Stiv Biko - Steve Biko

Stiv Biko
Stiv Biko Photograph.jpg
Tug'ilgan
Bantu Stiven Biko

(1946-12-18)1946 yil 18-dekabr
Tarkastad, Sharqiy Keyp, Janubiy Afrika
O'ldi1977 yil 12 sentyabr(1977-09-12) (30 yosh)
Pretoriya, Janubiy Afrika
KasbAparteidga qarshi faol
TashkilotJanubiy Afrika talabalar tashkiloti;
Qora tanlilar konvensiyasi
Turmush o'rtoqlar
Ntsiki Mashalaba
​
​
(m. 1970; uning o'limi1977)​
Hamkor (lar)Mamphela Ramphele
Bolalar5, shu jumladan Xlumelo Biko

Bantu Stiven Biko (1946 yil 18-dekabr - 1977 yil 12-sentyabr) Janubiy Afrikadan bo'lgan aparteidga qarshi faol. Mafkuraviy jihatdan Afrikalik millatchi va Afrika sotsialistik, deb nomlangan ommaviy aparteidga qarshi kampaniyaning boshida edi Qora ong harakati 1960-yillarning oxiri va 70-yillar davomida. Uning g'oyalari taxallus bilan nashr etilgan bir qator maqolalarda bayon etilgan Frank Talk.

Kambag'allikda tarbiyalangan Xosa oila, Biko o'sgan Ginsberg shaharchasi ichida Sharqiy Keyp. 1966 yilda u tibbiyot sohasida o'qishni boshladi Natal universiteti, u qaerga qo'shildi Janubiy Afrika talabalari milliy ittifoqi (NUSAS). Ga qat'iy qarshi aparteid tizimi irqiy ajratish va oq ozchilik Janubiy Afrikada hukmronlik qilish, Biko NUSAS va boshqa aparteidga qarshi guruhlarda oq rang hukmronlik qilganidan hafsalasi pir bo'lgan liberallar aksincha, aparteid eng ko'p ta'sirlangan qora tanlilar tomonidan emas. U yaxshi niyatli oq liberallar qora tanli tajribani tushuna olmaganiga ishongan va ko'pincha a da harakat qilgan paternalistik uslubi. U oq hukmronlikdan qochish uchun qora tanlilar mustaqil ravishda uyushishi kerak degan qarashni rivojlantirdi va shu maqsadda u yaratilishida etakchi shaxsga aylandi. Janubiy Afrika talabalar tashkiloti (SASO) 1968 yilda. A'zolik faqat "uchun ochiq ediqora tanlilar ", bu so'zni Biko nafaqat unga nisbatan ishlatgan Bantu tilida so'zlashadigan afrikaliklar lekin shuningdek Ranglar va Hindular. U o'z harakatini oq liberallardan mustaqil saqlash uchun ehtiyot bo'lgan, ammo oqga qarshi irqchilikka qarshi bo'lgan va oq tanli do'stlari va sevgililari bo'lgan. Oq ozchilik Milliy partiya hukumat dastavval SASO ning yaratilishini aparteidning irqiy separatizm axloqi g'alabasi sifatida ko'rib, qo'llab-quvvatladilar.

Tomonidan ta'sirlangan Martinik faylasuf Frants Fanon va afroamerikalik Qora kuch harakati, Biko va uning vatandoshlari Qora ongni SASO ning rasmiy mafkurasi sifatida ishlab chiqdilar. Harakat aparteidni to'xtatish va Janubiy Afrikaning o'tish davri uchun kampaniya olib bordi umumiy saylov huquqi va a sotsialistik iqtisodiyot. U qora tanli jamoat dasturlarini (BCP) tashkil etdi va qora tanli odamlarning psixologik imkoniyatlarini kengaytirishga qaratilgan. Biko qora tanlilar o'zlarini har qanday irqiy kamsitilish tuyg'usidan xalos qilishlari kerak, deb hisoblardi va bu fikrni u shiorni ommalashtirish orqali aytgan.qora chiroyli ". 1972 yilda u asos solishda qatnashgan Qora tanlilar konvensiyasi (BPC) keng aholi o'rtasida qora tanli g'oyalarni targ'ib qilish. Hukumat Bikoni buzg'unchilik tahdidi sifatida ko'rishga keldi va uni a buyurtmani taqiqlash 1973 yilda uning faoliyatini jiddiy cheklab qo'ydi. U siyosiy jihatdan faol bo'lib, Ginsberg hududida sog'liqni saqlash markazi va kreş kabi BCPlarni tashkil etishga yordam berdi. Taqiqlanish paytida u bir necha bor noma'lum tahdidlarga duch kelgan va bir necha bor davlat xavfsizlik xizmati tomonidan hibsga olingan. 1977 yil avgustda hibsga olingandan so'ng, Biko davlat xavfsizlik xizmati xodimlari tomonidan kaltaklanib o'ldirilgan. Uning dafn marosimida 20000 dan ortiq kishi qatnashdi.

Bikoning shuhrati o'limidan keyin tarqaldi. U ko'plab qo'shiqlar va san'at asarlari mavzusiga aylandi, 1978 yilda do'stining tarjimai holi Donald Vuds 1987 yilgi film uchun asos yaratdi Ozodlik bilan yig'lang. Bikoning hayoti davomida hukumat uni oq tanlilarni yomon ko'rishini da'vo qilgan, turli xil aparteidga qarshi faollar uni ayblashgan seksizm va Afrika irqiy millatchilari uning koloredlar va hindular bilan birlashgan jabhasini tanqid qildilar. Shunga qaramay, Biko aparteidga qarshi harakatning dastlabki belgilaridan biriga aylandi va siyosiy sifatida qaraldi shahid va "Qora ongning otasi". Uning siyosiy merosi bahs mavzusi bo'lib qolmoqda.

Biografiya

Ilk hayoti: 1946–1966

Bantu Stiven Biko 1946 yil 18-dekabrda tug'ilgan,[1] buvisining uyida Tarkastad, Sharqiy Keyp.[2] Mzingaye Metyu Biko va Elis 'Mamkete' Bikoning uchinchi farzandi,[3] uning katta singlisi Bukelva, katta akasi Xaya va singlisi Nobandil bor edi.[4] Uning ota-onasi uylangan Whittlesea, uning otasi politsiya xodimi bo'lib ishlagan. Mzingaye transfer qilindi Qirolicha, Port Elizabeth, Fort-Koks va nihoyat Qirol Uilyam shahri qaerda u va Elis joylashdilar Ginsberg shaharchasi.[5] Bu 800 ga yaqin oiladan iborat aholi punkti bo'lib, har to'rtta oilada suv ta'minoti va hojatxonadan foydalanilgan.[6] Ikkalasi ham Bantu afrikalik va Rangli odamlar yashagan shaharcha,[7] qayerda Xosa, Afrikaanslar va ingliz tilida hamma gaplashildi.[8] Politsiyadan iste'foga chiqqandan so'ng, Mzingaye qirol Uilyamning shahar mahalliy ishlari idorasida xizmatchi bo'lib ishlagan,[9] dan huquqshunoslik bo'yicha o'qish paytida yozishmalar Janubiy Afrika universiteti.[10] Elis avval mahalliy oq tanli uy xo'jaliklarida uy ishlarida, keyin oshpaz bo'lib ishlagan Kul kasalxonasi qirol Uilyam shaharchasida.[11] Uning singlisining so'zlariga ko'ra, aynan onasining og'ir mehnat sharoitlarini kuzatish natijasida Biko eng qadimgi siyosiylashuvga erishgan.[12]

Turli xil daraxtlar bilan o'ralgan katta qasr uyining qora va oq fotosurati
Biko Elisdagi Lovedale maktab-internatida qisqa ma'lumot oldi.

Bikoning "Bantu" nomi "odamlar" degan ma'noni anglatadi; Biko buni so'z bilan izohladi "Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu" ("inson - bu boshqa odamlar yordamida shaxsdir").[13] Bolaligida unga "Goofy" va "Xwaku-Xwaku" laqablari berilgan, ikkinchisi uning beparvo qiyofasiga ishora.[14] U oilasida tarbiyalangan Anglikan Xristian e'tiqodi.[15] 1950 yilda, Biko to'rt yoshida, otasi kasal bo'lib, kasalxonaga yotqizilgan Sent-Metyu kasalxonasi, Keiskammahoek va vafot etdi,[16] oilani onasining daromadiga bog'liq holga keltirish.[6]

Biko Sent-Endryus boshlang'ich maktabida ikki yil, Ginsbergdagi Charlz Morgan oliy maktabida to'rt yil o'qidi.[17] Ayniqsa, aqlli o'quvchi sifatida qaraldi, unga ruxsat berildi yilni o'tkazib yuboring.[18] 1963 yilda u shaharchadagi Forbes Grant o'rta maktabiga ko'chib o'tdi.[19] Biko matematikadan va ingliz tilidan ustun bo'lib, imtihonlarida sinfda birinchi o'rinni egalladi.[20] 1964 yilda Ginsberg jamoasi unga ukasi Xayaga talaba sifatida qo'shilishni taklif qildi Lovedale, obro'li internat maktab yilda Elis, Sharqiy Keyp.[21] Stiv kelganidan keyin uch oy ichida Xayani aloqasi bo'lganlikda ayblashdi Poqo, qurolli qanoti Pan-afrikaliklar Kongressi (PAC), an Afrikalik millatchi hukumat taqiqlagan guruh. Xaya ham, Stiv ham hibsga olingan va politsiya tomonidan so'roq qilingan; birinchisi sudlangan, keyin apellyatsiya tartibida oqlangan.[22] Stivning Poqo bilan aloqadorligi to'g'risida aniq dalillar keltirilmagan, ammo u Lovedale'dan chiqarib yuborilgan.[23] Keyinchalik bu holatni sharhlar ekan, u shunday dedi: "Men boshqalarga qaraganda hokimiyatga ko'proq yo'naltirilgan munosabatni rivojlantira boshladim. Men hokimiyatni jahannam kabi yomon ko'rardim".[24]

1964 yildan 1965 yilgacha Biko Sent-Frensis kollejida, a Katolik maktab-internati Mariannhill, Natal.[25] Kollejda a liberal siyosiy madaniyat va Biko u erda siyosiy ongini rivojlantirdi.[26] U, ayniqsa, Janubiy Afrikaning o'rnini egallashga qiziqdi oq ozchilik mustamlakachilik hukumati mamlakatning qora tanli ko'pchiligini vakili bo'lgan ma'muriyat bilan.[27] Orasida mustamlakachiga qarshi bu vaqtda Bikoning qahramoniga aylangan rahbarlar Jazoirga tegishli edi Ahmed Ben Bella va Keniya Jaramogi Oginga Odinga.[27] Keyinchalik uning oilasidagi "siyosatchilar" ning aksariyati PACga xayrixoh bo'lganligini aytdi antikommunist va afrikalik irqchilik g'oyalari. Biko PAC-ning "juda yaxshi tashkiloti" deb ta'riflagan narsaga va uning ko'plab a'zolarining jasoratiga qoyil qoldi, ammo u barcha irqiy guruhlarning a'zolari hukumatga qarshi birlashishi kerak deb hisoblab, uning irqiy eksklyuzion yondashuviga ishonmasdan qoldi.[28] 1964 yil dekabrda u sayohat qildi Zvelitsha uchun ulwaluko sunnat tantanali marosim, ramziy ma'noda uning bolalikdan erkalikka o'tishini anglatadi.[29]

Dastlabki talabalar faolligi: 1966–1968

To'rtburchak shaklidagi sariq rangli devor plakati. Unda qora va ingliz va afrika tillarida yozilgan xabar mavjud. Ingliz tilida ushbu xabarda shunday deyilgan:
Irqiy ajratish aparteid tizimi hayotning barcha sohalarini qamrab oldi; Biko uni ag'darishga sodiq edi.

Biko dastlab universitetda huquqshunoslikni o'rganishga qiziqish bildirgan, ammo atrofdagilarning ko'plari qonunni siyosiy faollik bilan chambarchas bog'liq deb hisoblab, buni rad etishgan. Buning o'rniga ular uni tibbiyotni tanlashga ishontirishdi, bu esa martaba yaxshiroq istiqbolga ega deb o'ylagan.[30] U stipendiya oldi,[30] va 1966 yilda .ning "Evropa bo'lmagan" bo'limiga kirdi Natal universiteti Tibbiyot maktabi Ventuort, shaharcha Durban.[31] U erda u o'zining biografisi Xolela Mangcu Janubiy Afrikaning "o'ziga xos murakkab va kosmopolit talabalar guruhi" deb ataganiga qo'shildi;[32] keyinchalik ularning aksariyati aparteiddan keyingi davrda taniqli rollarni egallagan.[33] 60-yillarning oxiri butun dunyoda aks etgan talabalar siyosatining eng qizg'in davri edi 1968 yilgi norozilik namoyishlari,[34] va Biko o'zini ushbu muhitga jalb qilishni juda xohlardi.[35] Universitetga kelganidan ko'p o'tmay, u Talabalar vakillik kengashiga (SRC) saylandi.[36]

Universitetning SRC bilan bog'liq bo'lgan Janubiy Afrika talabalari milliy ittifoqi (NUSAS).[37] NUSAS ko'p irqli a'zolikni rivojlantirish uchun azob chekdi, ammo Janubiy Afrikadagi talabalarning aksariyati mamlakatdagi ozchiliklardan iborat bo'lganligi sababli oq tanli bo'lib qoldi.[38] NUSAS oq tanli etakchisi Klayv Nettleton ta'kidlaganidek: "masalaning mohiyati shundaki, NUSAS oq tashabbus bilan tashkil topgan, u oq pul bilan moliyalashtiriladi va uning a'zolari aksariyati oq tanlilarning fikrlarini aks ettiradi".[39] NUSAS rasman aparteidga qarshi chiqdi, ammo u oq tanli konservativ talabalarni qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun o'z muxolifatini mo''tadil qildi.[40] Afrikalik qora tanli afrikaliklarga kirish taqiqlangan oq yotoqxonalarda ziyofatlar uyushtirgan Biko va boshqa bir qator afrikalik NUSAS qora a'zolari xafa bo'lishdi.[41] 1967 yil iyul oyida NUSAS konferentsiyasi bo'lib o'tdi Rodos universiteti yilda Gremstaun; talabalar kelganidan so'ng, yotoqxonada turar joy oq va uchun ajratilganligini aniqladilar Hind vakillar, ammo mahalliy cherkovda uxlashlari mumkinligi aytilgan qora afrikaliklar emas. Biko va boshqa qora tanli afrikalik delegatlar g'azab bilan konferentsiyadan chiqib ketishdi.[42] Keyinchalik Biko ushbu voqea uni siyosiy faollikka nisbatan ko'p irqli yondoshishga bo'lgan ishonchini qayta ko'rib chiqishga majbur qilganini aytdi:[43]

Men anchadan buyon men ushbu din kabi butun natsionalizm dogmasini ushlaganimni angladim ... Ammo bu bahs davomida men natsistlar g'oyasi tarafdorlarida juda ko'p narsalar etishmasligini his qila boshladim ... ular bunday muammoga duch kelishdi, bilasizlarki, ustunlik va ular bizni odatdagidek qabul qilishga moyil edilar va bizdan ikkinchi darajali narsalarni qabul qilishimizni istashdi. Ular nima uchun biz o'sha cherkovda qolish haqida o'ylay olmasligimizni tushunolmadilar va men o'zimning ushbu davlatdagi o'z ahvolimizni tushunishimiz ushbu liberal oq tanlilar bilan tasodifiy emasligini his qila boshladim.

— Vuds 1978 yil, 153-154 betlar

Janubiy Afrika talabalar tashkilotini tashkil etish: 1968–1972

SASO ishlab chiqilmoqda

1968 yil NUSAS konferentsiyasidan so'ng Yoxannesburg, uning ko'plab a'zolari 1968 yil iyul oyida bo'lib o'tgan konferentsiyada qatnashdilar Universitet nasroniy harakati da Shtutterxaym. U erda qora tanli afrikalik a'zolar mustaqil qora tanli talabalar guruhini shakllantirish masalasini muhokama qilish uchun dekabr konferentsiyasini o'tkazishga qaror qilishdi.[44] The Janubiy Afrika talabalar tashkiloti (SASO) 1969 yil iyul oyida bo'lib o'tgan konferentsiyada rasmiy ravishda ishga tushirildi Shimol universiteti; u erda guruh konstitutsiyasi va asosiy siyosat platformasi qabul qilindi.[45] Guruhning asosiy yo'nalishi qora tanli talabalar faoliyati markazlari, shu jumladan sport, madaniy tadbirlar va bahs-munozaralar musobaqalari orqali aloqa qilish zarurligiga qaratildi.[46] Biko SASO ning yaratilishida katta rol o'ynagan bo'lsa-da, u o'zining ittifoqdoshi kabi ikkinchi darajali etakchilikni kuchaytiradi, deb ishonib, dastlabki bosqichlarida past darajadagi jamoatchilik obro'sini qidirdi. Barni Pityana.[47] Shunga qaramay, u SASO ning birinchi prezidenti etib saylandi; Pat Matshaka vitse-prezident etib saylandi va Vuila Mashalaba saylangan kotib.[48] Durban unga aylandi amalda shtab-kvartirasi.[49]

Qo'shma Shtatlardagi Qora kuch singari, Janubiy Afrikaning "Qora ong harakati" afrikalik avlodlardan bo'lgan xalqlar qullik va mustamlakachilik kabi oq irqchi domenlarning ketma-ketligi tufayli ularga etkazilgan ulkan psixologik va madaniy zararni engib o'tishlari kerak degan e'tiqodga asoslangan edi. . Frants Fanon, Aime Césaire va Malcolm X yozuvlari va nutqlariga asoslanib, qora tanli tarafdorlar qora tanli namoyishlar tarixini bilishga yordam beradigan madaniy va ijtimoiy tadbirlarni qo'llab-quvvatladilar. Ular mustaqil, qora tanli institutlarni tashkil etishni faol ravishda targ'ib qildilar va maktab o'quv dasturlarida yoshlar uchun qora tanli shaxsni tarbiyalaydigan tub islohotlarni ma'qulladilar.

— Manning Marable va Peniel Jozef[50]

Biko boshqa qora tanli talabalar rahbarlari bilan suhbatda SASO ning "Qora ong" g'oyasini ishlab chiqdi.[51] 1971 yil iyul oyida ishlab chiqarilgan SASO siyosat manifestida ushbu mafkura "ongga bo'lgan munosabat, turmush tarzi. Qora ongning asosiy qoidasi shundan iboratki, qoradori uni o'z mamlakatida ajnabiy bo'lishga intilgan barcha qadriyatlar tizimini rad qilishi kerak. tug'ilish va uning asosiy insoniy qadr-qimmatini pasaytirish. "[52] Qora ong psixologik kuchga asoslangan,[53] aksariyat qora tanli Janubiy Afrikaliklar namoyish etgan kamsitilish tuyg'ulariga qarshi kurash orqali.[54] Biko, aparteid va ozchilikdagi ozchiliklar hukmronligiga qarshi kurashning bir qismi sifatida, qora tanlilar o'zlarini erkinlikka loyiq va o'zlarining mas'uliyatiga loyiq deb bilish orqali o'zlarining insonparvarliklarini tasdiqlashlari kerak deb hisobladilar.[55] Bu "atamasini qo'llaganqora "nafaqat bantu tilida so'zlashadigan afrikaliklarga, balki hindular va koloredlarga ham.[56] SASO ushbu atamani "oq tanli emas" deb qabul qildi, chunki uning rahbariyati o'zlarini oq tanlilarga qarshi qo'yish o'zlarini ijobiy ta'riflash emas deb hisobladilar.[57] Biko "shiorini ilgari surdiqora chiroyli "degan ma'noni anglatishini tushuntirib," Erkak, sen o'zing kabi yaxshisan. O'zingizga inson kabi qarashni boshlang. "[58]

Biko an "Oq irqchilik va qora ong" mavzusidagi maqolasini taqdim etdi ilmiy konferentsiya ichida Keyptaun universiteti "s Abe Beyli markazi 1971 yil yanvar oyida.[59] Uchun yozilgan ustunda u o'z g'oyalarini kengaytirdi SASO yangiliklari "Frank Talk" taxallusi ostida.[60] Uning prezidentlik faoliyati asosan mablag 'yig'ish faoliyati bilan bog'liq edi,[61] va talabalarni jalb qilish va harakatning g'oyaviy bazasini chuqurlashtirish uchun Janubiy Afrikadagi turli talabalar shaharchalari bo'ylab sayohat qilishni o'z ichiga olgan.[62] Ushbu talabalarning ba'zilari uni NUSASning ko'p irqli yondashuvidan voz kechgani uchun qoralagan; boshqalar SASOning hind va rangli talabalarga a'zo bo'lishiga ruxsat berish to'g'risidagi qaroridan norozi bo'lishdi.[63] Biko yangi rahbariyat paydo bo'lishi va shu tariqa har qanday narsadan qochish kerakligini ta'kidlab, bir yildan so'ng prezidentlikdan ketdi. shaxsga sig'inish uning atrofida shakllanish.[64]

SASO munozaralardan so'ng NUSASga aloqador bo'lmaslik to'g'risida qaror qabul qildi, ammo baribir katta tashkilotni milliy talabalar jamoasi deb tan oldi.[65] SASO ning asos solgan qarorlaridan biri har bir NUSAS konferentsiyasiga o'z vakilini yuborish edi.[61] 1970 yilda SASO NUSASni turli xil kampuslarda o'sishiga to'sqinlik qilishga urinishda ayblab, uni tan oldi.[63] SASO ning NUSASdan ajralib chiqishi ko'p irqli tashkilot g'oyasiga sodiq qolgan va ularning urinishlari rad etilayotganini his qilgan ko'plab oq liberal yoshlar uchun og'ir voqea bo'ldi.[66] NUSAS rahbariyati bo'linishdan pushaymon bo'lishdi, ammo SASOni tanqid qilishdan deyarli tiyilishdi.[67] Ko'p irqiy liberalizmni tahdid deb bilgan va 1968 yilda ko'p irqli siyosiy partiyalarni taqiqlagan hukumat - SASO tashkil topganidan mamnun bo'lib, uni aparteid tafakkurining g'alabasi deb bildi.[68]

Liberalizm va shaxsiy munosabatlarga munosabat

Dastlabki diqqat Qora ong harakati (BCM) irqchilikka qarshi oq liberallarni tanqid qilishda edi liberalizm o'zini ayblaydi paternalizm va qora tanli afrikaliklarga "salbiy ta'sir" bo'lish.[69] Biko o'zining birinchi chop etilgan maqolalaridan birida, "[oq] liberallar va ularning apartegiyaga qarshi harakatga daxldorligi to'g'risida mazax qilmasa ham", [oq] liberal - alamli xulosaga kelish kerak. aslida o'z vijdonini tinchlantirish yoki hech bo'lmaganda qora tanlilar bilan o'zligini tasdiqlashni xohlaydi, chunki bu rang chizig'idagi qarindoshlari bilan barcha aloqalarni uzmaydi. "[70]

Biko va SASO NUSASning hukumat siyosatiga qarshi noroziliklarini tanqid qildilar. Biko NUSAS shunchaki oq tanli saylovchilarga ta'sir o'tkazishga intilganligini ta'kidladi; uning fikriga ko'ra, ushbu elektorat qonuniy emas edi va ma'lum bir siyosatga qaratilgan noroziliklar aparteid davlatini yo'q qilishning yakuniy maqsadi uchun samarasiz bo'ladi.[71] SASO talabalar yurishlari, piketlari va ish tashlashlarini samarasiz deb topdi va norozilikning ommaviy shakllaridan chiqib ketishini bildirdi.[72] U ataylab etarlicha katta institutsional tuzilishga ega bo'lgan paytgacha davlat bilan ochiq to'qnashuvdan qochdi.[73] Buning o'rniga, SASO asosiy e'tibor jamoat loyihalarini yaratish va qora tanli g'oyalarni boshqa qora tanli tashkilotlar va qora tanli keng jamoatchilik orasida tarqatishga qaratilgan edi.[74] Ushbu siyosatga qaramay, 1972 yil may oyida u Elis deklaratsiyasini e'lon qildi va unda talabalarni SASO a'zosining chiqarib yuborilishiga javoban ma'ruzalarni boykot qilishga chaqirdi. Abram Onkgopotse Tiro Shimoliy universiteti ma'muriyatini tanqid qilgan nutqidan keyin.[75] Tiro voqeasi hukumatni SASO tahdid ekanligiga ishontirdi.[76]

Durban shahrida Biko hamshira bilan aloqaga kirdi, Nontsikelelo "Ntsiki" Mashalaba; ular 1970 yil dekabr oyida King William's Town magistratlar sudida turmush qurishdi.[77] Ularning birinchi farzandi Nkosinati 1971 yilda tug'ilgan.[78] Biko dastlab universitetda yaxshi o'qigan, ammo ko'p vaqtni siyosiy faollikka bag'ishlagani uchun uning baholari pasaygan.[79] Diplomni boshlaganidan olti yil o'tgach, u uchinchi kursni takrorlayotganini ko'rdi.[80] 1972 yilda, uning yomon o'qishi natijasida Natal universiteti uni keyingi o'qishni taqiqladi.[81]

Qora ong faoliyati va Bikoning taqiqlanishi: 1971-1977

Qora tanlilar konvensiyasi

1971 yil avgust oyida Biko "Afrika hamjamiyatining rivojlanishi" konferentsiyasida qatnashdi Edendeyl.[82] U erda tashkil etishni talab qiluvchi rezolyutsiya taqdim etildi Qora tanlilar konvensiyasi (BPC), keng aholi o'rtasida qora ongni targ'ib qilish vositasi. Biko guruhning tuzilishini yoqlab ovoz berdi, ammo Janubiy Afrikaning koloridlari yoki hindulari bilan maslahatlashuv yo'qligi haqida o'z fikrlarini bildirdi.[83] A. Mayatula BPCning birinchi prezidenti bo'ldi; Biko hech qanday etakchilik lavozimlarida turmadi.[84] Guruh rasmiy ravishda 1972 yil iyulda boshlangan Pietermaritsburg.[84] 1973 yilga kelib uning 41 ta filiali va 4000 a'zosi bor edi va SASO bilan ko'p a'zo bo'lishdi.[80]

Ayni paytda mening asosiy muammoim g'alati turdagi aybdir. Shuncha do'stlarim hibsga olingan edilarki, men boshlashimda eng katta yordam bergan narsa. Ularning aksariyati men harakat haqida gapirgan bloklardir. Va shunga qaramay men ular bilan emasman. Albatta, siyosiy hayotda kishi bunday deb o'ylamaydi. Zarar ko'rishi kutilmoqda va ular bilan savdolashish kerak.

Mangcu 2014 yil, p. 211

BPC asosan siyosiy bo'lgan bo'lsa-da, qora tanli faollar sog'liqni saqlash va ta'limni takomillashtirishga va qora iqtisodiy mustaqillikni rivojlantirishga e'tibor berish uchun qora tanli jamoat dasturlarini (BCP) tashkil qildilar.[85] BCPlar kuchli ekumenik aloqalarga ega edilar, ular tomonidan tashkil etilgan nasroniylik harakati dasturi tomonidan qisman moliyalashtiriladi Janubiy Afrikaning nasroniy instituti va Janubiy Afrika cherkovlar kengashi.[85] Qo'shimcha mablag'lar Angliya-Amerika korporatsiyasi, Xalqaro universitetlar almashinuvi fondi va Skandinaviya cherkovlari.[86] 1972 yilda BCP Biko va Bokwe Mafuna, Bikoning siyosiy va jamoat ishlarini davom ettirishiga imkon beradi.[86] 1972 yil sentyabr oyida Biko tashrif buyurdi Kimberli, u erda u PAC asoschisi va aparteidga qarshi faol bilan uchrashdi Robert Sobukve.[87]

1973 yilda Bikoning taqiqlangan buyrug'i unga ilgari oz miqdordagi maosh olgan BCP-larda rasmiy ravishda ishlashiga to'sqinlik qildi, ammo u Ginsbergda yangi BPC filialini tashkil etishga yordam berdi, u o'zining birinchi uchrashuvini xayrixoh oq ruhoniy cherkovida o'tkazdi. Devid Rassel.[88] Leopold ko'chasida doimiy shtab-kvartirani tashkil etib, filial yangi BCPlarni shakllantirish uchun tayanch bo'lib xizmat qildi; bu savodxonlik, kiyim tikish va sog'liqni saqlash bo'yicha darslar kabi o'z-o'ziga yordam berish sxemalarini o'z ichiga olgan.[89] Biko uchun jamiyatni rivojlantirish qora tanlilarga g'urur va qadr-qimmat tuyg'usini singdirish jarayonining bir qismi edi.[90] Qirol Uilyam shaharchasi yaqinida, BCP Zanempilo klinikasi tashkil etilgan bo'lib, u boshqa kasalxonalarga kirish imkoniga ega bo'lmagan, qora tanli qishloq aholisi uchun sog'liqni saqlash markazi sifatida xizmat qilgan.[91] U Ginsberg krechini, ishchi onalar bolalarining kunduzgi parvarishini tiklashga yordam berdi,[92] va istiqbolli mahalliy talabalar uchun stipendiyalarni jalb qilish uchun Ginsberg ta'lim fondini tashkil etish.[93] U mahalliy ayollar uchun ish bilan ta'minlaydigan charm mahsulotlari ishlab chiqaradigan Njwaxa Home Industries kompaniyasini tashkil etishga yordam berdi.[94] 1975 yilda u siyosiy mahbuslar oilalari uchun "Zimele Trust" jamg'armasiga asos solgan.[95]

Biko Janubiy Afrikaning qora ozodlik guruhlarining birlashishini ma'qulladi - ular orasida BCM, PAC va Afrika milliy kongressi (ANC) - ularning aparteidga qarshi harakatlarini birlashtirish uchun.[96] Shu maqsadda u ANC, PAC va Birlik harakati.[97] Uning ANC bilan aloqalari asosan orqali bo'lgan Griffits Mxenge,[97] va uni kutib olish uchun uni mamlakatdan olib chiqib ketish rejalari tuzilayotgandi Oliver Tambo, ANCning etakchi ko'rsatkichi.[98] Bikoning PAC bilan muzokaralari asosan u va Sobukve o'rtasida xabar almashadigan vositachilar orqali amalga oshirildi;[99] Birlik Harakatiga ega bo'lganlar asosan orqali Fikile Bam.[100]

Tartibni taqiqlash

1973 yilga kelib hukumat Qora ongni tahdid deb bildi.[101] Bu Biko faoliyatini buzishga intildi va 1973 yil mart oyida a buyurtmani taqiqlash unga. Bu uning Qirol Uilyam shahridagi magistrlik okrugini tark etishiga to'sqinlik qildi, jamoat joylarida yoki bir vaqtning o'zida bir nechta odam bilan gaplashishini taqiqladi, siyosiy tashkilotlarga a'zo bo'lishini taqiqladi va ommaviy axborot vositalariga uning so'zlarini keltirishni taqiqladi.[102] Natijada u Ginsbergga qaytdi, dastlab onasining uyida, keyinroq o'z qarorgohida yashadi.[103]

Kichkina, alohida bir qavatli uy. Devorlari rangpar rangda, tomi esa gofrokartondan qilingan.
Stiv Bikoning Ginsbergdagi uyi, Sharqiy Keyp

1975 yil dekabrda, taqiq tartibining cheklanishlarini chetlab o'tishga urinib, BPC Bikoni ularning faxriy prezidenti deb e'lon qildi.[104] Biko va boshqa BCM rahbarlari taqiqlangandan so'ng, yangi rahbariyat paydo bo'ldi, unga rahbarlik qildi Muntu Myeza va Satasivian Kuper ning bir qismi hisoblangan Durban Moment.[105] Myeza va Cooper nishonlash uchun BCM namoyishini tashkil etishdi Mozambik "s portugal mustamlakasi hukmronligidan mustaqillik 1975 yilda.[106] Biko bu harakatga rozi bo'lmadi, hukumat undan BCMga qarshi kurashda foydalanishini to'g'ri taxmin qildi.[106] Hukumat BCM 200 faollarini hibsga oldi,[107] ulardan to'qqiz nafari qasddan buzg'unchilikda ayblanib, Oliy sudga taqdim etildi. Shtat Qora ong falsafasi "irqiy qarama-qarshilik" ni keltirib chiqarishi mumkin va shuning uchun jamoat xavfsizligiga tahdid soladi deb da'vo qilmoqda. Himoya uchun guvoh sifatida Biko chaqirildi; u harakatning maqsadlari va rivojlanishini bayon qilib, davlatning ayblovlarini rad etishga intildi.[108] Oxir oqibat, ayblanuvchilar sudlanib, qamoqqa tashlandi Robben oroli.[109]

1973 yilda Biko Janubiy Afrika Universitetining sirtqi huquqshunoslik fakultetiga o'qishga kirdi. U bir nechta imtihonlardan muvaffaqiyatli o'tgan, ammo o'lim paytida ilmiy darajani tugatmagan.[110] Kursda uning faoliyati yomon edi; u bir necha imtihonlarga qatnashmadi va amaliy Afrikaans modulidan yiqildi.[111] Davlat xavfsizlik xizmati uni bir necha bor qo'rqitmoqchi bo'lgan; u noma'lum tahdid qilingan telefon qo'ng'iroqlarini oldi,[112] va uning uyiga quroldan o'q uzilgan.[113] O'zlarini "kubaliklar" deb atagan bir guruh yigitlar uni ushbu hujumlardan himoya qila boshladilar.[114] Xavfsizlik xizmatlari uni to'rt marta, 101 kun davomida bir marta hibsga olishdi.[115] Uning ish topishiga to'sqinlik qilgan taqiq tufayli, iqtisodiy vaziyatning og'irligi uning turmushiga ta'sir ko'rsatdi.[78]

O'rta yoshli oq tanli odamning qora va oq fotosurati. Sochlari oqargan, qora kostyum va galstuk taqqan. U stolda o'tirgan, oldida esa ikkita tik kitob bor; ikkalasida ham qora tanli yigit Stiv Bikoning yuzi aks etgan.
Biko vafotidan keyin Biko haqida kitob yozgan oq tanli liberal faol Donald Vudsning yaqin do'stiga aylandi.

Taqiqlanish paytida Biko bilan uchrashishni so'radi Donald Vuds, oq liberal muharriri Kundalik jo'natish. Vuds tahririyati ostida gazetada aparteid va ozchilikdagi ozchiliklar rejimini tanqid qiluvchi maqolalar chop etilgan, shuningdek, turli qora guruhlarning qarashlariga joy berilgan, ammo BCM emas. Biko Vudsni harakatni yanada kengroq yoritishga va uning qarashlari uchun vositani berishga ishontirishga umid qildi.[116] Vuds dastlab Biko va BCM oqlarga qarshi irqchilikni qo'llab-quvvatlaganiga ishonib, yumshoq edi.[117] Biko bilan birinchi marta uchrashganida, Vuds Bikoning dastlabki yozuvlarida oqga qarshi liberal kayfiyat haqida tashvish bildirdi. Biko avvalgi "antibiberal" yozuvlari "haddan tashqari" bo'lganligini tan oldi, ammo u ulardagi asosiy xabarga sodiq qolishini aytdi.[118]

Keyingi yillarda bu juftlik yaqin do'st bo'lishdi.[119] Keyinchalik Vuds buni "Qora ongning muqarrar ravishda irqchi tomonlari" haqida xavotirga solishda davom etgan bo'lsa-da, "psixologik jihatdan ozod qilingan" qora tanlilar bilan muloqot qilish "ham vahiy, ham ta'lim" edi.[120] Biko yana bir taniqli oq tanli liberal bilan do'st bo'lib qoldi, Dunkan Innes, 1969 yilda NUSAS prezidenti sifatida ishlagan; Keyinchalik Innes Biko "menga qora zulmni nafaqat ijtimoiy va siyosiy, balki psixologik va intellektual jihatdan tushunishda yordam beradigan bebaho" deb izoh berdi.[121] Bikoning ushbu oq tanli liberallar bilan do'stligi BCMning ayrim a'zolari tomonidan tanqid ostiga olingan.[122]

O'lim: 1977 yil

Hibsga olish va o'lim

1977 yilda Biko sayohat qilish bilan taqiqlangan buyrug'ini buzdi Keyptaun, Birlik harakati rahbari bilan uchrashishga umid qilaman Nevil Aleksandr va ortib borayotgan norozilik bilan shug'ullanish G'arbiy Keyp hukmronlik qilgan BCM filiali Marksistlar kabi Johnny Issel.[123] Biko 17 avgust kuni do'sti Piter Jons bilan shaharga yo'l oldi, ammo Aleksandr Biko bilan uchrashishdan bosh tortdi, chunki u politsiya tomonidan kuzatilayotganidan qo'rqdi.[124] Biko va Jons avtoulovni qirol Uilyam shahri tomon qaytarishdi, ammo 18 avgust kuni ular politsiya oldida to'xtatildi to'siq yaqin Gremstaun.[125] Biko uni qirol Uilyam shaharchasida cheklash tartibini buzgani uchun hibsga olingan.[126] Xavfsizlik xizmatlari Bikoning Keyptaunga sayohati to'g'risida xabardor bo'lganligi va uni ushlash uchun yo'l to'sig'i o'rnatilganligi to'g'risida asossiz da'volar qilingan.[127] Jons ham yo'l to'sig'ida hibsga olingan; keyinchalik u 533 kun davomida sudsiz ushlab turilgan va shu vaqt ichida u ko'p marta so'roq qilingan.[128]

Xavfsizlik xizmati Bikoni Port-Elizabethdagi Valmer politsiya bo'limiga olib bordi, u erda u yalang'och holda kamerada oyoqlari bilan ushlab turilgan kishan.[129] 6 sentyabr kuni[130] u Uolmerdan Port-Elizabet markazidagi Sanlam binosidagi xavfsizlik politsiyasi shtab-kvartirasining 619-xonasiga ko'chirildi, u erda 22 soat davomida so'roq qilishdi, qo'llarida kishan va bog'lamalarda ushlab, panjara zanjirband etishdi.[131] To'liq nima bo'lganligi hech qachon aniqlanmagan,[132] ammo so'roq paytida xavfsizlik politsiyasining o'nta xodimidan kamida bittasi uni qattiq kaltaklagan.[133] U uchta azob chekdi miyaning shikastlanishi bu katta miyaga olib keldi qon ketish 6 sentyabrda.[134] Ushbu voqeadan so'ng, Bikoni tutganlar uni turishga majbur qilishdi va devorga kishan bilan bog'lashdi.[135] Keyinchalik politsiya Biko ulardan biriga stul bilan hujum qilib, uni bo'ysundirishga va kishanlarga bog'lashga majbur qilganini aytdi. oyoq dazmollari.[136]

Biko shifokor Ivor Lang tomonidan tekshiruvdan o'tkazildi, u Bikoning shikastlanishiga oid hech qanday dalil yo'qligini aytdi.[136] Keyinchalik stipendiya Bikoning jarohati aniq bo'lishi kerak deb taxmin qildi.[137] Keyin u yana ikkita shifokor tomonidan tekshiruvdan o'tkazildi, ular testdan so'ng qon hujayralari Bikoning ichkarisiga kirganligini ko'rsatdi orqa miya suyuqligi, uni qamoqxonadagi kasalxonaga etkazish kerakligi to'g'risida kelishib oldi Pretoriya.[136] 11 sentyabr kuni politsiya uni a Land Rover yalang'och va manipulyatsiya qilingan va kasalxonaga 1140 km (1190 km) masofada olib borgan.[138] U erda Biko 1977 yil 12 sentyabrda kamerada yolg'iz vafot etdi.[139] An otopsi, "keng ko'lamli miya jarohati" qon aylanishining "shu qadar darajada markazlashishiga sabab bo'lganki, u erda tomir ichi qoni bo'lgan qon ivishi, o'tkir buyrak etishmovchiligi va uremiya ".[140] U o'n ikki oy ichida Janubiy Afrika qamoqxonasida o'lgan yigirma birinchi odam edi,[141] va hukumat 1963 yilda sudsiz qamoqqa ruxsat beruvchi qonunlarni joriy qilganidan beri qirq oltinchi siyosiy mahbus so'roq paytida o'lgan.[142]

Javob va tergov

Bikoning o'limi haqidagi xabar butun dunyoga tez tarqaldi va aparteid tizimining suiiste'molining ramziy belgisiga aylandi.[143] Uning o'limi umr bo'yi erishganidan ko'ra ko'proq global e'tiborni tortdi.[144] Bir nechta shaharlarda norozilik uchrashuvlari bo'lib o'tdi;[145] xavfsizlik idoralari bunday taniqli dissident liderni o'ldirishidan ko'pchilik hayratga tushdi.[146] 1977 yil 25 sentyabrda King William's Town-ning Viktoriya stadionida o'tkazilgan Bikoning Anglikan dafn marosimi besh soat davom etdi va 20000 ga yaqin odam qatnashdi.[147] Aksariyat qismi qora tanli edi, lekin bir necha yuz oq tanlilar, shu qatorda Bikoning Rassel va Vuds singari do'stlari va taniqli taraqqiyparvar arboblar ham qatnashdilar. Xelen Suzman, Aleks Boreyn va Zak de Pivo.[148] Bishop boshchiligidagi Angliya delegatsiyasi kabi o'n uchta mamlakatdan kelgan xorijiy diplomatlar ishtirok etishdi Desmond Tutu.[149] Keyinchalik bu voqea "mamlakatda birinchi ommaviy siyosiy dafn marosimi" deb ta'riflandi.[150] Bikoning tobuti qora musht, Afrika qit'asi va "Bitta Azaniya, bitta millat" iboralari bilan bezatilgan edi; Azaniya ko'pgina faollar Janubiy Afrikadan keyin aparteidni qabul qilishni xohlashdi.[151] Biko Ginsbergdagi qabristonga dafn etilgan.[152] BCM bilan bog'liq ikkita rassom, Dikobe Ben Martins va Robin Xolms, tadbirni nishonlaydigan futbolka ishlab chiqardi; keyingi yil dizayni taqiqlangan.[153] Martins shuningdek, dafn marosimiga bag'ishlangan esdalik afishasini yaratdi, bu birinchi marosim dafn marosimida afsonalar 1980-yillarda mashhur bo'lib chiqdi.[154]

Qora mushtning stilize qilingan motifi
Biko tobutida qora mushtning siqilganligi tasvirlangan edi. Qora ong harakatida ko'pchilik bu mushtni ramz sifatida ishlatgan.[155]

Mamlakat politsiya vaziri Bikoning o'limi haqida omma oldida gapirish Jimmi Kruger dastlab uning natijasi bo'lganligini nazarda tutgan ochlik e'lon qilish, keyinchalik u rad etdi. Uning hisobiga Bikoning ba'zi do'stlari, shu jumladan Vuds, Biko ularga hech qachon qamoqda o'zini o'ldirmasligini aytgan deb aytgan.[156] Ommaviy ravishda, u Biko zo'ravonlik rejasini tuzganini aytdi, bu da'vo hukumatparast matbuotda takrorlangan.[157] Dastlab Janubiy Afrikaning bosh prokurori Bikoning o'limi uchun hech kim javobgarlikka tortilmasligini aytdi.[158] Dafn marosimidan ikki hafta o'tgach, hukumat barcha qora tanli tashkilotlarga, shu jumladan aktivlari hibsga olingan BCPga taqiq qo'ydi.[159]

Ham ichki, ham xalqaro bosim jamoatchilikni chaqirdi tergov o'tkazilishi kerak, bunga hukumat rozi bo'ldi.[160] 1977 yil noyabr oyida Pretoriyaning Eski Sinagog ibodatxonasida boshlangan va uch hafta davom etgan.[161] Ham surishtiruv jarayoni, ham taqdim etilgan dalillarning sifati keng tanqid uchun kelgan.[162] Dan kuzatuvchi Fuqarolik huquqlari bo'yicha advokatlar qo'mitasi qonunga muvofiq deb ta'kidladi tasdiqnoma bayonotlari "ba'zan ortiqcha, ba'zan bir-biriga mos kelmaydigan, tez-tez noaniq" edi; Devid Napley voqea yuzasidan politsiya tergovini "o'ta fursat" deb ta'rifladi.[162] Xavfsizlik kuchlari Biko tajovuzkor harakat qilgani va janjal oqibatida jarohat olgani, u boshini hujayra devoriga urganini da'vo qilishdi.[163] Sud raisi sud xavfsizlik kuchlarining voqealar to'g'risidagi hisobotini qabul qildi va aloqadorlarning birortasini jinoiy javobgarlikka tortishdan bosh tortdi.[164][165][166]

Hukmga ko'plab xalqaro ommaviy axborot vositalari va Prezident boshchiligidagi AQSh hukumati shubha bilan qarashdi Jimmi Karter.[167] 1978 yil 2 fevralda tergovda berilgan dalillarga asoslanib, Bosh prokuror Sharqiy Keyp zobitlarni javobgarlikka tortmasligini bildirdi.[168] Tergovdan so'ng Biko oilasi davlatga qarshi fuqarolik ishi qo'zg'atdi; advokatlari maslahati bilan ular kelishuvga kelishib oldilar R 65,000 (AQSH$ 78,000) 1979 yil iyulda.[166][169] Tergovdan ko'p o'tmay, Janubiy Afrika tibbiyot va stomatologiya kengashi Biko parvarishi bilan ishonib topshirilgan tibbiyot xodimlariga qarshi ish qo'zg'atdi; sakkiz yil o'tgach, shifokorlarning ikkitasi noto'g'ri xatti-harakatlarda aybdor deb topildi.[170] Hukumat tomonidan ishlayotgan shifokorlarning Bikoning shikastlanishlarini tashxislash yoki davolashda muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchraganligi tez-tez repressiv davlatning tibbiyot amaliyotchilarining qarorlariga ta'sir ko'rsatishi va Bikoning o'limi, shifokorlarning bemorlarning ehtiyojlarini qondirishdan oldin bemorlarning ehtiyojlarini qondirishi zarurligiga dalil sifatida keltirilgan. davlat.[137]

1994 yilda aparteid bekor qilingandan va ko'pchilik hukumat tuzilgandan so'ng, a Haqiqat va yarashtirish komissiyasi ilgari inson huquqlari buzilganligini tekshirish uchun tashkil etilgan.[171] Komissiya Bikoning o'limini tekshirish rejalarini tuzdi, ammo uning oilasi bunga komissiya qondirishi mumkinligi sababli murojaat qildi amnistiya javobgarlarga, shu bilan oilaning adolat va huquqni tiklash huquqiga to'sqinlik qiladi. 1996 yilda Konstitutsiyaviy sud tergovni davom ettirishga imkon berib, oilaga qarshi qaror chiqardi.[172] Beshta politsiyachi (Garold Snayman, Gideon Nyuvod, Ruben Marks, Daantjie Ziebert va Yoxan Beneke) komissiya oldida paydo bo'lishdi va Bikoning o'limi bilan bog'liq voqealar to'g'risida ma'lumot olish uchun amnistiya so'rashdi.[172] 1998 yil dekabrda Komissiya beshta kishiga amnistiya berishni rad etdi; bu ularning hisobotlari qarama-qarshi bo'lganligi va shu tariqa yolg'on deb topilganligi va Bikoning o'ldirilishida aniq siyosiy sabab bo'lmaganligi, ammo "yomon niyat yoki shafqatsizlik" sababli bo'lganligi sababli edi.[165][172] 2003 yil oktyabr oyida Janubiy Afrikaning adliya vazirligi beshta politsiyachi jinoiy javobgarlikka tortilmasligini e'lon qildi da'vo muddati o'tgan edi va ayblovni ta'minlash uchun etarli dalillar yo'q edi.[165]

Mafkura

Qora ong harakatining g'oyalari nafaqat Biko tomonidan ishlab chiqilgan, balki oq liberalizmni rad etgan boshqa qora tanli talabalar bilan uzoq munozaralar orqali ishlab chiqilgan.[51] Bikoga o'xshash mualliflarni o'qishi ta'sir ko'rsatdi Frants Fanon, Malkolm X, Léopold Sédar Senghor, Jeyms Kon va Paulo Freire.[51] The Martinique-born Fanon, in particular, has been cited as a profound influence over Biko's ideas about liberation.[173] Biko's biographer Xolela Mangcu cautioned that it would be wrong to reduce Biko's thought to an interpretation of Fanon, and that the impact of "the political and intellectual history of the Eastern Cape" had to be appreciated too.[174] Additional influences on Black Consciousness were the United States-based Qora kuch harakati,[52] and forms of Christianity like the activist-oriented black theology.[175]

Black Consciousness and empowerment

Biko rejected the apartheid government's division of South Africa's population into tribal and ethnic groups, instead dividing the population into two categories: the white and the black.[176] He defined blackness as a "mental attitude" rather than a "matter of pigmentation", referring to "blacks" as "those who are by law or tradition politically, economically and socially discriminated against as a group in the South African society" and who identify "themselves as a unit in the struggle towards the realization of their aspirations".[176] In this way, he and the Black Consciousness Movement used "black" in reference not only to Bantu-speaking Africans but also to Coloureds and Indians,[56] who together made up almost 90% of South Africa's population in the 1970s.[177] Biko was not a Marxist and believed that it was oppression based on race, rather than class, which would be the main political motivation for change in South Africa.[178] He argued that those on the "white left" often promoted a class-based analysis as a "defence mechanism... primarily because they want to detach us from anything relating to race. In case it has a rebound effect on them because they are white".[179]

Black Consciousness directs itself to the black man and to his situation, and the black man is subjected to two forces in this country. He is first of all oppressed by an external world through institutionalised machinery and through laws that restrict him from doing certain things, through heavy work conditions, through poor pay, through difficult living conditions, through poor education, these are all external to him. Secondly, and this we regard as the most important, the black man in himself has developed a certain state of alienation, he rejects himself precisely because he attaches the meaning white to all that is good, in other words he equates good with white. This arises out of his living and it arises out of his development from childhood.

Steve Biko in, Woods 1978, p. 124

Biko saw white racism in South Africa as the totality of the white power structure.[55] He argued that under apartheid, white people not only participated in the oppression of black people but were also the main voices in opposition to that oppression.[54] He thus argued that in dominating both the apartheid system and the anti-apartheid movement, white people totally controlled the political arena, leaving black people marginalised.[54] He believed white people were able to dominate the anti-apartheid movement because of their access to resources, education, and privilege. He nevertheless thought that white South Africans were poorly suited to this role because they had not personally experienced the oppression that their black counterparts faced.[180]

Biko and his comrades regarded multi-racial anti-apartheid groups as unwittingly replicating the structure of apartheid because they contained whites in dominant positions of control.[176] For this reason, Biko and the others did not participate in these multi-racial organisations.[54] Instead, they called for an anti-apartheid programme that was controlled by black people.[54] Although he called on sympathetic whites to reject any concept that they themselves could be spokespeople for the black majority, Biko nevertheless believed that they had a place in the anti-apartheid struggle, asking them to focus their efforts on convincing the wider white community on the inevitability of apartheid's fall.[181] Biko clarified his position to Woods: "I don't reject liberalism as such or white liberals as such. I reject only the concept that black liberation can be achieved through the leadership of white liberals."[118] He added that "the [white] liberal is no enemy, he's a friend – but for the moment he holds us back, offering a formula too gentle, too inadequate for our struggle".[116]

Biko's approach to activism focused on psychological empowerment,[53] and both he and the BCM saw their main purpose as combating the feeling of inferiority that most black South Africans experienced.[54] Biko expressed dismay at how "the black man has become a shell, a shadow of man ... bearing the yoke of oppression with sheepish timidity",[182] and stated that "the most potent weapon in the hands of the oppressor is the mind of the oppressed".[182] He believed that blacks needed to affirm their own humanity by overcoming their fears and believing themselves worthy of freedom and its attendant responsibilities.[55] He defined Black Consciousness as "an inward-looking process" that would "infuse people with pride and dignity".[182] To promote this, the BCM adopted the slogan "Black is Beautiful".[177]

One of the ways that Biko and the BCM sought to achieve psychological empowerment was through community development.[90] Community projects were seen not only as a way to alleviate poverty in black communities but also as a means of transforming society psychologically, culturally, and economically.[183] They would also help students to learn about the "daily struggles" of ordinary black people and to spread Black Consciousness ideas among the population.[183] Among the projects that SASO set its members to conduct in the holidays were repairs to schools, house-building, and instructions on financial management and agricultural techniques.[184] Healthcare was also a priority, with SASO members focusing on primary and preventative care.[85]

Foreign and domestic relations

It becomes more necessary to see the truth as it is if you realise that the only vehicle for change are these people who have lost their personality. The first step therefore is to make the black man come to himself; to pump back life into his empty shell; to infuse him with pride and dignity, to remind him of his complicity in the crime of allowing himself to be mis-used and therefore letting evil reign supreme in the land of his birth. That is what we mean by an inward-looking process. This is the definition of Black Consciousness.

Steve Biko in, Mangcu 2014, p. 279

Biko opposed any collaboration with the apartheid government, such as the agreements that the Coloured and Indian communities made with the regime.[185] Uning fikriga ko'ra Bantustan system was "the greatest single fraud ever invented by white politicians", stating that it was designed to divide the Bantu-speaking African population along tribal lines.[97] He openly criticised the Zulu leader Mangosutu Buthelezi, stating that the latter's co-operation with the South African government "[diluted] the cause" of black liberation.[186] He believed that those fighting apartheid in South Africa should link with anti-colonial struggles elsewhere in the world and with activists in the global African diaspora combating racial prejudice and discrimination.[187] He also hoped that foreign countries would boycott South Africa's economy.[188]

Biko believed that while apartheid and white-minority rule continued, "sporadic outbursts" of violence against the white minority were inevitable.[189] He wanted to avoid violence, stating that "if at all possible, we want the revolution to be peaceful and reconciliatory".[190] He noted that views on violence differed widely within the BCM—which contained both pasifistlar and believers in violent revolution—although the group had agreed to operate peacefully, and unlike the PAC and ANC, had no armed wing.[191]

Qat'iy antiimperialistik,[192] Biko saw the South African situation as a "microcosm" of the broader "black–white power struggle" which manifests as "the global confrontation between the Uchinchi dunyo and the rich white nations of the world".[176] U shubhali edi Sovet Ittifoqi 's motives in supporting African liberation movements, relating that "Russia is as imperialistic as America", although acknowledged that that "in the eyes of the Third World they have a cleaner slate".[193] He also acknowledged that the material assistance provided by the Soviets was "more valuable" to the anti-apartheid cause than the "speeches and wrist-slapping" provided by Western governments.[194] He was cautious of the possibility of a post-apartheid South Africa getting caught up in the imperialist Sovuq urush rivalries of the United States and the Soviet Union.[192]

On a post-apartheid society

Biko hoped that a future socialist South Africa could become a completely non-racial society, with people of all ethnic backgrounds living peacefully together in a "joint culture" that combined the best of all communities.[195] He did not support guarantees of minority rights, believing that doing so would continue to recognise divisions along racial lines.[196] Instead he supported a bitta kishi, bitta ovoz tizim.[197] Initially arguing that bir partiyali davlatlar were appropriate for Africa, he developed a more positive view of ko'p partiyali tizimlar after conversations with Woods.[198] He saw individual ozodlik as desirable, but regarded it as a lesser priority than access to food, employment, and social security.[194]

Black, said Biko, is not a colour; Black is an experience. If you are oppressed, you are Black. In the South African context, this was truly revolutionary. Biko's subsidiary message was that the unity of the oppressed could not be achieved through clandestine armed struggle; it had to be achieved in the open, through a peaceful but militant struggle.

Mamdani 2012, p. 78

Biko was neither a kommunistik na kapitalistik.[192] Described as a proponent of Afrika sotsializmi,[178] he called for "a socialist solution that is an authentic expression of black communalism".[193] This idea was derided by some of his Marxist contemporaries, but later found parallels in the ideas of the Mexican Zapatistalar.[192] Noting that there was significant inequality in the distribution of wealth in South Africa, Biko believed that a sotsialistik jamiyat was necessary to ensure social justice.[199] In his view, this required a move towards a aralash iqtisodiyot bu ruxsat berdi xususiy korxona but in which all land was owned by the state and in which state industries played a significant part in forestry, mining, and commerce.[185] He believed that, if post-apartheid South Africa remained capitalist, some black people would join the burjuaziya but inequality and poverty would remain.[199] As he put it, if South Africa transitioned to proportional democracy without socialist economic reforms, then "it would not change the position of iqtisodiy oppression of the blacks".[200]

In conversation with Woods, Biko insisted that the BCM would not degenerate into anti-white racism "because it isn't a negative, hating thing. It's a positive black self-confidence thing involving no hatred of anyone".[116] He acknowledged that a "fringe element" may retain "anti-white bitterness"; he added: "we'll do what we can to restrain that, but frankly it's not one of our top priorities or one of our major concerns. Our main concern is the liberation of the blacks."[116] Elsewhere, Biko argued that it was the responsibility of a vanguard movement to ensure that, in a post-apartheid society, the black majority would not seek vengeance upon the white minority.[185] He stated that this would require an education of the black population in order to teach them how to live in a non-racial society.[185]

Personal life and personality

Tall and slim in his youth,[201] by his twenties Biko was over six feet tall, with the "bulky build of a heavyweight boxer carrying more weight than when in peak condition", according to Woods.[118] His friends regarded him as "handsome, fearless, a brilliant thinker".[202] Woods saw him as "unusually gifted ... His quick brain, superb articulation of ideas and sheer mental force were highly impressive."[119] According to Biko's friend Trudi Thomas, with Biko "you had a remarkable sense of being in the presence of a great mind".[203] Woods felt that Biko "could enable one to share his vision" with "an economy of words" because "he seemed to communicate ideas through extraverbal media – almost psychically."[204] Biko exhibited what Woods referred to as "a new style of leadership", never proclaiming himself to be a leader and discouraging any shaxsga sig'inish from growing up around him.[205] Other activists did regard him as a leader and often deferred to him at meetings.[205] When engaged in conversations, he displayed an interest in listening and often drew out the thoughts of others.[206]

The charisma of Steve Biko was entirely his own. He had from an early age the unmistakable bearing and quality of a unique leader. I say unique because his style of leadership was his own – it was un-pushy, un-promotional, yet immediately acknowledged by his peers ... I was thirteen years older than Steve, yet I always had the feeling I was talking to someone older and wiser, and like many others I often sought his advice on all manner of problems.

Woods 1978, 60-61 bet

Biko and many others in his activist circle had an antipathy toward luxury items because most South African blacks could not afford them.[207] He owned few clothes and dressed in a low-key manner.[208] He had a large record collection and particularly liked gumba.[209] He enjoyed parties,[209] and according to his biographer Linda Wilson, he often drank substantial quantities of alcohol.[210] Religion did not play a central role in his life.[206] He was often critical of the established Christian churches, but remained a believer in God and found meaning in the Xushxabar.[211] Woods described him as "not conventionally religious, although he had genuine religious feeling in broad terms".[212] Mangcu noted that Biko was critical of uyushgan din and denominationalism and that he was "at best an unconventional Christian".[213]

The Nationalist government portrayed Biko as a hater of whites,[214] but he had several close white friends,[215] and both Woods and Wilson insisted that he was not a racist.[216] Woods related that Biko "simply wasn't a hater of people", and that he did not even hate prominent National Party politicians like B. J. Vorster va Andris Treurnicht, instead hating their ideas.[217] It was rare and uncharacteristic of him to display any rage,[218] and was rare for him to tell people about his doubts and inner misgivings, reserving those for a small number of confidants.[219]

Biko never addressed questions of jins va seksizm uning siyosatida.[220] The sexism was evident in many ways, according to Mamphela Ramphele, a BCM activist and doctor at the Zanempilo Clinic, including that women tended to be given responsibility for the cleaning and catering at functions. "There was no way you could think of Steve making a cup of tea or whatever for himself", another activist said. Feminizm was viewed as irrelevant "bra-burning".[221] Surrounded by women who cared about him,[218] Biko developed a reputation as a ayol ayol,[222] something that Woods described as "well earned".[212] He displayed no racial prejudice, sleeping with both black and white women.[223] At NUSAS, he and his friends competed to see who could have sex with the most female delegates.[223] Responding to this behaviour, the NUSAS general secretary Sheila Lapinsky accused Biko of sexism, to which he responded: "Don't worry about my sexism. What about your white racist friends in NUSAS?"[223] Sobukwe also admonished Biko for his womanising, believing that it set a bad example to other activists.[224]

Biko married Ntsiki Mashalaba in December 1970.[77] They had two children together: Nkosinathi, born in 1971, and Samora, born in 1975.[78] Biko's wife chose the name Nkosinathi ("The Lord is with us"), and Biko named their second child after the Mozambican revolutionary leader Samora Machel.[212] Angered by her husband's serial adultery, Mashalaba ultimately moved out of their home,[78] and by the time of his death, she had begun divorce proceedings.[225] Biko had also begun an extra-marital relationship with Mamphela Ramphele.[78] In 1974, she bore him a daughter, Lerato, who died after two months.[78] O'g'il, Hlumelo, was born to Ramphele in 1978, after Biko's death.[78] Biko was also in a relationship with Lorrain Tabane, who bore him a child named Motlatsi in 1977.[78]

Meros

Ta'sir

Steve Biko on a stained glass window in the Saint Anna Church in Xerlen, Nederlandiya

Biko is viewed as the "father" of the Black Consciousness Movement and the anti-apartheid movement's first icon.[226][227] Nelson Mandela called him "the spark that lit a veld fire across South Africa",[228] adding that the Nationalist government "had to kill him to prolong the life of apartheid".[229] Opening an anthology of his work in 2008, Manning Marable va Peniel Jozef wrote that his death had "created a vivid symbol of black resistance" to apartheid that "continues to inspire new black activists" over a decade after the transition to majority rule.[230] Johann de Wet, a professor of aloqa bo'yicha tadqiqotlar, described him as "one of South Africa's most gifted political strategists and communicators".[231] In 2004 he was elected 13th in SABC 3 "s Great South Africans public poll.[232]

Although Biko's ideas have not received the same attention as Frantz Fanon's,[233] in 2001 Ahluwalia and Zegeye wrote that the men shared "a highly similar pedigree in their interests in the philosophical psychology of consciousness, their desire for a decolonising of the mind, the liberation of Africa and in the politics of nationalism and socialism for the 'wretched of the earth'".[233] Some academics argue that Biko's thought remains relevant; masalan, ichida Afrika identifikatorlari in 2015, Isaac Kamola wrote that Biko's critique of white liberalism was relevant to situations like the Birlashgan Millatlar ' Mingyillik rivojlanish maqsadlari va Invisible Children, Inc. "s KONY 2012 kampaniya.[234]

Though internationally Steve Biko became a symbol of apartheid abuse in the years following his death, for the [Black Consciousness]-minded (wherever they live) he has always been remembered for the life he led and the ethos he inspired among millions. And for his family and friends, he was much more: a husband, a father, a son, a brother, a confidant, a self-described freedom fighter.

Hill 2015, p. 85

Woods held the view that Biko had filled the vacuum within the country's African nationalist movement that arose in the late 1960s following the imprisonment of Nelson Mandela and the banning of Sobukwe.[205] Following Biko's death, the Black Consciousness Movement declined in influence as the ANC emerged as a resurgent force in anti-apartheid politics.[235] This brought about a shift in focus from the BCM's community organising to wider mass mobilisation, including attempts to follow Tambo's call to make South Africa "ungovernable", which involved increasing violence and clashes between rival anti-apartheid groups.[236]

Followers of Biko's ideas re-organised as the Azaniya xalq tashkiloti (AZAPO), which subsequently split into the Azaniya sotsialistik partiyasi va Qora tanlilar konvensiyasi.[237] Several figures associated with the ANC denigrated Biko during the 1980s.[238] For instance, members of the ANC-affiliated Birlashgan Demokratik front assembled outside Biko's Ginsberg home shouting U-Steve Biko, I-CIA!, an allegation that Biko was a spy for the United States' Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi (Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi). These demonstrations resulted in clashes with Biko supporters from AZAPO.[239]

A year after Biko's death, his "Frank Talk" writings were published as an edited collection, Men o'zimga yoqqan narsani yozaman.[240] The defence that Biko provided for arrested SASO activists was used as the basis for the 1978 book The Testimony of Steve Biko, edited by Millard Arnold.[241] Woods fled to England that year, where he campaigned against apartheid and further publicised Biko's life and death, writing many newspaper articles about him, as well as a book, Biko (1978). This was made into the 1987 film Ozodlik bilan yig'lang tomonidan Richard Attenboro,[242] yulduzcha Denzel Vashington as Biko.[243] Many film critics and Black Consciousness proponents were concerned that the film foregrounded white characters like Woods over Biko himself,[243] lekin Ozodlik bilan yig'lang brought Biko's life and activism to a wider audience.[244] The state censors initially permitted its release in South Africa, but after it began screening in the country's cinemas, copies were confiscated by police on the order of Police Commissioner General Xendrik de Vit, who claimed that it would inflame tensions and endanger public safety.[245] The South African government banned many books about Biko, including those of Arnold and Woods.[246]

Xotira

Biko was commemorated in several artworks after his death.[247] Jerar Sekoto, a South African artist based in France, produced Homage to Steve Biko 1978 yilda,[248] and another South African artist, Peter Stopforth, included a work entitled So'roq qiluvchilar in his 1979 exhibition. A triptych, it depicted the three police officers implicated in Biko's death.[249] Kenya released a commemorative pochta markasi featuring Biko's face.[170]

Biko's death also inspired several songs, including from artists outside South Africa such as Tom Pakton va Piter Xammill.[227] The English singer-songwriter Piter Gabriel ozod qilindi "Biko " in tribute to him, which was a hit single in 1980,[250] and was banned in South Africa soon after.[251] Boshqalar bilan bir qatorda anti-apartheid music, the song helped to integrate anti-apartheid themes into Western popular culture.[227][251][252] Biko's life was also commemorated through theatre. The inquest into his death was dramatised as a play, Biko so'rovi, first performed in London in 1978; a 1984 performance was directed by Albert Finney and broadcast on television.[170] Anti-apartheid activists used Biko's name and memory in their protests; in 1979, a mountaineer climbed the spire of Greys sobori in San Francisco to unfurl a banner with the names of Biko and imprisoned Qora Panter partiyasi rahbar Geronimo Pratt ustida.[169]

Following apartheid's collapse, Woods raised funds to commission a bronze statue of Biko from Naomi Jacobson. It was erected outside the front door of city hall in Sharqiy London on the Eastern cape, opposite a statue commemorating British soldiers killed in the Ikkinchi Boer urushi.[253] Over 10,000 people attended the monument's unveiling in September 1997.[254] In the following months it was vandalised several times; in one instance it was daubed with the letters "AWB", an acronym of the Afrikaner Weestandsbebeging, a far-right Afrikaner paramilitary group.[255] In 1997, the cemetery where Biko was buried was renamed the Steve Biko Garden of Remembrance.[150][256] The Oltita tuman muzeyi also held an exhibition of artwork marking the 20th anniversary of his death by examining his legacy.[257]

Qabr va tosh. Tuzilishi yaltiroq kulrang toshdan yasalgan va bezaklari yo'q. Uning ustiga dumaloq shishadan yasalgan baublilar bilan o'ralgan uchta gul o'tiradi.
Biko's grave in Ginsberg cemetery, King William's Town

Also in September 1997, Biko's family established the Stiv Biko jamg'armasi.[258] The Ford jamg'armasi donated money to the group to establish a Steve Biko Centre in Ginsberg,[259] 2012 yilda ochilgan.[260] The Foundation launched its annual Steve Biko Memorial Lecture in 2000, each given by a prominent black intellectual.[261] The first speaker was Njabulo Ndebele; later speakers included Zakes Mda, Chinua Achebe, Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o, and Mandela.[262]

Buildings, institutes and public spaces around the world have been named after Biko, such as the Steve Bikoplein in Amsterdam.[170] In 2008, the Pretoria Academic Hospital was renamed the Stiv Biko kasalxonasi.[263] The Witwatersrand universiteti has a Steve Biko Centre for Bioethics.[264] Yilda Salvador, Bahia, a Steve Biko Institute was established to promote educational attainment among poor Afro-braziliyaliklar.[265][266] 2012 yilda Google madaniyat instituti published an online archive containing documents and photographs owned by the Steve Biko Foundation.[267] On 18 December 2016, Google marked what would have been Biko's 70th birthday with a Google Doodle.[268]

Amid the dismantling of apartheid in the early 1990s, various political parties competed over Biko's legacy, with several saying they were the party that Biko would support if he were still alive.[269] AZAPO in particular claimed exclusive ownership over Black Consciousness.[269] In 1994, the ANC issued a campaign poster suggesting that Biko had been a member of their party, which was untrue.[270] Following the end of apartheid when the ANC formed the government, they were accused of appropriating his legacy. In 2002, AZAPO issued a statement declaring that "Biko was not a neutral, apolitical and mythical icon" and that the ANC was "scandalously" using Biko's image to legitimise their "weak" government.[271] Members of the ANC have also criticised AZAPO's attitude to Biko; in 1997, Mandela said that "Biko belongs to us all, not just AZAPO."[254] On the anniversary of Biko's death in 2015, delegations from both the ANC and the Iqtisodiy erkinlik uchun kurashchilar independently visited his grave.[272] In March 2017, the South African President Jeykob Zuma laid a wreath at Biko's grave to mark Inson huquqlari kuni.[273]

Shuningdek qarang

Adabiyotlar

Izohlar

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Qo'shimcha o'qish

Biko, Stiven Bantu (1984). Arnold Millard (tahrir). Stiv Bikoning guvohligi (qayta ishlangan tahrir). Nyu-York shahri: HarperKollinz. ISBN  978-0586050057.
Biko, Stiv (1987). Aelred Stubbs (tahrir). Men o'zimga yoqqan narsani yozaman: uning yozganlari to'plami. London: Geynemann. ISBN  978-0-435-90598-9.
Fatton, Robert (1986). Janubiy Afrikadagi qora ong: oq ustunlikka mafkuraviy qarshilik ko'rsatish dialektikasi. Albani: Nyu-York shtati universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0887061295.
Gerxart, Geyl M. (1999). Janubiy Afrikadagi qora kuch: mafkura evolyutsiyasi. Los-Anjeles: Grinberg. ISBN  978-0520039339.
Gudvin, iyun; Shiff, Ben (1995 yil 13-noyabr). "Stiv Bikoni kim o'ldirdi ?: Janubiy Afrikada haqiqatni eksgumatsiya qilish". Millat. Nyu-York: Nation kompaniyasi. 261 (16): 565–568. ISSN  0027-8378.
Lobban, Maykl (1996). Oq odamning adolati: Qora ong davrida Janubiy Afrikadagi siyosiy sud jarayoni. Oksford: Oksford universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0198258094.
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Pityana, B.; Ramphele, M.; Mpumlvana, M.; Uilson, L. (1991). Imkoniyat chegaralari: Stiv Biko merosi va Qora ong. Keyptaun: Devid Filipp. ISBN  978-0864862105.

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