Roberto Mangabeyra Unger - Roberto Mangabeira Unger

Roberto Mangabeyra Unger
Tug'ilgan	(1947-03-24) 1947 yil 24 mart (73 yosh) Rio-de-Janeyro, Braziliya
Ta'lim	Rio-de-Janeyro federal universiteti yuridik fakulteti (B.A.) Garvard yuridik fakulteti (LL.M .; S.J.D.)
Davr	20- /21-asr falsafasi
Mintaqa	G'arb falsafasi
Maktab	Radikal pragmatizm[1]
Asosiy manfaatlar	Ijtimoiy nazariya  · Huquq nazariyasi  · Iqtisodiyot  · Siyosiy falsafa  · Tabiiy falsafa
Taniqli g'oyalar	Soxta zarurat  · shakllantiruvchi kontekst  · salbiy qobiliyat  · qudratli demokratiya  · radikal pragmatizm[1] · o'zgaruvchan kasb[2] · institutsional alternativalar
Ta'sir Jorj Vilgelm Fridrix Hegel  · Karl Marks  · Maks Veber  · Uilyam Jeyms  · Anri Bergson  · Artur Shopenhauer  · Immanuil Kant  · Jan-Jak Russo  · Ralf Valdo Emerson  · Fridrix Nitsshe  · Baruch Spinoza  · Aristotel  · Tomas Akvinskiy  · Monteske
Ta'sirlangan Li Smolin
Veb-sayt	robertounger.com

Roberto Mangabeyra Unger (/ˈʌŋɡar/; 1947 yil 24 martda tug'ilgan) - braziliyalik faylasuf va siyosatchi.^[3] U o'zining huquqiy qarashlari, falsafa va din, ijtimoiy va siyosiy nazariya, ilg'or alternativalar va iqtisodiyot kabi ko'plab sohalarda o'z qarashlari va pozitsiyalarini rivojlantirdi.^[4]

Tabiiy falsafada u tanilgan Yagona koinot va vaqtning haqiqati. Ijtimoiy nazariyada u tanilgan Siyosat: konstruktiv ijtimoiy nazariyada ish. Huquqiy nazariyada u Tanqidiy huquqiy tadqiqotlar harakati, bu Amerika yuridik maktablarida uslubiy konsensusni buzishga yordam berdi.^[5] Uning siyosiy faoliyati o'tishga yordam berdi Braziliyada demokratiya natijasida harbiy rejim 2007 yilda va yana 2015 yilda Braziliyaning strategik ishlar vaziri etib tayinlanishi bilan yakunlandi.^[6][7][8] Uning ishi insonparvarlik haqidagi tasavvurni va shaxslarga imkoniyat berish va institutlarni o'zgartirish dasturini taklif qiladi.^[9][10][11]

Uning falsafasi asosida insoniyatga u joylashtirilgan kontekstdan kattaroq qarash kiradi. U har bir inson katta hayotga ko'tarilish qobiliyatiga ega ekanligini ko'radi. Uning ijtimoiy fikrining negizida ijtimoiy olam yaratilgan va tasavvur qilinganligiga ishonch yotadi. Uning faoliyati hech qanday tabiiy yoki zarur ijtimoiy, siyosiy yoki iqtisodiy kelishuvlar individual yoki ijtimoiy faoliyat asosida yotmaydi degan asosdan boshlanadi. Mulk huquqi, liberal demokratiya, ish haqi - Unger uchun bularning barchasi insoniyatning erkin va farovon faoliyatining maqsadlariga hech qanday aloqasi bo'lmagan tarixiy asarlardir. Unger uchun bozor, davlat va insoniyatning ijtimoiy tashkiloti oldindan belgilangan institutsional kelishuvlarda o'rnatilmasligi kerak, lekin tajriba va qayta ko'rib chiqish uchun individual va jamoaviy vakolat berish loyihasiga mos keladigan narsalarga muvofiq qoldirilishi kerak. Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, buni amalga oshirish insonni ozod qilishga imkon beradi.^[6][12][13]

Unger anchadan beri Braziliya oppozitsiyasi siyosatida faol bo'lib kelgan. U asoschilaridan biri edi Braziliya demokratik harakati partiyasi va uning manifestini tuzdi.^[14] U prezidentlik kampaniyalarini boshqargan Leonel Brizola va Ciro Gomes, Deputatlar palatasiga nomzodini qo'ydi va ikki marta Braziliya prezidentligi uchun kashfiyot takliflarini boshladi. Ikkinchisida u strategik ishlar vaziri bo'lib ishlagan Luis Inasio Lula da Silva ma'muriyati va ikkinchi Dilma ma'muriyatida.

Biografiya

Oila

Ungerning onalik bobosi edi Oktavio Mangabeyra, 1920 yillarning oxirlarida diktaturadan oldin Braziliyaning tashqi ishlar vaziri bo'lib ishlagan Getulio Vargas uni Evropada va AQShda bir qator qamoq va surgunlarga duchor qildi. 1945 yilda Braziliyaga qaytib kelganidan so'ng, u chap-chap partiyani asos solgan. U 1946 yilda Kamara Federal a'zosi, 1947 yilda Bahia gubernatori va 1958 yilda senator etib saylangan.^[15]

Ungerning ikkala ota-onasi ham ziyolilar edi. Uning Nemis - tug'ilgan otasi, Artur Unger, Drezden, bolaligida AQShga kelgan va keyinchalik AQSh fuqarosi bo'lgan. Uning onasi Edyla Mangabeyra braziliyalik shoir va jurnalist edi.^[16] Artur va Edyla AQShda Oktavio Mangabeyraning surgun paytida uchrashishgan.^[17]

Hayotning boshlang'ich davri

Roberto Mangabeyra Unger tug'ilgan Rio-de-Janeyro 1947 yilda va bolaligini o'tgan Manxetten "s Yuqori Sharqiy tomon. U oddiy askarda qatnashdi Allen-Stivenson maktabi.^[17] U o'n bir yoshida, otasi vafot etdi va onasi Braziliyani Braziliyaga ko'chirdi. U ishtirok etdi Jizvit maktab va yuridik fakultetiga o'qishga kirdi Rio-de-Janeyro federal universiteti.^[17]

Unger qabul qilindi Garvard yuridik fakulteti 1969 yil sentyabrda. LLMni olganidan keyin Unger Garvardda yana bir yil do'stlik bilan qoldi va keyin doktorlik dasturiga o'qishga kirdi. 23 yoshida Unger birinchi kurs talabalariga boshqa narsalar qatori huquqshunoslik fanidan dars berishni boshladi.^[17] 1976 yilda, 29 yoshida, u SJD-ni oldi va qabul qilingan eng yosh professor-o'qituvchilardan biriga aylandi egalik dan Garvard yuridik fakulteti.^[18]

Ilmiy martaba

Ungerning akademik faoliyatining boshlanishi kitoblardan boshlangan Bilim va siyosat va Zamonaviy jamiyatdagi qonun, mos ravishda 1975 va 1976 yillarda nashr etilgan.^[19][20] Ushbu asarlar birgalikda asos solishga olib keldi Tanqidiy huquqiy tadqiqotlar (CLS) bilan Dunkan Kennedi va Morton Horvits. Harakat Amerika bo'ylab yuridik maktablarda nizolarni qo'zg'atdi, chunki u standart yuridik stipendiyalarga qarshi chiqdi va huquqiy ta'lim bo'yicha radikal takliflar bildirdi. 1980-yillarning boshlarida CLS harakati Garvarddagi qizg'in ichki munozaralarni qo'zg'atdi va CLS olimlarini yoshi kattaroq va an'anaviy olimlarga qarshi qo'ydi.^[21][22]

1980-yillarning ko'p qismida Unger o'zining magnum opusida ishlagan, Siyosat: konstruktiv ijtimoiy nazariyada ish, klassikani baholagan uch jildli asar ijtimoiy nazariya va siyosiy, ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy alternativani ishlab chiqdi. Serial jamiyatning artefakt sifatida qabul qilingan asosiga asoslanadi va ba'zi institutsional kelishuvlar zarurligini rad etadi. 1987 yilda nashr etilgan, Siyosat zamonaviy ijtimoiy nazariya va siyosatni tanqid qilgan; u tarkibiy va mafkuraviy o'zgarishlar nazariyasini ishlab chiqdi va jahon tarixi haqida muqobil hisobot berdi. Birinchidan, bir qator institutsional kelishuvlardan ikkinchisiga o'tish kerakligi haqidagi fikrga hujum qilish orqali, masalan. feodalizm ga kapitalizm, keyin qurilgan ijtimoiy o'zgarishlarning anti-zaruriy nazariyasi, institutsional kelishuvlarning bir to'plamidan ikkinchisiga o'tishni nazariylashtirgan holda.

Unger keyingi o'n yilliklarning ko'p qismini rivojlangan tushunchalarni yanada chuqurroq o'rganishga bag'ishladi Siyosat siyosiy va ijtimoiy alternativalarni ishlab chiqish orqali. Huquqiy tahlil nimaga aylanishi kerak? (Verso, 1996) ijtimoiy hayotni tashkil qilishni qayta tasavvur qilish uchun vositalarni ishlab chiqdi. Demokratiya amalga oshirildi: progressiv alternativ (Verso, 1998) va Chap tomon nimani taklif qilishi kerak? (Verso, 2005) muqobil institutsional takliflarni ilgari surdi.

Intellektual ta'sir

Ungerning falsafiy amaliyot modeli butun voqelik haqida qarashni shakllantirishga intilgan va buni o'z davridagi maxsus bilimlardan foydalanish va ularga qarshi turish orqali izlagan faylasuflarga eng yaqin.^[23] Bu pragmatizmning bir shakli sifatida, shuningdek G'arbda nasroniylik ta'siri ostida paydo bo'lgan g'oyalar va tajribalarni toifalardan ajratishga urinish sifatida o'qilgan. Yunon falsafasi.^[24] Uning fikri teskari deb nomlangan Shopenhauer falsafasi, hayotning oliy qadriyatini va o'zlik haqiqati va chuqurligini tasdiqlaydi va nopoklikdan qochadi.^[25]

Garvard yuridik fakulteti, Hauser Hall-da ma'ruza

Falsafiy ish

Ushbu bo'lim a tirik odamning tarjimai holi qo'shimcha kerak iqtiboslar uchun tekshirish. Iltimos, qo'shib yordam bering ishonchli manbalar. Tirik odamlar haqida manbalar bo'lmagan yoki kam manbalardan olingan munozarali materiallar darhol olib tashlanishi kerak, ayniqsa potentsial bo'lsa tuhmat yoki zararli. Manbalarni toping: "Roberto Mangabeyra Unger"  – Yangiliklar  · gazetalar  · kitoblar  · olim  · JSTOR (2016 yil oktyabr) (Ushbu shablon xabarini qanday va qachon olib tashlashni bilib oling)

Ijtimoiy nazariya

Ungerning ijtimoiy nazariyasi jamiyat - bu artefakt va uni yaratish va qayta yaratish mumkin degan klassik ijtimoiy nazariya g'oyasiga asoslanadi.^[26] Garchi Hegel yoki Marks kabi oldingi mutafakkirlar bir paytlar orqaga chekinishgan va zarur institutsional yoki tarixiy ijtimoiy taraqqiyot bor degan tushunchani ushlab turishgan bo'lsa, Unger, bitta tanqidchining so'zlari bilan aytganda, "g'oyani tanasiga olib chiqib, nazariyani ishlab chiqarishga intiladi" liberal va marksistik nazariyalar cheklovlaridan xalos bo'lgan ozodlik to'g'risida. " Ushbu cheklash - bu taxmin qilinadigan va markazlashgan holda rejalashtirilishi mumkin bo'lgan jamiyatning ideal tuzilishini izlash; ozodlik esa institutsional moslashuvchanlik va xilma-xillikka ega bo'lgan jamiyatlarga olib keladi.^[27]

Unger uchun jamiyat murosaga kelish yoki eng yaxshi variantlarni tan olish yo'li bilan emas, balki mojarolar va siyosiy va moddiy resurslarni boshqarish uchun kurash orqali paydo bo'ladi. Ushbu kurashning g'oliblari ijtimoiy ta'sir o'tkazish va bitim shartlarini belgilash uchun keladi, keyinchalik qonunlar orqali institutsionalizatsiya qilinadi. Ushbu favqulodda tartib Unger qo'ng'iroqlari shakllantiruvchi kontekst. Muayyan shakllantiruvchi kontekstda tartiblar o'rnatiladi va odamlar ishonishadi va o'zlarining ijtimoiy so'zlari mukammal tushunarli va himoyalanadigan yaxlit yaxlitlik kabi harakat qilishadi. Ular mavjud tartiblarni kerak bo'lganda ko'rish uchun kelishadi. Unger buni chaqiradi yolg'on zarurat. Darhaqiqat, bu kelishuvlar o'zboshimchalik bilan va bir-biriga juda qattiq yopishadi, bu ularni qarshilik va o'zgarishlarga ochiq qoldiradi. Ushbu muxolifat Unger chaqiradi salbiy qobiliyat.^[28]

Bu Ungerni o'zgarish birdan institutsional kelishuvlar to'plamini boshqasiga almashtirish bilan inqilobiy qo'zg'alishda emas, balki kurash va ko'rish orqali bo'lak-bo'lak sodir bo'ladi degan xulosaga keladi. Unger nazarda tutadiki, kümülatif o'zgarish shakllanadigan kontekstni o'zgartirishi mumkin va u amalga oshiriladigan institutsional alternativalar kabi bir qator o'zgarishlarni taklif qildi va u buni chaqirdi Kuchli demokratiya.^[28]

Quvvatlangan demokratiya - bu Ungerning ijtimoiy institutlarning yanada ochiqroq va ko'proq plastik majmui haqidagi tasavvuridir, ular orqali shaxslar va guruhlar o'zaro ta'sir qilishi, o'zgarishlarni taklif qilishi va ijtimoiy, iqtisodiy va siyosiy tuzilmalarni o'zgartirishi uchun o'zlariga samarali imkoniyat yaratishi mumkin. Ungerni amalga oshirish strategiyasi - mahalliy savdoni va boshqaruv erkinligini markaziy hukumat darajasidagi siyosiy partiyalarning ijtimoiy va siyosiy institutlarda keskin o'zgarishlarga olib keladigan tub ijtimoiy tajribalarni ilgari surish qobiliyatini birlashtirish.^[29]

Amalda, nazariya markazdagi siyosatdagi tub o'zgarishlarni va mahalliy joylarda ijtimoiy yangiliklarni o'z ichiga oladi. Markazda, amaldagi rahbarlarga keng ko'lamli qayta ko'rib chiqiladigan vakolatlarni berish orqali, siyosiy partiyalarga aniq, ammo chuqur echimlar va takliflarni sinab ko'rish imkoniyati beriladi. Bu hukumat hokimiyatidan foydalanish va boshqarish ustidan partiyaviy nizolarni siyosiy tanglikni tezda hal qilish orqali ijtimoiy hayotning asosiy tuzilmalarini shubha ostiga olish va qayta ko'rib chiqish imkoniyatiga aylantiradi. Mahalliy jamoalarda vakolatli demokratiya aylanma kapital mablag'lari hisobidan kapital va texnologiyalardan foydalanish imkoniyatini yaratadi, bu esa tadbirkorlik va innovatsiyalarni rag'batlantiradi. Fuqarolarning huquqlariga iqtisodiy va fuqarolik xavfsizligini ta'minlash bo'yicha individual huquqlar, ijtimoiy kapitalning bir qismiga shartli va vaqtincha guruh talablari, shuningdek, odatiy siyosat xalaqit bermagan bo'ysunish tartib-qoidalari bilan buzilgan tashkilotlar va amaliyotlarni buzish huquqini beradigan beqarorlik huquqlari kiradi. .^[30]

Ungerning g'oyalari yosh ziyolilar va radikallar universitet sinflarida o'qitiladigan jamiyat va huquqning odatiy nazariyalarini 1960-70 yillardagi ijtimoiy norozilik va inqilob haqiqati bilan uyg'unlashtirishga harakat qilgan sharoitda rivojlandi. Marksizmdan hafsalasi pir bo'lgan ular hukmron ijtimoiy tuzumni qonuniylashtirgan kengroq e'tiqod tizimi doirasida qonun va jamiyat tushunchalarini texnokratik siyosatning benign fani sifatida joylashtirish uchun, Levi-Strauss, Gramsi, Xabermas va Fuko kabi mutafakkirlarga murojaat qilishdi.^[28] Biroq, Xabermasdan farqli o'laroq, oqilona konsensusga erishish tartibini ishlab chiquvchi Unger qarorlarni qayta ko'rib chiqish va qayta qurish uchun doimo ochiq bo'lgan muassasalarda va ularning tuzilmalarida joylashtiradi. Va Fukodan farqli o'laroq, u ham ijtimoiy hayotning qurilgan xususiyatiga urg'u beradi, Unger buni inson ijodini ochib beradigan va ozodlikka imkon beradigan institutlar va ijtimoiy sharoitlarni qayta tasavvur qilish imkoniyati sifatida oladi.^[31]

Huquqiy fikr

Ungerning qonunlar bo'yicha ishi qonun tushunchasini va uning muayyan institutlar orqali qanday ifodalanishini tabiatdan chiqarishga intildi.^[22] U nima uchun zamonaviy jamiyatlarda qonun chiqaruvchi va sud kabi institutlar o'rtasidagi farq tizimlari, shuningdek, ijtimoiy muammolar haqida mulohaza yuritish uslubiga ega bo'lgan advokatlarning maxsus kasti mavjud bo'lgan huquqiy tizimlar mavjudligini so'rash bilan boshlanadi. Holbuki, kabi mutafakkirlar Marks va Weber bunday huquqiy kelishuvlar ta'minlash uchun iqtisodiy zaruriyat mahsuli deb ta'kidlagan edi mulk huquqi va shaxsning muxtoriyati bo'lgan Unger, ushbu liberal huquqiy tartib Evropada monarxiya, aristokratiya va burjua o'rtasida aniqlanmagan munosabatlar natijasida paydo bo'lganligini ko'rsatadi. Bu uzoq an'analardan kelib chiqib, o'ziga xos shaklga ega bo'ldi tabiiy qonun va zaruriyat o'rniga universallik.^[22]

Huquqni va huquqiy fikrni tarixiy tahlil qilishda olib borilgan ushbu dastlabki ish Ungerning o'z hissasini qo'shishiga asos bo'ldi Tanqidiy huquqiy tadqiqotlar harakati.^[22] Harakatning o'zi 1970 yil oxirida yosh huquqshunos olimlar orasida tug'ilgan Garvard yuridik fakulteti Amerika huquqshunosligining nazariy asoslarini qoralagan, huquqiy realizm. Ishtirokchilar yashirin manfaatlarsiz va yuridik institutlarning sinfiy hukmronligisiz insonning shaxsiy qarashlari asosida jamiyatni shakllantirishga sodiq edilar. Harakatning ikkita tendentsiyasi rivojlandi, biri radikal noaniqlik, qonunni biz xohlagan narsani anglatishini tanqid qildi, ikkinchisi, kapitalizmning institutsional shakli sifatida huquqiy fikrga hujum qilgan neo-marksistik tanqid. Unger uchinchi tendentsiyani, individual ozodlik va imkoniyatlarni kengaytirishga asoslangan huquqlarni qayta ko'rib chiqishning konstruktiv nuqtai nazarini va ko'proq odamlar uchun ko'proq ta'lim va iqtisodiy imkoniyatlarni yaratish maqsadida doimiy qayta ko'rib chiqishga imkon beradigan tarkibiy tuzilmalarni taklif qildi. U buni aytdi Muhim huquqiy tadqiqotlar harakati bu tezda unga harakatning falsafiy ustozi va payg'ambari sifatida ergashdi.^{[22][32][33][34]}

Iqtisodiy fikr

Ungerning iqtisodiyot haqidagi fikri markazida odamlar ishlab chiqarishi va almashinuvi haqidagi institutsional kelishuvlarni qayta ko'rib chiqish va qayta ko'rib chiqish majburiyati turadi. Unger uchun iqtisodiy institutlarning o'ziga xos yoki tabiiy shakllari yo'q va u klassik va neo-klassik iqtisodchilarning zaruriy tendentsiyalarini rad etadi, buning o'rniga zamonaviy jamiyatlarning tuzilmalariga alternativalarni izlaydi. U o'z asarlarida bozor iqtisodiyoti va ish joyidagi mehnat taqsimoti va milliy va global iqtisodiyotning ahamiyati haqidagi g'oyalarni qayta ko'rib chiqishni maqsad qilgan.^[35]

Iqtisodiyotni tanqid qilish

Ungerning iqtisodiyotni tanqid qilishi iqtisodiy tarixdagi muhim momentni aniqlashdan boshlanadi, ishlab chiqarish va ayirboshlashni tahlil qilish ijtimoiy nazariyadan yuz o'girgan va ilmiy ob'ektivlikni izlash bilan shug'ullangan. Unger tahlilida mumtoz iqtisodiyot boyliklarni ishlab chiqarish va taqsimlash bilan bog'liq bo'lgan ijtimoiy faoliyat o'rtasidagi sababiy munosabatlarga e'tibor qaratdi. Klassik iqtisodchilar qiymatning haqiqiy asoslari, milliy boylikka hissa qo'shgan faoliyat, huquqlar tizimlari yoki odamlar boyib boradigan boshqaruv shakllari to'g'risida savollar berishdi. O'n to'qqizinchi asrning oxirida, sotsialistik g'oyalar hujumlariga va jamiyat qanday ishlashiga oid munozaralarga javoban va qiymat nazariyasining g'alayonlaridan qutulish va qadriyatlar qanday qilib narxga aylanishi mumkinligiga javob berish vositasi sifatida marginalist iqtisod paydo bo'ldi. Iqtisodiyotdagi bu harakat iqtisodiyotni jamiyatni qanday ishlashi va biz qanday jamiyatda yashashni xohlayotganimiz haqidagi munozaralardan iqtisodiyotni o'rganish bo'yicha ko'rsatma va me'yoriy majburiyatlardan voz kechdi. Unger uchun iqtisodiyot tarixidagi ushbu lahza uni har qanday analitik yoki amaliy ahamiyatga ega.^[36]

Ungerning marginalizmni tanqid qilishi bilan boshlanadi Valras muvozanat nazariyasi, bu ijtimoiy tashkilotning normativ qarama-qarshiliklarini chetga surib, iqtisodiy tahlilning aniqligiga erishishga urindi. Unger nazariyani buzadigan uchta zaif tomonni topadi: eng avvalo, nazariya muvozanat o'z-o'zidan bozor iqtisodiyoti sharoitida vujudga kelishini ta'kidlagan. Aslida, o'z-o'zini moslashtiradigan muvozanat paydo bo'lmaydi. Ikkinchidan, nazariya bozorning aniqlanuvchi qiyofasini ilgari suradi. Ammo tarixiy jihatdan bozor turli xil bozor tartib-qoidalari bilan noaniq ekanligi ko'rsatilgan. Uchinchidan, samaradorlikning polemik ishlatilishi shaxslar, sinflar va avlodlar o'rtasida taqsimlanishning farqlarini hisobga olmaydi.^[36]

Marginal harakatning oqibatlari iqtisodiyotni o'rganish uchun juda katta edi, deydi Unger. Eng dolzarb muammo shundaki, iqtisodiyotning ushbu umumlashtiruvchi tendentsiyasi ostida uni kiritadigan vosita yo'q ampirik dalillar va shu tariqa dunyoni qayta tasavvur qilish va yangi nazariyalar va yangi yo'nalishlarni ishlab chiqish. Shu tarzda, intizom har doim o'ziga tegishli va nazariydir. Bundan tashqari, dunyoga nisbatan me'yoriy nuqtai nazarning yo'qligi, ta'rifi bo'yicha har doim ma'lum bir kontekstni nazarda tutadigan siyosat retseptidan boshqa narsani taklif qilish imkoniyatini cheklaydi. Intizom faqat dunyoni ratsionalizatsiya qilishi va vaziyat-kvoni qo'llab-quvvatlashi mumkin. Va nihoyat, Unger iqtisodiyotdagi bu burilish makroiqtisodiyotda munozaralarni universallashtirish va intizomni tarixiy istiqbolsiz qoldirish bilan yakun topdi. Masalan, Keynsning muayyan tarixiy inqirozni hal qilishning umumiy nazariyaga aylantirilishi natijasida, natijada u faqat ma'lum bir vaziyatga javob sifatida tushunilishi kerak edi.^[36]

Iqtisodiyotni qayta yo'naltirish

Ungerning iqtisodiy qarashlari shundan iboratki, uni shaxs va ijtimoiy hayot haqidagi g'oyalardan xalos qilib bo'lmaydi. Inson faoliyati va siyosiy tashkiloti savdo va iqtisodiyotning har qanday tahliliga kiritilishi kerak. Intizomni qayta tuzishda u klassik iqtisodiyotning me'yoriy amaliyotiga qaytishga chaqiradi, ammo zaruriy taxminlardan va tipologik ma'lumotlardan xalos bo'ldi. Tushuntirish da'volari va ko'rsatma g'oyalarini ishlab chiqish zarur. Intizom tabiatning o'zgarishini jamiyat bilan bog'lashi kerak - odamlarning qayta tashkil etilishi bilan narsalarni yaratish.^[37]

Yilda Erkin savdo qayta tasavvur qilindi: Jahon mehnat taqsimoti va iqtisodiyot usuli, u iqtisodiy faoliyat haqida o'ylashni boshlash uchun oltita g'oyani ilgari suradi.^[38]

1. Ixtisoslashuv va kashfiyot muammosi. Savdo sheriklari teng bo'lmagan, ammo tubdan teng bo'lmaganida, raqobat o'z-o'zini o'zgartirishni inhibe qiladi, chunki ikkalasi ham yangilik va samaradorlikni oshirish o'rniga xarajatlarni kamaytirishga majbur.
2. Iqtisodiyot bo'yicha siyosat muammosi. Siyosatni ishlab chiqish va amalga oshirish kashfiyot emas, aksincha yuqoridan pastga qarab amalga oshiriladi. Qattiq davlat nazorati jamiyatning keskinlik va inqirozga qanday ta'sir qilishini cheklaydi va shu bilan siyosat o'z taxminlarini yaratadi va ijodkorlik va muqobil echimlarni cheklaydi.
3. Erkin savdo savdo rejimini savdo sheriklarining tajriba o'tkazish va innovatsiyalarni o'tkazish imkoniyatlarini kuchaytiradigan tarzda tashkil etish orqali o'z-o'zini o'zgartirish imkoniyatlarini kuchaytirishi kerak. Savdo qancha erkin savdo emas, balki qanaqa ekanligi haqida gap boradi. Eng yaxshi cheklovlar eng kam miqdordagi cheklovlardir.
4. Muqobil erkin savdo. Bozor zarur va tabiiy shaklga ega emas. Agar bozor iqtisodiyoti boshqacha tarzda tashkil etilishi mumkin bo'lsa, unda bozor iqtisodiyoti o'rtasida erkin savdo qilishning universal tartibi ham bo'lishi mumkin.
5. Qayta ishlangan mehnat taqsimoti. The pin fabrikasida mehnatni tashkil etish mehnatni mashina kabi tashkil qilishni tavsiflaydi. Ammo biz bu ishni bajarish uchun mashinalar yasashimiz mumkin. Keyinchalik, biz mashinani qanday qilib ishni bajarish kerakligini bilmagan joylarda yangilik qilishimiz kerak. Ishlab chiqarish jamoaviy o'rganish va doimiy yangiliklardan biri bo'lishi kerak.
6. Kontekstga qarshi o'ylang. Aql ham mashina, ham piyodalarga qarshi mashinadir; bu ham formulali, ham jamlovchi. Shunday qilib, biz hech qachon har qanday sharoitda tinchlanmaymiz va doimo o'zimizni ixtiro qilishga qarz beradigan tartiblarga ega bo'lishimiz kerak.

Iqtisodiy institutlarni qayta qurish

Unger uchun iqtisodiyot nafaqat boylik vositasi, balki doimiy innovatsiya va kashfiyotlar uchun ham muhimdir. Bu odamlar va resurslarni rekombinatsiyalashning eng katta erkinligini ta'minlashi va odamlarga institutsional sharoitlarda innovatsiyalarni amalga oshirishi kerak. Bozor iqtisodiyoti o'zining yagona dogmatik versiyasi bo'lmasligi kerak.^[39]

Unger jahon savdo rejimini qayta qurish va bozor iqtisodiyotida yangi alternativalarni joriy etishga qaratilgan bir qator umumiy institutsional takliflarni taqdim etdi. Xalqaro va global savdo uchun Unger turli xil mulk huquqlari rejimlari bilan tajriba o'tkazish zarurligini chaqiradi, bu erda bir nechta shakllar bir xil bozor tizimida mavjud bo'lib, shaxsiy mulk huquqlari va shartnomaviy mehnat bilan bog'liq bo'lmaydi. Umuman olganda, erkin savdo-sotiqni maqsad qilib qo'yish o'rniga, Unger jahon iqtisodiyotini global ochiqlikni milliy va mintaqaviy diversifikatsiya, og'ish, bid'at va tajriba bilan uyg'unlashtiradigan tarzda qurish va ochish zarurligini ko'radi, bu erda alternativalarni qo'llab-quvvatlash g'oyasi dunyoni ular uchun xavfsizroq qilish. Milliy iqtisodiyotlar uchun u kapitalning erkin oqimini talab qilish zarurligini rad etadi, chunki kapital oqimini cheklash kerak bo'lgan holatlar mavjud. Aksincha, u odamlarning erkin oqimiga urg'u beradi. Mehnat butun dunyo bo'ylab erkin harakatlanishiga ruxsat berilishi kerak.^[40]

Yigirma birinchi asrda iqtisodiy rag'batlantirish to'g'risida

Yaqinda, YouTube nomli videoda "Rag'batlantirishdan tashqari" kuni YouTube u hozirgi iqtisodiyotni hal qilish uchun uchta asosiy siyosatni ishlab chiqdi:

1. Moliya ishlab chiqarishga xizmat qilishi uchun ishlab chiqarishga nisbatan moliya tartibini o'zgartiring. Soliq va ishlab chiqarishga hissa qo'shmaydigan moliyani to'xtatish uchun tartibga soling. Ventur kapitali uchun davlat kapitalidan foydalaning.
2. Kichik va o'rta biznesni qo'llab-quvvatlash orqali iqtisodiy imkoniyatlarni kengaytirish. Davlat tomonidan tartibga solinadigan va davlat tomonidan boshqariladigan modellar orasidagi tanlovni rad eting. Hukumat va firmalar o'rtasidagi hamkorlikni va firmalar o'rtasidagi hamkorlik va raqobatni qo'llab-quvvatlash.
3. Ta'lim. Qattiq va moslashuvchan iqtisodiyot ehtiyojlarini qondiradigan maktablar tizimi. Ishga xos ko'nikmalarni emas, balki umumiy tushunchalar va moslashuvchanlikni o'rgatadigan kasb-hunar maktablari.

"Iqtisodiy tartibda zaruriyat xayollari"

Ungerning iqtisodiy nazariyaga bag'ishlangan birinchi yozuvi 1978 yil may oyidagi sonida "Iqtisodiy tartibda zaruriyat illyuziyalari" maqolasi bo'lgan Amerika iqtisodiy sharhi. Maqolada u almashinish nazariyalarini kuch va idrok nazariyalariga kiritish kerak bo'lgan klassik siyosiy iqtisodga taqlid qilish uchun zamonaviy iqtisodiy fikrga ehtiyoj borligini ta'kidlaydi.^[41]

Maqolada Amerika iqtisodiyoti muammosi ishlab chiqarish va jamiyatdagi demokratiyani ish joyida amalga oshirishga qodir emasligi sifatida keltirilgan. Ushbu muvaffaqiyatsizlik, Ungerning so'zlariga ko'ra, ishlab chiqarishni, jamiyatni va davlatni qamrab oladigan keng qamrovli dasturning yo'qligidan kelib chiqadi, shuning uchun zudlik bilan yutuqlarni qo'lga kiritish jarayonida tengsizlikni tezda hal qilish holati yutib yuboriladi. tashkilot yoki saylov okrugi, masalan kasaba uyushmalari.^[41]

Ish joyida demokratiyani amalga oshirish va boylik va qashshoqlikni yo'q qilish uchun Unger ishchilar jamoasi va demokratiyani milliy darajadagi demokratiyaning kengayishi bilan bog'lash zarurligini ta'kidlaydi - bu maqsad faqat iqtisodiy ishlab chiqarish va ishchilarning maqsadi bo'lishi mumkin emas. huquqlar, lekin tarkibiy darajadagi milliy loyiha bilan birga bo'lishi kerak. U ushbu g'oyani nafaqat xususiy mulkka asoslangan firma va davlat o'rtasidagi munosabatlarni qayta qurishga, balki uni ish joylari, bozorlar va kapitalga kirishni qamrab oladigan yangi huquqlar to'plami bilan almashtirishni talab qilish orqali yanada kuchaytiradi. Faqatgina xususiy huquqlar bekor qilinganligi sababli, markazlashtirilmagan qarorlar qabul qilish va bozor almashinuvi huquqlari ishchilarga tatbiq etilishi mumkin. Bunga korxona hajmi va boshqalarning mehnatini boshqarish uchun foyda qanday ishlatilishini cheklash kerak.^[41]

Neoklassik iqtisodiyot bu vazifaga to'g'ri kelmaydi, chunki u nazariy anomaliya bo'lgan narsani qoldirib, empirik ma'lumotlarni tushuntirish uchun qo'llaniladigan oldindan tuzilgan standartlardan boshlanadi; tahlilning nedensel asoslari yo'q, deydi Unger, aksincha, hamma narsa abadiy universalga joylashtirilgan, chunki ular kontekst uchun hisobga olinmagan. Bundan tashqari, maksimallashtirish, samaradorlik va ratsionalizatsiya tushunchalarining noaniqligi tahlilni ratsionalizator shaxsning xulq-atvori to'g'risidagi ma'lum bir tushunchaga bog'lab, tahlilni ham tavtologik, ham moddiy almashinuv tiliga tarjima qilingan kuch munosabatlari to'plamiga aylantiradi.^[41]

Dasturiy fikr

Ungerning fikrlashidagi asosiy narsa - bu ijtimoiy institutlarni qayta ko'rib chiqishga urinishdan oldin ularni qayta tasavvur qilish zaruriyati. Bu dasturni yoki dasturiy fikrni talab qiladi. Biroq, ushbu dasturni tuzishda biz uchta yolg'on taxminlarga duch kelmaslik uchun to'liq inqilobiy ta'mirlashni boshlamasligimiz kerak:

• Tipologik xato: tarixdagi institutsional alternativalarning yopiq ro'yxati borligi haqidagi xato ".feodalizm "yoki"kapitalizm ". Jamiyatning tabiiy shakli mavjud emas, faqat undan oldin paydo bo'lgan qism-qism institutsional o'zgarishlar, siyosiy harakatlar va madaniy islohotlarning o'ziga xos natijasi (shuningdek, tarixning tasodiflari va tasodiflari).
• Bo'linmaslik noto'g'ri: inqilobiy Leftizmning aksariyat obunachilari institutsional tuzilmalar birlashishi va birlashishi kerak, deb noto'g'ri ishonishadi. Biroq, tuzilmalarni bosqichma-bosqich o'zgartirish mumkin.
• Determinizmning noto'g'riligi: nazoratsiz va ozgina tushunilgan qonunga o'xshash kuchlar institutsional tizimlarning tarixiy merosxo'rligini qo'zg'atadigan xato. Biroq, tarixning tabiiy oqimi yo'q. Biz o'zimizni va dunyomizni yaratamiz va buni har qanday yo'l bilan qilishimiz mumkin.^[42]

Ijtimoiy o'zgarishlarni dasturiy jihatdan o'ylash uchun avvalo jamiyat istagan yo'nalishni belgilab olish kerak, so'ngra biz ushbu yo'nalishda qanday qadamlar bilan harakat qilishimiz kerak. Shu tarzda, narsalar hozirgi yoki nisbatan uzoqroq bo'lgan narsalarga nisbatan yaqinroq bo'lsin, traektoriya bo'ylab takliflarni shakllantirishimiz mumkin. Bu inqilob va islohot o'rtasidagi uchinchi yo'lni ta'minlaydi. Bu inqilobiy islohot, bu erda odam inqilobiy qarashga ega, ammo bu tasavvurga parcha-parcha islohotlar ketma-ketligida amal qiladi. Unger aytganidek, o'zgaruvchan siyosat "loyihalar haqida emas; yo'llar haqida. Bu me'morchilik emas; bu musiqa".^[42]

Ikki Left

Unger ikkita asosiy narsani ko'radi Lefts bugungi kunda dunyoda chapak va insonparvar chap. Ravshan Chap bozorlarning yurishini sekinlashtirmoqchi va globallashuv va hukumatning faol ishtiroki va kuchli ijtimoiy dasturlar davriga qaytish. Insonparvar chap (yoki ')islohotchi chap ') dunyoni hozirgi holatida qabul qiladi, bozor iqtisodiyoti va globallashuvni muqarrar deb qabul qiladi va ularning ta'sirini insonparvarlashtirishga urinishlarni amalga oshiradi. soliq va transfer siyosati.^[42]

Unger zamonaviyning ikkita asosiy yo'nalishini topadi Leftizm etarli emas va bozor iqtisodiyotini qayta qurish orqali globallashuv yo'nalishini yo'naltirishni talab qiladigan "rekonstruktiv chapga" chaqiradi.^[42] Uning ikkita kitobida Chap alternativa va Amerika progressivizmining kelajagi, Unger bozor iqtisodiyotini demokratlashtirish va demokratiyani chuqurlashtirish dasturini ishlab chiqadi. Ushbu Rekonstruktiv Chap hukumatning tegishli kattaligi to'g'risidagi munozaralardan tashqarida bo'lib, uning o'rniga bozor va iqtisodiyot sharoitida hukumat va firmalar o'rtasidagi munosabatlarni xususiy va ijtimoiy mulkning turli xil rejimlari bilan birga yashash tajribasini o'tkazish orqali qayta ko'rib chiqadi.^[42]

Bu ijtimoiy birdamlikka sodiq edi, ammo "federal huquq dasturlarida bo'lgani kabi" kompensatsion va retrospektiv qayta taqsimlash shaklida davlat tomonidan buyurilgan pul o'tkazmalaridan kelib chiqib, bizning ijtimoiy birlashuvdagi axloqiy manfaatlarimiz faqat dam olishga imkon berishdan bosh tortadi ". . Buning o'rniga Ungerning Rekonstruktiv Chap tomoni "har kim qandaydir tarzda va qandaydir vaqtda boshqa odamlarga g'amxo'rlik qilish uchun javobgarlikni baham ko'rishi kerak bo'lgan printsipni" tasdiqlaydi.^[42]

The Chap alternativa dastur

Ushbu bo'lim a tirik odamning tarjimai holi emas o'z ichiga oladi har qanday ma'lumotnomalar yoki manbalar. Iltimos, qo'shib yordam bering ishonchli manbalar. Ma'lumot manbasi bo'lmagan yoki kam ta'minlangan tirik odamlar haqidagi munozarali materiallar darhol olib tashlanishi kerak. Manbalarni toping: "Roberto Mangabeyra Unger"  – Yangiliklar  · gazetalar  · kitoblar  · olim  · JSTOR (2015 yil dekabr) (Ushbu shablon xabarini qanday va qachon olib tashlashni bilib oling)

Unger iqtisodiy rivojlanish, ta'lim, fuqarolik jamiyati va siyosiy demokratiya sohalarida aniq siyosiy takliflarni bayon etdi.^[43]

• Yoqilgan iqtisodiy rivojlanish, Unger ta'kidlashicha, bugungi kunda milliy iqtisodiyot uchun faqat ikkita model mavjud: AQSh hukumatni biznesni boshqarish modeli va iqtisodiyotni tepadan pastga byurokratik nazorat qilishning shimoliy-sharqiy Osiyo modeli. Bu masala bo'yicha ko'proq tasavvurga ehtiyoj borligini aytib, u markazlashmagan, plyuralistik, ishtirokchi va eksperimental uchinchi modelni taklif qildi. Bu kichik biznesni rivojlantirish va innovatsiyalarni rag'batlantiradigan iqtisodiyot shaklida bo'ladi, bu keng miqyosda o'z-o'zini ish bilan ta'minlash va kooperatsiyani yaratadi. Iqtisodiyotning asosiy tarmoqlari sifatida yirik biznesni himoya qilish emas, balki juda mobil va innovatsion kichik firma e'tiborga olinadi.
• Unger bunday iqtisodiyotning rivojlanishini an ta'lim tizimi u ijodni rag'batlantiradi va aqlni kuchaytiradi, hozirda u oilani ko'paytirish va shaxsni davlat xizmatiga topshirish uchun ko'rgan emas. Uning ta'kidlashicha, bunday tizim mahalliy darajada boshqarilishi kerak, ammo milliy nazorat orqali amalga oshiriladigan standartlarga ega bo'lishi kerak, shuningdek, mahalliy tizimlar ishlamay qolgan taqdirda aralashish tartibi mavjud.
• Ungerning ijtimoiy dasturlarni tanqid qilishi va unga alternativasi tanqid qiladi fuqarolik jamiyati. Uning ta'kidlashicha, biz hozirda duch kelayotgan muammo shundaki, bizda past sifatli xizmat ko'rsatadigan va davlat xizmatlarini ko'rsatishda fuqarolik jamiyatini jalb etishni taqiqlovchi byurokratik tizim mavjud. Fuqarolik jamiyatini davlat xizmatlari va g'amxo'rliklarida ishtirok etish uchun jihozlash uchun davlat aktiga ega bo'lish uning muqobil variantidir. Bu har bir insonga ikkita, masalan, ishlab chiqarish iqtisodiyotida va g'amxo'rlik qiladigan iqtisodiyotda ikkita mas'uliyat yuklanishiga olib keladi.
• Ungerning taklifi siyosiy demokratiya o'zgarishlarning inqirozga bog'liqligini kamaytiradigan yuqori energiya tizimini chaqiradi. Buni beshta institutsional innovatsiyalar orqali siyosat va partiyalarning doimiy turg'unlik va institutsional tahdidini sindirish orqali amalga oshirish mumkin. Birinchidan, aksiyalarni davlat tomonidan moliyalashtirish va ommaviy axborot vositalariga bepul kirish huquqini berish orqali jamoaviy faollikni oshirish. Ikkinchidan, hokimiyatdagi partiyaning takliflar va islohotlarni amalga oshirishi va muxolifat partiyalarning hukumatni tarqatib yuborishi va zudlik bilan saylovlar o'tkazilishini ta'minlashi orqali qonunchilikni to'sib qo'yib, siyosat tezligini tezlashtiring. Uchinchidan, jamiyatning har qanday qatlamining siyosiy jarayondan voz kechish va o'z boshqaruvi uchun muqobil echimlarni taklif qilish imkoniyati. To'rtinchidan, davlatga jamoat harakati orqali o'zini ozod qila olmaydigan ezilgan guruhlarni qutqarish vakolatini bering. Beshinchidan, to'g'ridan-to'g'ri ishtirok etuvchi demokratiya, unda faol ishtirok etish nafaqat moliyaviy qo'llab-quvvatlash va boylikni taqsimlash nuqtai nazaridan, balki ular orqali odamlar o'zlarining mahalliy va milliy ishlarida taklif va harakatlar orqali bevosita ishtirok etadilar.

Nazariy falsafa

Ungerning markazida nazariy falsafa ikkita asosiy tushuncha: birinchi navbatda shaxsning cheksizligi, ikkinchidan olamning o'ziga xosligi va vaqt haqiqati. Shaxsning cheksizligining asosi shundaki, biz ijtimoiy sharoitda mavjudmiz, ammo biz ushbu kontekstlar biz uchun belgilaydigan rollardan ko'proq - biz ularni engishimiz mumkin. Ungerning so'zlariga ko'ra, biz ikkalamiz ham "kontekstga bog'liq va kontekstdan ustunmiz"; biz "mujassamlangan ruh" sifatida ko'rinamiz; sifatida "cheklangan ichida qamoqqa cheksiz."^[44] Unger uchun shaxs va uning ijtimoiy mavjudotining tabiiy holati mavjud emas. Aksincha, biz ruhimiz bilan cheksizmiz va nima bo'lishimiz mumkinligi bilan chegaralanmaymiz. Shunday qilib, biron bir ijtimoiy muassasa yoki anjuman bizni qamrab ololmaydi. Institutlar mavjud bo'lib, bizning mavjudotlarimizni va o'zaro ta'sirimizni shakllantirar ekan, biz ularning tuzilishini ham, ular bizni qamoqqa olish darajasini ham o'zgartirishimiz mumkin.^[44]

Dunyo va vaqt haqiqatining o'ziga xosligi falsafasi tarixni qat'iyatli harakatlar joyi sifatida ko'p yoki bir vaqtning o'zida koinotlar emas, faqat bitta haqiqiy dunyo borligi va zamon haqiqatan ham dunyoda mavjud deb emas, balki simulacrum, bu orqali biz dunyoni boshdan kechirishimiz kerak.^[45]

Ushbu ikki cheksizlik va haqiqat tushunchalari Unger dasturida metafizik va institutsional inqiloblarni chaqiruvchi dastur yotadi. O'zini cheksiz, ammo cheklangan deb anglash tushunchasidan Unger ta'kidlashicha, biz o'zimizni yanada yaxshiroq ifoda etish uchun atrofimizni doimiy ravishda o'zgartirib turishimiz kerak. Bu faqat vaqt haqiqiy bo'lgan yagona dunyoda amalga oshirilishi mumkin.^[45]

O'zlik va inson tabiati

Yilda Ehtiros: Shaxsiyat to'g'risida esse, Unger shaxsni va uning jamiyatga bo'lgan munosabatini insonni tubdan kelib chiqadigan muammosi nuqtai nazaridan o'zini dunyoda noyob shaxs sifatida namoyon etish, shu bilan birga boshqalar bilan umumiylik va hamjihatlikni topish zarurati nuqtai nazaridan o'rganadi. This exploration is grounded in what Unger calls a modernist image of the human being as one who lives in context but is not bound by context. Unger's aim is to level a critique, expansion, and defense of modern thinking about the human and society.^[46]

Religion and the human condition

Unger has written and spoken extensively on din va insonning holati.^{[47][48][49][50]}

Religion, Unger argues, is a vision of the world within which we anchor our orientation to life. It is within this orientation that we deal with our greatest terrors and highest hopes. Because we are doomed to die, we hope for eternal life; because we are unable to grasp to totality of existence or of the universe, we try to dispel the mystery and provide a comprehensible explanation; because we have an insatiable desire, we cry for an object that is worthy of this desire, one that is infinite. Humans initially invested religious discourse in nature and the human susceptibility to nature. But as societies evolved and people developed ways to cope with the unpredictability of nature, the emphasis of religion shifted to social existence and its defects. A new moment in religion will begin, Unger argues, when we stop telling ourselves that all will be fine and we begin to face the incorrigible flaws in human existence.^[47][51] The future of religion lies in embracing our mortality and our groundlessness.^[48]

Unger sees four flaws in the human condition. They are, our o'lim and the facing of imminent death; bizning asossizlik in that we are unable to grasp the solution to the enigma of existence, see the beginning or end of time, nor put off the discovery of the meaning of life; bizning insatiability in that we always want more, and demand the infinite from the finite; va bizning susceptibility to belittlement which places us in a position to constantly confront petty routine forcing us to die many little deaths.^[47][52]

There are three major responses in the history of human thought to these flaws: escape, humanization, and confrontation.^[47][53]

• The overcoming of the world denies the phenomenal world and its distinctions, including the individual. It proclaims a benevolence towards others and an indifference to suffering and change. One achieves serenity by becoming invulnerable to suffering and change. Din Buddizm and philosophical thought of Aflotun va Shopenhauer best represent this orientation.
• The humanization of the world creates meaning out of social interactions in a meaningless world by placing all emphasis on our reciprocal responsibility to one another. Konfutsiylik and contemporary liberalism represent this strand of thought, both of which aim to soften the cruelties of the world.
• The struggle with the world is framed by the idea that series of personal and social transformations can increase our share of attributes associated with the divine and give us a larger life. It emphasizes love over altruism, rejecting the moral of the mastery of self-interest to enhance solidarity, and emphasizing the humility of individual love. This orientation has been articulated in two different voices: the sacred voice of Yahudiylik, Nasroniylik va Islom, and the profane voice of the secular projects of liberation.

The religion of the future

The spiritual orientation of the struggle with the world has given rise to the secular movements of emancipation in the modern world, and it is here that Unger sees the religion of the future. The problem Unger sees, however, is that as an established religion, this orientation has betrayed its ideological underpinnings and has made peace with existing order. It has accepted the hierarchies of class structure in society, accepted the transfer of money as serving as the basis of solidarity, and reaffirmed the basis of existing political, economic, and social institutions by investing in a conservative position of their preservation. Thus, "to be faithful to what made this orientation persuasive and powerful in the first place, we must radicalize it against both established institutions and dominant beliefs."^[47]

Unger's call is for a revolution in our religious beliefs that encompasses both individual transformation and institutional reorganization; to create change in the life of the individual as well as in the organization of society. The first part of the program of individual transformation means waking from the dazed state in which we live our lives, and recognizing our mortality and groundlessness without turning to the feel good theologies and philosophies. The second part of the program of social transformation means supplementing the metaphysical revolution with institutional practices by creating social institutions that allow us to constantly overthrow our constraints and our context, and to make this overthrow not a one time event but a continuing process. This is the program of qudratli demokratiya that calls for reforms in the market economy, education, politics, and civil society. "The goal is not to humanize society but to divinize humanity." It is "to raise ordinary life to a higher level of intensity and capability."^[48]

Tabiiy falsafa

Unger's philosophy of makon va vaqt taqdim etilgan Yagona koinot va vaqtning haqiqati argues for the singularity of the world and the reality of time. His arguments are grounded in the tradition of natural philosophy. He takes on the Newtonian idea of the independent observer standing outside of time and space, addresses the shubha ning Devid Xum, rejects the position of Kant, and attacks speculations about parallel koinotlar zamonaviy kosmologiya.^[54][55][56] At stake is the laying of the foundations for a view of the world and causality that is open to all possibilities; that is not a closed system of options in which our future is governed by deterministic laws and typologies. It is an understanding of society that rejects the naturalness and necessity of current social arrangements; "a form of understanding of society and history that refuses to explain the present arrangements in a manner that vindicates their naturalness and necessity."^[54]

The thesis of the singularity of the world states that there is one real world. Such a thesis stands in stark contrast to contemporary nazariy fizika and cosmology, which speculate about multiple universes out of the dilemma of how to have law like explanations if the universe is unique—laws will be universal because they don't just apply to this unique universe but to all universes. However, there is no empirical evidence for multiple worlds. Unger's singularity thesis can better address our empirical observations and set the conceptual platform to address the four main puzzles in cosmology today: Katta portlash, dastlabki shartlar, ufq muammosi, and the precise value of constants, such as tortishish kuchi, yorug'lik tezligi va Plankning doimiysi.^[54][56][57]

The thesis that time is real states that time "really is real" and everything is subject to history. This move is to historicize everything, even the laws of nature, and to challenge our acting as if time were real but not too real—we act as if it is somewhat real otherwise there would be no causal relations, but not so real that laws change. Unger holds that time is so real that laws of nature are also subject to its force and they too must change. There are no eternal laws upon which change occurs, rather time precedes structure. This position gives the universe a history and makes time non-emergent, global, irreversible, and continuous.^[54][56][57]

Bringing these two thesis together, Unger theorizes that laws of nature develop together with the phenomenon they explain. Laws and initial conditions co-evolve, in the same that they do in how cells reproduce and mutate in different levels of complexity of organisms. In cosmological terms Unger explains the passing from one structure to another at the origins of the universe when the state of energy was high but not infinite, and the freedom of movement was greater than when operating under a known set of laws. The conditions of the early universe is compatible with the universe that preceded it. The new universe may be different in structure, but has been made with what existed in the old one, e.g. masses of elementary particles, strength of different forces, and cosmological constants. As the universe cools the phenomena and laws work together with materials produced by sequence; they are path dependent materials. They are also constrained by the family of resemblances of the effective laws against the background of the conceptions of alternative states the universe and succession of universes.^[57]

Mathematics and the one real, time-drenched world

One consequence of these positions that Unger points to is the revision of the concept and function of mathematics. If there is only one world drenched in time through and through, then mathematics cannot be a timeless expression of multiple universes that captures reality. Rather, Unger argues that mathematics is a means of analyzing the world removed of time and phenomenal distinction. By emptying the world of time and space it is able to better focus on one aspect of reality: the recurrence of certain ways in which pieces of the world relate to other pieces. Its subject matter are the structured wholes and bundles of relations, which we see outside mathematics only as embodied in the time-bound particulars of the manifest world. In this way, mathematics extends our problem solving powers as an extension of human insight, but it is not a part of the world.^[54][57]

Siyosiy ish

Roberto Mangabeira Unger speaking in Brazil in 2007 as the Minister of Strategic Affairs

Unger has a long history of political activity in Brazil. He worked in early opposition parties in the 1970s/80s against the Brazilian military dictatorship, and drafted the founding manifesto for the Braziliya demokratik harakati partiyasi (PMDB) in 1980.^[14] He served as an intimate adviser to two presidential candidates, and launched exploratory bids himself in 2000 and 2006. He was the Secretary for Strategic Affairs in the Lula administration from 2007–09, and is currently working on a number of social and developmental projects in the state of Rondoniya.^[58]

Driving Unger's political engagement is the idea that society can be made and remade. Unlike Mill or Marx, who posited a particular class as the agent of history, Unger does not see a single vehicle for transformative politics. He advocates world-wide revolution, but does not see this happening as a single cataclysmic event or undertaken by a class agent, like the Communist movement. Rather, he sees the possibility of piecemeal change, where institutions can be replaced one at a time, and permanent plasticity can be built into the institutional infrastructure.^[59]

Early political activity, 1970s and 1980s

Unger's engagement in Brazilian politics began in the late 1970s as Brazil started to democratize. In 1979, he presented himself to the main opposition party, the Brazilian Democratic Movement (MDB), and was appointed chief of staff by party leader Ulysses Guimaraes. His initial work was to develop the positions of the party and draft policy proposals for their party's congressional representatives.^[17] When the military regime dissolved the two-party system and established a multi-party system later that year, Unger worked to unite progressive liberals and the independent, non-communist left into the Braziliya demokratik harakati partiyasi (PMDB). As a co-founder of the party, he authored its first manifesto.^[21] Unger left the party after the rise of a conservative faction, which was a part of the MDB but had been excluded from the initial formation of the PMDB.^[59]

After departing the PMDB in the early 1980s, Unger began looking for political agents who would serve as vehicles for his national alternative. In 1981, he jointed the Democratic Labour Party of Brazil (PDT) led by Leonel Brizola, a former governor of Rio de Janeiro and a figure of the left prior to the dictatorship. Brizola had founded the PDT and Unger saw it as the authentic opposition to the military regime. Throughout the 1980s he worked with Brizola to travel the country recruiting members, and developing policy positions and a political language.^[59]

In 1983, Brizola, then serving his second of three terms as governor of Rio de Janeiro, appointed Unger to head the State Foundation for the Education of Minors (FEEM), a state-run foundation for homeless children. During his year-long tenure, he began a process of radical reforms of the institutions, such as opening the door to international adoption and reintegrating children with their families. He also set up community organizations in the slums to help support families in order to prevent the abandonment of children.^[59]

Political campaigns, 1990s and 2000s

In 1990, Unger ran a symbolic campaign for a seat in the national chamber of deputies. He had no money, no structure, and only campaigned for eight weeks. He ran on a platform of reforming the slums, and went around the slum neighborhoods giving lectures. He received 9,000 votes, just 1,000 votes short of winning the seat. None of the votes came from the slums, however. All his votes had come from the middle class, although he had never campaigned in those neighborhoods or to that constituency. Recalling the experience, Unger says "it was kind of absurd... I had no money, no staff, and I would go into these slums, alone, to hand out pamphlets, often to the local drug pushers."^[21] It is an experience that Unger cites as leading to his belief that the system and possibilities were much more open than he had previously imagined.^[59]

Unger served as Brizola's campaign organizer and primary political adviser in his bids for the Brazilian Presidency in 1989 and 1994. In 1989, Brizola finished in third place, losing the second position, which would have qualified him for a runoff against Fernando Kollor de Mello, by a very narrow margin to Luis Inasio Lula da Silva. Brizola and Unger both supported Lula in the second round of the election, but Collor would go on to beat Lula and win the Presidency.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Unger also helped organize the presidential bids of former finance minister and governor of Seara, Ciro Gomes, in 1998 and 2002. In 1998, Gomes came in third place with 11% of the vote, and in 2002 he came in fourth place with 12% of the vote. Unger had written The Next Step: An Alternative to Neoliberalism with Gomes in 1996. At the national level in 2002, again in the second round of the election, Unger supported Lula who went on to defeat José Serra to win the Presidency.^[60]

With the experience of supporting others who imploded politically, Unger discovered that, as he put it, he was committing "the classic mistake of the philosophers in politics, which is to try to find someone else to do the work."^[61] In 2000, he ran in the primaries for the mayor of San-Paulu, but the PPS party leader suspended the primaries when it became clear that Unger would win the nomination and challenge party control.^[62] He launched an exploratory bid for the 2006 presidential election on the PRB ticket, but the party decided not to put forth its own candidate for the presidency and to support Lula of the PT.^[63]

As Minister of Strategic Affairs in the Lula administration

Minister Unger speaking to President Lula in 2007.

Unger found President Lula's first term to be conservative and riddled with scandal. He wrote articles calling Lula's administration "the most corrupt of Brazil's history" and called for his impeachment.^[64]

Despite the criticism, many advisers to Lula insisted that he should invite Unger to join his administration. In June 2007, after winning his second term, Lula appointed Unger as head of the newly established Long-term Planning Secretariat (a post which would eventually be called The Minister of Strategic Affairs).^[65]

Unger's work in office was an attempt to enact his program. Seeing the future in small enterprises and advocating a rotating capital fund that would function like a government run venture capital fund, he pushed for a rapid expansion of credit to smaller producers and a decentralized network of technical support centers that would help broaden the middle class from below.^[66] He further called for political solutions that would broaden access to production forces such as information technology, and for states to focus on equipping and monitoring civil society rather than trying to provide social services.^[67]

Unger's specific projects while in office were focused on giving "ordinary men and women the instruments with which to render this vitality fertile and productive." He aimed to use state powers and resources to allow the majority of poor workers to "follow the path of the emergent vanguard".^[68] He developed a series of sectoral and regional initiatives that would prefigure the model of development based on the broadening of economic and educational opportunity by democratizing the market economy and restructuring civil society.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Unger receiving a medal of honor on Army Day 2008 from President Lula for his work in formulating Brazil's National Defense Strategy.

Sectorally, Unger revamped the educational structure and rewrote labor laws. In education, he implemented a model of secondary education, where analytical problem-solving education was paired with technical education that focused on conceptual capabilities rather than job-specific skills. There are several hundred of these institutions today.^[69] He further drafted legislation to associate national, state and local jurisdictions into common bodies that could intervene when a local school system fell below the minimum acceptable threshold of quality and "fix it the way an independent administrator would fix a failing business under Chapter 11 bankruptcy."^[70] In labor, Unger worked with unions to write new labor laws designed to protect and organize temporary workers, subcontractors, and those working in the informal economy.^[71]

Regionally, some of Unger's most influential work was the implementation of a developmental strategy for Amazon that would be sustainable environmentally by making it socially inclusive. He drafted and passed legislation to regularize small-scale squatters on untitled land by giving them clear legal titles, which would create self-interest in preservation while granting them economic opportunity. Included in this law were protections against large scale land grabbers. Such legislation aimed to empower locals living on Amazonian land by giving them ownership rights and linking their interest in preserving it, rather than pillaging it as quickly as possible in the face of ambiguous ownership rights. This legislation passed and was put into law.^[72]

Unger touring the Amazon via small aircraft

Unger served in the administration for two years. On 26 June 2009, President Lula announced Unger would be leaving the government and returning to Harvard University.^[73] He later cited personal and political reasons for his early departure.^[74]

Engagement outside Brazil

Unger's attempts to develop global social, political, and economic alternatives have led him in episodic engagements in national debates around the world.^[75] His approach in these engagements recognizes that the problems facing contemporary societies are not distinct from nation to nation, and that general structural arrangements can first be implemented, which will allow for local innovation, flexibility, and development in social, economic, and political arenas. There is no institutional blueprint for Unger, however, only a direction that can be pointed to and general proposals that can be implemented to allow further institutional innovation and experimentation. Unger's guiding principle is that institutional flexibility needs to be built into the implemented system, and in this way a diversity of local experiments would take hold the world over.^[76]

One of Unger's more promising engagements was the Latin American Alternative 1990-yillarning oxirida. Unger and Mexican politician and political scientist Xorxe Kastaneda Gutman assembled an informal network of politicians and business leaders dedicated to redrawing the political map. The aim of the group was to provide a critique of neoliberalism coupled with a way forward in a distinct strategy and institutional model of development. They floated proposals such as guaranteeing every citizen "social rights" (e.g. education and a job), breaking up media oligopolies, and holding town meetings to help citizens supervise municipal spending. The group held a number of meetings over the years, which included Brazilian finance minister Ciro Gomes, Chilean senator Karlos Ominami, Argentinian politicians Dante Caputo va Rodolfo Terragno, and Mexican politician and future president Vicente Fox.^[77] The meetings resulted in a document entitled the "Buenos Aires Consensus" in 1997,^[78] which Castaneda called "the end of neoliberalism; of the Washington Consensus".^[79][80]

This consensus was formally signed in 2003 by Argentinian President Néstor Kirchner and Brazilian President Lula da Silva.^[81] Other Latin American leaders who signed it included Fox, future president of Chile Ricardo Lagos, Mexican politician Cuauhtémoc Cárdenas, former vice president of Nicaragua Serxio Ramirez, future president of Argentina Fernando de la Rúa, and former Brazilian president Itamar Franco.^[82]

During the 2008 US presidential campaign, Unger was in frequent contact with candidate Barak Obama via email and Blackberry.^[83] He has since become critical of the Obama administration, and called for the defeat of Obama in the 2012 election as a first step to remaking the Democratic party.^[84]

Hozirgi nishon

Unger's recent political work has focused on the north-western Brazilian state of Rondoniya. He sees the human and natural resources of the state meeting all the conditions to serve as the vanguard of a new model of development for Brazil. Gapirish News Rondônia he said, "Rondônia is a state formed by a multitude of small and medium entrepreneurs together with the Brazilian government, and that is something truly unique in our country."^[85]

He has been traveling the state giving public lectures and encouraging political discourse and engagement in localities.^[85] Working with governor João Aparecido Cahulla on development projects,^[58] Unger has outlined a series of important areas of focus. The first is to change the agricultural model from one of intensive farming to an industrialization of produces through the recuperation of degraded pastures, supply fertilizers and lime, and diversifying crops and livestock farming. The second key project is transforming education from rote learning to creative thinking and engagement. He helped open the School Teixeira in Porto Velho.^[85] Another ongoing project is the construction of a new educational center in accordance with his theory of pedagogical reform, where delinquents would be reintegrated into municipal life.^[86]

Circumstance and influence

Unger's philosophical work grapples with some of the most fundamental and enduring problems of human existence.^[87] It has been put into direct dialogue with Kant's moral law,^[88] and said to have provided one answer to Hume's Guillotine.^[89] Unger's analysis of liberalism and the philosophical program he builds around rethinking the individual has also inspired new thinking and approaches to psychiatry.^[90]

1987 yilda Shimoli-g'arbiy universitet huquqshunosligi bo'yicha sharh devoted an issue to Unger's work, analysing his three volume publication Siyosat: konstruktiv ijtimoiy nazariyada ish. Michael J. Perry, a professor of law at Shimoli-g'arbiy universiteti, praises Unger for producing a vast work of social theory that combines law, history, politics, and philosophy within a single narrative.^[21]

Early reviewers of Siyosat questioned Unger's seeming predicament of criticizing a system of thought and its historical tradition without subjecting himself to the same critical gaze. "There is little acknowledgement that he himself is writing in a particular socio-historical context", wrote one reviewer,^[91] and another asked, "in what context Unger himself is situated and why that context itself is not offered up to the sledgehammer."^[92][93]

Critics also balked at the lack of example or concrete vision of his social and political proposals.^[94] As one critic wrote, "it is difficult to imagine what Unger's argument would mean in practice", and that "he does not tell us what to make."^[95] Others have suggested that the lack of imagination of such readers is precisely what is at stake.^[96]

Kitoblar

• Knowledge and Politics, Free Press, 1975.^[97]
• Law In Modern Society: Toward a Criticism of Social Theory, Free Press, 1976.^[98]
• Ehtiros: Shaxsiyat to'g'risida esse, Free Press, 1986.^[98]
• Muhim huquqiy tadqiqotlar harakati, Harvard University Press, 1986.^[99]
• Siyosat: konstruktiv ijtimoiy nazariyada ish, Cambridge University Press, 1987, in 3 Vols:
  • Vol 1 - Soxta zaruriyat: Radikal demokratiya xizmatida anti-zaruriy ijtimoiy nazariya.^[100]
  • Vol 2 - Social Theory: Its Situation and Its Task - A Critical Introduction to Politics: A Work in Constructive Social Theory.^[101]
  • Vol 3 - Quvvatga moslashuvchanlik: iqtisodiy va harbiy muvaffaqiyatlarning institutsional sharoitlariga oid qiyosiy-tarixiy tadqiqotlar.^[102]
• Huquqiy tahlil nimaga aylanishi kerak?, Verso, 1996 ^[103]
• Politics: The Central Texts, Theory Against Fate, Verso, 1997, with Cui Jiyuan.^[104]
• Demokratiya amalga oshirildi: progressiv alternativ, Verso, 1998.^[105]
• Amerika progressivizmining kelajagi: siyosiy va iqtisodiy islohotlar tashabbusi, Beacon, 1998 - with Cornel West^[106]
• Chap tomon nimani taklif qilishi kerak?, Verso, 2006.
• O'zini uyg'otdi: Pragmatizm cheklanmagan, Harvard, 2007.^[107]
• Erkin savdo qayta tasavvur qilindi: Jahon mehnat taqsimoti va iqtisodiyot usuli, Princeton University Press, 2007 yil.^[108]
• Chap alternativa, Verso, 2009 (2nd edition to Chap tomon nimani taklif qilishi kerak?, Verso, 2006.).^[109]
• Kelajak dini, Harvard, 2014.^[110]
• Yagona koinot va vaqtning haqiqati, Cambridge University Press, 2014, with Li Smolin.^[111]
• Bilimlar iqtisodiyoti, Verso, 2019.

Shuningdek qarang

• Soxta zarurat
• Formativ kontekst
• Negative capability
• Kuchli demokratiya
• Structure and agency
• Ehtiroslar

Adabiyotlar

Tashqi havolalar

• Roberto Ungerning Garvard uy sahifasi
• Uning uy sahifasi orqali Ungerning ishlariga havolalar
• Amerika chap tomonidagi Unger bilan intervyu

Roberto Unger haqidagi biografik maqolalar

• Guggenxaym '76 uchun stipendiyalar beradi: Unger ham egalik qiladi (Garvard Krimson 5 aprel 1976 yil)
• "Roberto Ungerning ehtirosi", Eyal Press, (Lingua Franca, 1999 yil mart)
• Karlos Kastilyo, "Braziliyaning Konsilyeri: Unger taxt ortida turishi uchun lichinkani tark etdi". (World Paper, 2000 yil aprel)
• Simon Romero, "Mo'ljal: San-Paulu" (Metropolis, 2000 yil oktyabr) Ushbu maqola Braziliyaning San-Paulo shahri haqida, ammo Ungerning u erdagi siyosiy faolligi va Ungerning ko'plab takliflari haqida uzoq munozaralar mavjud.
• Meltzer Amerika San'at va Fanlar Akademiyasiga saylandi (HLS yangiliklari 2004 yil 13 may)