Shasta xalqi - Shasta people

Buni chalkashtirib yubormaslik kerak Shasta Kosta.
Shasta xalqi
Jami aholi
653 [1]
Aholisi sezilarli bo'lgan hududlar
 Qo'shma Shtatlar
( Kaliforniya,  Oregon )

The Shastan xalqlari lingvistik jihatdan bir guruhdir mahalliy xalqlar dan Klamat tog'lari. Ular an'anaviy ravishda bir nechta mintaqaviy suv yo'llarining qismlarini, shu jumladan Klamat, Go'shti Qizil baliq, Sakramento va Makkloud daryolar. Shastan yerlari hozirgi paytda Siskiyou, Klamat va Jekson okruglar. Olimlar umuman Shastan xalqlarini to'rtta tilga ajratdilar, ammo ozmi-ko'pmi mavjudligini qo'llab-quvvatlovchi dalillar keltirilgan. Ma'ruzachilar Shasta to'g'ri-Kahosadi, Konomihu, Okvanuchu va Tlohomtah'lo "Yangi daryo" Shasta odatda suv manbai yaqinidagi aholi punktlarida istiqomat qilgan. Ularning qishloqlarida ko'pincha faqat bitta yoki ikkita oila bor edi. Kattaroq qishloqlarda ko'proq oilalar va jamoat foydalanadigan qo'shimcha binolar mavjud edi.

The Kaliforniya Gold Rush begona odamlar oqimini jalb qildi Kaliforniya 1840 yillarning oxirlarida mineral boyliklarga ega bo'lishni juda xohlaydi. Shasta uchun bu halokatli jarayon edi, chunki ularning erlarida tez orada minglab konchilar turli xil suv yo'llari bo'ylab ish olib borishdi. Chet elliklar Shastani yoki o'z vatanini hurmat qilmagani uchun mojarolar paydo bo'ldi. Yangi kasalliklar bilan tanishish va bosqinchi amerikaliklarga qarshi kurash Shasta sonini tezda kamaytirdi. Shasta aholisi Bear Creek faol bo'lgan Rogue daryosi urushlari va yordam berdi Takelma ular majburan olib tashlanmaguncha Grande Ronde va Siletz rezervasyonlari yilda Oregon. 1850-yillarning oxirlarida Kaliforniyadagi Shastan xalqlari o'z hududlaridan majburan olib tashlandi va shu ikki uzoq rezervatsiyaga jo'natildi.[2] 20-asrning dastlabki yillariga kelib faqat 100 Shasta shaxs mavjud bo'lgan.[3] Shasta avlodlarining ba'zilari hali ham Grand Ronde va Siletz rezervatsiyalarida, boshqalari esa Siskiyou tumanida. Kvarts vodiysidagi hindlarning rezervatsiyasi yoki Yreka. Shasta qabilasining ko'plab sobiq a'zolari ham tarkibiga kiritilgan Karuk va Alturas qabilalar.

Ismning kelib chiqishi

Evropalik avlodlar bilan aloqa qilishdan oldin Shasta atamasi, ehtimol Shastan xalqlarining o'zlari tomonidan qo'llanilmagan. Shasta huquqshunoslari orasida ular o'zlarini chaqirdilar "Kahosadi" yoki "oddiy karnaylar".[4] Oq tanlilar tomonidan ishlatiladigan Shastaning turli xil variantlariga Chasta, Shasty, Tsashtl, Sasti va Saste kiradi.[3][5] Dixon shastan xalqlari "Shasta" ni joy nomi sifatida ishlatmaganligini va ehtimol ularning tillarida bu so'z bo'lmasligini ta'kidladi. Shasta informatorlari bilan suhbatda Diksonga 1850 yillarga qadar Susti yoki Sustika nomi bilan yashagan Skott vodiysining taniqli kishisi haqida xabar berilgan. Bu Dixonga ko'ra atamaning kelib chiqishi mumkin bo'lgan,[6] Krober rozi bo'lgan talqin.[3] Merriam ma'lumotni ko'rib chiqdi Albert Samuel Gatschet va mo'yna savdogari Piter Sken Ogden Shastan xalqlari o'zlarini an'anaviy ravishda Shasta deb atashmagan bo'lsa-da, degan xulosaga kelishdi; yaqin Klamat ehtimol qilgan.[7] Olimlar Diksonning Shasta uchun etimologiyasini asosan qabul qildilar. Renfro uning kuchliligini shubha ostiga qo'yadi, ammo Ogden Sustika ehtimol taniqli bo'lishidan oldin bu atamani o'zgartirgan.[8]

1814 yilda, yaqin Willamette savdo posti o'rtasida uchrashuv bo'lib o'tdi North West Company ofitser Aleksandr Genri va sahaptinlar jamoati Cayuse va Walla Walla, Shatasla deb nomlangan odamlarning uchinchi guruhidan tashqari. Maloney Shatasla Shastaning arxaik varianti ekanligini ta'kidladi.[9] keyinchalik Garth ham taxmin qildi.[10] Ushbu sharhga boshqa olimlar tomonidan lingvistik va tarixiy dalillarga asoslanib e'tiroz bildirilgan. Malonining ta'kidlashidan oldin, Frederik Xodj 1910 yilda Shatalsa so'zi Sahaptin so'zi bilan bog'liqligini ta'kidladi.[11] Ushbu eski etimologiyani Stern Maloney talqiniga qarshi himoya qildi,[12] yaqinda Klark tomonidan ham qabul qilinganidan tashqari.[13]

Ijtimoiy tashkilot

Shasta tog'i Siskiyou tog'lari orasida taniqli diqqatga sazovor joy bo'lib, Shasta uchun madaniy ahamiyatga ega.

The Shasta Shastan ma'ruzachilarining son jihatdan eng kattasi edi. Ularning hududlari zamonaviy atrofdan tarqaldi Ashland shimolda, Jenni Krik va Shasta tog'i sharqda, janub tomonda Skott tog'lari va g'arbga qarab zamonaviyga Seyad vodiysi va Go'shti Qizil baliq va Marmar tog'lar.[14] Ushbu hududda to'rtta muhim suv yo'li bor edi, ularning har birida Shasta shahrida yashovchilarning alohida guruhi bo'lgan. Bular edi Klamat daryosi va uning ikkita irmog'i - Shasta daryosi va Skott daryosi bilan birga Bear Creek ichida Rog'un GESi vodiysi. Shastaning to'rtta guruhi odatiy va turli lahjalardagi farqlar bilan mavjud edi. Har bir guruhda yaqin suv yo'llaridan olingan ismlar bor edi. Shu tarzda Shasta daryosi yoki Ahotidae aholisi "Ahotireitsu", Yuqori Rog'un GESi vodiysidan yoki Ikirukdan bo'lganlar"Ikirukatsu", va Scott River yoki Iraui aholisi"Irauitsu".[4][2] To'g'ridan-to'g'ri Klamat daryosi bo'yida joylashgan shasta oilalari Ikirukatsu tomonidan "Vasudigvatatsu"Klamat daryosi va gulch uchun aytgan so'zlaridan keyin. Irauistu ularni" deb bilgan "Wiruwhikwatsu"va Ahotiritsu ularni chaqirdi"Wiruwhitsu"," pastga daryo "va" yuqoriga daryo "dan olingan atamalar.[4][2]

Shasta aholi punktlarida ko'pincha faqat bitta oila mavjud edi. Kattaroq qishloqlarda mo''jizalar o'zlarini tutishdi. Ushbu lavozimning vazifalari har xil edi. Ulardan "xalqni tinchlikda yashashga, yaxshilik qilishga, mehribon qalblarga va mehnatsevar bo'lishga nasihat qilishlari" kutilgan edi.[14] Lavozimni egallashning umumiy talabi shundan iboratki, shaxs moddiy jihatdan boy bo'lishi kerak edi. Bu ularning mulklarini o'z qishloqlari a'zolari yoki boshqa aholi punktlari o'rtasidagi nizolarni hal qilish uchun muzokaralarda foydalanishi kutilganidan kelib chiqqan.[15] Dushmanlarga qilingan bosqinlarda mulozim qatnashmadi, ammo tinchlik munosabatlarini o'rnatish uchun dushman boshliqlari bilan muzokaralar olib bordi. To'rt Shasta guruhining har birida alohida boshliqlar ham bo'lgan.[15] Faqat Ikirukatsu-ning irsiy merosxo'rlikka ega bo'lganligi haqida xabar berilgan bo'lsa-da, qolgan uchta guruhda ham irsiy merosxo'rlik bor edi. To'rt guruh boshlig'ining har biri teng deb hisoblangan bo'lsa-da, xususan tortishuvlarda Ikirukatsu boshlig'i bu masalani to'xtatish bo'yicha muzokaralar olib boradi.[16]

Tegishli xalqlar

Uch guruh Shastan ma'ruzachilar Shasta uyi yonida joylashgan. Bu yuqoridagi Okvanuchu edi Sakramento va Makkloud daryolar va Salmon daryosi asoslangan Konomihu va Tlohomtah'hoi Shasta. Tlohomtah'hoi Shasta, Konomihu va Okwanuchu haqida ozgina qayd qilingan ma'lumotlar mavjud. Merriam "ularning madaniyati, urf-odatlari, e'tiqodlari va marosimlari bo'yicha har qanday kengaytirilgan muhokamalar muhokama qilinishi mumkin emas ..." degan xulosaga keldi.[17] Har bir guruhda ayniqsa kichik hududlar mavjud edi. Tlohomtah’hoi Shasta 45 kvadrat milni (120 km) bosib o'tdi2), Okvanuchuda 60 kvadrat mil (160 km) bo'lgan2) va Konomihu atigi 20 kvadrat milni (52 km) egallagan2).[17]

Shasta Konomihu deb nomlangan "Ivapi", Karuk uchun ishlatiladigan atama bilan bog'liq. Konomihu o'zlarini" deb ataganUmunummíhiwu".[18] Ular birgalikda suv yo'lining bir qismidan tashqari, Salmon daryosining shimoliy va janubiy vilkalar qismida yashaganlar. Konomihu hududida o'n etti aholi punkti bo'lganligi qayd etilgan.[17] Shastadan ko'ra siyosiy hokimiyat ancha tarqoq edi, xabarlarga ko'ra tayinlangan yoki merosxo'r qishloq boshliqlarining shakli yo'q edi.[17] Konomihu qo'shni xalqlar bilan o'zaro aloqalari haqida ko'pgina ma'lumotlar yo'qolgan. Ma'lumki, Irauitsu Shasta bilan vaqti-vaqti bilan tortishuvlarga qaramay,[18] o'zaro nikoh keng tarqalgan edi.[19] Irauitsu ham muhim savdo sheriklari bo'lgan ko'rinadi. Teri kiyimlari evaziga Konomihu abalone boncuklar oldi.[19]

Tlohomtah’hoi Shastaning avtonomiyasi qanday bo'lganligi ma'lum emas. Ammo ma'lumki, Shasta ularni "" deb atagan bo'lishi mumkinsoliq · a · ʔáycu", gupa ularni chaqirdi"Yadhčɨn"yoki" qishloqdan kelganlar (oqimdan uzoqda) ", Karok esa ularni chaqirdi"Ká · sahʔara · ra"yoki" ka · sah odam ".[18] Tlohomtah'hoi Shasta asosan Salmon daryosi havzasida ilmiy apellyatsiyaga qaramay yashagan, ammo ular vilkalar vilkalarida yashagan. Yangi daryo. Muayyan informatorlardan olingan ma'lumotlarga ko'ra Tlohomtah'hoi Shasta yashagan kamida beshta aholi punktlari mavjud edi.[20] Merriam Yangi daryoning vilkalar aholisiga Salmon daryosi aholisidan alohida tilda gaplashishni taklif qildi.[20] Dikson bu g'oyani tanqid qildi va madaniy guruhning lisoniy birligi uchun dalillar keltirdi.[21] Merriamning Tlohomtah'hoi Shasta guruhi o'rtasida ikki xil til borligi haqidagi xulosasi boshqa olimlar tomonidan qabul qilinmagan.[18]

Okwanuchu haqida qanday ma'lumot saqlanib qolgan, unchalik katta emas. Okwanuchu so'zining kelib chiqishi noma'lum. Ular "deb nomlangantatva"[22] va "Ikusadewi"[23] Achomawi tomonidan. Okwanuchu bilan o'zaro nikoh Axomavi ma'ruzachilar keng tarqalgan edi.[22]

Aholisi

Tarixiy Shasta, Okvanuchu, Nyu-Daryo Shasta va Konomihu aholisining taxminiy hisob-kitoblari sezilarli darajada turlicha bo'lib, ko'pchilik uchun ham amal qiladi. Kaliforniyadagi mahalliy guruhlar. 1990-yillarda ba'zi bir Shasta 1840 yillarda yashagan 10,000 shastan xalqidan yuqoriroqligini ta'kidladi.[24] Alfred L. Kroeber Shastaning 1770 nafar aholisini 2000 kishiga va Yangi daryo, Konomihu va Okvanuchu guruhlariga, shuningdek, Chimariko, 1000 ga teng.[23] Aholining yaqin atrofdagi madaniyat haqida ma'lumotidan foydalanish, Sherburne F. Kuk asosan Kroeber bilan kelishib oldi va taxminan 2210 Shasta munosib va ​​yana 1000 ta qarindosh xalq bor edi.[25] Keyinchalik, Kuk bu ko'rsatkichni 5900 ga yaqin Shasta-ga, shu jumladan kichikroq madaniyatlarni ham qo'shib qo'ydi.[26] Kroeber 1910 yilda Shasta aholisini 100 kishini tashkil etgan.[3]

Tarixiy madaniyat

Parhez

Coho losos an'anaviy ravishda Shasta uchun asosiy oziqlanish manbai bo'lgan.

Shastan xalqlari parhezni mahalliy mavjud oziq-ovqat manbalariga asoslangan edi. Shasta hududlarida mavjud bo'lgan ko'plab o'simlik va hayvon turlari qo'shni hududlarda joylashgan. Ushbu oziq-ovqat manbalari odatda Shasta va boshqa mintaqaviy madaniyatlar tomonidan to'plangan va ishlatilgan. Shasta hududidagi ov hayvonlarining ko'p sonli soni Kaliforniya shtatining boshqa mahalliy aholisining hayvon go'shti va po'stini olishga intilishida ko'plab to'qnashuvlarga olib keldi. Ushbu oziq-ovqat mahsulotlarini sotib olish va keyinchalik saqlash strategiyalari qo'shni madaniyatlar bilan o'xshashliklarga ega edi.[27] Ko'pincha oziq-ovqat manbalari bo'lgan foydali o'simlik turlarini ko'paytirish uchun o'rmonlarda o'sayotgan o'simliklar boshqariladigan yong'inlar yordamida olib tashlandi.[28]

Baliq ovi bahorda boshlanib, yoz va kuzda davom etdi. Karukning Oq Deerskin raqsi Shasta uchun baliq iste'mol qilish uchun mos vaqtni aniqladi. Iyul oyida bo'lib o'tgan ushbu raqs Shasta uchun guvoh bo'lishi va "kuvarik" nomi bilan tanilgan muhim voqea edi.[29] Tadbirdan oldin Coho losos tutilishi va quritilishi mumkin edi, lekin iste'mol qilinmaydi. Kamalak alabalığı Karuk raqsidan oldin ozod qilinishi kerak edi. Bunday qilmaslik, ayniqsa, shafqatsiz deb topilgan va o'ldirilishi mumkin edi.[29] Xabarlarga ko'ra, Nayza Shasta orasida baliq ovlashda juda kam ishlatilgan. Kechasi samarali baliq ovlash imkoniyatini yaratish uchun yong'inlar vayronagarchilik sharoitida yaratilgan va saqlangan. Baliq ovlari uchun dizaynlar Karuk va Yurok yaratganlarga o'xshash edi. Yalang'och baliqlar va kerevitlar o'lja bilan bog'langan. Chiziqqa yopishib olgach, yirtqich ingichka savat bilan qo'lga kiritiladi.[29]

Kaliforniyalik xachir Shasta tomonidan qo'llanilgan bir necha strategiyalardan biriga ko'ra ovlangan.[30] Kuzda mineral yaladi kiyiklarni ovchilar kutib turadigan alangalar orasidagi bo'shliqlarga eman barglarini nazorat ostida yoqish majbur qildi.[31] Shasta, shuningdek, kiyiklarni daraxtlarga bog'langan ilmoqlar ortidan quvib chiqardi. Shu bilan bir qatorda itlar kiyiklarni soylarga haydashga o'rgatilgan. Shasta ovchilari o'ljalari suvda bo'lguncha yashiringan, keyin kiyiklarni o'q bilan o'ldirishgan.[30] Kiyiklarga egalik qilish bilan bog'liq bir qator ijtimoiy konventsiyalar mavjud edi. Masalan, o'ljani kim o'ldirgan bo'lsa, uning po'stlog'ida va orqa oyoqlarida bo'lish huquqi bor edi. Boshqa xabar qilingan konventsiyalar go'sht taqsimotini adolatli tarzda va Shastaga ovlashga ruxsat berilganda tartibga solgan.[30]

Acorns Kaliforniya qora eman import qilingan bo'lsa-da, odatda iste'mol qilingan Tan eman Acorns ko'proq tuyadi deb hisoblangan.

Qo'shimcha ovqatlanish manbalariga bir nechta kichik hayvon turlari kiritilgan. Midiya organizmlar uchun sho'ng'igan ayollar va bolalar tomonidan Klamat daryosidan to'plangan. Kuz paytida daryo kattalashib, daryo bo'yida midiya populyatsiyasini qoldirdi. Bir marta etarli miqdordagi midiya tuproqli pechlarda bug'lanadi. Keyin chig'anoqlar ochilib, go'sht kelajakda foydalanish uchun quyosh nurlari ostida quritildi.[32] Grasshoppers va kriketlar Ahotireitsu va Ikirukatsu Shasta tomonidan iste'mol qilingan. Shasta odamlari o'tloq uchastkalarini yoqib yuborishdi. Yong'in o'chib bo'lgandan keyin pishgan chigirtkalar yig'ilib quritildi. Chigirtkalarga maxsus o't urug'lari bilan xizmat qilishda hasharotlar mayda kukunga aylantirilgan.[32] Shasta vodiysiga tashrif buyuruvchilar hasharotlar sonining ko'payishi davrida Ahotiritsuga qo'shilib, o'zlarining oziq-ovqat do'konlarini yig'ishardi.[33]

Acorns Shasta oshxonasida qimmatbaho oziq-ovqat mahsulotlari edi. Yong'oqning mahalliy manbalariga quyidagilar kiradi Kanyon Oak, Kaliforniya qora eman va Oregon shtatidagi oq eman.[27] Acornsni sulukdan keyin taninlar yong'oqlar xamirga aylantirildi. Qora eman taomlari iste'mol uchun ham, savdo uchun ham shilimshiq va unchalik mashhur bo'lmagan Oak eman taomiga nisbatan afzal ko'rilgan. Canyon Eak shoxli shoxlari ko'pincha ko'milgan va pishirishdan oldin qora rangga aylanishiga ruxsat berilgan.[27] Ko'pincha Shakar qarag'aylaridan yong'oqlar bug'lanadi, quritiladi va kelajakda iste'mol qilish uchun saqlanadi.[27] Ovoz balandligi Ponderosa qarag'ay mayda changga urilib, iste'mol qilingan yoki saqich sifatida ishlatilgan.[34] Ko'plab mevalar bir marta pishgan va ko'pincha quritilgan. Bunga kiritilgan Chokecherries, Whiteleaf manzanita mevalari, Tinch okeanidagi BlackBerry, San-Diego malinalari va Moviy oqsoqollar.[35]

Gul lampalar boshqa oziq-ovqat do'konlarini to'ldirish uchun mavsumiy ravishda to'plangan. Camas ildizlari odatda to'plangan. A'zolari kaloxortus jinsi ularni zavqlantirgan Shastaga "ipos" deb nomlangan.[32] Lampochka po'stlog'idan chiqarilgandan so'ng ipos ildizlari xom iste'mol qilinadi yoki quyosh nurida quritiladi va keyinchalik saqlanadi. Shastan oshxonasida quritilgan ipolarni o'z ichiga olgan ko'plab taomlar mavjud edi. Asosiy ovqat pishayotganda mehmonlarga tez-tez xizmat porsiya va quritilgan iposlar berildi. Ayniqsa, mashhur taomlardan biri manzanita sidriga aralashtirilgan ipos kukuni ildizi edi.[32] Boshqa iste'mol qilingan gullarni o'simlik turlari edi Fritillaria recurva. Odatda "chwau" deb nomlangan lampalar, qovurish yoki qaynatish yo'li bilan tayyorlangan.[32]

Uy-joy

A Yurok qishki uy. Shasta turar joylari dizayni jihatidan bir xil edi.[36]

Shasta me'morchiligi, asosan, pastga tushadigan Gupa, Karuk va Yurok xalqlaridan olingan.[36] Doimiy uylar Shasta tomonidan qish uchun qurilgan. Ushbu turar-joylar har yili bir xil joylarda, odatda soyga yaqin joyda qurilgan. Klamat daryosi Shasta qishlog'ida odatda atigi 3 ta oila bo'lgan, Dikson esa Iraitsu va Ahotiritsu qishloqlarida odatda ko'proq oilalar bo'lishini aytgan.[36] Qishki uyning boshlanishi chuqur qazish bilan boshlangan. To'rtburchaklar yoki tasvirlar shaklidagi qazishning umumiy o'lchamlari 16,3 fut (5,0 m) dan 19,8 fut (6,0 m), chuqurligi 3,3 fut (1,0 m) bo'lgan. Hudud tozalanganidan so'ng, qazilgan burchaklarga yuk ko'taruvchi yog'och ustunlar joylashtirildi. Qo'shimcha yog'och tayanchlar va ustunlar butun tuzilishga joylashtirilgan. Chuqur devorlari sadr po'stlog'i bilan qoplangandan so'ng, nihoyat shakar-qarag'ay yoki sadr yog'och tomi joyiga qo'yildi.[36]

Okvá'ŭmma ("katta uy")[36] gavjum Shasta qishloqlarida saqlanadigan tuzilma edi. Kengligi 26,3 fut (8,0 m), kengligi 39 m (12 m) va 6,6 fut (2,0 m) chuqurlikdagi chuqur qazilib, qurilish jarayoni qishki uylarga o'xshash edi. Ularning funktsionalligi, birinchi navbatda, mavsumiy diniy marosimlar va raqslar kabi yig'ilishlarga tegishli edi. Dixon okwá'ŭmma terli uy sifatida ishlatilgan deb noto'g'ri xabar bergan.[37] Agar qishloq aholisi o'z uylari uchun juda ko'p mehmonlarga ega bo'lsa, buning o'rniga okwá'ŭmma-dan foydalanish uchun ruxsat beriladi. Okwá'ŭmma taniqli shaxsga tegishli edi, ko'pincha u boshliq bo'lib, kommunal mehnat bilan qurilgan.[36] Ular kamdan-kam uchraydigan binolar edi, chunki Klamat daryosi bo'yida faqat uchtasi mavjud edi. Egasining erkak qarindoshlari tuzilmani meros qilib oldilar, agar faqat ayol qarindoshlari qolgan bo'lsa, u yoqib yuborilgan.[37]

Konomihu foydalangan uy-joylar Shasta kabi mavsumga qarab turlicha bo'lgan. Bahorgi va yozgi losos yugurish paytida o'simlik cho'tkasidan yaratilgan kulbalar ishlatilgan. Bular kuzda qobiq uylari foydasiga tashlanib, kiyiklar ovlangan.[18] Ushbu qishki uylar Shasta, Karuk va Yurokdan sezilarli darajada farq qilar edi.[19] Qisman er ostida bo'lsa, ularning uylari konusning tomlari yonboshlab 15 dan 18 metrgacha keng doiralarda qurilgan.[17]

Ishlab chiqarilgan buyumlar

Ning yig'ilgan to'plami Karuk savat tayyorladi. Ular Shasta orasida juda mashhur bo'lgan va tez-tez sotib olingan.
1916 yilgacha o'simlik tolalaridan ishlab chiqarilgan Shastaga tegishli savatcha shlyapasi

Shasta uy xo'jaliklari uchun muhim narsa, asosan, Karukdan kelgan savatlar edi. Konomihu ham o'z savatchalarini asosan chet eldan olib kelishgan.[19] Shasta tomonidan tayyorlangan savatlar, odatda, Ponderosa qarag'ayidan yig'ilgan o'simlik materiallari birikmasi edi, Kaliforniya findiq, Willowning bir nechta turlari, Maysa, va Besh barmoqli fern. Ularning dizaynlari yaqin atrofdan ta'sir o'tkazdi Xupa, Karuk va Yurok xalqlari.[38] Pigmentlar Shasta tomonidan savat va boshqa shaxsiy narsalarni obodonlashtirish uchun tayyorlangan. Qizil va qora bo'yoqlar eng ko'p ishlatilgan va navbati bilan mersin va qizg'ish po'stlog'idan olingan.

Bog'lar, to'rlar va kiyim-kechaklar kabi arqonlar, kordonlar va ishlab chiqarilgan mahsulotlar asosan olingan Hind kanopi.[39] Qish paytida qor poyabzallari ko'pincha o'z vatanlarini aylanib o'tish uchun zarur bo'lgan. Ular, avvalambor, kiyik terisidan mo'ynasi qolgan holda qilingan.[40] Dentalium chig'anoqlari Shasta uchun muhim mulk edi. Asosan ular barter vositasi sifatida ishlatishdan tashqari, kiyimga sepilgan holda bezak uchun ishlatilgan.[39] Konomihu qora, qizil va oq naqshlar bilan bo'yalgan va dentalia va abalone munchoqlar bilan bezatilgan bukri tayt, xalat va yubkalarni ishlab chiqardi.[19] Okwanuchu dizayni bo'yicha Wintu tomonidan ishlab chiqarilgan quvurga o'xshash quvurli yog'och quvurlarni yaratdi.[41] Rakun va tulki po'stlog'i qattiq tog'li qishlardan himoya qilish uchun ishlatilgan. Mokasinlar suv o'tkazmaydigan va yumshoq kiyik, baliq, puma yoki ayiqdan olinadigan moylar bilan saqlangan.[42]

Charlz Uilks Shasta 1845 yilda qurol ishlab chiqarishni tasvirlab berdi:

"Ularning kamonlari va o'qlari chiroyli tarzda yasalgan: birinchisi yew va uzunligi taxminan uch metr; ular tekis, eni bir yarim dyuymdan ikki dyuymgacha: bular shinalar bilan juda chiroyli tarzda bog'langan va bo'yalgan. Oklar yuqoriga qarab uzunligi o'ttiz dyuym; ularning ba'zilari yaqin donali yog'ochdan, spiraea turidan, boshqalari qamishdan yasalgan; ular besh dan sakkiz dyuymgacha uzunlikdagi tuklar va tikonli boshlar obsidian tomonidan juda yaxshi ishlangan ... Ularning quiverlari kiyik, rakun yoki yovvoyi mushuk terisidan qilingan; bu terilar umuman butun bo'lib, dumining uchida ochiq qoldirilgan. "[43]

Tana modifikatsiyasi

Tanani bezatish va o'zgartirish Shasta orasida keng tarqalgan amaliyot edi. Masalan, ular o'zlarining badiiy asarlarida qizil, sariq, ko'k, qora va oq ranglardan foydalanganlar. Ushbu bo'yoqlar o'simlik moddalari va tabiiy loy konlaridan yaratilgan. Xabar berishlaricha, kuzov rasmini asosan shamanlar va urushga tayyorlanuvchilar ishlatgan. Oxirgi guruh odatda urushga tayyorgarlik paytida oq va qora ranglardan foydalangan. Qizil rang shamanslar tomonidan geometrik naqshlarda bukilariga surtilgan.[38]

Doimiy tatuirovka kichkina obsidien parchalarini ishlatgan keksa ayollar tomonidan amalga oshirildi. Ayollar uchun tatuirovka, odatda, jag'ning bir nechta vertikal izlari bo'lib, ular vaqti-vaqti bilan og'izning chekkalariga qadar cho'zilib ketgan. Chin tatuirovkasi bo'lmagan ayollar yoqimsiz va masxara qilishning maqsadi sifatida ko'rilgan.[44] Erkaklar uchun tatuirovka ayirboshlash va almashtirishda muhim funktsiyaga ega edi. Qo'llaridagi yoki qo'llaridagi chiziqlarda qo'llaniladigan ushbu chiziqlar tish va boncuklarni o'lchash uchun ishlatilgan. Septum teshiklari uzoq dentalia qobig'ini yoki bezakli patlarni ushlab turish uchun qilingan quloqni teshish yig'ilgan stomatologiya guruhini o'tkazdi.[40]

Urush

Urush asosan assimetrik kichik reydlarda amalga oshirildi. Ushbu hujumlarning etakchilari reyd partiyasi a'zolari tomonidan aniqlandi. Odatda qishloq a'zolariga nisbatan tajovuz va zo'ravonlikni bartaraf etish uchun qurolli guruh tashkil qilingan.[45] Bosqinlarda qo'lga olingan mahbuslar tez-tez o'ldirilmasdi va ularga qul sifatida yashashga ruxsat berilardi.[46] Xabarlarga ko'ra, qullik Shasta orasida keng tarqalmagan va bu qulay amaliyot sifatida qaralmagan. Diksonning ta'kidlashicha, "qullarga egalik qiladigan shaxslar, bir ma'noda, ularga past nazar bilan qarashgan".[47]

Shasta jangchilari to'qnashuvga kirishganda himoya bezaklarini kiyishgan. Muqobil elkhide o'rniga tayoq zirhi afzal edi. Aso zirh uchun materiallar asosan manbalardan olingan xizmat mevasi iplar bilan mahkam bog'langan daraxtlar.[46] Qoida tariqasida bosh kiyimlari elk terisidan qilingan, ba'zida qalinligi bir necha qatlamlarga joylashtirilgan. Shasta ayollari bo'lajak hujumga tayyorgarlikka ham, jangning faol ishtirokchilari sifatida ham qo'shilishlari mumkin. Bunday holatlarda qayd etilgan Dixon ayollar obsidian pichoqlar bilan qurollangan va dushman jangchilarining qurollarini qurolsizlantirish yoki yo'q qilishga urinishgan.[46]

Qurolli jangchilar asosan Klamat daryosi va Ahotiritsu Shastadan Modok bilan to'qnashuvda kelishgan. Ushbu to'qnashuvlar olimlar tomonidan Shasta uchun eng zo'ravonlik bo'lgan deb taxmin qilingan. Wintu bilan tortishuvlar va reydlar sodir bo'lgan bo'lsa-da, ular Modoc bilan urush kabi halokatli emas edi.[48] Wintu va Modoc qishloqlariga qilingan hujumlar aholi punktini yoqishni o'z ichiga olgan. Bu Shasta qishloqlari orasidagi reydlarda qo'llanilmagan.[48]

Qo'shni jamiyatlar

A Yurok Redwood kanoedagi odam. Ushbu transport vositalari Shasta orasida juda qadrli edi.[3]

Shasta bir necha yirik madaniy mintaqalarning chorrahasida joylashgan edi.[24] Bu ularning har biri alohida moddiy va madaniy sharoitga ega bo'lgan qo'shnilarida aks etdi. Klamat daryosining janubi-g'arbiy qismida Karuk, Yurok va Xupa. O'tmishda Shasta hududining janubiy chegaralari yashagan Vintu. Ular markazlashgan Kaliforniya madaniyatining eng shimoliy kengaytmasi edi Rossiya daryosi Pomo va Patvin.[49] Sharqda va janubi-sharqda Axomavi va Atsugewi, ular bilan Shasta ba'zi lingvistik aloqalarga ega. Kroeber Achomawi va Atsugewi-ni shimoli-sharqqa joylashtirdi Modoc va Klamat "shimoli-sharq" madaniy guruhiga kiradi.[50] Ular madaniy ta'sirlarni Kolumbiya platosi va Kolumbiya daryosi Sahaptinlar, Shasta qilganidan ancha ko'p.[3]

Klamat daryosi jamiyatlari

Shuningdek qarang: Karuk, Yurok xalqi va Xupa

Shastaning "daryodan pastga" so'zidan kelib chiqqan holda, Karuk "nomi bilan tanilgan"Ivampi".[4] Yurok bilan bir qatorda ikkala xalq ham Shasta jamiyatining ko'p qirralarini ilhomlantirgan va ularning asosiy savdo sheriklari bo'lgan.[51] Ushbu xalqlar, ayniqsa, Shastaga o'xshash edilar va ushbu etniklar "Oregondan Alyaskagacha bo'lgan Tinch okean sohilidagi barcha xalqlar uchun umumiy bo'lgan o'sha buyuk va o'ziga xos madaniyatning [...]" janubiy terminasini tashkil etishgan.[52] Ushbu guruhning qo'shimcha a'zolari quyidagilarni o'z ichiga olgan Tolova yanada g'arbiy va Takelma shimol tomonda joylashgan.[49]

Karuk madaniyati Shastaning aksariyati tomonidan, xususan, ularning ishlab chiqarilgan buyumlari uchun qulay bo'lgan.[4] Shasta savdogarlari turli xil saqlanib kelinayotgan oziq-ovqat mahsulotlari, hayvonlar po'stlog'i va obsidian pichoqlarni o'z ichiga olgan daryo bo'ylab talab qilinadigan savdo mollari zaxiralarini olib kelishadi. Shasta tomonidan kerakli mahsulotlar topilgan Tan eman daraxtlari, Yurok redwood kanolari, turli xil dizayndagi savat gamuti, dengiz o'tlari, dentaliya va oyoq osti boncuklar.[53][51][3] Karuk shuningdek, Konomihu uchun stomatologiyaning asosiy manbasi bo'lgan.[19] Shasta foydalanadigan savat va shlyapalar, asosan, Klamat daryosidagi ushbu xalqlar tomonidan sotib olingan.[54]

Dentalium chig'anoqlari dan import qilingan Takelma, Karuk va Yurok. Ular Shasta tomonidan shaxsiy bezaklarda, kiyimga badiiy qo'shimchalar yoki savdo vositasi sifatida ishlatilgan.

Takelma

Shuningdek qarang: Takelma

Shimolga Takelma bilan hududning chegaralanishi olimlar o'rtasida tortishuvlarga sabab bo'lgan. Shasta informatorlari aytdilar Roland B. Dikson ular ilgari egallagan Krik vodiysi janubga va sharqqa Jadvaldagi toshlar. Unga qo'shimcha ravishda ushbu hududning Shasta joy nomlari berilgan. Ushbu ma'lumot yuborildi Edvard Sapir Shasta va Takelma ikkalasi ham ushbu bahsli mintaqadan foydalanishni taklif qilgan Rog'un GESi vodiysi.[55] Alfred Krober o'z navbatida Shasta hududlari shimolgacha zamonaviygacha cho'zilgan deb da'vo qilar edi Trail, Oregon.[3]

Takelma va Shasta informantlari va Ogden jurnalining hisob-kitoblarini ko'rib chiqish asosida Grey qayta ko'rib chiqilgan madaniy chegarani aniqladi va taklif qildi. XIX asrning boshlarida janubiy Bear Creek vodiysi Shasta va Takelma xalqlari tomonidan Sapir taxmin qilganidek ishlatilgan. Shimoliy Siskiyou yon bag'irlariga qo'shimcha ravishda mahalliy Neil va Emigrant Creekning yuqori qismlari. Siskiyou sammiti Shasta hududlari edi.[56] Bear Creek vodiysidagi to'qnashuvlaridan qat'i nazar, Takelma Shasta bilan faol savdo sheriklari bo'lgan va stomatologiyaning asosiy manbai bo'lgan.[51]

Lutuamiya xalqlari

Shuningdek qarang: Modoc odamlar va Klamat odamlari

"Nomi bilan tanilganIpaxanay"Shastadan" ko'l "so'zidan kelib chiqqan holda, Modoc an'anaviy ravishda kam e'tiborga olingan va Shasta tomonidan juda ko'p moddiy boylik yo'q deb hisoblangan. Masalan, Shasta xabarchisi" Qanday qilib ular bilan biron bir narsani hal qilishingiz mumkin edi? Ularda pul yo‘q edi. "[4] Shasta va Klamat o'rtasida juda ko'p miqdordagi tijorat operatsiyalari mavjud edi, ammo bu kamdan-kam uchraydigan hodisalar edi.[51] Spier Shasta tomonidan ishlab chiqarilgan boncuklar hayvonlarning po'stlog'i va ko'rpalariga almashtirilganligini xabar qildi.[57] Modoc bilan savdo-sotiqdan tashqari, bu Klamat va the o'rtasida amalga oshirilgan yagona savdo edi Kaliforniyaning tub aholisi.[58] Modok ham, ularning Klamat qarindoshlari ham 1820-yillarda otlarga ega bo'lishdi.[59] Bu ularning harbiy salohiyatini sezilarli darajada oshirdi, bu esa janubiy va g'arbiy qo'shnilariga qarshi hujumlar davrini boshladi. Ahotireitsu va Klamath River Shasta guruhlari ham Modoc qullar reydining maqsadi bo'lgan.

Achomawi va Atsugewi

Shuningdek qarang: Axomavi va Atsugewi

Achomawi va Atsugewi ma'ruzachilari sharqda joylashgan Pit daryosi havza. Shastaning ular bilan o'zaro aloqalari haqida ko'p narsa yozilmagan. Ma'lumki, Shasta har ikki xalq uchun ham dental kasallikning asosiy manbai bo'lgan.[60] Atsugewi bilan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri aloqa bor edi, ammo bu juda kam edi.[61] Atsugewi muhbirlari Shasta bilan an'anaviy ravishda ko'plab madaniy xususiyatlarga ega ekanliklariga kelishib oldilar, xususan ularning o'xshashlari "din, mifologiya, ijtimoiy tashkilot, siyosiy tashkilot, balog'atga etish odatlari va marosimlarning kamligi".[62] The Madhesi Axomavi guruhi vaqti-vaqti bilan tortishib turgani ma'lum bo'lgan. Zamonaviy atrofdagi qishloqlar Big Bend Shasta jangchilari tomonidan bosqin qilinishi kerak edi.[63]

Vintu

Shuningdek qarang: Wintu odamlari

Wintu guruhlari zamonaviy atrofida joylashgan Makkloud, Kaliforniya va Yuqori Sakramento vodiysida Shasta bilan o'zaro aloqalar ko'p bo'lgan.[64] Wintu ma'ruzachilari bilan to'qnashuvlar yuz bergan bo'lsa-da, Modoc bilan to'qnashuv kabi deyarli keng tarqalgan emas.[48] Ushbu to'qnashuvlar Shastaga "yuki" yoki "dushman" degan vintun nomini berdi.[64] Vaqti-vaqti bilan bo'lib turgan to'qnashuvlarga qaramay, xalqlar o'rtasida tijorat va madaniy almashinuvlar bo'lgan. Wintu Tan eman daraxti va abalone boncuklarının faol manbai edi.[51] Shasta ba'zi bir obsidian va bukilar bilan bir qatorda Wintu-ga dentaliyaning asosiy distribyutorlari bo'lgan.[65] Ham Shasta, ham Wintu tomonidan tayyorlangan ichimlik Manzanita mevalaridan yaratilgan sidr edi.[27] Ikkala madaniyat vakillari ham boshqa xalq tomonidan yaratilgan ishlab chiqarilgan mahsulotlardan ilhomlangan. Ahotireitsu Shasta Wintu tomonidan tikilgan kiyimni zamonaviy deb hisoblagan va o'z uslubiga ko'ra hind kanopidan bosh kiyimlar tikgan.[39] Yuqori Sakramento vodiysi va Makkloud Vintu Shasta tomonidan ishlatiladigan silliq bosh kiyimlarga qoyil qolishdi. Ushbu shlyapalar Wintu tomonidan nusxa ko'chirilgan va u materiallardan foydalangan Vudvordiya reproduktsiyalarida ferns o'zlarining naqshlaridan ko'ra ko'proq.[66]

XIX asrning boshlari

Dan kelib chiqqan Chinuk Jargon amerikaliklar uchun "Boston" so'zi, oqlar uchun Shasta so'zi "pastin".[67] Shastalar Ispaniyadan janubga va ularnikidan ajratilgan Kaliforniyalik koloniyalar. Qachon Meksikaning mustaqillik urushi otilib chiqqan Meksika rasmiylari Ispaniyaning aholi punktlari ustidan nazoratni o'z zimmalariga oldi va missiyalar shakllantirish orqali Alta Kaliforniya hudud. Bu shimolda yashovchilar uchun masalani o'zgartirmadi Kaliforniyalik Ranchos chunki ular o'zlarining hududiy avtonomiyalarini saqlab qolishdi va Evropa avlodlariga qarshi himoya qilishdi. 1820-yillarda Modok va Klamat shimolga sahaptin xalqlaridan otlarni qabul qilishdi. Yangi otliq sayohatlari bilan ular Dallesda sotiladigan mol-mulk, oziq-ovqat do'konlari va qullar uchun Shasta, Axomavi va Atsugeviga hujum qilishni boshladilar.[59] Shasta bosqinchilarga qarshi faol kurash olib bordi, ammo ular katta miqdordagi otlarga ega bo'lmadilar.

Shasta uchun birinchi bo'lib Evropa avlodlari bilan uchrashuv 1826 yilda sodir bo'lgan Hudson's Bay kompaniyasi (HBC) ekspeditsiyasi ostida Piter Sken Ogden chiqib ketdi Vankuver Fort Klamat tog'larida qunduzlarni tuzoqqa tushirish. Sharqdan etib kelgan Ogdenning partiyasini Shasta yaxshi kutib oldi. Ogden tog'li mintaqadagi kam sonli qunduzlardan ko'ngli qolgan va partiyani shimolga Siskiyus bo'ylab Rog'un GESi vodiysiga o'tkazgan. Shasta rahbarlari ularni zamonaviylikdan biroz oldinroq kuzatib borishdi Iste'dod.[56] XBC Alta Kaliforniyadagi qunduz populyatsiyasini yig'ish uchun Klamat tog'lari orqali janubga ekspeditsiyalarni yuborishni davom ettirdi. Ushbu mo'yna tutqichlari guruhlari va ularning oilalari bo'ylab sayohat qildilar Siskiyou izi Shasta vatanlarining qismlarini kesib o'tgan.

Oqdenning tashrifi kabi oq tanlilar bilan quyidagi o'zaro munosabatlar tinch emas edi. Bir guruh Willamette Valley 1837 yil kuzida mustamlakachilar Shasta hududlarini bosib o'tdilar. Ular bilan bir necha yuz qoramol bor edi sotib olingan Alta Kaliforniyadan Hokim Alvarado. Siskiyou yo'li bo'ylab o'z podalarini haydab,[68] ular bir nechta Shasta aholi punktlariga duch kelishdi. Muloqotdagi qiyinchiliklarga qaramay, Shasta begonalarni kutib oldi. Filipp Leget Edvards qoramol haydovchilari "ularning rahm-shafqatlari bilan, lekin ular o'zimizga yoki mol-mulkimizga hech qanday zarar etkazmaganligini" qayd etishdi.[69] Edvards tomonidan o'n yoshga to'lgan deb taxmin qilingan shasta bola bir muncha vaqt ko'chmanchilarga hamroh bo'ldi. Guruh shimolga qarab davom etar ekan, ba'zi qoramollar ushbu hududning tub aholisini o'ldirishni muhokama qilishdi. Uilyam J. Beyli va Jorj K. Gay ilgari bir guruhga qarshi kurashgan edi Takelma ning Rog'un GESi vodiysi, jarohat olish va bir nechta sheriklarini yo'qotish. Ular Shastani qasos olish uchun hujum qilish uchun maqbul nishon deb hisoblashgan.[70] Shasta odamini Gay va Beyli topib, otib o'ldirishdi. Ular, shuningdek, chorvachilarga qo'shilgan Shasta yoshlarini o'ldirmoqchi bo'lishdi, lekin u qochib qoldi. Ofitser paytida Ewing Young qotillikka g'azablandi, partiyaning aksariyati qotillikni rad etdi.[70] Beyli va Gey o'z qilmishlari uchun hech qanday jazoga duch kelmadilar va partiya Willamette vodiysiga qarab davom etdi.

Bir necha yil o'tgach Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Ekspeditsiyasi buyrug'i bilan Leytenant Jorj F. Emmons (1838-1842) Klamat tog'lariga tashrif buyurgan. Emmons tomonidan ko'rsatmalar berilgan edi Charlz Uilks Klamat, Sakramento va boshlarini o'rganish uchun Umpqua daryolar.[71] Yig'ilgan odamlar Vankuver Fortidan jo'nab ketishdi Umpqua Fort 1841 yil yozida. Sentyabr va oktyabr oylarida ular Siskiyou yo'lidan yurib Shasta hududlari bo'ylab sayohat qildilar.[72] 1 oktyabr kuni partiya Klamat daryosidan o'tdi. Tadqiqotchilar Shasta qishlog'iga tashrif buyurishdi, u erda aholi ularga losos berdi va savdo mollari evaziga bir nechta kamon va o'qlarni sotdi.[73] Qishloq aholisi kamondan otish mahoratini uzoqdagi 18 metrdan (18 m) bir necha bor tugmachani bosish orqali namoyish etishdi.[72] Ushbu namoyishda Shastaning oqsoqoli edi, u qaynonasi edi Mishel Laframboaz.[74] Ushbu tinch muloqot va savdo-sotiqdan ko'p o'tmay, Emmonlar partiyani "Yo'q qilish daryosi" (Yuqori Sakramento daryosi) tomon ketishni buyurdilar.[75] Shasta erlaridan Okvanuchu va keyinchalik Vintu erlari uchun chiqish.[74]

Oltin kashfiyoti

Asosiy maqola: Kaliforniya Gold Rush
Oltin changini olish uchun ishlatiladigan shlyuzlar va boshqa texnikalar suv havzasining boshqa ekologik halokatini keltirib chiqarishdan tashqari, Klamat daryosi havzasida baliqlar yashash muhitining buzilishiga yordam berdi.

Evropa avlodlari bilan tartibsiz aloqalar 1840 yillarga kelib ancha tez-tez uchraydi. Qo'shma Shtatlarning harbiy kuchlari davomida Olta Kaliforniyani bosib olishdi Meksika-Amerika urushi. Amerika nazorati dastlab Meksika hukumati tomonidan boshqarilgan hududlar bilan cheklangan edi. The Kaliforniya hududi da'vo qilingan erlarning katta qismi hanuzgacha mahalliy aholi qo'lida qolishiga qaramay, 1849 yilda tashkil etilgan. The Kaliforniya shtati qonunchilik palatasi uyushgan Shasta okrugi 1850 yilda. Amerikalik mustamlakachilar tomonidan qat'iy nazoratga olinganidan so'ng, uning qishloq xo'jaligi va mineral potentsiali uchun muhim mintaqa bo'lishi taxmin qilingan.[76] 1852 yilda Siskiyou okrugi Shasta okrugining shimoliy qismlaridan tashkil topgan. Ushbu yangi Amerika bo'linmasi Kaliforniyaning Shasta vatanlarini o'z ichiga olgan.

Moddiy boylikka erishish ishtiyoqi yaratdi Kaliforniya Gold Rush va yuz minglab odamlarni jalb qildi. Yangi kelgan konchilar va kolonistlar Kaliforniyaning tub aholisini unchalik hurmat qilmas edilar va tez-tez mahalliy xalqlarga qarshi zo'ravonlikni tarqatadilar. Konchilar asta-sekin shimolga qarab borishdi Sutter tegirmoni ko'proq oltin izlab. 1850 yil davomida Uchbirlik va Klamat daryolarida oltin topildi. Salmon qirg'og'idagi Shasta yuragida keyingi ikki yil ichida Skott va yuqori Klamat oltinlari topildi. Kelayotgan konchilar ushbu yangi manbalar yonida Scott Bar va Yreka shaharlarini tashkil etishdi.[77] The Shasta weren't seen favorably by incoming miners, being considered to have "inherited a spirit of warfare, and delight in [...] perilous incidents of daring thefts or bold fighting.[78] This image of native aggression was repeatedly mentioned in contemporary newspapers. The Shasta and other natives in the north were apparently found to be "more warlike than those of any other section of the State, and bear the most implacable hatred towards all pale faces."[79]

By August 1850 there were over 2,000 miners prospecting on Klamath and Salmon rivers. Over a hundred miles of the Klamath River had been searched for gold deposits and portions were occupied by mining operations. While the Shasta River hadn't yet been exploited it was considered by miners to contain rich gold deposits.[80] In the winter of 1850 advertisements appeared in the Kundalik Alta Kaliforniya promoting the mineral potential of the Klamath River basin. These notices appealed for Americans to venture north where opportunities for acquiring wealth abound.[81] In addition to maintaining extensive mining operations, whites began to cut forests down for sale in Sacramento.[82] A thousand acres of Shasta river had been prospected to varying amounts by April 1851.[83] Scott River became touted as having "the richest mines in all California."[84] Contemporaries described an influx of miners into the northern region. "The tide of emigration to Scott's River [...] flows due north, sweeping everything in its way..."[85] Redick McKee visited the Scott River in October 1851. He reported that "squatter' tents and cabins may be seen on almost every little patch or strip where the soil promises a reward to cultivation."[86] Additionally he noted the Scott River was under heavy modification by miners. "Every yard almost for three or four miles is either dam or race work."[87]

As the population of non-natives rose in the north genocide of the indigenous was considered. Miners argued that natives along the Klamath River and its tributaries impeded access to gold deposits. They were deemed "the only obstacle to complete success in those mines."[88] The Sacramento Daily Union argued that "the Indians must soon be removed by the Government Agents, or be exterminated by the sword of the whites."[89] Violence and murder against natives were often promoted as the only way to end their "thieving and other annoying propensities."[90] Violence began to erupt across the Klamath River in the summer of 1850. In August it was reported that miners had killed fifty to sixty Hupa and burnt down three of their villages around the juncture of the Klamath and Trinity rivers.[90] At the junction of the Shasta and Klamath rivers in October a confrontation erupted in which miners killed six Shasta.[91]

Federal peace effort

The Indian Superintendency gave a report to Congress in November 1848. It was an overview on native population figures in the recently gained Pacific Coast and Southwest. Congress was advised to fund and hire new Indian agents in these new territories.[92] A report presented to Congress in 1850 by William Carey Jones surmised information he gathered on land title in California. Jones concluded that Spanish and Mexican law didn't recognize the right of natives to owning their homelands.[92] Keyin kirish of California as an American state the topic of relations with its indigenous peoples was raised in the Senate once more. Charles Fremont presented legislation that promoted the forced seizure of their lands for resale to American colonists. He however felt that the natives had legal right to their own territories and had to be compensated for their territorial losses. This was far from a universal opinion in the Senate as some legislators felt California Indigenous had no legal right to their own homelands.

In September the Senate passed two bills that formulated Federal policy with Californian Natives. Three commissioners were authorized to draft treaties with California Natives.[93] Redick McKee, O. M. Vozencraft va George W. Barbour were appointed and began negotiations in 1851. However they collectively lacked expertise and familiarity with either California natives or how their societies utilized their territories.[94] The Commissioners eventually divided California into three areas to cover the large amount of travelling necessary to create treaties with every native group. This meant they were operating independent of each other. McKee was assigned the task of creating treaties with natives of Northern California. He and his entourage created agreements with natives in Humboldt Bay and the lower Klamath River. Later in September 1851 he arrived in Shasta territory.

Mahalliy sharoit

McKee toured the Shasta territories; inspecting the Shasta and Scott vallies in particular. It was concluded that only the Scott could support a reservation and the agricultural work necessary to feed the Shasta.[95] This assessment was due to the scarcity of agriculturally viable land in the Klamath Mountains. More promising areas did exist nearby but they were in Oregon.[96] The Shasta wanted to retain the entirety of Scott Valley for their designated reservation. American colonists from Scott Bar va Shasta Butte City contended for possession of the valley as well. Federal officials consulted with them for what they desired in a treaty with the Shasta.[97] They called for the removal of all Shasta to a reservation placed on the headwaters of the Shasta River.[96]

Gibbs proposal

Jorj Gibbs was a member of McKee's delegation and left a record of its activities. There was a repeating cycle of violence and reprisals then ongoing in northern California. Local American militias were reported to be excessively violent in "revenging outrages" supposedly committed by natives.[98] Gibbs argued for the establishment of US Army post at or near the confluence of the Trinity and Klamath Rivers. He felt it was necessary to maintain peaceable relations between the colonists and various natives peoples in the Klamath Basin. The government was suggested to model its native policies in Northern California after those of employed by the Hudson's Bay Company in the Columbia Department. Select individuals would be given material patronage which would assist them in gaining prominence among their local settlements. This in turn would simplify interactions with various native cultures as power gradually centralized under amendable leadership.[98] There wasn't a fort located in this vicinity until 1858, when Fort Gaston was established in modern Hoopa.

Shartnoma

The terms drafted by McKee for an agreement were not particularly favored by the Shasta or American settlers. The reservation was placed in Scott Valley although the majority of the valley was to remain in colonist possession. The location of the Shasta reservation was apparently accepted, albeit grudgingly, by most American colonists of the area. Some had purchased expensive land grants from other Americans. Ning o'zgarishi Xayr-ehson qilish uchun yerni talab qilish to'g'risidagi qonun was expected to soon be enacted in California.[99] Financial compensation from Congress or the Indian Department was expected by Americans with properties within the reservation boundaries.[99]

The area specified in the treaty for the reservation was estimated by McKee to contain four or five square miles of arable land.[100] The Shasta were promised to receive "free of charge" 20,000 pounds of flour, 200 cattle, a large inventory of garments, and a multitude of household goods from the Federal government throughout 1852 and 1853.[100] Funding was to be appropriated in Congress for employing a carpenter, a group of farmers and several teachers on the reservation. Prospecting along the Scott river was to be allowed for two additional years. Any additional mining operations within the reservation had a single year to continue.[100]

At the end of the discussions a bull was presented to the Shasta. A celebration was held which lasted late into the evening.[101] Gibbs recorded the day assigned for the formal signing of the treaty:

"In the morning, November 4th, the treaty was explained carefully as drawn up and the bounds of the reservation pointed out on a plat. In the afternoon it was signed in the presence of a large concourse of whites and Indians, with great formality."[102]

Alleged poisoning

Some ethnographic informants gave accounts of three thousand Shasta being present at the ceremony. They were reportedly served beef poisoned with strychnine by American officials.[103] Survivors told of spending weeks locating the deceased. Only around 150 Shasta were said to have survived.[103]

Xato

The treaties negotiated by McKee, Barbour, and Wozencraft amounted to 18. McKee pressed for the California legislature to accept the treaties. He argued the reservations were designed to allocate natives to keep portions of their traditional lands while keeping open the many areas bearing gold. The commissioners were stated to have always consulted with local American colonists and miners in establishing the borders of each reservation. Pointedly he went on to argue that unless if someone were to "propose a more humane and available system" the reservations had to be acknowledged by the California Government.[104] The state rejected all treaties and instructed its representatives in Washington, D.C. to lobby against them as well.

The treaties were endorsed by President Millard Fillmor, commissioner of Indian affairs Lyuk Lea and the recently appointed superintendent of Indian affairs for California Edvard Fitsjerald Beal.[105] The treaties were sent the Hindiston ishlari bo'yicha qo'mita in June 1852. After a closed session the treaties were rejected. Ellison suggested that the vast amount of land set aside by the treaties and the expenditures allocated by the commissioners made the agreements unpopular in Congress.[105] In total about 11,700 square miles (30,000 km2) or about 7% of the total land area of California was to contain the 18 reservations.[105] Heizer concluded that the process of drafting treaties made by the Commissioners and their eventual rejection in the U.S. Congress "was a farce from beginning to end..."[94]

Continued conflicts

Violence against the Shasta continued after the agreement with McKee. On 18 January 1852 three American men attacked and killed a Shasta individual without provocation on Humbug Creek.[106] A panic arose among the local Shasta who fled into the nearby mountains. This senseless killing caused a panic among the miners. They feared that this breach of the new treaty would provoke conflict with the Shasta. McKee was requested to return to the area and mediate a solution. Although one of the murderers escaped two of the men were captured by the miners. The slain man's familial relations were given six blankets as compensation pending a ruling of the three murderers.[106]

In July 1852 a party of miners found and killed fourteen Shasta people in Shasta Valley in revenge for the murder of a white man.[107] This escalation of violence continued to deplete the number of Shasta. Their reprisals against white violence were to protect "their communities from assault, abduction, unfree labor, rape, murder, massacre, and, ultimately, obliteration."[108]

Americans in Cottonwood organized the "Squaw Hunters" in January 1854. It was an armed group made to "get squaws, by force, if necessary…"[109] That month they went to a nearby cave where over 50 Shasta were residing. The Squaw Hunters attacked the Shasta there and killed 3 children, 2 women and 3 men.[109] Afterwards they claimed the Shasta were preparing for an attack on Americans. This false rumor created a panic among settlers. 28 men gathered to attack the cave. In the skirmish four Americans and one Shasta died.[109] Federal troops from Fort Jones and local volunteers assembled on the Klamath River five miles away from the cave. In total about fifty armed Americans were present. Additional forces from Fort Lane arrived with a howitzer. It was fired at the cave multiple times. Representatives of the headman known to settlers as "Bill" pressed for peace and of their innocence.[109] Military officials concluded that this was the case. American colonists were held accountable for the outbreak of violence.[109] Smith's decision to cease hostilities with Bill's people was unpopular with local American settlers. He was claimed to have left Americans "wholly unprotected from the ruthless and murderous incursions of these savages..."[110]

In late April 1854 a group of miners found and killed 15 Shasta. These murders were committed in retaliation for some cattle having been stolen.[111]

In May 1854 a Shasta man was accused of attempting to rape an American woman.[112] A directive issued from Fort Jones called for the man to be captured and eventually presented to civil authorities in Yreka. Indian agent Rosborough informed representatives of Bill of the military order. The man accused of the rape attempt wasn't from Bill's band.[113] Despite this Bill pushed for a guarantee that the man wouldn't be hanged. Fort Jones command insisted this wasn't possible. The commanding officer declared that if the man wasn't delivered soon all Shasta would be held responsible for his actions. A large party of "De Chute " natives (likely the Tenino )[114] visiting the area were threatened to be employed in military reprisals against the Shasta.[112] Dignitaries from the Irauitsu expressed support in capturing the man though they also didn't want him to be hung.

The accused Shasta was eventually presented to authorities in Yreka. As Fort Jones' commanding officer was absent from the area he was allowed to temporarily depart the town on the condition he remain in the area.[115] A captain was eventually ordered to visit the nearby Shasta settlement where the man was then residing. Headman Bill and several Shasta accompanied the American officer. Upon reaching the village the man was collected. On 24 May while returning to Yreka the Shasta group was attacked on the Klamath River by a group of American settlers and "De Chutes".[115] The American officer told the Shasta to flee while he attempted to talk the party down. The armed men refused to allow the Shasta to leave peaceably and shot at them. Two Shasta were killed instantly and three seriously injured. Headman Bill was among those wounded and struggled against being scalped by Americans. Eventually they succeeded in removing his scalp and threw him into the Klamath River while he remained alive. Lt. Bonnycastle decried the "cowardly and brutal murder" committed by the American settlers who apparently escaped unpunished for their actions.[115]

On 17 May 1854 some Shasta warriors attacked a mule train in the Siskiyou Mountains. Two Americans were leading the mules. One was killed in the skirmish while the other man escaped to Paxta daraxti. Five horses and a mule taken by the Shasta.[116]

Rogue daryosi urushlari

Asosiy maqola: Rogue daryosi urushlari

The Irkirukatsu Shasta joined their Takelma neighbors in militarily resisting American territorial encroachment during the Rogue daryosi urushlari. Incoming colonists implemented agricultural operations across the Rogue Valley in 1852 and 1853.[117] Open meadows became plowed and fenced into private farms. Oak forests were timbered for building supplies and additional agricultural land. Livestock such as pigs dug and ate the bulbs and roots to important flowering species.These practices quickly ruined many food sources for the indigenous of the region, including camas, acorns and seeds from a variety of grass species.[117]

A group of 150 to 300 Shasta gathered in the upper Rogue River basin in the winter of 1851 to 1852.[118] Reportedly they had congregated to settle a dispute over a woman and were close to finishing negotiations. The American witness to the proceedings considered it largely a "war expedition".[118] However the peaceable conclusion to the matter through material compensation followed traditional Shasta means of dispute resolution.[16]

In early August 1853 a settler named Edwards residing near modern-day Phoenix was found slain in his cabin.[119] Edwards' death incited a harsh response from American settlers. Militias were organized to begin indiscriminately attacking any natives in the Rogue River basin.[120] About a month prior he had visited an Dakubetede settlement in the Applegate vodiysi and stole a Shasta slave. The abduction was tolerated by Americans and claims for compensation from the former slave owner were ignored. Contemporaries in Jacksonville considered this dispute to the cause of the murder.[120] The Irkirukatsu Shasta were targeted in particular as they were considered particularly unwelcoming and aggressive against American colonists. They received help from some Klamath River Shasta who were expelled from their home territories by miners.[120]

Eventually the Shasta and Takelma were pressed into accepting deportation from the Rogue Valley. American officials under Joel Palmer met with the leadership of the Irkirukatsu Shasta, "Grave Creek Umpqua" and the unrelated Shasta Costa on 18 November 1854.[121] The "Chasta Treaty" was signed between the groups, although its terms were far from clear to the indigenous leaders.[122] The fifth article stipulated that the Federal government was to fund and staff several facilities on the eventual reservation the Oregon Shasta and their neighbors were to be relocated to. This included a hospital, a schoolhouse, and two blacksmith shops.[121]

Reservation life

Life on the reservations was a challenging adjustment for the Shasta. The Grand Ronde in November 1856 had an estimated population of 1,025 natives, with 909 either Takelma or Shasta although this perhaps including some Shasta Costa or other natives of Southern Oregon.[122] On 21 September 1857 a federal government official visited the Siletz Reservation. He estimated the Shasta and Takelma to number 544 there.[123] The Boshliq Newsmith reported that some of the terms of the 1854 "Chasta Treaty" had yet to be implemented by 1858. Once relocated to the Siletz Reservation the promised blacksmiths, "school teachers and medical officials had to be shared among all natives residing there, rather than just the signatories of the "Chasta Treaty".

Shuningdek qarang

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