Oltin xoch nutqi - Cross of Gold speech - Wikipedia

"Oltin xoch" yo'naltirishlar. Film uchun qarang Oltin xoch (film).
Oltin xoch nutqi
Bryan after speech.jpg
Uilyam Jennings Brayan nutq so'zlaganidan keyin delegatlar elkasida yurdi
Sana1896 yil 9-iyul (1896-07-09)
Vaqt14:00
Muddati35 daqiqa (rejalashtirilgan)
JoyChikago Kolizey
ManzilChikago, Illinoys, Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari
MavzuBimetalizm
IshtirokchilarUilyam Jennings Bryan
NatijaBryan Demokratlar tomonidan prezidentlikka nomzod
Vujudga kelgan1896 yil demokratlarning milliy qurultoyi, uchinchi kun, partiya platformasi munozara
Veb-saytKeyinchalik Bryan tomonidan audio yozuv
Nutqning stenogrammasi

The Oltin xoch nutqi tomonidan etkazib berildi Uilyam Jennings Bryan, sobiq Qo'shma Shtatlar Vakil dan Nebraska, da Demokratik milliy konventsiya yilda Chikago 1896 yil 9-iyulda. Brayan murojaatida qo'llab-quvvatladi bimetalizm yoki "bepul kumush "U xalqqa farovonlik keltiradi deb ishongan. U buni rad etdi oltin standart So'zni yakunlab, "siz odamzodni oltindan xochga mixlamaysiz".[1] Bryanning manzili uni katapultatsiya qilishga yordam berdi Demokratik partiyaning prezidentlikka nomzod; bu Amerika tarixidagi eng buyuk siyosiy nutqlardan biri hisoblanadi.

Yigirma yil davomida amerikaliklar millat masalasida achchiq kelishmovchiliklarga duch kelishdi pul standarti. Qo'shma Shtatlar 1873 yildan buyon amal qilib kelayotgan oltin standart cheklovlarni cheklab qo'ydi pul ta'minoti kabi boshqa xalqlar bilan savdoni engillashtirdi, masalan Birlashgan Qirollik, uning valyutasi ham oltinga asoslangan edi. Biroq, ko'plab amerikaliklar bimetalizmga (oltin va kumushdan iborat bo'lishiga) ishonishgan qonuniy to'lov vositasi ) millatning iqtisodiy salomatligi uchun zarur edi. Moliyaviy 1893 yilgi vahima munozaralarni kuchaytirdi va qachon demokrat prezident Grover Klivlend partiyasining ko'pchiligining irodasiga qarshi oltin standartni qo'llab-quvvatlashni davom ettirdi, faollar Demokratik partiya tashkilotini egallashga va 1896 yilda kumushni qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan nomzodni ko'rsatishga qaror qildilar.

Bryan a qora ot Kongressda kam qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan nomzod. Uning munozarasi yakunida qilgan nutqi partiya platformasi, konventsiyani elektrlashtirdi va odatda uni prezidentlikka nomzodga aylantirdi. Biroq, u yutqazdi umumiy saylov ga Uilyam Makkinli va Qo'shma Shtatlar rasmiy ravishda oltin standartni 1900 yilda qabul qildi.

Fon

Pul standartlari va Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari

1791 yil yanvarda Kongressning iltimosiga binoan, G'aznachilik kotibi Aleksandr Xemilton valyuta haqida hisobot chiqardi. O'sha paytda Qo'shma Shtatlarda yalpiz yo'q edi; xorijiy tangalar ishlatilgan. Xemilton pul tizimini taklif qildi bimetalizm, unda yangi valyuta berilgan miqdordagi oltinga yoki katta miqdordagi kumushga teng bo'ladi; o'sha paytda oltinning og'irligi xuddi shu kumushdan taxminan 15 baravar ko'p edi. Garchi Xemilton qimmatbaho metallarning narxi o'zgarib turishi sababli vaqti-vaqti bilan sozlash zarur bo'lishi mumkinligini tushungan bo'lsa-da, agar u millatning qiymat birligini faqat tangalar uchun ishlatiladigan ikkita qimmatbaho metallardan biri aniqlasa, ikkinchisi shunchaki maqomga tushadi deb o'ylagan. tovar, qiymat ombori sifatida yaroqsiz. Shuningdek, u a tashkil etishni taklif qildi yalpiz, bu erda fuqarolar oltin yoki kumushni taqdim etib, uni qaytarib olishlari mumkin edi.[2] 1792 yil 2 aprelda Kongress Yalpiz qonuni 1792 y. Ushbu qonunchilik yangi millat uchun qiymat birligini belgilab berdi dollar. Valyutaning yangi birligi 24,75 dona (1,604 g) oltinga yoki muqobil ravishda 371,25 donaga (24,057 g) kumushga teng bo'lib, oltin va kumush o'rtasidagi qiymat nisbati 15: 1 ni tashkil etdi. Shuningdek, qonun hujjatlarida AQSh zarbxonasi.[3]

19-asrning boshlarida iqtisodiy buzilish Napoleon urushlari Qo'shma Shtatlarning oltin tangalari pulga qaraganda qimmatbaho qadoqlarga teng bo'lishiga olib keldi va ular muomaladan g'oyib bo'ldi. Rasmiylar nima bo'lganini aniq tushunmasliklari tufayli hukumatning ushbu tanqislikka munosabati to'sqinlik qildi.[4] 1830 yilda G'aznachilik kotibi Samuel D. Ingham AQSh valyutasidagi oltin va kumush o'rtasidagi nisbatni 15,8: 1 darajasiga o'zgartirishni taklif qildi, bu Evropada bir muncha vaqt bo'lgan.[5] Faqat 1834 yilgacha Kongress harakat qildi va oltin / kumush nisbatlarini 16.002: 1 ga o'zgartirdi. Bu AQSh oltin yoki kumush tangalarini eksport qilishni tejashga olib kelmasligi uchun bozor qiymatiga etarlicha yaqin edi.[4] Qachon kumush narxi oltinga nisbatan ko'tarildi reaktsiya sifatida Kaliforniya Gold Rush, kumush tangalar nominaldan qimmatroq bo'lgan va eritish uchun xorijga tez oqar edi. Boshchiligidagi vokal qarshiliklarga qaramay Tennessi Vakil (va bo'lajak prezident) Endryu Jonson, kichikroq kumush tanga tarkibidagi qimmatbaho metallarning tarkibi 1853 yilda kamaygan.[6] Endi zarbxonada kumush kam baholandi; pulga zarba berish uchun ozgina sovg'a qilingan.[7]

The 1873 yildagi tangalar to'g'risidagi qonun standart kumush dollarni chiqarib tashladi. Shuningdek, kumushdan yasalgan zarbalarni Yalpizga taqdim etishga va muomaladagi pul shaklida qaytarib berishga imkon beradigan qonuniy qoidalar bekor qilindi. Tangalar to'g'risidagi qonunni qabul qilishda Kongress bimetalizmni yo'q qildi.[8] Iqtisodiy betartiblik davrida 1873 yilgi vahima, kumush narxi sezilarli darajada tushib ketdi, ammo Yalpizxona hech kimni qonuniy muomalaga kiritgani uchun qabul qilmaydi. Kumush ishlab chiqaruvchilar shikoyat qildilar va ko'plab amerikaliklar faqat bimetalizm orqali millat farovonlikka erishishi va uni saqlab qolishi mumkinligiga ishonishdi. Ular 1873 yilgacha bo'lgan qonunlarga qaytishga chaqirdilar, bu esa zarbxonadan taklif qilingan barcha kumushlarni olib, qaytarib berishni va kumush dollarlarga solib qo'yishni talab qiladi.[7] Bu pul muomalasini kuchaytiradi va tarafdorlarning ta'kidlashicha, millat farovonligini oshiradi. Tanqidchilar bunday siyosat joriy etilgandan so'ng inflyatsiya ishchilarga zarar etkazishini, ular ish haqi narxlar kabi tez ko'tarilmasligini va ishlayotganligini ta'kidladilar. Gresham qonuni oltinni muomaladan chiqarib yuboradi va Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarini kumush standartiga samarali joylashtiradi.[9]

Erkin kumushga dastlabki urinishlar

Kongressmen Richard P. Bland

Bepul kumush deb nomlangan narsalarning himoyachilariga 1873 yilgi akt "73-yilgi jinoyat" deb nomlandi. Kabi kumush kuchlar, kabi kongress rahbarlari bilan Missuri Vakil Richard P. Bland, kumush quyma omonatchilarga tanga shaklida qaytarib olishlariga imkon beradigan veksellarni qabul qilishni qidirdi. Bland tomonidan homiylik qilingan bunday qonun loyihalari qabul qilindi Vakillar palatasi 1876 ​​va 1877 yillarda, ammo ikkala marta ham muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi Senat. Uchinchi urinish 1878 yil boshida yana Palatadan o'tib ketdi, va oxir-oqibat ikkala uy ham Senatda tuzatishlar kiritilgandan keyin. Qonun loyihasi homiylik qilingan o'zgartirishlar bilan o'zgartirilgan Ayova Senator Uilyam B. Allison, 1873 qoidalarini bekor qilmadi, lekin talab qildi Xazina oyiga kamida 2 million dollarlik kumush quyma sotib olish; foyda, yoki senyoraj kumushni monetizatsiya qilishdan ko'proq kumush quyma sotib olish uchun foydalanish kerak edi. Kumush zarb qilingan bo'lar edi dollarlik tangalar, muomalada bo'lishi yoki boshqa joyda saqlanishi va qo'llab-quvvatlanishi uchun ishlatilishi kerak kumush sertifikatlar. The Bland-Allison qonuni Prezident tomonidan veto qo'yilgan Rezerford B. Xeyz, ammo Kongress tomonidan 1878 yil 28 fevralda veto qo'yilganligi sababli qabul qilingan.[10]

Bland-Allison qonunini amalga oshirish bepul kumushga bo'lgan talablarni tugatmadi. 1880-yillarda don va boshqa qishloq xo'jalik tovarlari narxlarining keskin pasayishi kuzatildi. Kumush himoyachilarining ta'kidlashicha, g'alla narxining ishlab chiqarish tannarxidan pastga tushishiga sabab bo'lgan bu pasayish hukumatning aholi jon boshiga nisbatan barqaror bo'lib turadigan pul massasini etarlicha ko'paytira olmaganligi bilan bog'liq. Oltin standart himoyachilari pasayishni ishlab chiqarish va transport sohasidagi yutuqlar bilan izohlashdi. 19-asr oxiri iqtisodiyotdagi turlicha qarashlarni laissez-faire pravoslavlik yosh iqtisodchilar tomonidan so'roq qilindi va ikkala tomon ham o'zlarining qarashlarini nazariyotchilar tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatladilar.[11]

1890 yilda Sherman kumush sotib olish to'g'risidagi qonun hukumatning kumush sotib olishini sezilarli darajada oshirdi. Hukumat kumush dollarlar ortida turishga va'da berdi xazina yozuvlari ularni oltindan sotib olish orqali dalolatnoma asosida chiqarilgan. Ushbu va'daga binoan keyingi uch yil ichida hukumatning oltin zaxiralari kamaydi.[12] Iqtisodiy bo'lsa-da 1893 yilgi vahima bir qator sabablari bor edi, Prezident Grover Klivlend sabab bo'lgan inflyatsiyaga ishongan Sherman Bu muhim omil bo'lib, uni bekor qilish uchun Kongressning maxsus sessiyasini chaqirdi. Kongress shunday qildi, ammo munozaralar ikkala asosiy partiyada kumush va oltin fraksiyalar o'rtasida achchiq bo'linishlarni ko'rsatdi. Klivlend G'aznachilikni faqat oltin bilan sotib olinishi mumkin bo'lgan obligatsiyalar chiqarish orqali to'ldirishga harakat qildi, ammo bu juda kam samara berdi, ammo davlat qarzini oshirdi, chunki oltin qog'oz va kumush valyutasini sotib olishda qaytarib olinmoqda. Jamoatchilikning aksariyati obligatsiyalarni millatga emas, balki bankirlarga foyda keltiradigan deb hisoblashdi. Bankirlar zayomlar inflyatsiya qilingan valyutada qaytarilishini xohlamadilar - oltin standart deflyatsiya darajasida edi va kreditorlar sifatida ular bunday valyutada to'lashni afzal ko'rishdi, qarzdorlar esa oshirilgan valyutada to'lashni afzal ko'rishdi.[13]

Ning ta'siri depressiya 1893 yilda boshlangan va 1896 yilgacha davom etgan ko'plab amerikaliklarni vayron qildi. Zamonaviy hisob-kitoblar ishsizlik darajasi 25% ni tashkil etdi. Ishsizlarni engillashtirish vazifasi cherkovlar va boshqa xayriya tashkilotlari, shuningdek, kasaba uyushmalarining zimmasiga tushdi.[14] Fermerlar bankrot bo'ldi; qarzlarini to'lash uchun ularning fermer xo'jaliklari sotilgan. Kambag'allarning bir qismi kasallik yoki ochlikdan vafot etdi; boshqalar o'zlarini o'ldirdilar.[15]

Bryan nominatsiyani qidirmoqda

Uilyam Jennings Braynning 1896 yilgi kampaniyadan oldin va uning davomida olib borgan siyosiy faoliyati haqida qo'shimcha ma'lumot uchun qarang Uilyam Jennings Brayn prezidentlik kampaniyasi, 1896 yil.

Sherman Kumushni sotib olish to'g'risidagi qonunning bekor qilinishiga qarshi gapirganlar orasida Nebraska Kongressmen Uilyam Jennings Bryan. O'sha paytlarda ham notiq sifatida tanilgan Bryan har doim ham erkin kumushni har doim ham o'ziga ishonganligi sababli yoqtirmas edi va 1892 yilda u buning uchun ekanligini, chunki Nebraska aholisi buning uchun ekanligini aytdi.[16] 1893 yilga kelib uning kumush haqidagi qarashlari rivojlanib bordi va Vakillar Palatasida u kumushni sotib olish to'g'risidagi qonunni bekor qilishga qarshi uch soatlik murojaat bilan chiqdi.[17] O'zining xulosasida Bryan tarixga qaytdi:

Hozirgi kabi inqiroz yuzaga kelganda va uning davridagi milliy bank millat siyosatini boshqarishga intilganda, Xudo bu buyuk dushman bilan kurashishga jur'at etgan Endryu Jeksonni ko'tarib chiqdi va uni ag'darib tashlab, o'zini o'zi xalqning buti va demokratik partiyani jamoat ishonchiga qayta tikladi. Bugun qanday qaror qabul qilinadi? Demokratik partiya o'z tarixidagi eng katta yutuqlarni qo'lga kiritdi. Ushbu g'alabali toj cho'qqisida turib, u yuzini chiqayotgan yoki botayotgan quyoshga qaratadimi? U baraka yoki la'natni - hayotni yoki o'limni tanlaydimi? Qaysi?[18]

Aktning bekor qilinishiga qaramay, iqtisodiy sharoitlar yaxshilanmadi. 1894 yil juda ko'p mehnat tartibsizliklarini boshdan kechirdi. Prezident Klivlend federal qo'shinlarni yubordi Illinoys tugatish uchun Pullman zarbasi - ishchilar Pullman Palace avtomobil kompaniyasi, temir yo'l vagonlarini ishlab chiqargan, ish haqi qisqartirilgandan keyin urishgan. Temiryo'lchilar ishchilarga hamdardlik bilan Pullman mashinalarini boshqarishdan bosh tortishgan; bu harakat millatning temir yo'llarini falaj qilish bilan tahdid qildi. Prezidentning bu harakatiga demokrat qarshi chiqdi Illinoys gubernatori, Jon Altgeld. Klivlendning mehnat mojarosidagi xatti-harakatlaridan va kumushga nisbatan murosasiz pozitsiyasidan g'azablangan Altgeld 1896 yilda Klivlend nomzodini qaytarishga qarshi demokratlarni tashkil qila boshladi. Uy 1894 yilda oraliq saylovlar Kongress tarixidagi ko'pchilik partiya tomonidan eng katta yo'qotish. Respublikachilar palatani, shuningdek 1913 yilgacha xalq ovozi bilan emas, balki shtat qonun chiqaruvchi organlari tomonidan saylangan Senat ustidan nazoratni qo'lga kiritdilar.[19] Senat uchun mag'lub bo'lganlar orasida Nebraskadagi Bryan ham bor edi.[20]

Bryan uzoq vaqtdan beri prezidentlikka nomzodini qo'yishni rejalashtirgan edi. U 1896 yilda atigi 36 yoshda bo'lishiga qaramay - konstitutsiyaviy minimumdan bir yil oldin - u kumush savol uni nafaqat nomzodga, balki prezidentlikka ham olib borishiga ishongan.[21] U butun mamlakat bo'ylab tomoshabinlar bilan gaplashib, keng sayohat qildi. Uning nutqlari ko'pchilikni hayratga soldi; keyinchalik uning ba'zi raqiblari ham Bryan ular eshitgan eng jabbor ma'ruzachi ekanligini tan olishdi. Bryanning nutqlari vaqt o'tishi bilan rivojlanib bordi; 1894 yil dekabrda Kongressdagi nutqida u birinchi bo'lib o'zining eng mashhur manziliga xulosa chiqaradigan iborani ishlatgan: dastlab aytilganidek, "men insoniyatni oltin xochga mixlashga yordam bermayman".[22][23]

Brayan 1896 yilgacha noma'lum bo'lgan degan afsona paydo bo'ldi. Bunday bo'lmagan; Bryan tariflar va kumush masalalari bo'yicha notiq sifatida tanilgan. Albert Shou, muharriri Sharhlarni ko'rib chiqish, Bryanning nomzodi qo'yilgandan so'ng, ko'plab sharqliklar u haqida eshitmaganligini ta'kidladilar, ammo: "Agar ular haqiqatan ham janob Bryan haqida ilgari eshitmagan bo'lsalar, ular so'nggi sakkiz yil ichida Amerika siyosati yo'nalishini diqqat bilan kuzatib borishmagan. Ikki Kongress orqali yo'llar va usullar qo'mitasining Demokratik a'zosi sifatida janob Brayan har qanday ma'noda Vakilning Demokratik tomonida eng mohir va eng kuchli notiq bo'lgan, uning keyingi Nebraskadagi AQSh senatorligi uchun o'tkazgan kanvasasi [kampaniyasi] diqqatga sazovor va ko'p hisoblarda ko'zga tashlanadi. "[24]

1894 yilgi saylovlardan so'ng Altgeld va boshqalar boshchiligidagi kumush kuchlar Demokratik partiyaning mexanizmlarini egallab olishga urinish boshladilar. Tarixchi Stenli Jons 1896 yilgi saylovlarni o'rganishda g'arbiy demokratlar, agar partiya 1894 yilda kongressdagi ko'pchilikni tashkil etgan bo'lsa ham, Klivlendga qarshi chiqqan bo'lar edi; halokatli mag'lubiyat bilan, agar ular kumushni qo'llab-quvvatlamasa, G'arbda partiya yo'q qilinishiga ishonishdi.[25] Bryan biografi Paulo E. Koletta "bu yil [1894 yil iyuldan 1895 yil iyunigacha] falokatlar, parchalanish va inqilob davomida har bir inqiroz Bryanga yordam berdi, chunki bu partiyasida bo'linishni keltirib chiqardi va Klivlend partiyasidan sirg'alib o'tishi bilan uni egallash uchun kurashishga imkon berdi. barmoqlar. "[26]

1896 yil boshida, iqtisodiyot hali ham qashshoq bo'lgan holda, mavjud bo'lgan ikkita yirik siyosiy partiyalardan norozilik keng tarqaldi. Ba'zi odamlar, aksariyat demokratlar, o'ta so'llarga qo'shilishdi Populistlar partiyasi. G'arbiy shtatlarning ko'plab respublikachilari sharqiy respublikachilarning oltin standartga qattiq sodiqligidan g'azablanib, o'z partiyalarini tuzishni o'ylashdi. 1896 yil iyun oyida respublikachilar ilgari nomzod ko'rsatganlarida Ogayo shtati Hokim Uilyam Makkinli Prezident uchun va uning iltimosiga binoan "sog'lom pul" ni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi platformani qabul qildi (agar xalqaro shartnoma o'zgartirilmasa, oltin standart), bir qator "kumush respublikachilar" chiqib ketishdi anjuman.[27] Ketganlarning rahbari edi Kolorado Senator Genri M. Teller; u darhol Demokratik nomzodning ehtimoliy nomzodi sifatida tilga olindi.[28]

Bryan, agar u nomzod bo'lsa, norozilarni kuchli kumush kampaniyasi ortida birlashtirishi mumkinligiga ishongan.[27] Biroq, uning strategiyasining bir qismi anjumanda eng so'nggi daqiqagacha ko'zga tashlanmaydigan bo'lib qolishi kerak edi. U milliy anjuman delegatlariga kumushni qo'llab-quvvatlashga da'vat etgan va fotosurati, yozuvlari va nutqlarining nusxalarini ilova qilgan maktublar yuborgan. Jonsning ta'kidlashicha, Bryanning nutq so'zlashuvlari 1896 yilgi me'yorlar bo'yicha siyosiy deb hisoblanmagan bo'lsa-da, zamonaviy o'lchovlar bo'yicha u eng taniqli nomzodlarning aksariyatiga qaraganda nomzodlik uchun tashviqot ishlarida ancha faol bo'lgan.[29]

Tarixchi Jeyms A. Barns o'zining tarixiy jurnal maqolasida Bryanning nomzodi va saylovoldi kampaniyasi to'g'risida paydo bo'lgan afsonalarga ishora qilib, Bryanning sa'y-harakatlari qurultoydan oldin ham o'z samarasini berganligini ta'kidladi:

1896 yil aprelga kelib, ko'plab odamlar Bryanning nomzodi uchun jimgina ishlashdi. Illinoysda aylanalar tarqatilayotgandi, Nebraska, Shimoliy Karolina, Missisipi, Luiziana, Texas, Arkanzas va boshqa shtatlarda muxlislar uning do'stlarini tanlashga undaydilar. Biroq har qanday kelishilgan yoki ochiq harakatlarda emas edi, ammo Bryanning kuchi bor edi; u umidvor bo'lgan delegatlar massasining do'stona moyilligida edi.[30]

Delegatlarni tanlash

The 1896 yil demokratlarning milliy qurultoyi Fuqarolar urushidan keyingi Amerika tarixida noyob voqealarni kuzatib bordi. Chikagoda bo'lib o'tgan milliy qurultoyga delegatlarni saylash bo'yicha birin-ketin o'tkazilgan shtat konventsiyalari partiyalarining amaldagi saylangan prezidentini nomzodlikka nomzod bo'ladimi yoki yo'qmi deb tan olmadi. Barnesning so'zlariga ko'ra:

Janub va G'arb aholisi bir necha yillar davomida "1873 yilgi jinoyat" ning ulkanligiga ishonch hosil qilishgan va ular kumushni kesuvchi qilich sifatida ko'rib chiqishgan. Gordian tuguni imtiyoz. Bir necha oy emas, balki yillar davomida shikoyatlarni anglash 1896 yilning bahorida va yozining boshlarida davlatning demokratik konventsiyalarining hal qiluvchi harakatlarida aks etdi.[31]

Ko'pgina davlat konventsiyalarida saylangan delegatlar partiya platformasida bimetalizmni qo'llab-quvvatlashga va'da berishdi. Oltin demokratlar shimoli-sharqdagi bir nechta shtatlarda muvaffaqiyatli bo'lgan, ammo boshqa joylarda omad kam bo'lgan. Ba'zi shtatlarda ma'ruzachilar Klivlendni la'natladilar; The Janubiy Karolina qurultoy uni qoraladi. Klivlend demokratik saylovchilarni oltinni qo'llab-quvvatlashga chaqirgan bayonot chiqardi - Illinoys shtatida o'tkaziladigan navbatdagi anjuman kumushni bir ovozdan qo'llab-quvvatladi; asosiy ma'ruzachi Klivlendning 1892 yildagi nominatsiyasi uchun ilohiy kechirim so'rab ibodat qildi. Bryanning Nebraska singari ba'zi shtatlaridagi oltin va kumush fraksiyalar anjumanda raqib delegatsiyalarini yuborishdi.[32]

1896 yilgi anjuman

Amerika siyosiy konvensiyalarining protseduralarini to'liqroq tushuntirish uchun qarang Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari prezidentligiga nomzodlar konvensiyasi.
Chikagodagi Kolizey

1896 yilda demokratlarning qurultoyi ochildi Chikago Kolizey 1896 yil 7-iyulda. Kumush va (juda ko'p sonli) oltin kuchlari o'zlarining strategiyalarini tayyorlayotganda rasmiy ochilish oldidan juda ko'p tadbirlar bo'lib o'tdi.[33] Kumush kuchlarni 1895 yilda Klivlendga qarshi qo'zg'olonlarida kumush demokratlarni qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun tashkil etilgan soyabon guruhi bo'lgan Demokratik Milliy Bimetalik Qo'mitasi qo'llab-quvvatladi. Oltin demokratlar prezidentdan etakchilik izlashdi, ammo Klivlend, partiyasiga ozchiliklarga ishonib, o'zini oltin ishlariga jalb qilmadi, ammo konferentsiya haftasini baliq ovidan o'tkazdi Nyu-Jersi qirg'oq.[34]

Bimetallik qo'mita konvensiyaning har bir jabhasini o'z nazoratiga olishni ehtiyotkorlik bilan rejalashtirib, ozchilik oltin fraktsiyasining hokimiyatni qo'lga kiritishi mumkin bo'lgan har qanday tahlikani yo'q qildi. Ushbu tayyorgarliklarni yashirmadi. Ushbu egallab olish prezidentlikka nomzodni tanlashdan ko'ra ancha muhim deb hisoblandi va qo'mita g'olib kim bo'lishidan qat'i nazar, kumush odam bo'lishini o'ylab, nomzodlik poygasida kim g'olib bo'lishi kerakligi to'g'risida hech qanday pozitsiyani qabul qilmaslikka qaror qildi.[35] Ularga qarshi katta kuchlarni yaxshi bilgan ko'plab oltin vakillar platformadagi jangni tan olishga moyil edilar.[36]

Bryan jimgina etib keldi va kamtarona mehmonxonadan xonalar oldi; keyinchalik Nebraskan Chikagoda bo'lganida 100 dollardan kam mablag 'sarflaganini hisoblab chiqdi.[37] U nomzodlikni qo'lga kiritishiga ishongan holda keldi. U allaqachon nutq ustida ishlashni boshlagan edi.[38] 5 iyul kuni kechqurun Bryanga Koloradaliklar delegatsiyasi tashrif buyurdi, u senator Tellerdan yordam so'radi. Ular Bryan nomzodini izlayotganini bilmagan holda, ular uzr so'rab ketishdi.[39]

Nomzodlikka nomzodlar

Kumush delegatlar o'zlarining e'tiqodlari bilan o'rtoqlashadigan nomzodni ko'rsatishni xohlashlariga qaramay va bir nechta shtatlar o'z delegatlariga ma'lum bir nomzodga ovoz berishni buyurgan bo'lsalar ham, konvensiyada ishtirok etadigan nomzodlar uchun eng katta favorit yo'q edi. Nomzodlarni ko'rsatish uchun delegatlarning uchdan ikki qismining ovozi bilan deyarli har bir kumush delegat muvaffaqiyatga erishish uchun bir xil nomzodga ovoz berishi kerak edi, ammo oltin delegatlar tomonidan uyushgan qo'llab-quvvatlash kumush nomzodning imkoniyatlariga katta zarar etkazishi mumkin edi.[40]

Ayova shtatining sobiq gubernatori Horace Boies 1896 yilda prezidentlikka demokratlar nomzodi uchun asosiy da'vogar bo'lgan.

Demokratik nomzod uchun har qanday kampaniyani birlashtirgan yagona oltin odam G'aznachilik kotibi edi Jon G. Karlisl, ammo u aprel oyida partiyaning platformasini kim boshqarishi haqida emas, balki ko'proq tashvishlanayotganini aytib, ortga qaytdi. Biroq, iyun oyining oxirlarida ham, hali ham nazorat ostida bo'lgan oltin kuchlar Demokratik milliy qo'mita (DNC), nomzod oltindan yordam berishi mumkinligiga ishonishda davom etdi. Klivlendning do'sti va sobiq Bosh pochta boshqaruvchisi Donald M. Dikkinson delegatlar "sog'lom fikrni" tan olishlariga va radikal nomzodini ko'rsatish fikridan qo'rqib qolishlariga umid qilib 1896 yil iyun oyida Prezidentga xat yozgan.[41]

Kumush harakatining etakchilaridan biri Illinoys gubernatori Altgeld edi; Germaniyada tug'ilgan va chet elda tug'ilishi bilan konstitutsiyaviy ravishda prezidentlik huquqidan mahrum bo'lgan.[42] Qurultoyga kirib, ushbu nomzodning ikkita etakchi nomzodlari Bland-Allison qonunini ilgari surgan sobiq kongressmen Bland va sobiq Ayova Hokim Horace Boies, Bland bilan oldingi o'rinni egalladi. Bu faqat ikkita nomzod tashkilotlarni birlashtirib, delegatlarning ovozini olishga harakat qildi, ammo ikkala harakat ham naqd ochlikdan edi. Ikkala erkak ham saylovda muammolarga duch kelishdi: Bland 61 yoshida, ba'zilar unga vaqt o'tgan odam sifatida qarashgan; Boies bir vaqtlar bimetalizmni rad etgan sobiq respublikachi edi. Kam miqdordagi potentsial nomzodlar kamroq qo'llab-quvvatlangan deb hisoblangan; ular orasida vitse-prezident ham bor edi Adlai Stivenson Illinoys shtati, senator Jozef C. Blekbern Kentukki, senator Telller va Brayan.[43]

Kumush himoyachilar nazoratni o'z zimmalariga olishadi

Garchi Bryan nomzodlikni qo'lga kiritish strategiyasini - uni delegatlar oldida mantiqiy nomzodga aylantiradigan nutq so'zlashni qaror qilgan bo'lsa-da, u yo'lda to'siqlarga duch keldi. Birinchidan, u 1896 yilgi konventsiyani hech qanday rasmiy maqomisiz boshladi - Demokratik Milliy Qo'mita qaysi delegatsiyalar o'tirishi to'g'risida dastlabki qarorni qabul qilib, o'zlarining davlati vakili sifatida oltinni qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan nebraskaliklarni tanladi.[44] Brayan qo'mita xonasi oldida kutib turganda, uning raqiblari 27-23 ovoz bilan o'tirishgan edi; zamonaviy hisob-kitoblarga ko'ra, u bu natijadan "biroz ajablangan".[45] DNC harakati bekor qilinishi mumkin, ammo konvensiyaning ishonch yorliqlari qo'mitasi xabar bermaguncha.[46] Biroq, Barns konvensiyadagi kumush kuchliligi sababli qo'mitaning harakatlarini natijaga ahamiyatli emas deb hisobladi:

Kumushchilar intizomli va chidab bo'lmas hujumni boshlashga tayyor ekanligiga shubha qiladigan har bir kishi faqat vaqtinchalik rais saylovi natijalarini o'qishi kerak. Oltin odamlar, garchi ular partiyaning texnikasiga ega bo'lsalar ham, raqiblariga qarshi chiqish uchun na kuchga, na kuchga ega edilar. Ular faqat buzilgan urf-odatlar tahqirlanishidan va o'rnatilgan nazoratni ag'darib tashlashdan partiyadan qutulishlarini iltimos qilishlari mumkin edi. Shunga qaramay, senator John W. Daniel Virjiniya shtati katta ovoz bilan vaqtincha rais etib saylandi va Bryan va uning raqobatdosh Nebraska delegatsiyasini o'tirgan Ishonch yorliqlari bo'yicha qo'mita tayinlandi.[47]

Biz kumush va oltindan hozirgi va 16-dan 1-gacha bo'lgan qonuniy nisbatda boshqa millatning yordami yoki roziligini kutmasdan erkin va cheksiz tangalarni talab qilamiz. Biz standart kumush dollarning barcha davlat va xususiy qarzlar uchun oltin bilan teng ravishda to'la qonuniy to'lov vositasi bo'lishini talab qilamiz va kelgusida har qanday qonuniy to'lov vositasini xususiy shartnoma bilan demonitizatsiyalashga to'sqinlik qiladigan qonunlarni qo'llab-quvvatlaymiz.

Demokratik platformaning pul taxtasidan[48]

Omad tilaymiz, Bryan - kumushchilar tomonidan turli xil konvensiya rollari ko'rib chiqilgan, ammo har safar tanlanmagan. Masalan, vaqtinchalik raislik unga topshirishga imkon bergan bo'lar edi asosiy manzil. Biroq, Bryan, qurultoy boshida joy topolmay, vaqtinchalik rais etib saylana olmadi. Bryan buni umuman yo'qotish yo'q deb hisobladi; qurultoyning asosiy yo'nalishi partiya platformasi va uni qabul qilishdan oldin bo'lib o'tadigan munozaralarga qaratildi. Platforma isyonchilarning uzoq yillik kurashidan keyin Klivlend va uning siyosatidan voz kechishni ramziy ma'noga ega edi va Brayan platformadagi bahsni yopishga qaror qildi. Bir paytlar o'tirgan Brayan Nebraskaning Qarorlar qo'mitasida vakili bo'lgan (odatda "platforma qo'mitasi" deb nomlangan), u munozarada har bir tomonga 80 daqiqadan vaqt ajratgan va Brayanni ma'ruzachilardan biri sifatida tanlagan. Janubiy Karolina Senator Benjamin Tillman kumush tarafdori bo'lgan boshqa ma'ruzachi bo'lishi kerak edi va dastlab bahsni yopishni xohladi. Biroq, senator yopiq nutq uchun juda uzoq vaqt gaplashishni xohlagan va Bryanning iltimosiga ko'ra uning o'rniga munozarani ochishga rozi bo'lgan. Shunga ko'ra, Bryan platformadagi so'nggi ma'ruzachi bo'ldi.[49][50]

Delegatlar, qo'mitalarning o'z ishlarini yakunlashini kutishar ekan, dastlabki ikki kunning ko'p qismini turli notiqlarni tinglash bilan o'tkazdilar. Ulardan faqat kumush tarafdori bo'lgan senator Blekbern ko'p reaktsiyaga sabab bo'ldi va bu faqat bir lahzalik. Delegatlar Altgeld yoki Brayan singari taniqli ma'ruzachilarni chaqirdilar, ammo o'shanda ham ularga imkoniyat berilmadi; Illinoys gubernatori rad etdi va bir paytlar o'tirgan Nebraskan ko'p vaqtini konferentsiya maydonchasida platforma qo'mitasi yig'ilishida o'tkazdi. Palmer uyi.[51]

Platformadagi munozara 1896 yil 9-iyuldagi anjumanning uchinchi kuni boshlanganda ochilgan edi. Sessiya soat 10.00 da boshlanishi kerak edi, ammo delegatlar sifatida mehmonxonalardan Kolizeyga va uzoq yo'l yurish sekinlashdi. dastlabki ikki kundan charchoq, o'z vaqtida etib bormadi, jarayon soat 10:45 gacha boshlandi. Shunga qaramay, ko'p odamlar olomon kirish joylari oldida to'plandilar; galereyalar tezda to'ldirilgan edi. Qurultoy buyurtma berilgandan so'ng, Arkanzas Senator Jeyms K. Jons, Qarorlar qo'mitasining raisi, ko'plab delegatlarning xursandchiligiga taklif qilingan platformani o'qidi; oltinni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi ozchiliklar to'g'risidagi hisobotni o'qish kamroq olqishlarga sabab bo'ldi.[50]

Massachusets shtatining sobiq gubernatori 1900 yilda gravyurada Uilyam E. Rassel anjumanda nutq so'zlagan Bryandan oldin ko'rsatilgan.

"Pitchfork Ben" Tillman o'zining laqabini uyg'otuvchi manzil bilan moslashtirdi, u o'z uyining fuqarolar urushini boshlashdagi roliga murojaat qilish bilan boshlandi.[52] Tillman kumushni ma'qullagan bo'lsa-da, uning manzili shunchalik bog'langan edi seksionalizm kumush delegatlarning aksariyati uni qo'llab-quvvatlayotganga o'xshab qolishdan qo'rqib jim turishdi.[53] Brildan tashqari kumushni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi yagona nutq so'zlangan Tillmanning nutqi shunchalik yomon qabul qilindi, gapirishni rejalashtirmagan senator Jons kumushning milliy masalasi ekanligini ta'kidlab, qisqacha murojaat qildi.[54]

Senator Devid B. Xill ning Nyu York, oltinni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi keyingi o'rinni egalladi. Xill minbarga ko'tarilayotganda, muxbir do'sti Bryanni seksualizmga ishora qilmasdan vatanparvarlik nutqi bilan chiqishga undaydigan yozuvni uzatdi; Bryan bunga javoban: "Siz xafa bo'lmaysiz."[55] Xill oltin pozitsiyani himoya qilgan holda xotirjam nutq so'zladi va ozgina delegatlarni chayqadi.[54] Uning ortidan yana ikki senator - senator ergashdi Uilyam Vilas ning Viskonsin va avvalgi Massachusets shtati Hokim Uilyam E. Rassel. Vilas Klivlend ma'muriyatining siyosatini uzoq vaqt himoya qildi, shunda Rassel Vilasning nutqi uning vaqtiga to'g'ri kelishiga qo'rqib, oltin tarafdorlariga berilgan vaqtni o'n daqiqaga uzaytirishni iltimos qildi. Bryan o'z vaqtini shuncha miqdorda uzaytirish sharti bilan rozi bo'ldi; bunga kelishib olindi. "Va bu menga nutq so'zlashim uchun kerak edi." Keyinchalik Bryan shunday deb yozgan edi: "Bu yana bir kutilmagan omad bo'ldi. Men hayotimda ilgari bunday imkoniyatga ega bo'lmaganman va bundan keyin ham shunday bo'lishini umid qilmaganman".[56]

Vilas tezda Klivlendning himoyasini eshitishni istamagan tomoshabinlarini yo'qotdi. Rassellning manzili Kolizeyning aksariyat qismi uchun eshitilmas edi; u kasal bo'lib, bir haftadan ko'proq vaqt o'tgach vafot etdi. Oltin odamlar gapirganda, Bryan qornini tinchlantirish uchun sendvich yedi; u katta ma'ruzalardan oldin ko'pincha asabiylashardi. Boshqa bir muxbir uning oldiga kelib, nomzodlikni kim yutadi deb o'ylaganini so'radi. "Qat'iy maxfiy, nashrga taklif qilinmasligi kerak: men shunday bo'laman."[56]

Bryan anjumanda nutq so'zlamoqda

Rassel yakuniga ko'ra, oltin delegatlar kuchli qarsaklar ostida,[57] Bryan shohsupaga ko'tarilayotganda kutish shovqini paydo bo'ldi. Bryan u erda turib, tinglovchilarining tinchlanishini kutib turganida baland ovozda xursandchilik eshitildi.[58] Bryanning ma'ruza safari unga kumush uchun taniqli vakili bo'lib qoldi. Hali ham qurultoyda hech kim ushbu maqsad uchun samarali gaplashmadi, bu esa delegatlar uchun eng muhim narsa edi.[59] Siyosatshunos Richard F. Benselning 1896 yildagi Demokratik s'ezdni o'rganganida "Garchi kumushlar bu kurashda g'alaba qozonishlarini bilsalar-da, ularga nima uchun ular kumushni qalbida muhrlashlari kerakligini aytadigan odamga va oltin odamlarga muhtoj edilar. platformaning. "[60] Benselning ta'kidlashicha, "nasos astarlanmagan, u portlashga tayyor edi".[61] Bryan ilgari aytmagan narsa haqida ozgina gapirardi - bu matn u o'tgan hafta qilgan nutqiga o'xshaydi Krit, Nebraska[62]- lekin u qurultoyga ovozini berardi.[63]

1896 yildagi demokratlarning milliy qurultoyi

Bryan muloyimlik bilan boshladi,

Darhaqiqat, agar siz bu qobiliyatlarni o'lchash bo'lsa, siz tinglagan taniqli janoblarga qarshi o'zimni namoyish qilmoqchiman. ammo bu odamlar o'rtasidagi musobaqa emas. Butun erdagi eng kamtar fuqaro, adolatli ish qurolini kiyganida, barcha xatolar egalaridan kuchliroqdir. Men siz bilan erkinlik sababi kabi insoniylik kabi muqaddas sababni himoya qilish uchun gaplashmoqchiman.[64]

Bryanning ochilishi o'zi uchun hech qanday obro'ga ega emas edi, ammo baribir uni kumushning vakili qilib qo'ydi.[64] Benselning so'zlariga ko'ra, o'z-o'zini tanqid qilish delegatlarni qurolsizlantirishga yordam berdi. Brayan nomzodlikka asosiy da'vogar hisoblanmagani uchun, hatto nomzodga sodiq bo'lgan delegatlar ham o'z sadoqatlariga xiyonat qilmasdan, uni xursand qilishlari mumkin edi.[65] Keyin Bryan kumush harakat tarixi haqida hikoya qildi; uning ochilish so'zlarini ma'qullashini baland ovoz bilan namoyish etgan tomoshabinlar jim bo'lishdi.[64] Butun nutq davomida Bryan delegatlarni kaftida ushlab turardi; ular ogohlantirishni xursand qilishdi. Keyinchalik Nebraskan tomoshabinlarni tarbiyalangan xor kabi ta'rifladi.[59] U o'zining tarixiy qiroatini yakunlar ekan, kumush delegatlarga g'alaba qozonish uchun kelganlarini, "muhokama qilish uchun emas, bahslashish uchun emas, balki bu mamlakatning oddiy odamlari tomonidan chiqarilgan hukmni qabul qilish uchun" kelganligini eslatdi.[66]

Brayan Fuqarolar urushini chaqiruvchi so'zlar bilan davom etib, tinglovchilariga "bu tanlovda birodar ukaga qarshi, otasi o'g'ilga qarshi qilingan" deb aytdi.[67] Shu paytgacha u samimiy ohangda gapirganda, uning ovozi zal bo'ylab aniq va baland ovozda yangradi.[68] Ammo u tanlov shaxsiy ekanligini rad etdi; u oltin standartni qo'llab-quvvatlovchilarga nisbatan yomon munosabatda bo'lmagan. Biroq, u oltin delegatlar tomon qarab, "siz bizning oldimizga kelib, biz sizning biznes manfaatlaringizni buzmoqchi ekanligimizni aytganingizda, biz sizning biznes manfaatlaringizni o'zingizning yo'nalishingiz bilan buzgansiz deb javob beramiz" deb aytdi.[69] Oltin odamlar murojaat paytida diqqat bilan e'tibor berishdi va Bryanning notiqlik san'ati uchun minnatdorlik bildirishdi.[57] Keyin Bryan kumush tarafdorlarini, ayniqsa, Sharqda moliyaviy manfaatlar bilan bog'liq bo'lgan oltin odamlarning qarshiligiga qarshi o'zlarining bahslarini amalga oshirish huquqini himoya qildi. Garchi uning bayonotlari Rassell tomonidan aytilgan fikrga nominal ravishda javob bergan bo'lsa-da, Bryan bu bahsni oldingi kuni kechqurun o'ylab topgan va oldingi nutqlarida ishlatmagan. U buni har doim nutq paytida aytgan eng yaxshi nuqta deb bilar edi va faqat oxirigacha tinglovchilar ko'proq munosabat bildirishdi:

Sizga aytmoqchimizki, siz ishbilarmon odamning ta'rifini qo'llashda juda cheklangan qildingiz. Ish haqi uchun ishlaydigan odam ish beruvchisi singari ishbilarmon odam; qishloqdagi advokat, buyuk metropolda korporatsiya maslahatchisi kabi ishbilarmon odam; chorrahalar do'konidagi savdogar Nyu-York savdogari singari ishbilarmon odam; ertalab chiqqan va kun bo'yi mehnat qilgan, bahorda boshlanib, yozda mehnat qiladigan va mamlakatning tabiiy boyliklariga miya va mushaklarni qo'llash orqali boylik yaratadigan dehqon ham odam kabi ishbilarmon odamdir. Savdo kengashiga kiradigan va don narxiga garov tikadigan; ming fut yerga tushib, yoki ikki ming metr balandlikdagi qoyalarga ko'tarilib, yashirinib olgan joylaridan savdo kanallariga quyiladigan qimmatbaho metallarni olib chiqib ketayotgan konchilar - sanoqli moliyaviy magnatlar singari ishbilarmon odamlar. , orqa xonada, dunyo pullarini burchakka. Biz bu kengroq ishbilarmon erkaklar toifasi haqida gaplashmoqchimiz.[66][70]

Ushbu parcha orqali Bryan oddiy odam va shahar aholisi elitasi o'rtasidagi ziddiyatni saqlab qoldi. Taqqoslashlar davomida u dehqonga murojaat qilishi tinglovchilar uchun aniq edi va u gapirganda zal ovoz bilan portladi. His sympathetic comparison contrasted the hardworking farmer with the city businessman, whom Bryan cast as a gambler. The galleries were filled with white as spectators waved handkerchiefs, and it was several minutes before he could continue.[71] The police in the convention hall, not sharing the enthusiasm for silver, were described by the press (some of whose members were caught up in the frenzy) as standing as if they thought the audience was about to turn on them.[72] When Bryan resumed, his comparison of miner with miser again electrified the audience; the uproar prevented him from continuing for several minutes. One farmer in the gallery had been about to leave rather than listen to Bryan, whom he deemed a Populist; he had been persuaded to stay. At Bryan's words, he threw his hat into the air, slapped the empty seat in front of him with his coat, and shouted, "My God! My God! My God!"[70][71][73]

Bryan, having established the right of silver supporters to petition, explained why that petition was not to be denied:

It is for these that we speak. We do not come as aggressors. Our war is not a war of conquest; we are fighting in the defense of our homes, our families, and posterity. We have petitioned, and our petitions have been scorned; we have entreated, and our entreaties have been disregarded; we have begged, and they have mocked when our calamity came. We beg no longer; we entreat no more; we petition no more. We defy them![74]

With this call to action, Bryan abandoned any hint at compromise, and adopted the techniques of the radical, polarizing orator, finding no common ground between silver and gold forces. He then defended the remainder of the platform, though only speaking in general terms. He mocked McKinley, said by some to resemble Napoleon, noting that he was nominated on the anniversary of the Vaterloo jangi.[75] The lengthy passage as he discussed the platform and the Republicans helped calm the audience, ensuring he would be heard as he reached his buzilish. But Bryan first wished to tie the silver question to a greater cause:[46][76]

Upon which side will the Democratic Party fight; upon the side of "the idle holders of idle capital" or upon the side of "the struggling masses"? That is the question which the party must answer first, and then it must be answered by each individual hereafter. The sympathies of the Democratic Party, as shown by the platform, are on the side of the struggling masses, who have ever been the foundation of the Democratic Party.[77]

He faced in the direction of the gold-dominated state delegations:

There are two ideas of government. There are those who believe that, if you will only legislate to make the well-to-do prosperous, their prosperity will leak through on those below. The Democratic idea, however, has been that if you legislate to make the masses prosperous, their prosperity will find its way up through every class which rests upon them. You come to us and tell us that the great cities are in favor of the gold standard; we reply that the great cities rest upon our broad and fertile prairies. Burn down your cities and leave our farms, and your cities will spring up again as if by magic; but destroy our farms and the grass will grow in the streets of every city in the country.[76]

This statement attracted great cheering, and Bryan turned to rhetorically demolish the compromise position on bimetallism—that it should only be accomplished through international agreement:

It is the issue of 1776 over again. Our ancestors, when but three millions in number, had the courage to declare their political independence of every other nation; shall we, their descendants, when we have grown to seventy millions, declare that we are less independent than our forefathers? No, my friends, that will never be the verdict of our people. Therefore, we care not upon what lines the battle is fought. If they say bimetallism is good, but that we cannot have it until other nations help us, we reply that, instead of having a gold standard because England has, we will restore bimetallism, and then let England have bimetallism because the United States has it. If they dare to come out in the open field and defend the gold standard as a good thing, we will fight them to the uttermost.[1][78]

Now, Bryan was ready to conclude the speech, and according to his biographer, Michael Kazin, step "into the headlines of American history".[1]

Having behind us the producing masses of this nation and the world, supported by the commercial interests, the laboring interests, and the toilers everywhere, we will answer their demand for a gold standard by saying to them: "You shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns; you shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold."[1]

As Bryan spoke his final sentence, recalling the Isoning xochga mixlanishi, he placed his hands to his temples, fingers extended; with the final words, he extended his arms to his sides straight out to his body and held that pose for about five seconds as if offering himself as sacrifice for the cause, as the audience watched in dead silence. He then lowered them, descended from the podium, and began to head back to his seat as the stillness held.[1]

Reception and nomination

Convention events

Bryan later described the silence as "really painful" and momentarily thought he had failed.[79] As he moved towards his seat, the Coliseum burst into pandemonium. Delegates threw hats, coats, and handkerchiefs into the air.[79] Others took up the standards with the state names on them with each delegation, and planted them by Nebraska's.[63] Two alert police officers had joined Bryan as he left the podium, anticipating the crush. The policemen were swept away by the flood of delegates, who raised Bryan to their shoulders and carried him around the floor. Washington Post newspaper recorded, "bedlam broke loose, delirium reigned supreme."[80]

It took about 25 minutes to restore order, and according to Bensel, "somewhere in the mass demonstration that was convulsing the convention hall, the transfer of sentiment from silver as a policy to Bryan as a presidential candidate took place".[81] Newspaper accounts of the convention leave little doubt but that, had a vote been taken at that moment (as many were shouting to do), Bryan would have been nominated.[81] Bryan was urged by Senator Jones to allow it, but refused, stating that if his boom would not last overnight, it would never last until November.[79] He soon retired from the convention, returning to his hotel to await the outcome.[82] The convention passed the platform in Bryan's absence and recessed.[83]

The balloting began the following morning, July 10, with a two-thirds vote necessary to nominate. Bryan, who remained at his hotel, sent word to the Nebraska delegation to make no deals on his behalf. He stood second out of fourteen candidates in the first ballot, behind Bland.[84][85] On the second ballot, Bryan still stood second, but had gained as other candidates had fallen away. The third ballot saw Bland still in the lead, but Bryan took the lead on the fourth ballot. According to Jones, it was clear that Bland could not win, and that Bryan could not be stopped. On the fifth ballot, the Illinois delegation, led by Governor Altgeld, switched its votes from Bland to Bryan. Other delegations, seeing that Bryan would be nominated, also switched, securing the victory. Nevertheless, he won the nomination without the votes of the gold delegates, most of whom either left the convention or refused to vote.[86]

Press reaction

Hakam magazine criticized Bryan for sacrilege in his speech. He is shown with crown and cross, but trampling the Bible.

Most contemporary press accounts attributed Bryan's nomination to his eloquence, though in the case of Republican and other gold-favoring newspapers, they considered it his demagoguery.[87] The pro-silver Klivlendning oddiy sotuvchisi called Bryan's speech "an eloquent, stirring, and manly appeal".[87] The Chicago Tribune reported that Bryan had lit the spark "which touched off the trail of gun-powder".[88] The Sent-Luisdan keyingi dispetcherlik opined that with the speech, Bryan "just about immortalized himself".[87]

Ga ko'ra Nyu-York dunyosi, "Lunacy having dictated the platform, it was perhaps natural that hysteria should evolve the candidate."[89] The New York Times disparaged Bryan as "the gifted blatherskite from Nebraska".[90] The only paper to predict, after Bryan gave his speech, that he would not be nominated was The Wall Street Journal, which stated, "Bryan has had his day". The Akron Journal and Republican, no friend to Bryan, opined that "never probably has a national convention been swayed or influenced by a single speech as was the national Democratic convention".[90]

Campaign and aftermath

Asosiy maqola: William Jennings Bryan presidential campaign, 1896 § General election campaign

The Pullman Company offered Bryan a private car for his trip home; he declined, not wishing to accept corporate favors. As he traveled by rail to Linkoln, he saw farmers and others standing by the tracks, hoping for a glimpse of the new Democratic nominee.[91] He received many letters from supporters, expressing their faith in him in stark terms. Bittasi Indiana voter wrote, "God has sent you amongst our people to save the poor from starvation, and we no [sic ] you will save us."[92] A farmer in Iowa, in a letter to Bryan, stated, "You are the first big man that i [sic ] ever wrote to."[92]

Bryan campaigning on stage a few months after the speech

When McKinley heard that Bryan was likely to be the nominee, he called the report "rot" and hung up the phone.[93] The Republican nominee was slow to realize the surge of support for Bryan after the nomination, stating his view that the silver sentiment would be gone in a month. When McKinley and his advisers, such as industrialist and future senator Mark Xanna, realized that the views were more than transitory, they began intensive fundraising from corporations and the wealthy. The money went for speakers, pamphlets, and other means of conveying their "sound money" campaign to the voter. With far less money than McKinley, Bryan embarked on a nationwide campaign tour by train on a then-unprecedented scale. McKinley on the other hand, opted for a front porch campaign. Both men spoke to hundreds of thousands of people from their chosen venues.[94]

Bryan's nomination divided the party. The dissidents nominated their own ticket; the split in the vote would contribute to Bryan's defeat.[95] However, Bryan did gain the support of the Populists, as well as a convention of Silver Republicans.[96] Bryan spoke on silver throughout the campaign; he rarely addressed other issues.[97] Bryan won the South and most of the West, but McKinley's victories in the more populous Northeast and Midwest carried him to the presidency.[98] The Democratic candidate failed to gain a majority of the labor vote; McKinley won in working-class areas as well as wealthy precincts.[97] Although McKinley outpolled him by 600,000 votes, Bryan received more votes than any previous presidential candidate.[98]

After McKinley's inauguration, increases in gold availability from new discoveries and improved refining methods led to a considerable increase in the money supply. Even so, in 1900, Congress passed the Oltin standart qonun, formally placing the United States on that standard. Although Bryan ran again on a silver platform in the 1900 presidential election, the issue failed to produce the same resonance with the voters. McKinley won more easily than in 1896, making inroads in the silver West.[99]

Meros

A "Bryan dollar" issued by his opponents to illustrate the difference between the size of a kumush dollar and the amount of bullion that could be purchased with a dollar.

Bryan's speech is considered one of the most powerful political addresses in American history.[100] Stanley Jones, however, suggested that even if Bryan had never delivered it, he would still have been nominated. Jones deemed the Democrats likely to nominate a candidate who would appeal to the Populist Party, and Bryan had been elected to Congress with Populist support.[101] According to rhetorical historian William Harpine in his study of the rhetoric of the 1896 campaign, "Bryan's speech cast a net for the true believers, but only for the true believers."[67] Harpine suggested that, "by appealing in such an uncompromising way to the agrarian elements and to the West, Bryan neglected the national audience who would vote in the November election".[102] Bryan's emphasis on agrarian issues, both in his speech and in his candidacy, may have helped cement voting patterns which kept the Democrats largely out of power until the 1930s.[103][104]

Yozuvchi Edgar Li Masters called the speech, "the beginning of a changed America."[91] Bryan's words gave rise to later economic and political philosophies, including Xuey Long 's 1930s Boyligimizni baham ko'ring program, with its trigger phrase, "Every Man a King" inspired by Bryan's speech.[105] Author and political commentator Uilyam Safire, in his political dictionary, traced the term "trickle-down economics " (common in the Reagan era ) to Bryan's statement that some believe that government should legislate for the wealthy, and allow prosperity to "leak through" on those below.[106] Historian R. Hal Williams suggested that the opposite philosophy, of legislation for the masses leading to prosperity for all, advocated by Bryan in his speech, informed the domestic policies of later Democratic presidents, including Franklin Ruzvelt u bilan Yangi bitim.[107]

Bensel ties the delegates' response to Bryan's address to their uncertainty in their own beliefs:

In a very real sense, adoption of the silver plank in the platform was akin to a millennial expectation that the "laws of economics" would henceforth be suspended and that the silver men could simply "will" that silver and gold would, in fact, trade on financial markets at a ratio of sixteen to one. The silver men were thus in the hunt for a charismatic leader who would underpin what they already desperately wanted to believe. They manufactured that leader in the convention, a fabrication in which Bryan was only too happy to assist.[108]

Adabiyotlar

  1. ^ a b v d e Kazin, p. 61.
  2. ^ Taxay, 48-49 betlar.
  3. ^ Coin World Almanac, p. 455.
  4. ^ a b Lange, 42-43 bet.
  5. ^ Taxay, p. 193.
  6. ^ Taxay, 217-221 betlar.
  7. ^ a b Jons, p. 7.
  8. ^ Coin World Almanac, p. 456.
  9. ^ Jons, pp. 7–13.
  10. ^ Taxay, pp. 261–267.
  11. ^ Jons, 7-9 betlar.
  12. ^ Bensel, p. 25.
  13. ^ Jons, pp. 43–45.
  14. ^ Uilyams, 28-29 betlar.
  15. ^ Uilyams, 67-68 betlar.
  16. ^ Cherny, 52-53 betlar.
  17. ^ Kazin, 38-40 betlar.
  18. ^ Jons, p. 68.
  19. ^ Uilyams, pp. 41–45.
  20. ^ Kazin, 41-43 betlar.
  21. ^ Kazin, pp. 42–44.
  22. ^ Uilyams, 67-71 bet.
  23. ^ Kazin, 46-48 betlar.
  24. ^ Barns, p. 380.
  25. ^ Jons, p. 49.
  26. ^ Coletta, p. 100.
  27. ^ a b Kazin, p. 52.
  28. ^ Uilyams, p. 74.
  29. ^ Jons, 184–185 betlar.
  30. ^ Barns, p. 381.
  31. ^ Barns, p. 374.
  32. ^ Uilyams, pp. 72–74.
  33. ^ Bensel, p. 22.
  34. ^ Jons, 192-193 betlar.
  35. ^ Jons, 216-217-betlar.
  36. ^ Bensel, p. 32.
  37. ^ Jons, p. 225.
  38. ^ Harpine, 48-49 betlar.
  39. ^ Coletta, p. 124.
  40. ^ Bensel, pp. 301–302.
  41. ^ Uilyams, p. 72.
  42. ^ Uilyams, p. 69.
  43. ^ Uilyams, 70-73 betlar.
  44. ^ Cherny, p. 56.
  45. ^ Bensel, p. 57.
  46. ^ a b Cherny, p. 59.
  47. ^ Barns, p. 376.
  48. ^ Official Proceedings of the 1896 Democratic National Convention, p. 254.
  49. ^ Uilyams, 80-81 betlar.
  50. ^ a b Bensel, 206–209-betlar.
  51. ^ Bensel, 128–129 betlar.
  52. ^ Uilyams, p. 81.
  53. ^ Bensel, pp. 210–213.
  54. ^ a b Jons, p. 226.
  55. ^ Uilyams, 81-82 betlar.
  56. ^ a b Uilyams, p. 82.
  57. ^ a b Bensel, p. 223.
  58. ^ Uilyams, 82-83-betlar.
  59. ^ a b Jons, p. 227.
  60. ^ Bensel, 223-224-betlar.
  61. ^ Bensel, p. 245.
  62. ^ Uilyams, p. 83.
  63. ^ a b Jons, p. 229.
  64. ^ a b v Bensel, 224–225-betlar.
  65. ^ Bensel, 237–238 betlar.
  66. ^ a b Uilyams, p. 84.
  67. ^ a b Harpine, p. 49.
  68. ^ Kazin, p. 60.
  69. ^ Coletta, p. 138.
  70. ^ a b Jons, p. 228.
  71. ^ a b Uilyams, 84-85-betlar.
  72. ^ Bensel, p. 233.
  73. ^ Coletta, p. 139.
  74. ^ Bensel, p. 227.
  75. ^ Harpine, 51-52 betlar.
  76. ^ a b Bensel, 230-232 betlar.
  77. ^ Official Proceedings of the 1896 Democratic National Convention, p. 233.
  78. ^ Bensel, p. 232.
  79. ^ a b v Uilyams, p. 86.
  80. ^ Bensel, pp. 232–234.
  81. ^ a b Bensel, p. 236.
  82. ^ Bensel, p. 237.
  83. ^ Bensel, 241–242 betlar.
  84. ^ Kazin, p. 62.
  85. ^ Uilyams, p. 87.
  86. ^ Jons, 234-236-betlar.
  87. ^ a b v Harpine, p. 52.
  88. ^ Bensel, p. 242.
  89. ^ Uilyams, p. 88.
  90. ^ a b Harpine, p. 53.
  91. ^ a b Uilyams, p. 91.
  92. ^ a b Uilyams, p. 93.
  93. ^ Bensel, p. 301.
  94. ^ Cherny, 64-66 bet.
  95. ^ Jons, p. 241.
  96. ^ Jons, pp. 244–255.
  97. ^ a b Uilyams, p. 152.
  98. ^ a b Cherny, p. 70.
  99. ^ Fillips, 114-115 betlar.
  100. ^ Harpine, p. 1.
  101. ^ Jons, p. 239.
  102. ^ Harpine, p. 55.
  103. ^ o'rmonlar, 9-10 betlar.
  104. ^ Jons, p. 346.
  105. ^ Safire, p. 225.
  106. ^ Safire, pp. 752–753.
  107. ^ Uilyams, p. 161.
  108. ^ Bensel, 310-311-betlar.

References cited

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  • Bensel, Richard Franklin (2008). Passion and Preferences: William Jennings Bryan and the 1896 Democratic National Convention. Kembrij, Buyuk Britaniya: Kembrij universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0-521-71762-5.
  • Cherny, Robert W. (1985). A Righteous Cause: The Life of William Jennings Bryan. Boston: Little, Brown va Company. ISBN  978-0-316-13854-3.
  • Coin World Almanac (8-nashr). Sidney, Ohio: Amos Press. 2011 yil. ISBN  978-0-944945-60-5.
  • Coletta, Paulo E. (1964). William Jennings Bryan: Political Evangelist, 1860–1908. Lincoln, Neb.: University of Nebraska Press.
  • Dickinson, Edward B. (official stenographer) (1896). Official Proceedings of the Democratic National Convention. Logansport, Ind.: Wilson, Humphreys, and Co. Olingan 14 dekabr, 2011.
  • Harpine, William D. (2005). Old verandadan oldingi sahifaga: 1896 yilgi prezidentlik kampaniyasida McKinley va Bryan. Presidential Rhetoric. 13. College Station, Tex.: Texas A&M University Press. ISBN  978-1-58544-559-2. Olingan 5 mart, 2012.
  • Jones, Stanley L. (1964). The Presidential Election of 1896. Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press. OCLC  445683.
  • Kazin, Michael (2006). A Godly Hero: The Life of William Jennings Bryan. Nyu-York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN  978-0-375-41135-9.
  • Lange, David W. (2006). History of the United States Mint and its Coinage. Atlanta, Ga.: Whitman Publishing. ISBN  978-0-7948-1972-9.
  • Fillips, Kevin (2003). Uilyam Makkinli. Nyu-York: Genri Xolt va Kompaniya. ISBN  978-0-8050-6953-2.
  • Safire, William (2008). Safire's Political Dictionary (Qayta ko'rib chiqilgan tahrir). Nyu-York: Oksford universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0-19-534334-2. Olingan 27 dekabr, 2011.
  • Taxay, Don (1983). AQSh zarbxonasi va tangalari (1966 yildagi nashr). New York: Sanford J. Durst Numismatic Publications. ISBN  978-0-915262-68-7.
  • Williams, R. Hal (2010). Realigning America: McKinley, Bryan and the Remarkable Election of 1896. Lourens, Kan.: Kanzas universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0-7006-1721-0.
  • Woods, William K. (January 1967). "Letter to William Jennings Bryan". Shimoliy Amerika sharhi. 252 (1): 9–10. JSTOR  25116528.

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