni "bir qator karlar portlashi ta'siri bilan" uloqtirmoqda deb o'yladi.[43] Ameri hukumatning urushni shu kungacha olib borgan barcha ishlarini tanqid qilish uchun o'z doirasini kengaytirdi. U "haqiqiy" Milliy hukumatni shakllantirishga chaqirib, o'z xulosasi tomon harakat qildi Kasaba uyushma Kongressi "milliy harakatning kuchini ichkaridan mustahkamlash" uchun jalb qilinishi kerak.[44]

Garchi manbalar bir-biridan ikkiga bo'lingan bo'lsa-da, ular orasida amerining xulosasini tinglash uchun Chemberlen palataga qaytib kelgan degan kelishuv mavjud. Nikolson Chemberlenni "jirkanch va xavotirli oldingi skameykada" o'tirganini yozib oldi.[45] Ameri dedi:[46]

Dushmanlarimizga jangovar ruhda, jasoratli, qarorli va g'alabaga chanqoqlik bilan tenglasha oladigan odamlarni qandaydir tarzda yoki boshqasiga kiritishimiz kerak. Taxminan 300 yil oldin, bu uy o'z askarlarini Cavaliersning shafqatsizligi va dadilligi bilan qayta-qayta kaltaklanganini aniqlaganida, tomonidan Shahzoda Rupert otliqlar, Oliver Kromvel gaplashdi Jon Xempden. U nutqlaridan birida u aytganlarini aytib berdi. Bu shunday edi: men unga dedim: "Sizning qo'shinlaringiz ko'pchiligi eskirgan, xizmatga yaroqli erkaklar va tapsterlar va shu kabi do'stlardir. Siz ularga yetib borishi mumkin bo'lgan ruhiy odamlarni olishingiz kerak.[c] Bu odamlarni topish oson bo'lmasligi mumkin. Ularni faqat sud orqali va muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchraganlarning barchasini shafqatsizlarcha tashlab yuborish orqali topish mumkin. Biz bugun hayotimiz uchun kurashmoqdamiz , bizning erkinligimiz uchun, barchamiz uchun; biz o'zimizga o'xshab etakchilik qila olmaymiz, men Oliver Kromvelning ba'zi so'zlarini keltirdim, ba'zi boshqa so'zlarni keltiraman. Men buni juda istamaslik bilan qilaman, chunki men ular haqida gapirmoqdaman mening eski do'stlarim va do'stlarim, ammo bu so'zlar, menimcha, hozirgi vaziyatga tegishli, bu Kromvelning: Uzoq parlament u endi millat ishlarini yuritish yaramaydi deb o'ylaganda: "Siz qilgan har qanday yaxshilik uchun bu erda juda ko'p o'tirdingiz. Ayting-chi, biz siz bilan birga bo'laylik. Xudoning nomi bilan, boring ".

Ameri so'nggi olti so'zni yaqin pichirlashda aytdi va xuddi shunday qilib, Chemberlenga ishora qildi. U o'tirdi va hukumat muxoliflari uni qo'llab-quvvatladilar.[45]

Shundan so'ng, Lloyd Jorj Ameriga uning oxiri har qanday nutqda eshitgan eng dramatik avj nuqtasi bo'lganligini aytdi. Emerining o'zi ertasi kuni Leyboristlar partiyasini bo'linishni majbur qilishiga majbur qilishda yordam bergan deb o'ylaganini aytdi.[47] Garold Makmillan keyinroq Amerining nutqi "Chelberlen hukumatini samarali ravishda yo'q qildi", dedi.[48]

Keyinchalik nutqlar

Ameri o'tirganda soat 20:44 edi va bahs 23:30 ga qadar davom etdi. Keyingi nutq Archibald Sautbi, kim Chemberlenni himoya qilishga uringan. U Amerining nutqi "albatta Berlinda katta mamnuniyat baxsh etadi" deb e'lon qildi va u baqirib yuborildi. Bob Butbi so'zini to'xtatdi va "bu mamlakatda ko'proq mamnuniyat baxsh etadi" dedi.[49]

Sautbidan keyin Leyboristlar ishtirok etishdi Jeyms Milner Lidsdagi aksariyat saylovchilarining so'nggi voqealaridan chuqur noroziligini bildirdi. U urushda Buyuk Britaniya g'alaba qozonishi kerak bo'lsa, "keskin o'zgarishlarni" amalga oshirishga chaqirdi.[50] Edvard Turnur, 6-graf Vernton soat 21:28 da boshlanib, keyingi so'zga chiqdi. Garchi u konservator bo'lsa-da, u Milnerning nutqida u bilan kelishilgan juda ko'p narsa borligini aytdi, ammo Sautbida u bilan kelisha oladigan deyarli hech narsa yo'q edi.[51]

Keyingi ma'ruzachi bo'ldi Artur Grinvud, Leyboristlar rahbarining o'rinbosari. U Jenkins "qattiq ish kuchi" deb atagan narsani berdi.[47] O'zining xulosasida, Grinvud "urushning faol, kuchli, xayoliy yo'nalishini" chaqirdi, chunki u hukumat passiv va mudofaada bo'lgani uchun kam bo'lgan, chunki "(dunyo) bilishi kerak, biz hech qachon tashabbus ko'rsatmaganmiz bu urushda ".[52] Hukumat uchun xulosa qilish edi Oliver Stenli, Urush bo'yicha davlat kotibi, uning Grinvudga bergan javobi samarasiz deb ta'riflangan.[47]

8 may: ikkinchi kun va bo'linish

Morrison: "Biz uyni ajratishimiz kerak"

Odatda, Leyboristlar munozara boshlanishidan oldin bo'linishni mo'ljallamaganligi tushuniladi, ammo Attle Keys va Amerining nutqlarini eshitib, Tori safidagi norozilik ular o'ylagandan ancha chuqurroq ekanligini angladi. Chorshanba kuni ertalab partiyaning parlament ijroiya kengashining yig'ilishi bo'lib o'tdi va shu kuni munozaralar oxirida Attle bo'linishni majbur qilishni taklif qildi. Bir nechta dissidentlar bor edi, shu jumladan Xyu Dalton, ammo keyinchalik ikkinchi uchrashuvda ular ovoz berishdi.[53]

Natijada, qachon Herbert Morrison 16:00 dan keyin bahsni qayta boshladi va u quyidagilarni e'lon qildi:[54]

Biz munozara qilayotgan voqealarning og'irligi, palataning vazifasi va har bir a'zo unga tegishli hukmini yozib berish majburiyati borligini hisobga olib, biz bugungi bahs-munozaralarimiz yakunida uyni ajratishimiz kerak deb o'ylaymiz. .

Jenkinsning aytishicha, Leyboristlarning bo'linish to'g'risidagi qarori muntazam tanaffus harakatini "qoralash ovozining ekvivalenti" ga aylantirdi.[47] Avvalroq, ochilish nutqida Morrison o'z tanqidlarini Chemberlenga qaratgan edi, Jon Simon va Semyuel Xare tinchlantirish bilan eng oson bog'liq bo'lgan uchta vazir kim edi.[53]

Chemberlen: "Uyda do'stlarim bor"

Hoare, the Davlat kotibi havo bo'yicha, keyingi so'zlashishi rejalashtirilgan edi, ammo Chemberlen Morrisonga javob berishni talab qildi va noto'g'ri hukm qilingan va halokatli aralashuvni amalga oshirdi.[55] Chemberlen milliy birlik uchun emas, balki uydagi do'stlarini qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun murojaat qildi:[56]

To'g'ri hurmatli janob hozirgina aytgan so'zlar, bu bosqichda bir-ikki lahzaga aralashishim zarurligini tug'dirdi. To'g'ri hurmatli janob o'z nutqini voqeaning og'irligini ta'kidlash bilan boshladi. Uning aytganlari, umuman hukumatga qo'ygan chaqiriqlari va ularga va ayniqsa menga qilgan hujumi uni yanada og'irroq qiladi. Tabiiyki, men Hukumat rahbari sifatida Hukumat harakatlari uchun asosiy javobgarlikni o'z zimmamga olaman va mening hamkasblarim Hukumat harakatlari uchun ham o'z mas'uliyatini qabul qilishda shoshilmaydilar. Ammo bu juda jiddiy, chunki har qanday shaxsiy e'tibor tufayli emas - chunki hech kimimiz ushbu uyning ishonchini saqlab qolgandan ko'ra bir lahzada o'z lavozimimizda qolishni xohlamaymiz - lekin kecha uyni ogohlantirganimdek, bu vaqt milliy xavf-xatarga duch kelmoqdamiz va biz bu mamlakatning yagona harakati bilan kurashishimiz kerak bo'lgan tinimsiz dushmanga duch kelamiz. Ehtimol, Hukumatni tanqid qilish burchimizdir. Men tanqiddan qochmoqchi emasman, lekin buni uydagi do'stlarimga aytaman - va mening uyda do'stlarim bor. Hech qanday hukumat, agar jamoat va parlament tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanmasa, urushni samarali ravishda ta'qib qila olmaydi. Men bu chorani qabul qilaman. Men buni haqiqatan ham mamnuniyat bilan qabul qilaman. Hech bo'lmaganda kim biz bilan va kim bizga qarshi ekanligini ko'ramiz va men do'stlarimni bugun kechqurun qabulxonada bizni qo'llab-quvvatlashga chaqiraman.

Bu o'z partiyasining qamchilab qo'llab-quvvatlanishiga tayanishni shunchalik aniq bo'lishni ajratuvchi deb hisoblaydigan ko'plab ishtirokchilarni hayratda qoldirdi.[57] Konservativ deputat, Chemberlenni qattiq tanqid qilgan Bob Butbi shunday chaqirdi: "Men emas"; va Chemberleyndan so'nib borayotgan nurni oldi.[58] Inqiroz davrida siyosatni milliy darajadan shaxsiy darajagacha pasaytirib, "do'stlar" ga bo'lgan stress partizanlik va bo'linish sifatida qabul qilindi.[47][58]

Xare Chemberlenga ergashdi va unga qarshi havo kuchlari bilan bog'liq ko'plab savollarga javob berishga qiynaldi, bir vaqtning o'zida samolyotlar orasidagi farqni anglay olmadi. Qirollik havo kuchlari va Fleet Air Arm. U soat 17: 37da o'tirdi va uning o'rnini Devid Lloyd Jorj egalladi.[59]

Lloyd Jorj: "bu mamlakat ilgari joylashtirilgan eng yomon strategik pozitsiya"

Devid Lloyd Jorj

Lloyd Jorj Birinchi Jahon urushining so'nggi ikki yilida bosh vazir bo'lgan. U endi 77 yoshda edi va bu uning 50 yil davomida o'tirgan uyidagi munozaralarga qo'shgan so'nggi so'nggi hissasi bo'lishi kerak edi.[60] Lloyd Jorj va Chemberlen o'rtasida shaxsiy adovat bor edi.[47] Ikkinchisining do'stlariga qilgan murojaati Lloyd Jorjga qasos olish imkoniyatini berdi.[47] Birinchidan, u kampaniyaning o'tkazilishiga hujum qildi va Xoarening butun nutqini bitta jumla bilan rad etish bilan boshladi:[61]

Men to'g'ri hurmatli janob janoblarining havo bo'yicha davlat kotibi nutqining aksariyatini eshitganman va u bizga bergan dalillar hukumatga qarshi tanqidlarni oqlaydi va hukumatni himoya qila olmaydi deb o'ylayman.

Keyinchalik Lloyd Jorj hukumatga qarshi asosiy hujumini rejalashtirish va tayyorgarlikning yo'qligiga qaratib boshladi:[61]

Muvaffaqiyatni kafolatlaydigan choralarni ko'rmadik. Ushbu mamlakatning strategik mavqeini va uning dunyodagi obro'sini beqiyos farq qiladigan bu muhim ekspeditsiya ushbu yarim tayyor, yarim pishgan ekspeditsiya kuchiga bog'liq bo'lib, hech qanday kombinatsiyasiz Armiya va dengiz floti. Hukumatning Norvegiyaga nisbatan qilgan barcha harakatlarini jiddiyroq qoralash mumkin emas edi ... To'g'ri hurmatli janob bizning odamlarning jasurligi haqida gapirdi va biz hammamiz ular bilan bir xilda faxrlanamiz. Hikoyalarni o'qish bizni hayajonlantiradi. Biz ularni ahmoq qilishimiz kerak bo'lgan yanada sharmandalik.

Vaziyatning og'irligini ta'kidlab, u Angliya strategik jihatdan eng yomon ahvolda ekanligini ta'kidladi, chunki u tashqi siyosatdagi muvaffaqiyatsizliklar natijasida kelib chiqqan edi va u 1938 yildan boshlab ko'rib chiqishni boshladi Myunxen shartnomasi boshlab. Shu payt gapni to'xtatib, u shunday dedi:[62]

Siz hozir ham, keyin ham tinglashingiz kerak bo'ladi. Gitler o'zini o'zi uchun javobgar deb bilmaydi qamchilar yoki patronaj kotibi.

Lloyd Jorj, Britaniyaning obro'si, ayniqsa, Amerikada juda pasayganligini aytdi. Norvegiyadagi voqealardan oldin, deydi u, amerikaliklar ittifoqchilar urushda g'alaba qozonishiga shubha qilmagan edilar, ammo endi ular demokratiyani himoya qilish o'zlariga bog'liq deb aytishdi. Lloyd Jorj ba'zi bir uzilishlar bilan shug'ullanganidan so'ng, urushgacha va hozirgi kungacha qayta qurollanish tezligini tanqid qildi:[63]

Is there anyone in this House who will say that he is satisfied with the speed and efficiency of the preparations in any respect for air, for Army, yea, for Navy? Everybody is disappointed. Everybody knows that whatever was done was done half-heartedly, ineffectively, without drive and unintelligently. For three or four years I thought to myself that the facts with regard to Germany were exaggerated by the First Lord, because the keyin Bosh vazir — not this Prime Minister — said that they were not true. The First Lord was right about it. Keyin urush boshlandi. The tempo was hardly speeded up. There was the same leisureliness and inefficiency. Will anybody tell me that he is satisfied with what we have done about aeroplanes, tanks, guns, especially anti-aircraft guns? Is anyone here satisfied with the steps we took to train an Army to use them? Nobody is satisfied. The whole world knows that. And here we are in the worst strategic position in which this country has ever been placed.

Churchill and Chamberlain intervene in Lloyd George's speech

Dealing with an intervention at this point, Lloyd George said, in passing, that he did not think that the First Lord was entirely responsible for all the things that happened in Norway. Churchill intervened and said:[64]

I take complete responsibility for everything that has been done by the Admiralty, and I take my full share of the burden.

In answer, Lloyd George said:[65]

The right honourable Gentleman must not allow himself to be converted into an havo hujumi bilan boshpana to keep the splinters from hitting his colleagues.

Jenkins calls this "a brilliant metaphor" but wonders if it was spontaneous.[66] It produced laughter throughout the House, except on the government front bench where, with one exception, all the faces were stony. A spectator in the gallery, Baba Metcalfe, recorded that the exception was Churchill himself. She recalled him swinging his legs and trying hard not to laugh.[67] When things calmed down, Lloyd George resumed and now turned his fire onto Chamberlain personally:[65]

But that is the position, and we must face it. I agree with the Prime Minister that we must face it as a people and not as a party, nor as a personal issue. The Prime Minister is not in a position to make his personality in this respect inseparable from the interests of the country.

Chamberlain stood and, leaning over the despatch box,[68] demanded:[69]

What is the meaning of that observation? I have never represented that my personality.... [Hon. members: "You did!"] On the contrary, I took pains to say that personalities ought to have no place in these matters.

Lloyd George: Chamberlain "should sacrifice the seals of office"

Lloyd George responded to that intervention with a direct call for Chamberlain to resign:[65]

I was not here when the right honourable Gentleman made the observation, but he definitely appealed on a question which is a great national, imperial and world issue. He said, "I have got my friends". It is not a question of who are the Prime Minister's friends. It is a far bigger issue. The Prime Minister must remember that he has met this formidable foe of ours in peace and in war. He has always been worsted. He is not in a position to appeal on the ground of friendship. He has appealed for sacrifice. The nation is prepared for every sacrifice so long as it has leadership, so long as the Government show clearly what they are aiming at and so long as the nation is confident that those who are leading it are doing their best. I say solemnly that the Prime Minister should give an example of sacrifice, because there is nothing which can contribute more to victory in this war than that he should sacrifice the seals of office.

There was silence as Lloyd George sat down and one observer said that all the frustrations of the past eight months had been released. Chamberlain was deeply perturbed and, two days later, told a friend that he had never heard anything like it in Parliament. Churchill was overheard saying to Kingsli Vud that it was going to be "damned difficult" for him (Churchill) doing his summary later on.[70] Jenkins says the speech recalled Lloyd George in his prime. It was his best for many years but also his last of any real impact.[66]

Other speakers

It was 18:10 when Lloyd George concluded and some four hours later that Churchill began his summary to wind up the government's case ahead of the division. In the interim, several speakers were called to argue both for and against the government. They included long-serving Liberal National Jorj Lambert, Janob Stafford Cripps, Alfred Duff Kuper, Jorj Xiks, George Courthope, Robert Bower, Alfred Edwards va Genri Bruk.[71] The last of these, Brooke, finished at 21:14 and gave way to A. V. Aleksandr who wound up for Labour and put forward certain questions that Churchill as First Lord might answer. His final point, however, was to criticise Chamberlain for his appeal to friendship:[72]

Since the Prime Minister made his intervention to-day, I have had more than one contact with representative neutrals in London, who feel that if this matter were to be judged upon the basis of putting personal friendship and personalities before the question of really winning the war, we should do a great deal to alienate the sympathy that remains with us in neutral spheres.

Jenkins describes Alexander as someone who tried, despite being completely different in character and personality, to make of himself a "mini-Churchill".[66] On this occasion, he did present Churchill with some awkward questions about Norway but, as with other speakers before him, it was done with genuine respect amidst severe criticism of Chamberlain, Hoare, Simon and Stanley in particular.[73] There was some embarrassment for Churchill in that he was late in returning to the House for Alexander's speech[74] and Chamberlain had to excuse his absence.[75] He arrived just in time for Alexander's questions about Norway.[74]

Churchill winds up for the Government

Uinston Cherchill

Churchill was called to speak at 22:11, the first time in eleven years that he had wound up a debate on behalf of the government.[74] Many members believed that it was the most difficult speech of his career because he had to defend a reverse without damaging his own prestige.[76] It was widely felt that he achieved it because, as Nicolson described it, he said not one word against Chamberlain's government and yet, by means of his manner and his skill as an orator, he created the impression of being nothing to do with them.[73][76]

The first part of Churchill's speech was, as he said it would be, about the Norwegian Campaign. The second part, concerning the vote of censure which he called a new issue that had been sprung upon the House at five o'clock, he said he would deal with in due course.[77]

Churchill proceeded to defend the conduct of the Norwegian campaign with some robustness, although there were several omissions such as his insistence that Narvik be blocked off with a minefield.[76] He explained that even the successful use of the battleship HMS Warspite at Narvik had put her at risk from many hazards. Had any come to pass, the operation, now hailed as an example of what should have been done elsewhere, would have been condemned as foolhardy:[78]

It is easy when you have no responsibility. If you dare, and forfeit is exacted, it is murder of our sailors; and if you are prudent, you are craven, cowardly, inept and timid.

As for the lack of action at Trondheim, Churchill said it was not because of any perceived danger, but because it was thought unnecessary. He reminded the House that the campaign continued in northern Norway, at Narvik in particular but he would not be drawn into giving any predictions about it. Instead, he attacked the government's critics by deploring what he called a cataract of unworthy suggestions and actual falsehoods during the last few days:[79]

A picture has been drawn of craven politicians hampering their admirals and generals in their bold designs. Others have suggested that I have personally overruled them, or that they themselves are inept and cowardly. Others again have suggested—for if truth is many-sided, mendacity is many-tongued—that I, personally, proposed to the Prime Minister and the War Cabinet more violent action and that they shrank from it and restrained it. There is not a word of truth in all that.

Churchill then had to deal with interruptions and an intervention by Arthur Greenwood who wanted to know if the war cabinet had delayed action at Trondheim. Churchill denied that and advised Greenwood to dismiss such delusions. Soon afterwards, he reacted to a comment by Labour MP Menni Shinvel:[80]

I dare say the honourable member does not like that. He skulks in the corner.

This produced a general uproar led by the veteran Scottish Labour member Nil Maklin, said to be the worse for drink, who demanded withdrawal of the word "skulks". The Speaker would not rule on the matter and Churchill defiantly refused to withdraw the comment, adding that:[81]

All day long we have had abuse, and now honourable members opposite will not even listen.

Having defended the conduct of the naval operations in the Norwegian campaign at some length, Churchill now said little about the proposed vote, other than to complain about such short notice:[81]

It seems to me that the House will be absolutely wrong to take such a grave decision in such a precipitate manner, and after such a little notice.

He concluded by saying:[82]

Let me say that I am not advocating controversy. We have stood it for the last two days, and if I have broken out, it is not because I mean to seek a quarrel with honourable (members). On the contrary, I say, let pre-war feuds die; let personal quarrels be forgotten, and let us keep our hatreds for the common enemy. Let party interest be ignored, let all our energies be harnessed, let the whole ability and forces of the nation be hurled into the struggle, and let all the strong horses be pulling on the collar. At no time in the last war were we in greater peril than we are now, and I urge the House strongly to deal with these matters not in a precipitate vote, ill debated and on a widely discursive field, but in grave time and due time in accordance with the dignity of Parliament.

Churchill sat down but the rowdiness continued with catcalls from both sides of the House and Chips kanallari later wrote that it was "like bedlam ".[83] Mehnat Xyu Dalton wrote that a good deal of riot developed, some of it rather stupid, towards the end of the speech.[84]

Bo'lim

At 23:00, the Speaker rose to put the question "that this House do now adjourn". There was minimal dissent and he announced the division, calling for the Lobby to be cleared. The division was in effect a vote of confidence in the government or, as Churchill called it in his closing speech, a vote of censure. Of the total 615 members, it has been estimated that more than 550 were present when the division was called but only 481 voted.[85]

The government's notional majority was 213, but 41 members who normally supported the government voted with the Opposition while an estimated 60 other Conservatives deliberately abstained. The government still won the vote by 281 to 200, but their majority was reduced to 81. Jenkins says that would have been perfectly sustainable in most circumstances, but not when Great Britain was losing the war and it was clear that unity and leadership were so obviously lacking. In these circumstances, the reversal was devastating and Chamberlain left the chamber pale and grim.[84]

Among the Conservatives, Chips Channon and other Chamberlain supporters shouted "Kvilinglar " and "Rats" at the rebels, who replied with taunts of "Yes-men".[86][87] Labour's Josiah Wedgwood led the singing of "Britannia qoidasi ", joined by Conservative rebel Harold Macmillan of the Noes; that gave way to cries of "Go!" as Chamberlain left the Chamber.[88] Among the rebels voting with Labour were Harold Macmillan, Bob Boothby, Nensi Astor, Jon Profumo va Kvintin Xogg. They did not include some expected dissidents such as Dunkan Sandis, who abstained, and Brendan Bracken who, in Jenkins' words, "followed (Churchill's) example rather than his interest and voted with the government".[84] Colville in his diary said the government were "fairly satisfied" but acknowledged that reconstruction of the Cabinet was necessary. He wrote that "the shock they have received may be a healthy one".[89]

9 May: third day and conclusion

The debate continued into a third day but, with the division having been held at the end of the second day, the final day was really a matter of wrapping up. Starting at 15:18, there were only four speakers and the last of them was Lloyd George who spoke mostly about his own time as prime minister in the First World War and at the 1919 yil Parijdagi tinchlik konferentsiyasi. He concluded by blaming the democracies for not carrying out the pledges made at that time with the result that Nazism had arisen in Germany. When he finished, shortly before 16:00, the question "that this House do now adjourn" was raised and agreed to, thus concluding the Norway Debate.[90]

Natijada

Asosiy maqola: Cherchill urush vazirligi

On 9 and 10 May, Chamberlain attempted to form a coalition government with Labour and Liberal participation. They indicated an unwillingness to serve under him but said they probably would join the government if another Conservative became prime minister. When Germany began its western offensive on the morning of the 10th, Chamberlain seriously considered staying on but, after receiving final confirmation from Labour that they required his resignation, he decided to stand down and advised the King to send for Churchill.[91][92]

Place in parliamentary culture

The Norway debate is regarded as a high point in British parliamentary history, coming as it did at a time when Great Britain faced its gravest-ever danger. Former prime minister David Lloyd George said the debate was the most momentous in the history of Parliament. Future prime minister Harold Macmillan believed that the debate changed British history and, perhaps, world history.[93]

In his biography of Churchill, Roy Jenkins describes the debate as "by a clear head both the most dramatic and the most far-reaching in its consequences of any parliamentary debate of the twentieth century".[94] He compares it with "its nineteenth-century rivals" (e.g., the Don Pacifico debate of 1850) and concludes that "even more followed from the 1940 debate" as it transformed the history of the next five years.[94]

Endryu Marr wrote that the debate was "one of the greatest parliamentary moments ever and little about it was inevitable". The plotters against Chamberlain succeeded despite being deprived of their natural leader, since Churchill was in the cabinet and obliged to defend it.[95] Marr notes the irony of Amery's closing words which were originally directed qarshi Parliament by Cromwell, who was speaking uchun military dictatorship.[96]

When asked to choose the most historic and memorable speech for a volume commemorating the centenary of Xansard as an official report of the House of Commons, former Spiker Betti Boothroyd chose Amery's speech in the debate: "Amery, by elevating patriotism above party, showed the backbencher's power to help change the course of history".[97]

Izohlar

  1. ^ Unless otherwise referenced, quotes in this article are from the full text of the debate as given in Xansard or the Official Report, Fifth Series, volume 360, columns 1073–1196 and 1251–1366.
  2. ^ To avoid confusion or misediting: the account of the debate in Martin Gilbert's multi-volume biography of Churchill gives Sinclair a markedly different speech, which in fact is that made by Artur Grinvud later in the debate.
  3. ^ Cromwell said 'gentlemen' not 'they' but meant the enemy, as did Amery.

Adabiyotlar

  1. ^ Marwick 1976, p. 13.
  2. ^ Jenkins 2001 yil, p. 571.
  3. ^ Hinsley 1979, 119-125-betlar.
  4. ^ Buckley 1977, 25-26 betlar.
  5. ^ "Norway Situation". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, cols 906–913. 1940 yil 2-may. Olingan 22 may 2019.
  6. ^ "Uyning biznesi". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 914. 2 May 1940. Olingan 22 may 2019.
  7. ^ Colville 1985, p. 135.
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  9. ^ "Private Business". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, cols 1015–1073. 7 May 1940. Olingan 3 may 2019.
  10. ^ "Conduct of the War – Adjournment Motion". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 1073. 7 May 1940. Olingan 3 may 2019.
  11. ^ a b "Conduct of the War – Chamberlain". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 1074. 7 May 1940. Olingan 11 may 2019.
  12. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 262.
  13. ^ Nicolson 1967, p. 76.
  14. ^ a b v Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 263.
  15. ^ "Conduct of the War – Chamberlain". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 1082. 7 May 1940. Olingan 11 may 2019.
  16. ^ a b Jenkins 2001 yil, p. 577.
  17. ^ a b Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 264.
  18. ^ "Conduct of the War – Attlee". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 1088. 7 May 1940. Olingan 11 may 2019.
  19. ^ "Conduct of the War – Attlee". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 1092. 7 May 1940. Olingan 11 may 2019.
  20. ^ Jenkins 2001 yil, 577-578 betlar.
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  22. ^ "Conduct of the War – Attlee". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 1094. 7 May 1940. Olingan 11 may 2019.
  23. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 265.
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  25. ^ a b v d Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 266.
  26. ^ "Conduct of the War – Page Croft". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 1106. 7 May 1940. Olingan 3 may 2019.
  27. ^ "Conduct of the War – Wedgwood". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 1116. 7 May 1940. Olingan 3 may 2019.
  28. ^ "Conduct of the War – Wedgwood". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 1124. 7 May 1940. Olingan 3 may 2019.
  29. ^ Edel, Leon (3 December 1966). "The Price of Peace Was War". Shanba sharhi: 53-54. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi on 4 May 2019.
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  31. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, 266-267 betlar.
  32. ^ a b Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 268.
  33. ^ Jenkins 2001 yil, p. 578.
  34. ^ Nicolson 1967, p. 77.
  35. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 269.
  36. ^ Nicolson 1967, p. 77
  37. ^ a b v Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 270.
  38. ^ "Conduct of the War – Bellenger". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 1140. 7 May 1940. Olingan 3 may 2019.
  39. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 271.
  40. ^ a b Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 272.
  41. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 273.
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  43. ^ a b Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 274.
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  45. ^ a b Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 276.
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  47. ^ a b v d e f g Jenkins 2001 yil, p. 579.
  48. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 278.
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  50. ^ "Conduct of the War – Milner". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 1161. 7 May 1940. Olingan 12 may 2019.
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  55. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, 284-285-betlar.
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  57. ^ Nicolson 1967, p. 78.
  58. ^ a b Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 285.
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  60. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 287.
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  68. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 289.
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  72. ^ "Conduct of the War – Alexander". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 1348. 8 May 1940. Olingan 19 may 2019.
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  76. ^ a b v Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 300.
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  78. ^ "Conduct of the War – Churchill". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 1352. 8 May 1940. Olingan 21 may 2019.
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  83. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 302.
  84. ^ a b v Jenkins 2001 yil, p. 582.
  85. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 21.
  86. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 308.
  87. ^ Jefferys, Kevin (1995). The Churchill Coalition and Wartime Politics, 1940–1945. Manchester universiteti matbuoti. p. 24. ISBN  978-07-19025-60-0.
  88. ^ Nicolson, p. 79; others say Harold Macmillan led the singing. Channon wrote that Macmillan began singing after Wedgwood.
  89. ^ Colville 1985, 138-139 betlar.
  90. ^ "Conduct of the War – Conclusion". Hansard, jamoalar uyi, 5-seriya, jild. 360, kol. 1496. 9 May 1940. Olingan 16 may 2019.
  91. ^ Jenkins 2001 yil, pp. 583–588.
  92. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 361–399.
  93. ^ Shekspir 2017 yil, p. 7.
  94. ^ a b Jenkins 2001 yil, 576-577 betlar.
  95. ^ Marr 2009, p. 366.
  96. ^ Marr 2009, p. 367.
  97. ^ Betti Boothroyd, "Ferocious attack that spelt the end for Chamberlain and opened the way for Churchill", in "Official Report [HANSARD]", Centenary Volume, House of Commons 2009, p. 91.

Bibliografiya

Qo'shimcha o'qish

  • Bernard Kelly, (2009) "Drifting Towards War: The British Chiefs of Staff, the USSR and the Winter War, November 1939–March 1940," Zamonaviy Britaniya tarixi, (2009) 23:3 pp 267–291, DOI: 10.1080/13619460903080010
  • Erin Redihan, (2013). "Neville Chamberlain and Norway: The Trouble with 'A Man of Peace' in a Time of War." New England Journal Journal (2013) 69#1/2 pp 1-18.

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