Sandinista milliy ozodlik fronti - Sandinista National Liberation Front

Sandinista milliy ozodlik fronti
Sandinista milliy ozodlik fronti; Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional
Qisqartirish	FSLN
Prezident	Daniel Ortega
Ta'sischi	Karlos Fonseka
Tashkil etilgan	1961 yil 19-iyul; 59 yil oldin
Bosh ofis	Managua
Gazeta	La Voz del Sandinismo
Mafkura	Sandinismo; Kristian ketdi; Sotsializm; Chap qanot populizmi; Avval:; Marksizm-leninizm
Siyosiy pozitsiya	Chap qanot; Avval:; Uzoq-chap
Hududiy mansublik	Parlament chap
Qit'a mansubligi	San-Paulu Foro; COPPPAL
Ranglar	Karmin qizil (odatiy); Qizil Qora Oq (rasmiy)
Milliy assambleya	71 / 92
Markaziy Amerika parlamenti	15 / 20
Partiya bayrog'i
Veb-sayt
	www.lavozdelsandinismo.com
	Nikaragua siyosati; Siyosiy partiyalar; Saylovlar;

The Sandinista milliy ozodlik fronti (Ispaniya: Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional, FSLN) a sotsialistik siyosiy partiya yilda Nikaragua. Uning a'zolari chaqiriladi Sandinistlar [sandiˈnistas] ingliz va ispan tillarida. Partiya nomi bilan atalgan Augusto Sezar Sandino, qarshi Nikaragua qarshilik ko'rsatgan Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Nikaraguani bosib olishi 1930-yillarda.^[6]

FSLN ag'darildi Anastasio Somoza DeBayle 1979 yilda tugaydi Somoza sulolasi va uning o'rniga inqilobiy hukumatni o'rnatdi.^[7]^[8] Hokimiyatni qo'lga kiritgan Sandinistlar 1979 yildan 1990 yilgacha Nikaraguani a Milliy tiklanish xuntasi. Ushbu Xuntadan markazchi a'zolar iste'foga chiqqandan so'ng, FSLN 1981 yil mart oyida eksklyuziv hokimiyatni qo'lga kiritdi. Ular ommaviy siyosat yuritdilar savodxonlik, sog'liqni saqlashga muhim resurslarni ajratdi va targ'ib qilindi jinsiy tenglik^[9] ammo xalqaro tanqidlarga uchradi inson huquqlari suiiste'mol qilish, ommaviy qatl etish va zulm mahalliy xalqlar.^[10]^[11] AQSh tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan guruh Qarama-qarshiliklar, 1981 yilda Sandinista hukumatini ag'darish uchun tashkil etilgan va tomonidan moliyalashtirilgan va o'qitilgan Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi.^[12] 1984 yilda saylovlar o'tkazildi^[13] ammo ba'zi muxolif partiyalar tomonidan boykot qilindi. FSLN ovozlarning ko'pchiligini qo'lga kiritdi,^[14] Sandinistlarga qarshi bo'lganlar esa o'rindiqlarning uchdan bir qismiga egalik qilishdi. Kontras va hukumat o'rtasidagi fuqarolar urushi 1989 yilgacha davom etdi. 1987 yilda konstitutsiya qayta ko'rib chiqilganidan so'ng va bir necha yil davomida Contrasga qarshi kurash olib borilgandan so'ng, FSLN 1990 yilgi saylovda yutqazdi. Violeta Barrios de Chamorro ammo qonun chiqaruvchi hokimiyatda ko'p joylarni saqlab qoldi.

FSLN endi Nikaraguaning yagona etakchi partiyasidir. Bu ko'pincha kichikroqqa qarshi bo'lib, so'rov o'tkazadi Konstitutsionist Liberal partiya yoki PLC. In 2006 yil Nikaragua umumiy saylovlari, FSLNning sobiq prezidenti Daniel Ortega qayta tanlandi Nikaragua prezidenti uning etakchi raqibi uchun 38,7% ovoz bilan 29% ovoz berib, 17 yillik boshqa partiyalar saylovlarida g'olib chiqqanidan keyin mamlakatning ikkinchi Sandinista hukumatini qabul qildi. Ortega va FSLN prezident saylovlarida qayta saylandi 2011 va of 2016.

Tarix

Sandinista atamasining kelib chiqishi

Sandinistlar o'z nomlarini olishdi Augusto Sezar Sandino (1895–1934), 20-asr boshlarida AQShni bosib olishiga qarshi Nikaraguaning millatchilik isyoni etakchisi (taxminan 1922-1934). "-Ista" qo'shimchasi "-ist" ning ispancha ekvivalenti.

Sandino o'ldirildi 1934 yilda Nikaragua tomonidan Milliy gvardiya (Guardia Nacional), AQSh tomonidan jihozlangan politsiya kuchlari Anastasio Somoza, kimning oila 1936 yildan ular 1979 yil Sandinistlar tomonidan ag'darilguncha mamlakatni boshqargan.^[6]

Tashkil etilgan (1961–1970)

FSLN 1950-yillarning oxiri va 60-yillarning boshlarida turli xil muxolifat tashkilotlari, yoshlar va talabalar guruhlari muhitida paydo bo'lgan. Universiteti Leon, va Nikaragua milliy avtonom universiteti (UNAN) yilda Managua faoliyatning asosiy markazlaridan ikkitasi bo'lgan.^[15] Tomonidan ilhomlangan Inqilob va FLN Jazoirda FSLN 1961 yilda tashkil etilgan Karlos Fonseka, Silvio Mayorga [es; ru ], Tomas Borge, Casimiro Sotelo va boshqalar Milliy ozodlik fronti (FLN).^[16] Faqatgina Borge 1979 yil Sandinista g'alabasini ko'rish uchun etarlicha uzoq yashadi.

Ikki yildan so'ng "Sandinista" atamasi qabul qilindi, Sandino harakati bilan uzluksizlik o'rnatildi va yangi meros mafkurasi va strategiyasini ishlab chiqishda uning merosidan foydalanildi.^[17] 1970-yillarning boshlarida FSLN cheklangan harbiy tashabbuslarni boshladi.^[18]

Rise (1970-1976)

1972 yil 23 dekabrda a 6,2 balli zilzila poytaxtni tekisladi, Managua. Zilzila natijasida shaharning 400 ming aholisidan 10 ming nafari halok bo'ldi va yana 50 ming kishi uysiz qoldi.^[19] Managuaning savdo binolarining qariyb 80% vayron qilingan.^[20] Prezident Anastasio Somoza Debayle Milliy gvardiya qayta qurishda yordam berish uchun mamlakatga tushgan xalqaro yordamning katta qismini o'zlashtirdi.^[21]^[22] va Managua markazining bir necha qismi hech qachon qayta tiklanmagan. Prezident rekonstruktsiya shartnomalarini imtiyozli ravishda oilasi va do'stlariga berdi, shu bilan zilziladan foyda oldi va shahar iqtisodiyotini nazoratini kuchaytirdi. Ba'zi taxminlarga ko'ra, uning shaxsiy boyligi 1974 yilda 400 million AQSh dollarigacha ko'tarilgan.^[23]

1974 yil dekabrda, Eduardu Kontreras va German Pomares boshchiligidagi FSLNga aloqador partizan guruhi, Manuaning chekka qismida joylashgan Los-Roblzadagi qishloq xo'jaligi vazirining uyida bo'lib o'tgan ziyofatda hukumatni garovga olgan, shu qatorda Nikaraguananing bir necha etakchi amaldorlari va Somozaning qarindoshlari. Qamal AQSh elchisi yig'ilishdan chiqib ketganidan keyin amalga oshirilishi uchun ehtiyotkorlik bilan rejalashtirilgan edi. Soat 22:50 da uyga 15 yosh partizanlar va ularning qo'mondonlari Pomares va Kontreralar kirib kelishdi. Ular o'zlarini otib tashlamoqchi bo'lgan vazirni egallab olish paytida o'ldirishdi.^[18] Partizanlar 2 million AQSh dollari miqdorida to'lov oldi va ularning rasmiy kommyunikalarini radioda o'qib gazetada chop etishdi. La Prensa.

Keyingi bir yil ichida partizanlar qamoqdan 14 sandinista mahbusni ozod qildilar va ular bilan birga uchib ketishdi Kuba. Ozod qilingan mahbuslardan biri edi Daniel Ortega, keyinchalik Nikaragua prezidenti bo'lgan.^[24] Guruh shuningdek, ish haqining oshishi uchun lobbichilik qildi Milliy gvardiya askarlar 500 ga kordobalar (O'sha paytda $ 71).^[25] Somoza hukumati bunga qo'shimcha javob berdi tsenzura, qo'rqitish, qiynoq va qotillik.^[26]

1975 yilda Somoza qamal holatini o'rnatdi, matbuotni tsenzuraga oldi va barcha raqiblarini tahdid qildi internatsiya va qiynoq.^[26] Somozaning Milliy gvardiyasi, shuningdek, Sandinistlar bilan hamkorlikda gumon qilingan odamlar va jamoalarga nisbatan zo'ravonlikni kuchaytirdi. FSLN partizanlarining ko'pi, shu jumladan uning rahbari va asoschisi o'ldirildi Karlos Fonseka 1976 yilda. Fonseka 1975 yilda Kubadagi surgunidan Nikaraguaga qaytib, FSLNda mavjud bo'lgan fraktsiyalarni birlashtirishga harakat qilgan. U va uning guruhi, bu hududda ekanligi to'g'risida Milliy gvardiyani xabardor qilgan bir dehqon xiyonat qildi. Partizan guruhi pistirmada edi va bu jarayonda Fonseka yarador bo'ldi. Ertasi kuni ertalab Milliy gvardiya Fonsekani qatl etdi.^[27]

Split (1977-1978)

FSLN 1967 yilda Pancasandagi jangda mag'lub bo'lganidan so'ng, "Uzoq muddatli xalq urushi" ni qabul qildi (Guerra Popular Prolongada, GPP) nazariyasi uning strategik doktrinasi sifatida. GPP "jimjitlikdagi kuchlarni to'plash" ga asoslangan edi: shahar tashkiloti universitet shaharchalarida yollanib, banklardan pulni talon-taroj qilar ekan, asosiysi kadrlar doimiy ravishda shimoliy markaziy tog 'zonasida joylashishi kerak edi. U erda ular oddiy yangilangan qishloqqa tayyorgarlikda dehqonlarni qo'llab-quvvatlash bazasi partizan urushi.^[28]

Milliy gvardiyaning repressiv kampaniyasi natijasida 1975 yilda FSLNning shahar safarbarlik guruhidagi bir guruh GPPning hayotiyligini shubha ostiga qo'ydi. Yosh pravoslavlarning fikriga ko'ra Marksistik kabi ziyolilar Jaime Wheelock, iqtisodiy rivojlanish Nikaraguani zavod ishchilari va ish haqi bilan ishlaydigan fermerlar xalqiga aylantirdi.^[29] Uilkning fraktsiyasi "Proletar tendentsiyasi" nomi bilan mashhur bo'lgan.

Ko'p o'tmay, FSLN tarkibida uchinchi guruh paydo bo'ldi. "Isyonchilar tendentsiyasi", shuningdek "Uchinchi yo'l" yoki Terceristalar, boshchiligida Daniel Ortega, uning ukasi Humberto Ortega va Meksikada tug'ilgan Viktor Tirado Lopez ancha pragmatik edi va kommunist bo'lmaganlar bilan taktik, vaqtinchalik ittifoqlarni, shu jumladan o'ng qanot oppozitsiya, a mashhur front qarshi Somoza tartib.^[30] To'g'ridan-to'g'ri Guardga hujum qilib, Terceristlar rejimning kuchsizligini namoyish qilar va boshqalarni qurol olishga undashar edi.

1977 yil oktabrda bir qator taniqli Nikaragua mutaxassislari, biznes rahbarlari va ruhoniylar Terseristalar bilan ittifoq tuzishdi "El Grupo de Los-Dots "(O'n ikki guruh) Kosta-Rika. Guruhning asosiy g'oyasi Kosta-Rikada vaqtinchalik hukumat tashkil etish edi.^[31] Terceristalarning yangi strategiyasiga FSLNning "Birlashgan Xalq Harakati" (Movimiento Pueblo Unido - MPU) tomonidan muvofiqlashtirilgan mehnat va talabalar guruhlari tomonidan qurolsiz ish tashlashlar va tartibsizliklar ham kiritilgan.

Qo'zg'olon (1978)

1978 yil 10-yanvarda Pedro Xoakin Chamorro, muxolifat gazetasi muharriri La Prensa va "Demokratik Ozodlik Ittifoqi" (Unión Democrática de Liberación - UDEL) rahbari o'ldirildi. O'sha paytda uning qotillari aniqlanmagan, ammo dalillarga Somozaning o'g'li va Milliy gvardiyaning boshqa a'zolari aralashgan.^[32] Bir nechta shaharlarda o'z-o'zidan paydo bo'lgan tartibsizliklar boshlandi, biznes hamjamiyati Somozaning iste'fosini talab qilib, umumiy ish tashlashni uyushtirdi.

Terceristlar fevral oyining boshlarida Nikaraguananing bir nechta shaharlarida hujumlar uyushtirishdi. Milliy gvardiya bunga javoban repressiyalarni yanada kuchaytirdi va barcha hukumat oppozitsiyalarini jilovlash va qo'rqitish uchun kuch ishlatdi. Mamlakatni o'n kun davomida falaj qilgan umummilliy ish tashlash xususiy korxonalarni zaiflashtirdi va ularning aksariyati o'z ishlarini ikki haftadan kamroq vaqt ichida to'xtatishga qaror qildilar. Ayni paytda Somoza 1981 yilda prezidentlik muddati tugaguncha hokimiyatda qolish niyatini bildirdi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari hukumati Somozaga bo'lgan noroziligini rejimga barcha harbiy yordamlarni to'xtatib qo'ydi, ammo mamlakatga iqtisodiy yordamni tasdiqlashni davom ettirdi gumanitar sabablari.^[33]

Avgust oyida Terceristalar garovga olingan. Yigirma uchta Tercerista komandolari boshchiligida Eden Pastora butun Nikaragua kongressini egallab oldi va 1000 ga yaqin odamni garovga oldi, shu jumladan Somozaning jiyani Xose Somoza Abrego va amakivachcha Luis Pallais Debayl. Somoza ularning talablariga bo'ysundi va 500000 dollar to'lovni to'lab, 59 siyosiy mahbusni (shu jumladan GPP boshlig'ini) ozod qildi Tomas Borge ), FSLNning umumiy qo'zg'olonga da'vati bilan kommyunikeni efirga uzatdi va partizanlarga Panamaga xavfsiz yo'l oldi.^[34]

Bir necha kundan keyin Nikaraguaning oltita shahri qo'zg'olon ko'tarildi. Qurollangan yoshlar tog'li shaharni egallab olishdi Matagalpa. Tercerista xodimlari Gvardiya postlariga hujum qilishdi Managua, Masaya, Leon, Chinandega va Esteli. Ko'p sonli yarim qurolli fuqarolar qo'zg'olonga qo'shilishdi va oxirgi to'rtta shaharning Gvardiya garnizonlarini qamalga olishdi. 1978 yil sentyabr qo'zg'oloni bir necha ming, asosan fuqarolik qurbonlari hisobiga bostirildi.^[35] Ushbu qo'zg'olonlarda uchala fraksiya a'zolari ham kurash olib bordilar, ular bo'linishlarni xiralashtira boshladilar va birlashgan harakatlarga yo'l tayyorladilar.^[36]

Birlashish (1979)

1979 yil boshida Prezident Jimmi Karter va Qo'shma Shtatlar ularni qo'llab-quvvatlashni tugatdi Somoza hukumat, lekin chap qanot hukumatining Nikaraguada hokimiyatni egallashini istamadi. Mo''tadil "Keng oppozitsiya jabhasi" (Frente Amplio Opositor - Somozaga qarshi bo'lgan FAO) hukumat ichidagi dissidentlar konglomeratsiyasidan, shuningdek "Ozodlik Demokratik Ittifoqi" (UDEL) va "O'n ikki" dan tashkil topgan, Terceristalar vakillari (ularning asoschilari tarkibiga Casimiro A kirgan). Sotelo, keyinchalik FSLN vakili sifatida AQSh va Kanadadagi elchi bo'lish uchun). FAO va Karter Somozani lavozimidan chetlashtirish rejasini ishlab chiqdilar, ammo FSLNga hukumat vakolatini bermadilar.^[37] FAO sa'y-harakatlari siyosiy qonuniylikni yo'qotdi, chunki nikaragualiklar ular istamasliklariga norozilik bildirishdi "Somocismo gunoh Somoza"(Somozisiz Somozizm).^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

"O'n ikki" norozilik koalitsiyasidan voz kechdi va "Milliy vatanparvarlik fronti" ni tuzdi (Frente Patrioto Nacional - FPN) "Birlashgan Xalq Harakati" (MPU) bilan birgalikda. Bu o'n minglab yoshlar FSLNga va Somozaga qarshi kurashga qo'shilgani sababli inqilobiy tashkilotlarni kuchaytirdi. Nikaraguada qurolli kurashning tarqalishining bevosita natijasi 1979 yil 7 martda bo'lib o'tgan FSLNni rasmiy ravishda birlashtirish edi. Har bir tendentsiyadan uchtadan to'qqiz kishi birlashgan FSLNga rahbarlik qilgan Milliy Direktoriyani tashkil etdi: Daniel Ortega, Humberto Ortega va Vektor Tirado (Terceristas); Tomas Borge, Bayardo Arce Kastano [es; ru ]va Genri Ruis (GPP fraktsiyasi); va Jaime Wheelock, Luis Karrion va Karlos Nunez.^[36]

Nikaragua inqilobi

FSLN ko'plab oppozitsiya guruhlaridan biridan Somoza rejimini ag'darishda etakchi rolga aylandi. 1979 yil aprel oyining o'rtalariga kelib FSLNning qo'shma qo'mondonligi ostida beshta partizan jabhasi ochildi, shu jumladan Managuadagi ichki front. Yosh partizan kadrlari va Milliy gvardiyachilar mamlakat shaharlarida deyarli har kuni to'qnash kelishgan. Oxirgi hujumning strategik maqsadi dushman kuchlarini taqsimlash edi. Shahar qo'zg'oloni hal qiluvchi omil edi, chunki FSLN hech qachon Milliy Gvardiya sonidan oshib ketishiga umid qila olmaydi.^[38]

4 iyun kuni FSLN Somoza yiqilib, Managuada qo'zg'olon boshlangunga qadar davom etgan umumiy ish tashlashni chaqirdi. 16 iyun kuni 5 kishidan iborat surgunda bo'lgan Nikaragua vaqtinchalik hukumati tuzildi Milliy tiklanish xuntasi, Kosta-Rikada e'lon qilingan va tashkil etilgan. Yangi xunta a'zolari edi Daniel Ortega (FSLN), Moisés Hassan (FPN), Serxio Ramirez ("o'n ikki"), Alfonso Robelo (MDN) va Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, ning bevasi La Prensa'direktori Pedro Xoakin Chamorro. O'sha oyning oxiriga kelib, poytaxtdan tashqari, Nikaraguaning aksariyati FSLN nazorati ostida edi, shu jumladan Leon va Matagalpa, Nikaraguaning Managuadan keyingi ikki yirik shahri.

9-iyulda surgundagi muvaqqat hukumat hukumat dasturini e'lon qildi, unda "Somoza hukmronligini qaytarish" ni targ'ib qilayotganlar bundan mustasno, samarali demokratik rejimni tashkil etish, siyosiy plyuralizm va umumiy saylov huquqini targ'ib qilish va mafkuraviy kamsitishlarni taqiqlash to'g'risida va'da berdi. 17 iyulda Somoza iste'foga chiqdi, hokimiyatni unga topshirdi Frantsisko Urcuyo va qochib ketdi Mayami. Dastlab Somozada prezidentlik muddatini o'tash uchun hokimiyatda qolishga intilayotgan Urcuyo o'z lavozimini xuntaga topshirdi va qochib ketdi Gvatemala ikki kundan keyin.

19 iyul kuni FSLN armiyasi inqilobning birinchi maqsadini yakunlab, Manuaga kirdi. Urush 30000-50.000 kishining o'limiga va 150.000 Nikaraguaning surguniga sabab bo'ldi. Besh a'zodan iborat xunta ertasi kuni Managuaga kirib, hokimiyatni o'z zimmasiga oldi va siyosiy plyuralizm, aralash iqtisodiy tizim va nomuvofiq tashqi siyosat uchun ishlash va'dasini takrorladi.^[39]

Sandinista hukmronligi (1979–1990)

Sandinistlar 1,6 milliard AQSh dollari miqdoridagi qarzga ega bo'lgan, taxminan 30,000 dan 50,000 urushgacha halok bo'lgan, 600,000 uysiz va vayron bo'lgan iqtisodiy infratuzilma bo'lgan mamlakatni meros qilib oldilar.^[40]^[41] Yangi hukumat tuzishni boshlash uchun ular Kengash tuzdilar (yoki xunta) tayinlangan beshta a'zodan iborat Milliy tiklanish. Belgilangan a'zolardan uchtasi - Sandinistik jangarilar Daniel Ortega, Moises Hassan va yozuvchi Serxio Ramirez (a'zosi Los-Dots "o'n ikki") - FSLNga tegishli edi. Ikki oppozitsiya a'zosi, tadbirkor Alfonso Robelo va Violeta Barrios de Chamorro (Pedro Xoakin Chamorroning bevasi) ham tayinlandi. Qonun qabul qilish uchun atigi uchta ovoz kerak edi.

FSLN shuningdek, xuntaga bo'ysunuvchi Davlat kengashini tashkil etdi, u vakillik organlaridan iborat edi. Ammo Davlat Kengashi siyosiy partiyalarga 47 o'rindan atigi 12 tasini berdi; qolgan qismi Sandinista tashkilotlariga berildi.^[42] Siyosiy partiyalar uchun ajratilgan 12 o'rindan faqat uchtasi FSLN bilan ittifoq qilmagan.^[42] Davlat Kengashini tartibga soluvchi qoidalar tufayli 1980 yilda FSLNga a'zo bo'lmagan xunta a'zolari ham iste'foga chiqdilar. Shunga qaramay, 1982 yilgi Favqulodda vaziyat holatidan boshlab, muxolifat partiyalarga endi kengashda vakolat berilmadi.^[42] Hokimiyatning ustunligi, shuningdek, Sandinista ishchilar federatsiyasi (shu jumladan, ularning ommaviy tashkilotlari) orqali Sandinistlarda qoldi (Markaziy Sandinista de Trabajadores), Luisa Amanda Espinoza Nikaragua ayollar assotsiatsiyasi (Asociación de Mujeres Nicaragyenses Luisa Amanda Espinoza), Fermerlar va fermerlarning milliy ittifoqi (Unión Nacional de Agricultureores va Ganaderos) va eng muhimi Sandinista mudofaa qo'mitalari (CDS). Sandinistalar tomonidan boshqariladigan ommaviy tashkilotlar fuqarolik jamiyati ustidan nihoyatda ta'sirchan bo'lgan va ularning kuchi va mashhurligi 1980 yillarning o'rtalarida ko'rilgan.^[42]

Hokimiyatni o'z zimmasiga olgandan so'ng, FSLNning rasmiy siyosiy platformasida somozalar va ularning tarafdorlariga tegishli bo'lgan mulklarni milliylashtirish; er islohoti; qishloq va shahar mehnat sharoitlarini yaxshilash; shaharda ham, qishloqda ham barcha ishchilar uchun bepul kasaba uyushmasi; asosiy ehtiyoj tovarlari narxlarini belgilash; davlat xizmatlari, uy-joy sharoitlari, ta'lim yaxshilandi; qiynoqqa solish, siyosiy suiqasd va o'lim jazosini bekor qilish; demokratik erkinliklarni himoya qilish; ayollar uchun tenglik; qo'shilmaslik tashqi siyosati; va FSLN va Humberto Ortega rahbarligida "ommaviy armiya" ni shakllantirish.

FSLN savodxonligi kampaniyasi o'qituvchilarni qishloqqa yubordi va olti oy ichida yarim million kishiga ibtidoiy o'qish o'rgatildi, bu esa milliy savodsizlik darajasini 50% dan 12% gacha tushirdi. 100000 dan ortiq nikaragualiklar savod o'qituvchilari sifatida qatnashdilar. Savodxonlik kampaniyasining maqsadlaridan biri va'da qilingan saylovlarda xabardor tanlovni amalga oshiradigan savodli elektoratni yaratish edi. Savodxonlik kampaniyasining muvaffaqiyati tomonidan e'tirof etildi YuNESKO bilan Nadejda Krupskaya Xalqaro mukofot.

FSLN Kubaliklarga o'xshash mahalla guruhlarini ham yaratdi Inqilobni himoya qilish qo'mitalari, Sandinista Mudofaa qo'mitalari deb nomlangan (Komissiya de Defensa Sandinista yoki CDS). Ayniqsa, Somoza taxtdan ag'darilgandan keyingi dastlabki kunlarda CD disklari xizmat qildi amalda mahalliy boshqaruv birliklari. Ularning majburiyatlariga siyosiy ta'lim, Sandinista mitinglarini tashkillashtirish, oziq-ovqat ratsionini tarqatish, mahalla / hududlarni tozalash va ko'ngil ochish tadbirlarini tashkil etish, talonchilikni nazorat qilish uchun politsiya va aksilinqilobchilarni ushlash kiradi. CDSlar o'z tarafdorlarini qo'lga olish uchun Contra faoliyatiga va razvedka tizimlari tarmog'iga qarshi fuqarolik mudofaasi ishlarini tashkil qildilar. Ushbu tadbirlar Sandinistlar tanqidchilarining ta'kidlashicha, CDS hukumat siyosiy norozilikni bo'g'ish uchun ishlatilgan mahalliy josuslik tizimlari tizimi bo'lib, CDS cheklangan vakolatlarga ega - masalan, haydovchilik guvohnomalari va pasport kabi imtiyozlarni to'xtatish qobiliyati - agar mahalliy aholi hukumat bilan hamkorlik qilishdan bosh tortsa. Nikaragua mojarosida AQShning og'ir harbiy ishtiroki boshlangandan so'ng, CDSga siyosiy yig'ilish va boshqa siyosiy partiyalar (ya'ni, Kontras bilan bog'liq partiyalar) bilan birlashishni taqiqlashni kuchaytirish huquqi berildi.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

1980 yilga kelib, Sandinista va Sandinista bo'lmagan hukumat a'zolari o'rtasida ziddiyatlar yuzaga kela boshladi. Violeta Chamorro va Alfonso Robelo 1980 yilda xuntadan iste'foga chiqdi va Ortega xunta a'zolari o'zaro hokimiyatni birlashtirishi haqida mish-mishlar boshlandi. Bu ayblovlar tarqaldi va mish-mishlar kuchayib, Orteganing maqsadi Nikaraguani undan o'rnak olgan davlatga aylantirish edi Kuba sotsializm. 1979 va 1980 yillarda Somozaning sobiq tarafdorlari va Somozaning Milliy gvardiyasining sobiq a'zolari tartibsiz harbiy kuchlarni tuzdilar, FSLNning asl yadrosi esa parchalana boshladi. Sandinista hukumatiga qarshi qurolli muxolifat oxir-oqibat ikkita asosiy guruhga bo'lingan: 1981 yilda Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi, AQSh Davlat departamenti va Somoza davridagi Nikaragua milliy gvardiyasining sobiq a'zolari tomonidan tashkil qilingan AQSh tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan Fuerza Democrática Nicaragüense (FDN); va Alianza Revolucionaria Demokratica (ARDE) Demokratik inqilobiy alyans, FSLNdan oldin mavjud bo'lgan va Sandinista asoschisi va sobiq FSLN oliy qo'mondoni boshchiligidagi guruh Eden Pastora, "qo'mondon Zero".^[43] Milpistalar, Somozaga qarshi bo'lgan sobiq militsiyalar, oxir-oqibat, yollanganlarning eng katta pulini tashkil etishdi Qarama-qarshiliklar. Garchi mustaqil va ko'pincha bir-biri bilan ziddiyatda bo'lsa-da, bu partizan guruhlari va boshqalar qatori hammasi Contras (qisqacha kontrarrevolucionarios- aksilinqilobchilar).^[44]

Muxolifat militsiyalari dastlab uyushgan va asosan mintaqaviy mansubligi va siyosiy kelib chiqishiga qarab ajratilgan. Ular iqtisodiy, harbiy va fuqarolik maqsadlariga hujumlar uyushtirishdi. Contra urushi paytida, Sandinistalar Contra militsiyasining gumon qilingan a'zolarini hibsga olishdi va ular AQSh, FDN va ARDE kabi dushman bilan hamkorlikda ayblagan tsenzurani nashr etishdi.

Favqulodda holat (1982–1988)

1982 yil mart oyida Sandinistlar rasmiy Favqulodda holat e'lon qildi. Ular bu aksilinqilobiy kuchlarning hujumlariga javob deb ta'kidladilar.^[45] Favqulodda holat olti yil davom etdi, 1988 yil yanvarigacha u bekor qilindi.

Yangi "Tartibni saqlash va jamoat xavfsizligini ta'minlash to'g'risidagi qonun" ga binoan, "Tribunales Populares Somozistas", shubhali aksilinqilobchilarni sudsiz muddatsiz ushlab turishga imkon berdi. Favqulodda holat, ayniqsa, "Nikaragualiklarning huquqlari va kafolatlari to'g'risidagi nizom" da ko'rsatilgan huquq va kafolatlar ta'sir ko'rsatdi.^[46] Namoyish uyushtirish, uy daxlsizligi, matbuot erkinligi, so'z erkinligi va ish tashlash erkinligi kabi ko'plab fuqarolik erkinliklari cheklandi yoki bekor qilindi.^[46]

Mustaqil yangiliklar dasturining barcha ko'rsatuvlari to'xtatildi. Hammasi bo'lib yigirma to'rtta dastur bekor qilindi. Bundan tashqari, Sandinista tsenzurasi Nelba Sesiliya Blandon barcha radiostantsiyalarga har olti soatda hukumatning La Voz de La Defensa de La Patria radiostantsiyasidan eshittirishni buyurgan farmon chiqardi.^[47]

Ta'sir qilingan huquqlar, shu jumladan qamoqqa olish holatlarida muayyan protsessual kafolatlarni ham o'z ichiga olgan habeas corpus.^[46] Favqulodda vaziyat holati bekor qilinmadi 1984 yilgi saylovlar. Muxolifat partiyalarining mitinglari jismonan tarqatib yuborilgan holatlar ko'p bo'lgan Sandinista yoshlari yoki Sandinista tarafdorlari. Favqulodda holatga qarshi bo'lganlar, uning maqsadi FSLNga qarshilikni yo'q qilish edi. Jeyms Uilk Direktsiya harakatlarini "... Biz soxta payg'ambarlar va oligarxlarning inqilobga hujum qilish litsenziyasini bekor qilamiz" deb oqladi.^[48]

1982 yilgacha ba'zi favqulodda choralar ko'rilgan. 1979 yil dekabrda 7000-8000 Milliy Gvardiya mahbuslarini qayta ishlashni tezlashtirish uchun "Tribunales Especiales" deb nomlangan maxsus sudlar tashkil etilgan. Ushbu sudlar dalillarni tasdiqlash qoidalari va sud protseduralari asosida ishladilar va ko'pincha yuridik talabalar va tajribasiz advokatlar bilan ishladilar. Biroq, "Tribunales Especiales" ning qarorlari oddiy sudlarda shikoyat qilinishi kerak edi. Milliy gvardiya mahbuslarining aksariyati dalil yo'qligi sababli darhol ozod qilindi. Boshqalari esa avf qilindi yoki farmon bilan ozod qilindi. 1986 yilga kelib atigi 2157 kishi hibsda qoldi va faqat 39 nafari 1989 yilda Esquipulas II kelishuviga binoan ozod qilingan paytda hibsda edilar.^[46]

1985 yil 5 oktyabrda sandinistlar 1982 yil Favqulodda vaziyatni kengaytirdilar va ko'plab boshqa fuqarolik huquqlarini to'xtatdilar. Yangi nizom, shuningdek, hukumatdan tashqaridagi har qanday tashkilotni oldindan tasdiqlash uchun tsenzura byurosiga e'lon qilishni istagan har qanday bayonotni taqdim etishga majbur qildi.^[49]

FSLN kuchini yo'qotdi 1990 yilgi prezident saylovlari tomonidan Daniel Ortega Nikaragua prezidentligi uchun saylovda mag'lub bo'lganida Violeta Chamorro.

Sandinistalar va Contras

ARDE Frente Sur Contras 1987 yilda

1981 yilda o'z lavozimiga kirishganidan so'ng, AQSh prezidenti Ronald Reygan kabi Lotin Amerikasi mamlakatlaridagi "marksistik" inqilobiy harakatlarni qo'llab-quvvatlashda Kuba bilan qo'shilganligi uchun FSLNni qoraladi Salvador. Uning ma'muriyati Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi qo'zg'olonchilarni moliyalashtirish, qurollantirish va o'qitishni boshlash, ularning aksariyati Somoza milliy gvardiyasining qoldiqlari, chapchilar tomonidan "aksilinqilobchi" deb topilgan anti-sandinist partizanlar sifatida (kontrarrevolucionarios ispan tilida).^[50] Bu qisqartirildi Qarama-qarshiliklar, kuch qabul qilishni tanlagan yorliq. Eden Pastora va "Somozistalar" bilan bog'lanmagan ko'plab mahalliy partizan kuchlari ham Sandinistlarga qarshilik ko'rsatdilar.

Kontraslar qo'shni mamlakatlardagi lagerlardan tashqarida ishlaydi Gonduras shimolga va Kosta-Rika (quyida keltirilgan Eden Pastoraga qarang) janub tomonda. Partizan urushida odatdagidek, ular Sandinista hukumatiga qarshi kurashish maqsadida iqtisodiy sabotaj kampaniyasini olib borishdi va ekish orqali yuk tashishni to'xtatishdi. suv osti konlari Nikaraguada Korinto port,^[51] tomonidan hukm qilingan harakat Xalqaro sud noqonuniy sifatida. AQSh Sandinistalarga ham iqtisodiy bosim o'tkazishga intildi va Kubada bo'lgani kabi Reygan ma'muriyati to'liq savdo embargosini joriy qildi.^[52]

Kontras shuningdek, hukumatning ijtimoiy islohot dasturlarini buzish uchun muntazam ravishda kampaniya olib bordi. Ushbu kampaniya maktablarga, sog'liqni saqlash markazlariga va Sandinistalarga xayrixoh bo'lgan aksariyat qishloq aholisiga hujumlarni o'z ichiga olgan. Keng tarqalgan qotillik, zo'rlash va qiynoqlar, shuningdek, hukumatni beqarorlashtirish va Kontras bilan hamkorlik qilish uchun aholini "qo'rqitish" vositasi sifatida ishlatilgan. Ushbu kampaniya davomida Contras Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi va Reygan ma'muriyatidan harbiy va moliyaviy yordam oldi.^[53] Ushbu aksiya xalqaro miqyosda ko'plab inson huquqlarini buzilishi uchun qoralangan. Contra tarafdorlari ko'pincha ushbu qonunbuzarliklarni kamaytirmoqchi yoki Sandinista hukumati bundan ham ko'proq narsani amalga oshirganiga qarshi chiqishgan. Xususan, Reygan ma'muriyati "oq targ'ibot" deb nomlangan Kontraslar to'g'risida jamoatchilik fikrini o'zgartirish kampaniyasini olib bordi.^[54] 1984 yilda Xalqaro sud Qo'shma Shtatlar hukumati Kontrasni qo'llab-quvvatlaganida Xalqaro huquqni buzgan deb hukm qildi.^[55]

AQSh Kongressidan keyin Contrasni federal moliyalashtirish taqiqlangan Boland tuzatish 1983 yilda Reygan ma'muriyati Kontrasni qo'llab-quvvatlashni xorijiy ittifoqchilardan pul yig'ish va yashirin ravishda qurol sotish bilan davom ettirdi Eron (keyin bilan urush olib borgan Iroq ) va tushumni Kontrastga yo'naltirish (qarang Eron-Kontra ishi ).^[56] Ushbu sxema oshkor bo'lgach, Reygan Eronning "garovga olingan qurol" muomalalari to'g'risida bilishini tan oldi, ammo Kontrasni moliyalashtirishdan tushadigan mablag'lar to'g'risida bexabarligini tan oldi; Buning uchun, Milliy xavfsizlik kengashi yordamchi Podpolkovnik Oliver Shimoliy aybning katta qismini o'z zimmasiga oldi.

Senator Jon Kerri 1988 yil AQSh Senatining Xalqaro aloqalar qo'mitasi Kontras va AQShga giyohvand moddalar importi o'rtasidagi aloqalar to'g'risida hisobotda "AQShning yuqori darajadagi siyosatchilari, giyohvand moddalar pullari Kontrasni moliyalashtirish muammolarini hal qilishning mukammal echimi bo'lgan degan fikrdan xoli emas" degan xulosaga kelishdi.^[57] Ga ko'ra Milliy xavfsizlik arxivi, Oliver Nort bilan aloqada bo'lgan Manuel Noriega, AQSh tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan prezidenti Panama. Reygan ma'muriyatining Kontrasni qo'llab-quvvatlashi 90-yillarga qadar bahs-munozaralarni davom ettirdi. 1996 yil avgustda, San-Xose Merkuriy yangiliklari muxbir Gari Uebb nomli turkumni nashr etdi Dark Alliance,^[58] kelib chiqishini bog'lash crack кокаин yilda Kaliforniya CIA-Contra ittifoqiga. Vebbning da'volari Los Anjeles Tayms, The New York Timesva Washington Post, va San-Xose Merkuriy yangiliklari oxir-oqibat uning ishini rad etdi.^[59] Tomonidan olib borilgan tergov Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Adliya vazirligi shuningdek, ularning "ko'rib chiqishi Mercury News-ning maqolalarida ko'rsatilgan va nazarda tutilgan asosiy ayblovlarni tasdiqlamaganligini" ta'kidladi.^[60] Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasiga nisbatan aniq ayblovlar to'g'risida DOJ "giyohvand moddalar savdosi shaxslar tomonidan giyohvand moddalar savdosi Merkuriy yangiliklari Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasiga ulangan maqolalar ham faktlar bilan tasdiqlanmagan ".^[60] Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi ham ushbu ayblovni tekshirgan va rad etgan.^[61]

Kontra urushi Nikaraguaning shimoliy va janubiy zonalarida turlicha rivojlandi. Kosta-Rikada joylashgan kontraslar Nikaraguada operatsiya qilingan Karib dengizi sohillari, mahalliy aholi guruhlari tomonidan kam yashaydigan, shu jumladan Miskito, Sumo, Rama, Garifuna va Mestizo. Ispan tilida so'zlashadigan g'arbiy Nikaraguadan farqli o'laroq, Karib dengizi sohillari asosan ingliz tilida so'zlashadilar va Somoza rejimi tomonidan katta e'tiborga olinmadi. The kostenoslar Somozaga qarshi qo'zg'olonda qatnashmagan va Sandinismoga boshidanoq shubha bilan qaragan.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Saylovlar

1984 yilgi saylov

Sandinistlar ommaviy plyuralizmni rag'batlantirgan bo'lsalar-da, ular milliy saylovlarga nisbatan kamroq g'ayratli edilar. Ularning ta'kidlashicha, xalqni qo'llab-quvvatlash qo'zg'olonda ifodalangan va xalqni qo'llab-quvvatlashga qo'shimcha murojaat etish kam manbalarni sarflash bo'ladi.^[62] Xalqaro bosim va mahalliy muxolifat oxir-oqibat hukumatni milliy saylovlar o'tkazishga majbur qildi.^[62] Tomas Borge saylovlar imtiyoz, saxovat va siyosiy zarurat bo'lganligi haqida ogohlantirdi.^[63] Boshqa tomondan, Sandinistlar prezidentlik lavozimining afzalliklari va muxolifatga cheklovlarni hisobga olgan holda saylovlardan qo'rqmaydilar va ularni ag'darishga qaratilgan qurolli harakatlarni obro'sizlantirishga umid qilishdi.^[64]

Siyosat yo'nalishi bo'yicha o'ta chapdan o'ngga qarab siyosiy partiyalarning keng doirasi hokimiyat uchun kurash olib bordi.^[65] Yangi populist konstitutsiya e'lon qilinganidan so'ng, Nikaragua 1984 yilda milliy saylovlar o'tkazdi. Dunyo bo'ylab mustaqil saylov kuzatuvchilari, shu jumladan BMT kuzatuvchilar bilan bir qatorda G'arbiy Evropa - saylovlar adolatli o'tganini aniqladi.^[66] Biroq, bir nechta guruhlar bunga qarshi chiqishdi, jumladan UNO, Sandinistlarga qarshi faollarning keng koalitsiyasi, COSEP, biznes rahbarlari tashkiloti, "FDN" kontra guruhi, Somozan davridagi sobiq milliy gvardiyachilar, mulkdorlar, ishbilarmonlar, dehqonlar tog'li uyushtirganlar. va ba'zilari o'zlarining homiysi deb da'vo qilgan narsalar AQSh hukumati.^[67]

Dastlab 1984 yilgi saylovlarda qatnashishga tayyor bo'lsa-da, boshchiligidagi BMT Arturo Kruz (sobiq Sandinista), favqulodda holat shtati tomonidan saylov jarayoniga qo'yilgan cheklovlarga va Prezidentning rasmiy maslahatlariga o'zlarining e'tirozlari asosida saylovlarda qatnashishdan bosh tortgan. Ronald Reygan "s Davlat departamenti, saylov jarayonini qonuniylashtirmoqchi bo'lmagan. Boshqa partiyalar qatorida COSEP ham bor edi, ular FSLNni matbuot erkinligi tiklanmaguncha ishtirok etishdan bosh tortishlari haqida ogohlantirgan edi. Coordinadora Democrática (CD) ham nomzodlarni topshirishdan bosh tortdi va nikaragualiklarni saylovda qatnashmaslikka chaqirdi. Virjilio Godoy Reyes boshchiligidagi Mustaqil Liberal Partiya (PLI) oktyabrda ishtirok etishdan bosh tortganini e'lon qildi.^[68] Binobarin, saylovlar bo'lib o'tgach, AQSh Favqulodda vaziyat davlati tomonidan joriy etilgan siyosiy cheklovlarga (masalan, matbuotni tsenzura qilish, habeas korpusini bekor qilish va erkin yig'ilishlarni cheklash) asoslanib e'tirozlar bildirdi.

Daniel Ortega va Serxio Ramirez prezident va vitse-prezident etib saylandilar va FSLN yangi o'rinlardagi 96 o'rindan 61tasini qo'lga kiritdi Milliy assambleya 75 foiz ovoz berishda 67 foiz ovoz olgan.^[68] Saylovlarni xalqaro miqyosda bir necha siyosiy va mustaqil kuzatuvchilar tomonidan tasdiqlanishiga qaramay (deyarli barchasi AQSh ittifoqchilari orasidan), Qo'shma Shtatlar saylovlarni tan olishdan bosh tortdi, Prezident Ronald Reygan esa saylovlarni yolg'on deb qoraladi. Tadqiqotga ko'ra,^[69] 1984 yildagi saylov Sandinista direktsiyasiga bo'ysunadigan lavozimlarga mo'ljallanganligi sababli, saylovlar ovoz berish yo'li bilan tasdiqlanishi shart emas edi, chunki Kommunistik partiyaning Markaziy Qo'mitasi Sharqiy blok mamlakatlarida. Daniel Ortega o'zining olti yillik prezidentlik muddatini 1985 yil 10-yanvarda boshladi. Qo'shma Shtatlar Kongressi uni moliyalashtirishni davom ettirishdan voz kechdi Qarama-qarshiliklar 1985 yil aprelda Reygan ma'muriyati keyingi oyda Sandinista hukumatini AQShning mintaqadagi xavfsizligiga tahdid qilishda ayblab, Nikaragua bilan AQSh savdo-sotiqlariga to'liq embargo kiritishni buyurdi.^[68]

1990 yilgi saylov

1987 yilda qabul qilingan konstitutsiyada belgilab qo'yilgan 1990 yilgi saylovlarda Bush ma'muriyati Kontrasga 49,75 million dollar miqdorida "o'limga yaramaydigan" yordamni, shuningdek, BMTning oppozitsiyasiga 9 million dollar miqdorida mablag 'ajratdi, bu 2 milliard dollarga teng edi. chet el kuchining o'sha paytdagi AQSh saylovlariga aralashuvi va Jorj Bushning o'z saylovoldi tashviqotiga sarflagan mablag'idan mutanosib ravishda besh baravar ko'p.^[70]^[71] 1989 yil noyabr oyida Violeta Chamorro Oq uyga tashrif buyurganida, agar AQSh Violeta Chamorro g'alaba qozonmasa, Nikaraguaga qarshi embargoni saqlab qolishga va'da bergan.^[72]

Saylov kampaniyasi boshlangan oy 1989 yil avgustda, Vashington mablag 'ajratgandan so'ng, kontrastlar 8000 qo'shinlarini Nikaraguaga joylashtirdilar, partizan urushini davom ettirdilar. 50 ta FSLN nomzodi o'ldirildi. Contras shuningdek, minglab UNO varaqalarini tarqatdi.

Ko'p yillik ziddiyatlar natijasida 3,5 million kishilik jamiyatda 50 ming kishi halok bo'ldi va 12 milliard dollarlik zarar va yillik 2 milliard dollarlik Yalpi milliy mahsulot ishlab chiqarildi. Urushdan so'ng, saylovchilar o'rtasida so'rovnoma o'tkazildi: 75,6% agar Sandinistlar g'alaba qozongan bo'lsa, urush hech qachon tugamaydi degan fikrga kelishdi. BMTga ovoz berganlarning 91,8 foizi bunga rozi bo'ldi (Uilyam I Robinson, ushbu maqola).^[73] The Kongressning mamlakatshunoslik kutubxonasi Nikaragua haqida:

Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining koalitsiyasi cheklangan resurslarga va yomon tashkilotga qaramay Violeta Chamorro muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchragan iqtisodiyot va tinchlik va'dalari atrofida joylashgan kampaniyani boshqargan. Ko'plab nikaragualiklar, agar Sandinistalar hokimiyatda qolsalar, mamlakatdagi iqtisodiy inqiroz yanada chuqurlashib, Kontra ziddiyati davom etishini kutishgan. Chamorro mashhur bo'lmagan harbiy loyihani tugatishga, demokratik yarashuvga erishishga va iqtisodiy o'sishga yordam berishga va'da berdi. 1990 yil 25 fevralda bo'lib o'tgan saylovlarda Violeta Barrios de Chamorro Daniel Orteganing 41 foiziga qarshi xalqning 55 foiz ovozini oldi.^[68]

Muxolifat (1990–2006)

1987 yilda, Kontras bilan bo'lgan tanglik tufayli, Esquipulas II shartnomasi vositachilik qilgan Kosta-Rika Prezidenti Oskar Arias Sanches. Shartnoma qoidalariga binoan o't ochishni to'xtatish, so'z erkinligi va milliy saylovlarga chaqiriq kiritilgan. 1990 yil 26 fevraldagi saylovlardan so'ng, Sandinistlar yutqazdilar va hokimiyatni tinch yo'l bilan topshirdilar Milliy oppozitsiya ittifoqi (UNO), COSEP biznes konservativ tashkilotidan tortib to 14 oppozitsiya partiyasining ittifoqi Nikaragua kommunistlari. BMT nomzodi, Violeta Barrios de Chamorro, Daniel Ortega o'rniga Nikaragua prezidenti bo'ldi.

1990 yilda Sandinistani yo'qotish sabablari muhokama qilinmoqda. Mag'lubiyatga uchragan hukumat himoyachilari ta'kidlashlaricha, AQShning iqtisodiy embargosi davom etayotganligi va Kontra tahdidi tufayli Nikaraguas muxolifatga ovoz bergan. Others have alleged that the United States threatened to continue to support the Contras and continue the civil war if the regime was not voted out of power.^[74]

After their loss, the Sandinista leaders held most of the private property and businesses that had been confiscated and nationalized by the FSLN government. This process became known as the "piñata" and was tolerated by the new Chamorro government. Ortega also claimed to "rule from below" through groups he controls such as labor unions and student groups. Prominent Sandinistas also created nongovernmental organizations to promote their ideas and social goals.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Ortega remained the head of the FSLN, but his brother Humberto resigned from the party and remained at the head of the Sandinista Army, becoming a close confidante and supporter of Chamorro. The party also experienced internal divisions, with prominent Sandinistas such as Ernesto Kardenal va Serxio Ramirez resigning to protest what they described as heavy-handed domination of the party by Daniel Ortega. Ramírez also founded a separate political party, the Sandinistani ta'mirlash harakati (MRS); his faction came to be known as the renovistas, who favor a more sotsial-demokratik approach than the ortodoxos, or hardliners. In the 1996 Nicaraguan election, Ortega and Ramírez both campaigned unsuccessfully as presidential candidates on behalf of their respective parties, with Ortega receiving 43% of the vote while Arnoldo Aleman of the Constitutional Liberal Party received 51%. The Sandinistas won second place in the congressional elections, with 36 of 93 seats.

Ortega was re-elected as leader of the FSLN in 1998. Municipal elections in November 2000 saw a strong Sandinista vote, especially in urban areas, and former Tourism Minister Hert Lyuis was elected mayor of Managua. This result led to expectations of a close race in the presidential elections scheduled for November 2001. Daniel Ortega and Enrike Bolanos ning Konstitutsiyaviy liberal partiya (PLC) ran neck-and-neck in the polls for much of the campaign, but in the end the PLC won a clear victory. Natijalari these elections were that the FSLN won 42.6% of the vote for parliament (versus 52.6% for the PLC), giving them 41 out of the 92 seats in the National Assembly (versus 48 for the PLC). In the presidential race, Ortega lost to Bolaños 46.3% to 53.6%.

Daniel Ortega was once again re-elected as leader of the FSLN in March 2002 and re-elected as president of Nicaragua in November 2006.

Hukumatga qaytish

2006 yilda, Daniel Ortega was elected president with 38% of the vote (see 2006 yil Nikaragua umumiy saylovlari ). Bu ajralgan bo'lishiga qaramay sodir bo'ldi Sandinistani ta'mirlash harakati continued to oppose the FSLN, running former Mayor of Managua Hert Lyuis uning prezidentlikka nomzodi sifatida. Biroq, Lyuis saylovlardan bir necha oy oldin vafot etdi.

Shuningdek, FSLN kongress saylovlarida 38 o'rinni egallab, parlamentdagi eng katta vakolatxonaga ega bo'lgan partiyaga aylandi. The split in the Constitutionalist Liberal Party helped to allow the FSLN to become the largest party in Congress. The Sandinista vote was also split between the FSLN and MRS, but the split was more uneven, with limited support for the MRS. The vote for the two liberal parties combined was larger than the vote for the two Sandinista parties. In 2010, several liberal congressmen raised accusations about the FSLN presumably attempting to buy votes in order to pass constitutional reforms that would allow Ortega to run for office for the 6th time since 1984.^[75] In 2011, Ortega was re-elected as President.^[76]

Ortega was allowed by Nicaraguan Supreme Court to run again as President, despite having already served two mandates, in a move which was strongly criticized by the opposition. The Supreme Court also banned the leader of the Mustaqil Liberal partiya Eduardo Montealegre from running in the election. Ortega was re-elected as President, amid claims of electoral fraud; data about turnout were unclear: while the Supreme Electoral Council claimed a turnout of 66% of voters, the opposition claimed only 30% of voters actually went to the polls.^[77]

2018 yilgi norozilik namoyishlari

The year 2018 was marked by particular unrest in Nicaragua that had not been seen in the country in three decades. It came in two different phases, with initial unrest in the context of a fire at the Indio Mayz biologik qo'riqxonasi in the Río San Juan department (which came to an end when rain abruptly put the fire out), leading on to an outbreak of violence a few weeks later after social security reforms were announced by the government.

During this unrest there were many deaths linked to the violence, as well as many instances of torture, sexual assaults, death threats, intimidation and the ransacking and burning of building and violence against journalists. Opposition figures argued that the government was responsible for the violence, a view supported by some press outlets and NGOs such as Xalqaro Amnistiya.^[78]^[79] Many opposition figures and independent journalists have been arrested and police raids of opposition forces and independent media have occurred frequently.^[80]

On September 29, 2018, President Ortega declared that political protests were "illegal" in Nicaragua, stating that demonstrators would "respond to justice" if they attempted to publicly voice their opinions.^[81] The Birlashgan Millatlar condemned the actions as being a violation of human rights regarding yig'ilishlar erkinligi.^[82]

Carlos Fernando Chamorro, son of former president Violeta Chamorro va muharriri Maxfiy, left the country after his office was subject to police search in December 2018.^[83]

In December 2018, the government revoked the licenses of five human rights organizations, closed the offices of the cable news and online show Maxfiy, and beat journalists when they protested.^[84]

The Confidential newspaper and other media were seized and taken by the government of Daniel Ortega^[85] Several service stations of the Puma brand were closed on the afternoon, December 20, by representatives of the Nicaraguan Energy Institute (INE), a state entity that has the mandate to regulate, among others, the hydrocarbons sector. Puma Energy entered the Nicaraguan oil and fuel derivatives market at the end of March 2011, when it bought the entire network of Esso stations in Nicaragua, as part of a regional operation that involved the purchase of 290 service stations and eight storage terminals of fuel in four countries of Central America.^[86]

On December 21, 2018, the Nicaraguan police raided the offices of the 100% News Channel. They arrested Miguel Mora, owner of the Canal; Lucía Pineda, Head of Press of 100% Noticias and Verónica Chávez, wife of Miguel Mora and host of the Ellas Lo Dicen Program. Subsequently, Verónica Chávez was released. Miguel Mora and Lucia Pineda were accused of terrorist crimes and provoking hatred and discrimination between the police and Sandinistas.^[87]

On January 30, 2019, the FSLN was expelled from the Sotsialistik xalqaro^[88] citing "gross violations of human rights and democratic values committed by the government of Nicaragua".^[89]^[90] Qaror Demokratik inqilobiy partiya of Panama, also a member of the Socialist International, rejected the expulsion of the FSLN and threatened to leave the International, saying that it has abandoned its principles and made a decision regarding Latin America without consulting the Latin American parties, and referred to a "history of brotherhood in the struggle for social justice in Central America" between the two parties .^[91]

Mafkura

Through the media and the works of FSLN leaders such as Karlos Fonseka, the life and times of Augusto Sezar Sandino became its unique symbol in Nikaragua. The ideology of Sandinismo gained momentum in 1974, when a Sandinista-initiated hostage situation resulted in the Somoza government adhering to FSLN demands and publicly printing and airing work on Sandino in well known newspapers and media outlets.

Qarshi kurash paytida Somoza, the FSLN leaders' internal disagreements over strategy and tactics were reflected in three main factions:

The guerra popular prolongada (GPP, "prolonged popular war") faction was rural-based and sought long-term "silent accumulation of forces" within the country's large peasant population, which it saw as the main social base for the revolution.
The tendencia proletaria (TP, "proletarian tendency"), led by Jaime Wheelock, reflected an orthodox Marksistik approach that sought to organize urban workers.
The tercerista/insurreccionista (TI, "third way/insurrectionist") faction, led by Humberto, Casimiro A. Sotelo, and Daniel Ortega, was ideologically eclectic, favoring a more rapid insurrectional strategy in alliance with diverse sectors of the country, including business owners, churches, students, the middle class, unemployed youth and the inhabitants of shantytowns. The terceristas also helped attract popular and international support by organizing a group of prominent Nicaraguan professionals, business leaders, and clergymen (known as "the Twelve"), who called for Somoza's removal and sought to organize a provisional government from Costa Rica.

Nevertheless, while ideologies varied between FSLN leaders, all leaders essentially agreed that Sandino provided a path for the Nicaragua masses to take charge, and the FSLN would act as the legitimate vanguard. The extreme end of the ideology links Sandino to Rim katolikligi and portrays him as descending from the mountains in Nicaragua knowing he would be betrayed and killed. Generally however, most Sandinistas associated Sandino on a more practical level, as a heroic and honest person who tried to combat the evil forces of imperialist national and international governments that existed in Nicaragua's history.

Principles of government

For purposes of making sense of how to govern, the FSLN drew four fundamental principles from the work of Karlos Fonseka and his understanding of the lessons of Sandino. According to Bruce E. Wright, "the Governing Xunta of National Reconstruction agreed, under Sandinista leadership, that these principles had guided it in putting into practice a form of government that was characterized by those principles."^[92] It is generally accepted that these following principles have evolved the "ideology of Sandinismo ".^[93] Three of these (excluding popular participation, which was presumably contained in Article 2 of the Nikaragua Konstitutsiyasi ) were to ultimately be guaranteed by Article 5 of the Nikaragua Konstitutsiyasi. Ular quyidagichadir:

Political Pluralism – The ultimate success of the Sandinista Front in guiding the insurrection and in obtaining the leading fore within it was based on the fact that the FSLN, through the tercerista guidance, had worked with many sectors of the population in defeating the Somoza diktatura. The FSLN and all those whom would constitute the new provisional government were called diverse; "they were plural in virtually all senses".^[94]
Mixed Economy – Fonseca's understanding that Nicaragua was not, in spite of Browderist interpretations, simply a feudal country and that it had also never really developed its own capitalism made it clear that a simple feudalism-capitalism-socialism path was not a rational way to think about the future development of Nicaragua. The FSLN was not necessarily seen simply as the vanguard of the proletariat revolution. The proletariat was but a minor fraction of the population. A complex class structure in a revolution based on unity among people from various class positions suggested more that it made sense to see the FSLN as the "vanguard of the people".
Popular Participation and Mobilization – This calls for more than simple representative democracy. The inclusion of the mass organizations in the Council of State clearly manifested this conception. In Article 2 of the Constitution this is spelled out as follows: "The people exercise democracy, freely participating and deciding in the construction of the economic, political and social system what is most appropriate to their interest. The people exercise power directly and by their means of their representatives, freely elected in accord with universal, equal, direct, free, and secret suffrage."^[95]
International Non-alignment – This is a result of the fundamentally Bolivarist conceptions of Sandino as distilled through the modern understanding of Fonseca. The U.S. government and large U.S. economic entities were a significant part of the problem for Nicaragua. But experiences with the traditional parties allied with the Soviet Union had also been unsatisfactory. Thus it was clear that Nicaragua must seek its own road.

Bruce E. Wright claims that "this was a crucial contribution from Fonseca's work that set the template for FSLN governance during the revolutionary years and beyond".^[96]

Siyosatlar va dasturlar

Tashqi siyosat

Cuban assistance

1967 yildan boshlab Kuba General Intelligence Directorate, or DGI, had begun to establish ties with Nicaraguan revolutionary organizations. By 1970 the DGI had managed to train hundreds of Sandinista guerrilla leaders and had vast influence over the organization. After the successful ousting of Somoza, DGI involvement in the new Sandinista government expanded rapidly. An early indication of the central role that the DGI would play in the Cuban-Nicaraguan relationship is a meeting in Gavana on July 27, 1979, at which diplomatic ties between the two countries were re-established after more than 25 years. Julián López Díaz, a prominent DGI agent, was named Ambassador to Nicaragua. Cuban military and DGI advisors, initially brought in during the Sandinista insurgency, would swell to over 2,500 and operated at all levels of the new Nicaraguan government.

The Cubans would like to have helped more in the development of Nicaragua towards socialism. Following the US invasion of Grenada, countries previously looking for support from Cuba saw that the United States was likely to take violent action to discourage this.

Cuban assistance after the revolution

The early years of the Nicaraguan revolution had strong ties to Cuba. The Sandinista leaders acknowledged that the FSLN owed a great debt to the socialist island. Once the Sandinistas assumed power, Cuba gave Nikaragua military advice, as well as aid in education, health care, vocational training and industry building for the impoverished Nicaraguan economy. In return, Nicaragua provided Cuba with donalar va boshqalar oziq-ovqat mahsulotlari to help Cuba overcome the effects of the US embargo.

Relationship with eastern bloc intelligence agencies

Inqilobgacha

Ga binoan Kembrij universiteti tarixchi Kristofer Endryu, who undertook the task of processing the Mitroxin arxivi, Karlos Fonseka Amador, one of the original three founding members of the FSLN had been recruited by the KGB in 1959 while on a trip to Moskva. This was one part of Aleksandr Shelepin 's 'grand strategy' of using national ozodlik harakatlari as a spearhead of the Soviet Union's foreign policy in the Uchinchi dunyo, and in 1960 the KGB organized funding and training for twelve individuals that Fonseca handpicked. These individuals were to be the core of the new Sandinista organization. In the following several years, the FSLN tried with little success to organize partizan urushi hukumatiga qarshi Luis Somoza Debayl. After several failed attempts to attack government strongholds and little initial support from the local population, the National Guard nearly annihilated the Sandinistas in a series of attacks in 1963. Disappointed with the performance of Shelepin's new Latin American "revolutionary vanguard", the KGB reconstituted its core of the Sandinista leadership into the ISKRA group and used them for other activities in Latin America.

According to Andrew, Mitroxin says during the following three years the KGB handpicked several dozen Sandinistas for intelligence and sabotage operations in the United States. Andrew and Mitrokhin say that in 1966, this KGB-controlled Sandinista sabotage and intelligence group was sent to northern Meksika near the US border to conduct surveillance for possible sabotaj.^[97]

In July 1961 during the 1961 yilgi Berlin inqirozi KGB chief Alexander Shelepin sent a memorandum to Soviet premier Nikita Xrushchev containing proposals to create a situation in various areas of the world which would favor dispersion of attention and forces by the US and their satellites, and would tie them down during the settlement of the question of a German peace treaty and G'arbiy Berlin. It was planned, inter alia, to organize an armed mutiny in Nicaragua in coordination with Kuba and with the "Revolutionary Front Sandino". Shelepin proposed to make appropriations from KGB funds in addition to the previous assistance $10,000 for purchase of arms.

Khrushchev sent the memo with his approval to his deputy Frol Kozlov and on August 1 it was, with minor revisions, passed as a KPSS Markaziy Qo'mitasi direktiv. The KGB and the Soviet Ministry of Defense were instructed to work out more specific measures and present them for consideration by the Central Committee.^[98]

Cooperation with foreign intelligence agencies during the 1980s

Other researchers have documented the contribution made from other Varshava shartnomasi intelligence agencies to the fledgling Sandinista government including the Sharqiy nemis Stasi, by using recently declassified documents from Berlin^[99] as well as from former Stasi spymaster Markus Bo'ri who described the Stasi's assistance in the creation of a maxfiy politsiya force modeled on East Germany's.^[100]

Educational assistance

Cuba was instrumental in the Nikaragua savodxonligi kampaniyasi. Nicaragua was a country with a very high rate of savodsizlik, but the campaign succeeded in lowering the rate from 50% to 12%. The revolution in Cuban education since the ousting of the US-backed Batista regime not only served as a model for Nicaragua but also provided technical assistance and advice. Cuba played an important part in the Campaign, providing teachers on a yearly basis after the revolution. Prevost states that "Teachers were not the only ones studying in Cuba, about 2,000 primary and secondary students were studying on the Isle of Youth and the cost was covered by the host country (Cuba)".^[101]

1980 literacy campaign

1979 FSLN poster reading: "Consolidate the Revolution in the rearguard and with literacy" (Spanish: A consolidar la Revolución en la Retaguardia y la Alfabetización)

The goals of the 1980 Literacy Campaign were socio-political, strategic as well as educational. It was the most prominent campaign with regards to the new education system. Illiteracy in Nicaragua was significantly reduced from 50.3% to 12.9%. One of the government's major concerns was the previous education system under the Somoza regime which did not see education as a major factor on the development of the country. As mentioned in the Historical Program of the FSLN of 1969, education was seen as a right and the pressure to stay committed to the promises made in the program was even stronger. 1980 was declared the "Year of Literacy" and the major goals of the campaign that started only 8 months after the FSLN took over. This included the eradication of illiteracy and the integration of different classes, races, gender and age. Political awareness and the strengthening of political and economic participation of the Nicaraguan people was also a central goal of the Literacy Campaign. The campaign was a key component of the FSLN's cultural transformation agenda.

The basic reader which was disseminated and used by teacher was called "Dawn of the People" based on the themes of Sandino, Carlos Fonseca, and the Sandinista struggle against imperialism and defending the revolution. Political education was aimed at creating a new social values based on the principles of Sandinista socialism, such as social solidarity, worker's democracy, egalitarianism, and anti-imperialism.^[102]^[103]^[104]^[105]^[106]

Sog'liqni saqlash

Sog'liqni saqlash was another area where the Sandinistas made significant improvements and are widely recognized for this accomplishment, e.g. tomonidan Oxfam. In this area Cuba also played a role by again offering expertise to Nicaragua. Over 1,500 Cuban doctors worked in Nicaragua and provided more than five million consultations. Cuban personnel were essential in the elimination of poliomiyelit, the decrease in ko'k yo'tal, qizilcha, qizamiq and the lowering of the bolalar o'limi stavka. Gary Prevost states that Cuban personnel made it possible for Nicaragua to have a national health care system that reached the majority of its citizens.^[107]

Vocational assistance

Cuba has participated in the training of Nicaraguan workers in the use of new machinery imported to Nicaragua. The Nicaraguan revolution caused the United States to oppose the country's government; therefore the Sandinistas would not receive any aid from the United States. The United States embargo against Nicaragua tomonidan belgilanadi Reygan ma'muriyati 1985 yil may oyida,^[108] made it impossible for Nicaragua to receive spare parts for US-made machines, so this led Nicaragua to look to other countries for help. Cuba was the best choice because of the shared language and proximity and also because it had imported similar machinery over the years. Nicaraguans went to Cuba for short periods of three to six months and this training involved close to 3,000 workers.^[101] Kabi mamlakatlar Buyuk Britaniya, sent farm equipment to Nicaragua.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Sanoat va infratuzilma

Cuba helped Nicaragua in large projects such as building roads, elektr stantsiyalari va shakar tegirmonlar. Cuba also attempted to help Nicaragua build the first overland route linking Nicaragua's Atlantic and Pacific coasts. The road was meant to traverse 420 kilometres (260 mi) of o'rmon, but completion of the road and usage was hindered by the Contra war, and it was never completed.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Another significant feat was the building of the Tipitapa -Malacatoya sugar mill. It was completed and inaugurated during a visit by Fidel Kastro in January 1985. The plant used the newest technology available and was built by workers trained in Cuba. Also during this visit Castro announced that all debts incurred on this project were absolved.^[107] Cuba also provided technicians to aid in the sugar harvest and assist in the rejuvenation of several old sugar mills. Cubans also assisted in building schools and similar projects.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Madaniyat vazirligi

After the Nicaraguan revolution, the Sandinista government established a Ministry of Culture in 1980. The ministry was spearheaded by Ernesto Kardenal, a poet and priest. The ministry was established in order to socialize the modes of cultural production.^[109] This extended to art forms including dance, music, art, theatre and poetry.^[109] The project was created to democratize culture on a national level.^[110] The aim of the ministry was to "democratize art" by making it accessible to all social classes as well as protecting the right of the oppressed to produce, distribute and receive art.^[109] In particular, the ministry was devoted to the development of working class and kampesino, or peasant culture.^[109] Therefore, the ministry sponsored cultural workshops throughout the country until October 1988 when the Ministry of Culture was integrated into the Ministry of Education because of financial troubles.^[111]

The objective of the workshops was to recognize and celebrate neglected forms of artistic expression.^[109] The ministry created a program of cultural workshops known as, Casas de Cultura and Centros Populares de Cultura.^[110] The workshops were set up in poor neighbourhoods and rural areas and advocated universal access and consumption of art in Nicaragua.^[109] The ministry assisted in the creation of theatre groups, folklore and artisanal production, song groups, new journals of creation and cultural criticism, and training programs for cultural workers.^[110] The ministry created a Sandinista daily newspaper named Barricada and its weekly cultural addition named Ventana bilan birga Television Sandino, Radio Sandino and the Nicaraguan film production unit called the INCINE.^[110] There were existing papers which splintered after the revolution and produced other independent, pro-Sandinista newspapers, such as El-Nuevo Diario and its literary addition Nuevo Amanecer madaniy.^[110] Editorial Nueva Nicaragua, a state publishing house for literature, was also created.^[110] The ministry collected and published political poetry of the revolutionary period, known as testimonial narrative, a form of literary genre that recorded the experiences of individuals in the course of the revolution.^[112]

The ministry developed a new anthology of Ruben Dario, a Nicaraguan poet and writer, established a Rubén Darío prize for Latin American writers, the Leonel Rugama prize for young Nicaraguan writers, as well as public poetry readings and contests, cultural festivals and concerts.^[113] The Sandinista regime tried to keep the revolutionary spirit alive by empowering its citizens artistically.^[109] At the time of its inception, the Ministry of Culture needed, according to Cardenal, "to bring a culture to the people who were marginalized from it. We want a culture that is not the culture of an elite, of a group that is considered 'cultivated', but rather of an entire people."^[110] Nevertheless, the success of the Ministry of Culture had mixed results and by 1985 criticism arose over artistic freedom in the poetry workshops.^[109] The poetry workshops became a matter for criticism and debate.^[109] Critics argued that the ministry imposed too many principles and guidelines for young writers in the workshop, such as, asking them to avoid metaphors in their poetry and advising them to write about events in their everyday life.^[109] Critical voices came from established poets and writers represented by the Asociacion Sandinista de Trabajadores de la Cultura (ASTC) and from the Ventana both of which were headed by Rosario Murillo.^[114] They argued that young writers should be exposed to different poetic styles of writing and resources developed in Nicaragua and elsewhere.^[114] Furthermore, they argued that the ministry exhibited a tendency that favored and fostered political and testimonial literature in post-revolutionary Nicaragua.^[110]

Iqtisodiyot

The new government, formed in 1979 and dominated by the Sandinistas, resulted in a socialist model of economic development. The new leadership was conscious of the social inequities produced during the previous thirty years of unrestricted economic growth and was determined to make the country's workers and peasants, the "economically underprivileged", the prime beneficiaries of the new society. Consequently, in 1980 and 1981, unbridled incentives to private investment gave way to institutions designed to redistribute wealth and income. Private property would continue to be allowed, but all land belonging to the Somozas was confiscated.^[115]

However, the ideology of the Sandinistas put the future of the private sector and of private ownership of the means of production in doubt. Although under the new government both public and private ownership were accepted, government spokespersons occasionally referred to a reconstruction phase in the country's development, in which property owners and the professional class would be tapped for their managerial and technical expertise. Qayta qurish va tiklanishdan so'ng xususiy sektor iqtisodiyotning aksariyat sohalarida davlat mulkini kengaytirishga yo'l ochadi. Hukumat fraktsiyasi nuqtai nazarini ifodalovchi bunday g'oyalarga qaramay, Sandinista hukumati rasman aralash iqtisodiyotga sodiq qoldi.^[115]

Iqtisodiy o'sish 80-yillarda notekis edi. Restructuring of the economy and the rebuilding immediately following the end of the civil war caused the GDP to rise about 5 percent in 1980 and 1981. Each year from 1984 to 1990, however, showed a drop in the GDP. Reasons for the contraction included the reluctance of foreign banks to offer new loans, the diversion of funds to fight the new insurrection against the government, and, after 1985, the total embargo on trade with the United States, formerly Nicaragua's largest trading partner. 1985 yildan keyin hukumat daromadlarning kamayishi va qo'ziqorin qo'zg'atuvchi harbiy xarajatlar o'rtasidagi bo'shliqni katta miqdordagi qog'oz pullarni bosib chiqarish bilan to'ldirishni tanladi. Inflyatsiya rose rapidly, peaking in 1988 at more than 14,000 percent annually.^[115]

Measures taken by the government to lower inflation were largely defeated by natural disaster. In early 1988, the administration of Daniel José Ortega Saavedra (Sandinista junta coordinator 1979–85, president 1985–90) established an austerity program to lower inflation. Price controls were tightened, and a new currency was introduced. As a result, by August 1988, inflation had dropped to an annual rate of 240 percent. The following month, however, Hurricane Joan cut a path directly across the center of the country. Damage was extensive, and the government's program of large spending to repair the infrastructure destroyed its anti-inflation measures.^[115]

Sandinista hukumati o'n bir yillik hokimiyatida Somoza davridan meros bo'lib o'tgan iqtisodiy tengsizlikning ko'pini hech qachon yengib chiqmagan. Years of war, policy missteps, natural disasters, and the effects of the United States trade embargo all hindered economic development.^[115]

Women in revolutionary Nicaragua

The women of Nicaragua prior to, during and after the revolution played a prominent role within the nation's society as they have commonly been recognized, throughout history and across all Latin American states, as its backbone. Nicaraguan women were therefore directly affected by all of the positive and negative events that took place during this revolutionary period. The victory of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN) in 1979 brought about major changes and gains for women, mainly in legislation, broad educational opportunities, training programs for working women, childcare programs to help women enter the work force and greatly increased participation and leadership positions in a range of political activities.^[116] This, in turn, reduced the burdens that the women of Nicaragua were faced with prior to the revolution. During the Sandinista government, women were more active politically. The large majority of members of the neighborhood committees (Comités de Defensa Sandinista) were women. By 1987, 31% of the executive positions in the Sandinista government, 27% of the leadership positions of the FSLN, and 25% of the FSLN's active membership were women.^[117]

Supporters of the Sandinistas see their era as characterized by the creation and implementation of successful social programs which were free and made widely available to the entire nation. Some of the more successful programs for women that were implemented by the Sandinistas were in the areas of education (see: Nikaragua savodxonligi kampaniyasi ), health, and housing. Providing subsidies for basic foodstuffs and the introduction of mass employment were also contributions of the FSLN. The Sandinistas were particularly advantageous for the women of Nicaraguan as they promoted progressive views on gender as early as 1969 claiming that the revolution would "abolish the detestable discrimination that women have suffered with regard to men and establish economic, political and cultural equality between men and women". This was evident as the FSLN began integrating women into their ranks by 1967, unlike other left-wing guerilla groups in the region. This goal was not fully reached because the roots of gender inequality were not explicitly challenged. Women's participation within the public sphere was also substantial, as many took part in the armed struggle as part of the FSLN or as part of counter-revolutionary forces.^[118]

Nicaraguan women organized independently in support of the revolution and their cause. Some of those organizations were the Socialist Party (1963), Federación Democrática (which support the FSLN in rural areas), and Luisa Amanda Espinoza Association of Nicaraguan Women (Asociación de Mujeres Nicaragüenses Luisa Amanda Espinosa, AMNLAE). Ammo, beri Daniel Ortega, was defeated in the 1990 election by the Birlashgan Nikaragua oppozitsiyasi (UNO) coalition headed by Violeta Chamorro, the situation for women in Nicaragua was seriously altered. In terms of women and the labor market, by the end of 1991 AMNLAE reported that almost 16,000 working women—9,000 agricultural laborers, 3,000 industrial workers, and 3,800 civil servants, including 2,000 in health, 800 in education, and 1,000 in administration—had lost their jobs.^[119] The change in government also resulted in the drastic reduction or suspension of all Nicaraguan social programs, which brought back the burdens characteristic of pre-revolutionary Nicaragua. The women were forced to maintain and supplement community social services on their own without economic aid or technical and human resource.^[117]^[120]

Between 2007 and 2018 under Sandinista administrations, Nicaragua has advanced from 62nd to 6th in the world in terms of gender equality, according to the Global Gender Gap Hisoboti dan Jahon iqtisodiy forumi.

Katolik cherkovi bilan aloqalar

The Rim-katolik cherkovi 's relationship with the Sandinistas was extremely complex. Initially, the Church was committed to supporting the Somoza regime. The Somoza dynasty was willing to secure the Church a prominent place in society as long as it did not attempt to subvert the authority of the regime. Under the constitution of 1950 the Roman Catholic Church was recognized as the official religion and church-run schools flourished. It was not until the late 1970s that the Church began to speak out against the corruption and human rights abuses that characterized the Somoza regime.

The Catholic hierarchy initially disapproved of the Sandinistas' revolutionary struggle against the Somoza dynasty. The revolutionaries were perceived as proponents of "godless communism" that posed a threat to the traditionally privileged place that the Church occupied within Nicaraguan society. Nevertheless, the increasing corruption and repression characterizing the Somoza rule and the likelihood that the Sandinistas would emerge victorious ultimately influenced Archbishop Migel Obando va Bravo to declare formal support for the Sandinistas' armed struggle. Throughout the revolutionary struggle, the Sandinistas had the grassroots support of clergy who were influenced by the reforming zeal of Vatikan II and dedicated to a "preferential option for the poor " (for comparison, see ozodlik ilohiyoti ). Numerous Christian base communities (CEBs) were created in which lower level clergy and laity took part in consciousness raising initiatives to educate the peasants about the institutionalized violence they were suffering from. Some priests took a more active role in supporting the revolutionary struggle. For example, Father Gaspar García Laviana took up arms and became a member of FSLN.

Soon after the Sandinistas assumed power, the hierarchy began to oppose the Sandinistas' hukumat. The Archbishop was a vocal source of domestic opposition. The hierarchy was alleged to be motivated by fear of the emergence of the 'popular church' which challenged their centralized authority. The hierarchy also opposed social reforms implemented by the Sandinistas to aid the poor, allegedly because they saw it as a threat to their traditionally privileged position within society. In response to this perceived opposition, the Sandinistas shut down the church-run Radio Católica radio station on multiple occasions.

The Sandinistas' relationship with the Roman Catholic Church deteriorated as the Qarama-qarshi War continued. The hierarchy refused to speak out against the counterrevolutionary activities of the contras and failed to denounce American military aid. State media accused the Catholic Church of being reactionary and supporting the Contras. According to former President Ortega, "The conflict with the church was strong, and it costs us, but I don't think it was our fault. ... There were so many people being wounded every day, so many people dying, and it was hard for us to understand the position of the church hierarchy in refusing to condemn the contras." The hierarchy-state tensions were brought to the fore with Papa Ioann Pavel II 1983 yil Nikaraguaga tashrif buyurgan. Hostility to the Catholic Church became so great that at one point, FSLN militants shouted down Pope John Paul II as he tried to say Mass.^[121] Shuning uchun katolik cherkovi faoliyati Sandinistiya inqilobining muvaffaqiyatiga hissa qo'shgan bo'lsa-da, ierarxiyaning oppozitsiyasi inqilobiy hukumat qulashida asosiy omil bo'ldi.

23 avgust kuni 2020, Episkop Silvio Baez 2019 yil 23 apreldan beri xavfsizlik sababli Nikaragua tashqarisida bo'lgan, Prezident Ortega diktatorlikda ayblagan. The Centro Nicaragüense de Derechos Humanos (Nikaragua Inson Huquqlari Markazi, Senid) katolik cherkovi 2018 yil aprelidan beri 24 ta hujum qurboni bo'lganligini aytdi,^[122] da boshlangan yong'in, shu jumladan Beg'ubor kontseptsiya sobori qachon a Molotov kokteyli 2020 yil 31-iyulda Masihning Qonining muqaddas tasviriga tashlangan.^[123]

Sandinistlar tomonidan inson huquqlarining buzilishi

Vaqt jurnal 1983 yilda "Nikaraguaning Inson huquqlari bo'yicha doimiy komissiyasi ma'lumotlariga ko'ra rejim har oyda bir necha yuz kishini hibsga oladi; ularning qariyb yarmi ozod qilinadi, qolganlari esa yo'q bo'lib ketadi" degan maqolasida inson huquqlari buzilganligi to'g'risidagi xabarlarni e'lon qildi. Vaqt shuningdek, Nikaragua harbiy kontrrazvedkasi boshlig'ining sobiq o'rinbosari bilan suhbatlashdi, u Nikaraguadan 800 kishini o'ldirishga buyruq berilgandan keyin qochib ketganligini aytdi. Miskito mahbuslar va ularni jangda o'lganga o'xshatish.^[10] Boshqa bir maqolada xuddi shu kubaliklarga taqlid qilingan Sandinista mahallasi "Mudofaa qo'mitalari" tasvirlangan Inqilobni himoya qilish qo'mitalari, tanqidchilarning fikriga ko'ra, bu aksilinqilobchi deb topilgan har qanday kishiga to'dalarni ochish uchun ishlatilgan. Nikaraguaning yagona oppozitsiya gazetasi, La Prensa, qat'iy tsenzuraga duchor bo'lgan. Gazeta muharrirlariga sandinistlar haqida salbiy narsalarni uyda yoki chet elda chop etish taqiqlangan.^[10]

Nikaraguaning Inson huquqlari bo'yicha doimiy komissiyasi dastlabki olti oy ichida 2000 qotillik va dastlabki bir necha yil ichida 3000 g'oyib bo'lganligi haqida xabar berdi. O'shandan beri qiynoqqa solish, zo'rlash, odam o'g'irlash, tanani buzish va qotillik bo'yicha 14000 ta ish hujjatlashtirilgan.^[124]

The Inson huquqlari bo'yicha Amerikaaro komissiya (IACHR) 1981 yilgi hisobotda inqilobdan keyingi davrda ommaviy qatl etish uchun dalillar topdi. Unda shunday deyilgan: "Komissiya fikriga ko'ra, Nikaragua hukumati fuqarolik urushida mag'lub bo'lganlarning hayotini hurmat qilishni aniq maqsad qilgan bo'lsa-da, inqilobiy g'alabadan keyingi bir necha hafta ichida, hukumat samarali nazorat ostida bo'lmaganida, noqonuniy qatllar. yashash huquqini buzgan holda sodir bo'lgan va ushbu harakatlar tekshirilmagan va aybdor shaxslar jazolanmagan. "^[125] IACHR shuningdek quyidagilarni ta'kidladi: "Komissiya yangi rejimda siyosiy dushmanlarning yashash huquqini buzish siyosati bo'lmagan va hozir ham yo'q, degan fikrda, shu jumladan, hukumatning sobiq soqchilari orasida. Nikaragua aholisining katta qismi sobiq tuzum davrida inson huquqlarini jiddiy buzilishi uchun javobgar bo'lgan general Somoza; yuqoridagi dalil o'lim jazosining bekor qilinishi va mahbus bo'lgan va sudga berilgan sobiq soqchilarning ko'pligi. inson huquqlarini buzilishini tashkil etgan jinoyatlar. "^[125]

1983 yil IACHR hisobotida Miskito hindulariga qarshi inson huquqlari buzilganligi to'g'risidagi da'volar hujjatlashtirilgan bo'lib, ular muxolifat kuchlaridan keyin sodir bo'lgan deb taxmin qilingan ( Qarama-qarshiliklar ) Miskito qishlog'iga hukumat askarlariga qarshi hujumlar uyushtirish va keyingi majburiy ko'chirish dasturi doirasida kirib kelgan. Da'volar sudsiz o'zboshimchalik bilan qamoqni o'z ichiga olgan "yo'qolish "bunday mahbuslar, majburiy ko'chirish va mol-mulkni yo'q qilish.^[126] 1981 yil oxirida Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasining "Qizil Rojdestvo operatsiyasi" fitnasi Atlantika mintaqasini Nikaraguaning qolgan qismidan ajratish uchun fosh qilindi. Qizil Rojdestvo Nikaragua materikidagi hududni egallash va Nikaragua hukumatini ag'darishni maqsad qilgan. Nikaragua hukumati provokatsiyalarga javoban 8500 Miskitos janubidan 80 kilometr (50 mil) janubda Tasba Pri deb nomlangan aholi punktiga o'tkazdi. AQSh hukumati Nikaraguani genotsidda aybladi. AQSh hukumati Miskito jasadlarini Sandinista qo'shinlari tomonidan yoqib yuborilganligini ko'rsatadigan fotosuratni tayyorladi; ammo, fotosurat aslida 1978 yilda Somoza milliy gvardiyasi tomonidan o'ldirilgan odamlar edi.^[127]

IACHR-ning 1991 yilgi yillik hisobotida shunday deyilgan: "1990 yil sentyabr oyida Komissiyaga Nikaraguada, xususan janglar sodir bo'lgan joylarda umumiy qabrlar topilganligi to'g'risida xabar berildi. Ma'lumot birinchi marta qabul qilingan Nikaragua Pro Inson Huquqlari Uyushmasi tomonidan berilgan. 1990 yil iyun oyida shikoyat. 1991 yil dekabrga qadar ushbu uyushma 60 ta umumiy qabr haqida xabar olgan va ularning 15 tasini tekshirgan, ammo qabrlarning aksariyati qisqacha qatllar Sandinista xalq armiyasi yoki davlat xavfsizligi a'zolari tomonidan ba'zilarida Nikaragua qarshiligi tomonidan qatl qilingan shaxslarning jasadlari bor. "^[128]

IACHRning 1992 yilgi yillik hisobotida ommaviy qabrlar tafsilotlari va ommaviy qatllar amalga oshirilganligi haqidagi tergovlar mavjud. Shunday qabrlardan birida 1984 yilda hukumat xavfsizlik kuchlari o'zlarini Kontras a'zolari sifatida ko'rsatib qatl etilgan deb hisoblangan 75 dehqon jasadi bor edi. Shuningdek, Kvininovas shahrida yana bir qabr topilgan bo'lib, unda oltita jasad bor edi, ular shaharni bosib olganda hukumat kuchlari tomonidan o'ldirilgan butun oila ekanligiga ishonishadi. Odamlarning jasadlarini o'z ichiga olgan yana 72 qabr topilganligi haqida xabar berilgan, ularning aksariyati davlat agentlari tomonidan, ba'zilari esa Kontras tomonidan qatl etilgan deb ishonilgan.^[129]

Inson huquqlarini siyosiylashtirish

Inson huquqlari masalasi ham hozirgi paytda o'ta siyosiylashtirildi, chunki inson huquqlari Reygan ma'muriyati tomonidan mintaqadagi siyosatini qonuniylashtirishga yordam beradigan targ'ibotning muhim tarkibiy qismi ekanligi ta'kidlanmoqda. Lotin Amerikasidagi Inson huquqlari bo'yicha cherkovlararo qo'mita (ICCHRLA) o'z tarkibida Axborot byulleteni 1985 yilda ta'kidlagan edi: "Reygan ma'muriyati tomonidan Nikaragua hukumatiga nisbatan adovat baxtsiz hodisadir. Bundan ham afsuski, AQSh ma'muriyati tomonidan ishlab chiqilgan beqarorlashtirish kampaniyasida ushbu dushmanlikning ifodasi. ... bu kampaniya - bu noto'g'ri ma'lumotlar va Nikaragua hukumati tomonidan inson huquqlarining jiddiy buzilishi to'g'risida tez-tez da'volar. "^[130] Da ayblovlar orasida Heritage Foundation hisobot va Demokratizatsiya maqola diniy ta'qib siyosatiga, xususan antisemitizmga havolalardir. ICCHRLA o'zining axborot byulletenida: "Vaqti-vaqti bilan AQShning hozirgi ma'muriyati va unga xayrixoh bo'lgan xususiy tashkilotlar Nikaraguada diniy ta'qiblar to'g'risida jiddiy va keng ayblovlarni ilgari surishmoqda. Qo'shma Shtatlardagi hamkasblar cherkovlari ushbu ayblovlarni joyida tekshirishni boshladilar. 1984. Qo'shma Shtatlardagi Masihiy Cherkovlari Milliy Kengashining Xorijiy vazirliklar bo'limi tomonidan tashkil etilgan delegatsiya o'zlarining ma'ruzalarida "muntazam ravishda diniy ta'qib qilish uchun asos yo'q" degan xulosaga kelishdi. hozirgi Nikaragua hukumatiga qarshi tajovuzkor qarshilikni oqlash uchun foydalaniladigan qurilma bo'ling. "^[130] Boshqa tomondan, Nikaraguadagi katolik cherkovining ba'zi elementlari, ular orasida arxiyepiskop Migel Obando va Bravo, Sandinistlarni qattiq tanqid qildi. Arxiyepiskop "Hukumat marksistik-leninizm rejimiga mos keladigan cherkovni xohlaydi" deb ta'kidladi.^[10] The Inson huquqlari bo'yicha Amerikaaro komissiya quyidagicha ta'kidlaydi: "Hukumat va cherkovlar o'rtasidagi kelishmovchiliklarning aksariyati mamlakat siyosiy ahvoliga bevosita yoki bilvosita bog'liq bo'lgan pozitsiyalardan kelib chiqishi haqiqat bo'lsa ham, yuqori hukumat amaldorlarining bayonotlari, rasmiy matbuot bayonotlari va hukumat nazorati ostidagi guruhlarning harakatlari siyosiy munozaralar o'tkazilishi kerak bo'lgan chegaralardan chiqib ketdi va ba'zi aniq diniy faoliyatlarga to'siq bo'ldi ".^[131]

Human Rights Watch tashkiloti 1989 yil Nikaragua to'g'risidagi hisobotida ham shunday ta'kidlangan: "Reygan ma'muriyati davrida AQShning Nikaragua Sandinista hukumatiga nisbatan siyosati doimiy dushmanlik bilan ajralib turardi. Bu adovat, boshqa narsalar qatori, inson huquqlari masalalari bo'yicha juda katta miqdordagi oshkoralikni keltirib chiqardi. Deyarli har doim AQSh Inson huquqlari to'g'risidagi bayonotlar Sandinista rejimining inson huquqlarining haqiqiy buzilishini bo'rttirib ko'rsatdi va AQSh tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlangan qo'zg'olonchilarning ayblovlarini oqladi. qarama-qarshiliklar."^[132]

1987 yilda Buyuk Britaniyada joylashgan nodavlat notijorat tashkiloti tomonidan hisobot e'lon qilindi Xalqaro aloqalar katolik instituti (CIIR, hozirda "Progressio" nomi bilan tanilgan), o'zini o'zi tanitadigan inson huquqlari tashkiloti Ozodlik ilohiyoti.^[133] "Tirik qolish huquqi: Nikaraguada inson huquqlari" hisoboti,^[134] inson huquqlari masalasini siyosiylashtirishni muhokama qildi: "Reygan ma'muriyati haqiqatni kam inobatga olib," totalitar zindon "deb ta'riflab, iloji boricha yomon rasmni Nikaraguaga berishga harakat qildi. Sandinistlar tarafdorlari ... Nikaragua boshqa Markaziy Amerika davlatlari bilan taqqoslaganda inson huquqlari bo'yicha yaxshi ko'rsatkichlarga ega ekanligini ta'kidladilar va Nikaraguani urush holatidagi boshqa mamlakatlar bilan taqqosladilar. " CIIR hisobotida nodavlat notijorat tashkilotining taxminlariga asoslanadi Amerika soatlari urushga aloqador bo'lmagan o'lim va g'oyiblar sonini hisobga olgan holda, 1986 yilgacha hukumat javobgar bo'lgan "300 ga yaqin".

CIIR hisobotiga ko'ra, Xalqaro Amnistiya va Americas Watch, qiynoqlardan foydalanish Nikaragua rasmiylari tomonidan sanktsiyalanganligi to'g'risida hech qanday dalil yo'qligini ta'kidladilar, garchi mahbuslar hibsga olish sharoitlari va psixologik qiynoq deb ta'riflash mumkin bo'lgan so'roq qilish usullaridan foydalanganliklari haqida xabar berishdi. Qizil Xoch davlat xavfsizlik hibsxonalarida saqlanayotgan mahbuslarga kirish huquqini berish to'g'risida bir necha bor murojaat qilgan, ammo rad etilgan. CIIR Inson huquqlari bo'yicha doimiy komissiyani (PCHR yoki CPDH ispan tilida) tanqid qilib, tashkilot hukumatga qarshi ayblovlarni zudlik bilan e'lon qilish tendentsiyasiga ega deb da'vo qilmoqda. CIIR hisobotida Inson huquqlari bo'yicha doimiy komissiyaning mustaqilligi shubha ostiga qo'yilib, maqolasiga ishora qildi Washington Post deb da'vo qiladigan Demokratiya uchun milliy fond AQSh hukumati tomonidan moliyalashtiriladigan tashkilot o'zining Nikaragua tashqarisidagi oylik hisobotini tarjima qilish va tarqatishda yordam uchun 50 000 AQSh dollari miqdorida imtiyoz ajratdi va ushbu mablag'lar Markaziy Amerikadagi Demokratiya Qo'mitasi (Prodemca) tomonidan AQSh tomonidan boshqarilgan. keyinchalik to'liq sahifali e'lonlarni e'lon qilgan asoslangan tashkilot Washington Post va The New York Times Kontrasga harbiy yordamni qo'llab-quvvatlash. Doimiy komissiya, ular o'zlarining oylik hisobotlarini boshqa xalqlarga tarjima qilish va tarqatish uchun boshqalar tomonidan ishlatilgan deb da'vo qilgan har qanday pulni olganligini rad etadi.^[135]

Nikaraguada joylashgan jurnal Revista Envio, bu uning pozitsiyasini "sandinchilarni tanqidiy qo'llab-quvvatlash" sifatida tasvirlaydigan hisobotga ishora qiladi: "CPDH: unga ishonish mumkinmi?" Shotlandiyalik advokat Pol Lavertyr tomonidan yozilgan. Hisobotda Laverty quyidagilarni ta'kidlamoqda: "Butun direktorlar kengashi [doimiy komissiya]" Nikaragua Demokratik Muvofiqlashtiruvchi Qo'mitasi "(Koordinadora) a'zolari yoki ular bilan chambarchas bog'liqdir, o'ng qanot partiyalari va COSEP ittifoqi, biznesni tashkil etish. " U CPDH tomonidan taxmin qilinayotgan qonunbuzarliklar bilan bog'liq holda nisbatan kam ismlar va boshqa tafsilotlarni taqdim etish tendentsiyasidan xavotir bildirdi. "1987 yilgi 11 oylik byulletenlariga ko'ra (iyul oyi nashr qilinmagan yagona oy), CPDH har qanday turdagi 1236 ta suiste'molliklar to'g'risida ma'lumot olganligini da'vo qilmoqda. Ammo, bu holatlardan atigi 144 ta ism berilgan. Ularning aksariyati 144 ta ishda taxmin qilingan voqealar sodir bo'lgan sana va joylar berilgan, ammo barchasi hammasi emas. Bu shuni anglatadiki, faqatgina 11,65% holatlarda suiiste'mol qilingan shaxs, joy, sana, voqea va jinoyatchini aniqlash uchun taqdim etilgan minimal tafsilotlar mavjud. "^[135]

Boshqa tomondan, Inson huquqlari bo'yicha Amerikaaro komissiya shunday deydi: "General Somoza hukumati huzuridagi 1978 yilda kuzatuv paytida Nikaragua (Inson huquqlari bo'yicha doimiy komissiya) Komissiyaga sezilarli yordam ko'rsatdi, bu esa unga o'z hisobotini tez va to'g'ri tayyorlashga yordam berdi." va 1980 yilda "CPDH inson huquqlarini himoya qilishda muhim rol o'ynashda davom etayotgani va hukumat tomonidan o'zlarining inson huquqlarini e'tiborsiz qoldirgan deb hisoblaydigan juda ko'p odamlar unga murojaat qilishlarini inkor etib bo'lmaydi".^[136] IACHR doimiy komissiya vakillari bilan uchrashishni davom ettirdi va keyingi yillarda ularning baholari to'g'risida hisobot berdi.^[137]^[138]

Heritage Foundation quyidagilarni ta'kidladi: "Somoza milliy gvardiyasi unsurlari siyosiy muxoliflarni qiynoqqa solgan bo'lsa-da, ular psixologik qiynoqqa solishmagan".^[139] The Xalqaro huquqshunoslar komissiyasi Somoza rejimi paytida siyosiy mahbuslarni so'roq qilishda shafqatsiz jismoniy qiynoqlar muntazam ravishda ishlatilganligini ta'kidladi.^[140]

1980 yillar davomida Sandinista hukumati tomonidan "Qisman erkin" deb hisoblangan Freedom House.^[141]

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari hukumatining xorijiy isyonchilarni qo'llab-quvvatlashi haqidagi da'volari

The Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Davlat departamenti Sandinistlarni ko'plab noqonuniy xorijiy aralashuvlarda aybladi.^[142]

Birinchi da'vo qo'llab-quvvatlash edi FMLN isyonchilar Salvador xavfsiz boshpana, o'quv mashg'ulotlari, qo'mondonlik-shtab-kvartiralar, maslahatlar, qurol-yarog ', o'q-dorilar va boshqa muhim materiallar bilan. Dalil sifatida asirga olingan hujjatlar, sobiq isyonchilar va sandinistlarning guvohnomalari, havodan olingan fotosuratlar, qo'lga olingan qurollarning Nikaraguaga qaytarilishi va Nikaraguadan noqonuniy olib o'tilayotgan qurol-aslahalar keltirildi.^[142] Ushbu davrda El Salvador fuqarolar urushida bo'lgan va AQSh Salvador hukumatini FMLN partizanlariga qarshi qattiq qo'llab-quvvatlagan.

Shuningdek, buzg'unchilik faoliyatida ayblovlar mavjud edi Gonduras, Kosta-Rika va Kolumbiya va Gonduras va Kosta-Rika misolida Nikaragua qo'shinlari tomonidan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri harbiy operatsiyalar.^[142]

2015 yilda, Kentukki senator Mitch Makkonnell bilan suhbat paytida da'vo qildi CNN bu Jon Kerri, keyin Davlat kotibi, Nikaraguaga tashrif buyurgan va uchrashgan Daniel Ortega va qoraladi Reygan ma'muriyati Contras-ni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi sifatida qo'llab-quvvatlash terrorizm Kerrining a Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari senatori.^[143]

Davomida Nikaragua inqilobi 1980-yillarda amerikalik Demokratik siyosatchi va keyin shahar hokimi Berni Sanders Sandinistlarni qo'llab-quvvatlashini bildirdi va AQSh tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanishini qoraladi Qarama-qarshiliklar, u guruhga AQSh ommaviy axborot vositalarida mojaroni tasvirlashni qoralagan maktublar yozgan va urush paytida Nikaraguaga tashrif buyurgan, u erda Sandinista mitingida qatnashgan. Amerikaga qarshi xitlar qilinayotgani xabar qilingan.^[144]^[145]

Belgilar

AQSh dengiz piyodalari ning qo'lga kiritilgan bayrog'i bilan Augusto Sezar Sandino yilda Nikaragua, 1932

FSLN bayrog'i yuqori yarmi qizil, pastki yarmi qora va F S L N harflari oq rangdan iborat. Bu bayroqning o'zgartirilgan versiyasidir Sandino 1930-yillarda, AQShga qarshi urush paytida ishlatilgan Nikaraguani bosib olish Ikkita vertikal chiziqdan iborat bo'lib, ularning kattaligi teng, biri qizil, ikkinchisi bosh suyagi bilan qora (an'anaviy kabi) Jolli Rojer bayroq). Ushbu ranglar meksikalikdan kelgan anarxist Sandino yashagan paytida u ishtirok etgan harakatlar Meksika 1920-yillarning boshlarida.^[146] (CNT bayrog'ida bo'lgani kabi ishchi harakatining qizil rangiga va anarxizmning qora rangiga diagonal ravishda qo'shiladigan anarxo-sindikalizmning an'anaviy bayrog'i millatchilikni inkor etish va baynalmilalizmni tasdiqlashdir.)

So'nggi paytlarda FSLN va dissident o'rtasida nizo yuzaga keldi Sandinistani ta'mirlash harakati (MRS) qizil va qora bayroqdan jamoat ishlarida foydalanish to'g'risida. MRS o'z bayrog'iga ega bo'lsa-da (to'q sariq rangda, Sandino qalpog'ining silueti qora rangda), ular Sandino merosi sharafiga qizil-qora bayroqdan ham foydalanadilar. Ular qizil-qora bayroqning ramzi ekanligini ta'kidlaydilar Sandinismo umuman FSLN partiyasining emas, balki umuman.

Sandinista inqilob kuni a Milliy bayram, har yili 19 iyulda nishonlanadi.^[147]

Ommaviy madaniyatda

Filmlarda

Klassik gey kultida Vong Fuga, barchasi uchun tashakkur! Julie Nyumar (1995), Vida (Patrik Sveyze ) Noxeema Jeksonni ishontirmoqchi edi (Uesli Snipes ) yoshni olish qirolicha, Chi-Chi Rodrigez, drag musobaqasida qatnashish uchun Gollivudga. Noxeema bu g'oyaga mutlaqo qarshi edi va quyidagi satrni keltiradi: "Mmm, Mmm, Mmm, sizning yosh kuer hayotingizda emas - siz va sizning sabablaringiz. U bola lotin, siz shuncha lotin tartibsizliklariga aralashishni xohlamaysiz .. "u Sandinista yoki boshqa narsaga aylanib qolishi mumkin."
Film Oxirgi samolyot (1983), jurnalist Jek Koksning Nikaraguadagi tajribalari haqida, Sandanistalarni aqldan ozgan kommunistik psixopatlar sifatida tasvirlaydi. Anastasio Somoza Debayle taqqoslash orqali xushyoqishni ko'ring.
1983 yilgi Amerika siyosiy triller Olov ostida Bosh rollarni Nik Nolte, Gen Xekman va Joanna Kassidi ijro etgan, Somoza rejimiga barham bergan 1979 yil Nikaragua inqilobining so'nggi kunlarida.

O'yinlarda

Video o'yin Metal Gear Solid: Peace Walker (2010) Kostani-Rikaga majburiy yordamchi belgilar guruhi sifatida majburlangan FSLN inqilobchilar guruhini o'z ichiga oladi, shu jumladan Amanda. Somozaga qarshi inqilob o'zi ham o'yin syujetida muhim rol o'ynaydi va uni o'yin bayonotida boshlangan deb ta'riflaydi. KGB agent Vladimir Zadornov Sovet Ittifoqi AQShni Markaziy Amerikadan butunlay chiqarib yuborishi uchun Nikaraguani kommunistik davlatga aylantirish uchun.

Tilda

1980-yillarda Nikaragua bilan ziddiyatli bo'lganligi sababli, "Sandinista" atamasining turlicha variantlari hozirda AQShda ma'lum bir sababni aqidaparast tarafdorlariga murojaat qilish uchun ishlatiladi. Ispan tilida "-ista" qo'shimchasi ildizga moyillikni ko'rsatish uchun ishlatiladi va ingliz tilida "-ist" ning ekvivalenti hisoblanadi.

Adabiyotda

Rojer Ebert, uning sharhida Yovvoyi tabiatda (2007), film mavzusini - amerikalik sayyoh va sayohatchiga o'xshatdi Kristofer Makkandless - bolalikdagi do'sti Jozef Devid "Jou" Sandersonga, tabiatni sevuvchi Illinoys shtatida va avantyurist, jangda halok bo'lgan,^[148] ichida jang qilish Morazan, Salvador^[149] erkinlik uchun Sandinista kurashchisi sifatida (1982 yil aprelda, 1980-1990 yillarda ushbu mamlakatning chap partizan harakati safida vafot etganligi ma'lum bo'lgan ikki amerikalikdan biri).^[150] Ebert yozgan:^[151]

Men Urbanada Sanderson oilasidan uchta uyda o'sganman - Milton va Virjiniya va ularning o'g'illari Stiv va Djo. Mening yaqin do'stim Jou edi. Uning yotoqxonasi akvariumlar, terrariumlar, ilonlar, hamsterlar, o'rgimchaklar va kapalaklar va qo'ng'iz kollektsiyalari bilan to'ldirilgan. Men unga aqldan ozgandek hasad qildim. Kollejdan keyin u yo'lni bosib o'tdi. U hech qachon ota-onasidan tanaffus qilmagan, ammo ular qaerdaligini kamdan-kam bilishar edi. Ba'zan u uyga kelib, onasi ko'k jinsining tikilishiga 100 dollarlik kupyuralarni tikib qo'yishi kerak edi. U Nikaraguada g'oyib bo'ldi. Keyinchalik uning jasadi o'lik Sandinista ozodlik kurashchisi ekanligi aniqlandi. Vashington ko'chasining narigi chekkasida doim yashil o'simliklar bilan o'ralgan chiroyli kichkina uydan u topishi kerak bo'lgan narsani qidirish uchun jo'nab ketdi. Men Shon Pennning Kristofer Makkandlisiga ishonaman. Men u bilan birga o'sganman.

Musiqada

Ommabop Puerto-Riko Reggaeton - rap guruhi Calle 13 "Llegale a mi guarida" (2007) qo'shig'ida Sandinista harakatini eslatib o'tgan. Qo'shiq so'zlari da'vo qilmoqda: "Respeto a Nikaragua y a la lucha sandinista" ("Men Nikaragua va sandinistlar kurashini hurmat qilaman").
Inglizlar anarxo-pank guruh Chumbavamba albomiga "Interlude: Beginning To Take Back" qo'shig'ini yozib oldi Och qolgan bolalarning rasmlari yozuvlar sotmoqda (1986). Qo'shiqda Sandinistlar tarixi, shuningdek, ularning Kontras bilan to'qnashuvi haqida hikoya qilinadi va Nikaragua kelajagiga umidvor umid aks ettirilgan.
The Chili yangi to'lqin guruh Los Prisioneros qo'shiqlarida Sandinistlarni eslang "Mar Merilin bilan quién mató? [es ]"," Kim o'ldirdi Merilin Monro ? "Qo'shiq 1984 yilgi albomda chiqdi La voz de los '80 [es ] (Ispancha 80-yillar ovozi).
Buyuk Britaniya Bosh vazirining Sandinistlarga qarshi bayonotiga munosabat sifatida Margaret Tetcher va uning so'zi, pank-rok guruhidan foydalanishni taqiqlash to'g'risidagi taklifi To'qnashuv sarlavhadan foydalangan Sandinista! (1980) ularning to'rtinchi studiya albomi uchun. Uch kishilik albomda "qo'shig'i borVashington o'qlari 1959 yildan boshlab Sandinistalar va Lotin Amerikasi tarixiga aloqador boshqa voqealar va guruhlarga havola qilingan.

Televizorda

Ning uchuvchi qismida Yuradigan o'liklardan qo'rqing, Salvadorlik qochqin Daniel Salazar (Ruben pichoqlari ) Los-Anjeles sartaroshi sifatida ishlaydi, ammo 1-mavsumda 5-qism (""Kobalt ")," biz Salazarning haqiqiy o'tmishini bilib olamiz: Yo'q, bu oddiy sartarosh umuman oddiy emas edi. Yoshroq bo'lganida [Salvadorda] unga qiynoqqa soluvchi va jabrlanuvchi o'rtasida tanlov huquqi berilgan va u tirik qolgan yo'lni tanlagan. "^[152]
1990 yilda "Meri kichik qo'zi bor "Amerika sitcomining Oltin qizlar, Blanche, Doroti va Rose uylariga qaytib, Sofiyani bog'lab, bog'lab, stulga bog'lab qo'yishdi. Doroti gagani olib tashlab, unga kim buni qilganini so'raganda, Sofiya kinoyali tarzda: "Sandinistlar!" (Bu haqiqatan ham Blanshni qidirayotgan Merrill ismli ozod qilingan mahbus edi).

Ijroiya rahbarlari

Daniel Ortega

Partiya quyidagi respublika prezidentlariga, ya'ni:

Daniel Ortega 1985–1990
Daniel Ortega 2007–2012
Daniel Ortega 2012–2017
Daniel Ortega 2017 yil - hozirgi kunga qadar

Prezidentlikka nomzodlar

Daniel Ortega, 1984

YutuqHaqiqiy ovozlarning 67,20 foizini olgan holda 735.067 ovoz berilgan bo'lib, Demokratik Konservativ Partiyaning (PCD) ikkinchi partiyasidan ancha yuqoriroq bo'lib, ular 154 127 ta ovozni 14,00 foiziga to'g'ri keladi.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Daniel Ortega, 1990

Yo'qotilganAsosiy muxolifat xonim tomonidan berilgan ovozdan past bo'lgan 579 886 ta umumiy ovoz 40,82% ga teng. Violeta Barrios de Chamorro nomzodi Milliy oppozitsiya ittifoqi (UNO) 54,74% ga teng ovozni olish uchun 777,552 g'olib bo'lgan.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Daniel Ortega, 1996

Yo'qotilganUning asosiy raqibi tomonidan olingan ovozdan past bo'lgan 669.443 ovozning umumiy ovozi 37.75% ga teng Arnoldo Alemán Lacayo nomzodi Liberal alyans (AL) 51.03% ga teng bo'lgan haqiqiy ovozlarni olish uchun 904.908 g'olib bo'lgan.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Daniel Ortega, 2001

Yo'qotilgan915.417 ovoz sifatida, asosiy muxolifat tomonidan olingan ovozdan past bo'lgan umumiy ovozlar 42,30% ga teng Enrike Bolaños Geyer nomzod Liberal Konstitutsionistlar partiyasi (PLC) 56,30% ga teng bo'lgan 1 216 863 ovozni qo'lga kiritib g'olib bo'ldi.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Daniel Ortega, 2006

Yutuqberilgan ovozlarning 37,99 foizini, ikkita asosiy muxolifat partiyalariga nisbatan 930,802 ovozni nisbatan yuqori bo'lishini oldi. Ular Ikkinchining partiyasi edi Nikaragua Liberal alyansi (ALN) ilmiy darajaga nomzod bilan Eduardo Montealegre 693.391 ta ovoz to'plagan Rivas 28.30% ga to'g'ri keldi va uchinchi o'rinni egalladi Konstitutsionist Liberal partiya doktor bilan Xose Rizo Kastellon jami 664,225 ta to'g'ri ovozni olganlar, bu 27,11% ga to'g'ri keladi.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Daniel Ortega, 2011

Yutuq 2011 yil 6-noyabrda bo'lib o'tgan Milliy saylovlarda umumiy ovozlarning 62,46% uchun 1 569 287 miqdorini tashkil etdi, shu payt qo'mondon Daniel Ortega Nikaragua tarixida eng ko'p ovoz to'plagan prezident saylovlarida g'olib bo'lgan prezidentlikka nomzod bo'ldi. Bunga qo'shimcha ravishda, 30 foizdan ko'proq ovoz berilgan, radial tadbirkor tomonidan olingan ovozlar sonini ikki baravarga oshirgan Fabio Gadea Mantilla nomidan Mustaqil Liberal partiya 778,889 ovozini olgan (PLI) ovozlarning 31,00%. Ushbu saylovlarning eng katta yutqazuvchisi sobiq Prezident edi Arnoldo Alemán Lacayo nomzod Liberal Konstitutsionistlar partiyasi 5.91% bilan 148.507 ovozga teng bo'lgan uchdan bir qismida joylashgan (PLC). Ushbu natijalar mamlakatda siyosiy kuchlarning o'zaro bog'liqligidagi davom etayotgan va hanuzgacha o'zgarib turishini ko'rsatmoqda.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Daniel Ortega, 2016

Yutuq 2016 yil 6-noyabrda bo'lib o'tgan Milliy saylovlarda umumiy ovozlarning 72,44% uchun 1 806 651 miqdorida ovoz berildi. 2016 yilgi Prezident saylovlarida qo'mondon Daniel Ortega hamrohligida Rosario Murillo Zambrana Nikaragua tarixidagi prezidentlik saylovlarida eng ko'p ovoz to'plagan, Ikkinchidan formuladan 57 foizdan ko'proq ustunlikka ega bo'lgan Prezident Formulasiga aylandi, bu yarashuv hukumatining nasroniy, sotsialistik va birdamlik modelini qo'llaganligini namoyish etdi. va Sandinista Milliy ozodlik fronti tomonidan amalga oshirilgan Milliy birlik Nikaragualiklarning ulkan ko'pchiligining qo'llab-quvvatlashiga ega.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Taniqli Sandinistlar

Bayardo Arce Kastano [es; ru ], 1980-yillarda Milliy Direktsiya a'zosi
Patrik Argüello, Bilan aloqador Sandinista Douson's Field-ni olib qochish
Nora Astorga, BMTning Sandinista elchisi
Idaniya Fernandez, a'zosi Rigoberto Lopes Peres Mintaqaviy qo'mondonlik; harakatda o'ldirilgan
Gioconda Belli, yozuvchi va shoir, FSLN hukumati uchun ommaviy axborot vositalari bilan aloqalarni boshqargan
Tomas Borge, FSLN asoschilaridan biri, Uzayganlar etakchisi Xalq urushi 70-yillarda tendentsiya, 80-yillarda ichki ishlar vaziri
Omar Kabezas, Sandinista rahbari; shuningdek, muallif va siyosatchi
Ernesto Kardenal, shoir va ruhoniy; 1980-yillarda madaniyat vaziri
Fernando Kardenal, a Jizvit ruhoniy va Ernestoning ukasi, boshqargan savodxonlik Ta'lim vaziri sifatida kampaniya
Luis Karrion, 1980 yillar Milliy Direktsiya a'zosi
Rigoberto-Kruz (aka Pablo Ubeda), erta FSLN a'zosi
Xoakin Kuadra, ichki front rahbari, keyinchalik armiya shtabi boshlig'i
Migel D'Eskoto, a Merknoll Rim katolik ruhoniy; Nikaragua tashqi ishlar vaziri bo'lib ishlagan
Karlos Fonseka, 1960-yillarda FSLNning asosiy asoschilaridan biri va etakchi mafkurachi
Adeline Gröns y Schindler-McCoy de Argüello-Olivas, jurnalist, universitet professori, diplomatning Sharqiy Germaniyadagi elchisi, Bosh konsul Birlashgan Millatlar, Elchi OAS Sovet Ittifoqidagi elchi, Sovet elchilari dekani, turli lavozimlarda yuqori lavozimlarda ishlagan.
Hert Lyuis, Managuaning sobiq meri, 2005 yilda Daniel Orteganing raqibi
Silvio Mayorga [es; ru ], FSLN asoschilaridan biri
Daniel Ortega, inqilobdan keyingi xunta rahbari, keyin 1985 yildan prezident, 1990, 1996 va 2001 yillarda o'tkazilgan prezidentlik saylovlarida mag'lub bo'lgan, 2006, 2011 va 2016 yillarda bo'lib o'tgan prezidentlik saylovlarida g'olib chiqqan va FSLN partiyasini boshqarishda davom etmoqda
Humberto Ortega, 1970-yillarda FSLN qo'zg'olonchi tendentsiyasining (Tercerista) rahbari, Somozaga qarshi shahar qo'zg'olonining bosh strategisti; 1980 yillarda Kontra urushi paytida Mudofaa vaziri. Daniel Orteganing ukasi.
Eden Pastora "Comandante CeroSomozaga qarshi qo'zg'olon paytida Terceristlarga qo'shilgan sotsial-demokratik partizanlarning etakchisi, 1980-yillarning boshlarida Kosta-Rikada joylashgan markaziy-chap ARDE kontra guruhiga rahbarlik qilish uchun FSLN bilan aloqani uzdi.
Serxio Ramirez, romanchi va fuqarolik Sandinista, 1970-yillarda mo''tadillar bilan ittifoq me'mori, 1980-yillarda vitse-prezident, 1990-yillarda Daniel Orteganing raqibi
Genri Ruis "Comandante Modesto", 1970-yillarda FSLN qishloq partizanlari qo'mondoni, 1980-yillarda Milliy direktsiya a'zosi
Casimiro A. Sotelo, me'mor, siyosiy faol, 12 kishilik guruhning asl a'zosi, Panamadagi elchi, bosh konsul Birlashgan Millatlar, Elchi OAS, Kanadadagi elchi, Lotin Amerikasi elchilarining dekani
Arlen Siu, Sandinistik inqilobning birinchi ayol shahidlaridan biriga aylangan xitoylik Nikaragua
Dora Mariya Telez Sandarin inqilobining ramzi sifatida eng mashhur bo'lgan Nikaragua tarixchisi
Jaime Wheelock, FSLN Proletar tendentsiyasining etakchisi, qishloq xo'jaligi va qishloq rivojlanish vaziri
Monika Baltodano, 1982 yildan 1990 yilgacha sobiq partizan qo'mondoni va mintaqaviy ishlar vaziri^[153]^[154]

Saylov tarixi

Prezident saylovlari

Saylov	Partiya nomzodi	Ovozlar	%	Natija
1984	Daniel Ortega	735,967	66.97%	Saylangan Y
1990		579.886	40.82%	Yo'qotilgan N
1996		664,909	37.83%	Yo'qotilgan N
2001		922,436	42.28%	Yo'qotilgan N
2006		854.316	38.07%	Saylangan Y
2011		1,569,287	62.46%	Saylangan Y
2016		1,806,651	72.44%	Saylangan Y

Milliy assambleyaga saylovlar

Saylov	Partiya rahbari	Ovozlar	%	O'rindiqlar	+/–	Lavozim
1984	Daniel Ortega	729,159	66.78%	61 / 96	61	1-chi
1990		579,723	40.84%	39 / 92	22	2-chi
1996		626,178	36.46%	36 / 93	3	2-chi
2001		915,417	42.6%	39 / 92	3	2-chi
2006		840,851	37.59%	38 / 92	1	1-chi
2011		1,583,199	60.85%	63 / 92	25	1-chi
2016		1,590,316	65.86%	70 / 92	7	1-chi

Shuningdek qarang

Adabiyotlar

^ Redacción Central (2011-04-29). "Daniel: la unidad es fundamental para el proyecto Cristiano, Sociala y Solidario - LVDS". Lavozdelsandinismo.com. Olingan 2014-08-18.
^ Redacción Central (2012-12-24). "Rosario: Queremos la unión de Nicaragua entera alrededor del Cristianismo, el Socialismo y la Solidaridad - LVDS". Lavozdelsandinismo.com. Olingan 2014-08-18.
^ Redacción Central (2013-03-13). "Celebró Rosario en nombre del pueblo y el gobierno elección del papa Francisco - LVDS". Lavozdelsandinismo.com. Olingan 2014-08-18.
^ "Comandante Daniel: En Nikaragua se han respetado los derechos humanos". Redvolusyon (Yuventud Sandinista). 4 sentyabr 2018 yil. Arxivlangan asl nusxasi 2019 yil 2 martda. Olingan 27 fevral, 2019. Primero, yoempre u partido del principio, y siempre lo he dicho, que el marxismo es una guía para la acción. Aquí, los primeros munozaralari los tuvimos, recuerdo, con los muchachos, con los compañeros del partido socialia y dentro del mismo Frente Sandinista les parecía que no era correcto que el partido se llamase Frente Sandinista, sino que en todo caso debía llevar elbre un partido clásico, entendido en sus orígenes prácticos del pensamiento marxista en Europa y luego trasladado a America. Sandino (Augusto César) davridagi ideal siyosat va g'oyalar siyosati va g'oyalari. Sandino hacía una síntesis de lo que eran nuestros valores y nuestras luchas, con una esencia estrictamente y profundamente antiimperialista. Entonces, ese ha sido mi pensamiento. El marxismo, como un instrumento para desarrollar las g'oyalar, para desarrollar los programas y para desarrollar la acción. Jamás nos dejamos llevar por lo que era la interpretación dogmática que el mismo Marx no la mandó, sino que partimos de ese principio y yo sigo pensando de esa manera, porque aquí, cuando hablamos de un gobierno que en esta nueva etapa de 2007 a 2018 logra un enorme avance como nunca en la historia de nuestro país en el campo económico, en el campo social, en seguridad, institilidad, rompiendo esquemas, porque una alianza con empresarios, es decir, con la burguesía. Y esto hay compañeros que no lo pueden entender.
^ "La Formación de un Militante Revolcionario". Redvolusyon (Yuventud Sandinista). 2018 yil 21-noyabr. Arxivlangan asl nusxasi 2019 yil 2 martda. Olingan 27 fevral, 2019.
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^ Kuba inqilobi va uning kengayishi: Sotsialistik ishchilar partiyasining qarori. 74-bet
^ Shtatlar, mafkuralar va ijtimoiy inqiloblar: Eron, Nikaragua va Filippinlarning qiyosiy tahlili Misargh Parsa tomonidan Kembrij universiteti matbuoti uchun. Sahifa 224.
^ "Suratlarda: Sandinistik inqilob esda qoldi", BBC, 20-iyun, 2010 yil
^ ^a ^b ^v ^d Jorj Rassel; Uilyam Makvirter; Timoti Loughran; Alessandra Stenli (1983-10-17). "Bu inqilobni hech narsa to'xtata olmaydi". Vaqt. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ Stefan Kurtua va boshq. Kommunizmning qora kitobi: jinoyatlar, terrorizm, repressiyalar; 25-bob: "Lotin Amerikasidagi kommunizm"; Garvard universiteti matbuoti, ISBN 978-0674076082
^ ICJ (Nikaragua qarshi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari) 1986 yil 27-iyun, olindi 26/09/12
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^ "HowStuffWorks" Nikaragua - Sandinist rejimi va undan keyin"". History.howstuffworks.com. 2008-02-27. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2008-08-08 kunlari. Olingan 2013-04-18.
^ Kongress kutubxonasi, Mamlakatshunoslik, 1-bob >> "FSLNning ko'tarilishi"; va Ignatiev, 4-bob, "Sandinista Revival".
^ FSLN rasmiy veb-sayti bir vaqtlar asoschilar deb nomlangan bo'lishi mumkin: Santos Lopes (sobiq Sandino jangchisi), Karlos Fonseka, Silvio Mayorga, Tomas Borge, Germán Pomares Ordonez, Xorxe Navarro, Xulio Buitrago, Faustino Ruis, Rigoberto-Kruz, Casimiro Sotelo, Xose Benito Eskobar Peres. 2009 yil 30 martda berilgan asl nusxasi: [1] "Nikaragua FSLN tarixi". Sahifada endi yuqorida ko'rsatilgan ismlar ro'yxati yo'q va FSLNning sayti emas (2009 yil noyabr) tijorat saytiga o'xshaydi.
^ "Amerika sotsiologik assotsiatsiyasi" (PDF). (334 KB): Tirilish va o'zlashtirish: Qiyosiy istiqbolda tarixiy shaxslarning siyosiy qo'llanilishi
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^ "Nikaragua Kongressi mamlakatshunoslik kutubxonasi - Somoza davri, 1936–74". Lcweb2.loc.gov. Olingan 2013-04-18.
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^ Beker, Mark. "Inqilobgacha Nikaragua". Truman davlat universiteti. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari havo kuchlari - Maksvell-Gunter AFB - Air & Space Power Journal Arxivlandi 2006-10-04 da Orqaga qaytish mashinasi: FOCO dan qo'zg'olonga qadar: Sandinista inqilob strategiyasi
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^ FSLN Milliy direktsiyasi: Kurashning umumiy siyosiy-harbiy platformasi, 1977 y
^ Kongressning mamlakatshunoslik kutubxonasi: Anastasio Somoza Debayle davrining oxiri
^ Santa-Klara universiteti: Kuzatuvchi bilan bog'liq ish: Iqtisodiy sanksiyalar va axloq qoidalari
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^ Borge, Tomas (1982). Sandinistlar gapiradi. Nyu-York: Pathfinder Press. p.59. ISBN 0-87348-619-6.
^ Kongressning mamlakatshunoslik kutubxonasi: Nikaragua: Sandinista inqilobi
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^ Britannica, 15-nashr, 1992 yil nashr
^ ^a ^b ^v ^d Uilyams, Filipp (1994 yil yanvar). "Avtoritar boshqaruvdan ikki tomonlama o'tish: Nikaraguada ommaviy va saylov demokratiyasi". 26 (2). Qiyosiy siyosat: 177. Iqtibos jurnali talab qiladi | jurnal = (Yordam bering)
^ Xalqaro sud (2000 yil yanvar). Nikaraguada va unga qarshi harbiy va harbiylashtirilgan ishlarga oid ish (Nikaragua V. Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari). Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti matbuoti. p. 512. ISBN 92-1-070826-1.
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^ Prevost, p. 153
^ ^a ^b ^v ^d G'arbiy, V. Gordon. "Nikaraguada inson huquqlari bo'yicha Sandista yozuvi (1979-1990)" (PDF). Réseau Européen Droit et Société. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi (PDF) 2009-03-26. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ Chomorro Kardenal, Xayme (1988). La Prensa, Qog'oz respublikasi. Universitet Freedom House. p. 20.
^ "Favqulodda holat ortida". Envío. 1985 yil noyabr. Olingan 2008-02-16.
^ Chamorro Kardenal, Xayme (1988). La Prensa, Qog'oz respublikasi. Freedom House. p. 23.
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^ Truver, Skott C. (2007 yil 13-fevral). "AQSh portlari va suv yo'llaridagi minalar va suv osti qurollari ... Xavf haqiqatdir" (PDF). Milliy mudofaa. Milliy mudofaa sanoat assotsiatsiyasi. p. 4. Arxivlangan asl nusxasi (PDF) 2008-04-28. Olingan 2007-08-21.
^ "AQSh siyosati: iqtisodiy embargo: urush davom etmoqda". Envío. Markaziy Amerika universiteti (Managua). Olingan 2007-08-21.
^ Grandin, Greg; Jozef, Gilbert (2010). Bir asr inqilobi. Dyuk universiteti matbuoti.
^ Xomskiy, Noam (1985). To'lqinni burish. South End Press.
^ Rasmiy nomi: Nikaraguada va unga qarshi harbiy va harbiylashtirilgan harakatlar (Nikaragua Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlariga qarshi), Yurisdiktsiya va qabul qilinishi, 1984 ICJ REP. 392 yil 27-iyun, 1986 yil.
^ Beyker, dekan (2007). 1980 yildan beri Qo'shma Shtatlar (1980 yildan beri dunyo). Kembrij, Buyuk Britaniya: Kembrij universiteti matbuoti. p.101. ISBN 0-521-86017-2.
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^ ^a ^b Anderson, Lesli E. (2005 yil may). Demokratiyani o'rganish: 1990-2001 yillarda Nikaraguada fuqarolarning faolligi va saylov tanlovi. Chikago universiteti matbuoti. p. 64. ISBN 0-226-01971-3.
^ "La Necesidad de un Nuevo Modelo de Comunicación en Nikaragua". Revista de la Escuela de Perdiodismo universiteti. 1984 yil dekabr. Iqtibos jurnali talab qiladi | jurnal = (Yordam bering)
^ Xalqaro huquqdagi davlat qonuniyligi, Bred Rot (1999), Oksford universiteti matbuoti, p. 352.
^ Anderson, Lesli E. (2005 yil may). Demokratiyani o'rganish: 1990-2001 yillarda Nikaraguada fuqarolarning faolligi va saylov tanlovi. Chikago universiteti matbuoti. p. 65. ISBN 0-226-01971-3.
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^ Martin Kriele, "Power and Human Rights in Nicaragua," German Comments, April 1986, pp. 56–57, 63–67, a chapter excerpted from his Nicaragua: Das blutende Herz Amerikas (Piper, 1986). See also Robert S. Leiken, "The Nicaraguan Tangle," Nyu-York kitoblarining sharhi, December 5, 1985 and "The Nicaraguan Tangle: Another Exchange," Nyu-York kitoblarining sharhi, June 26, 1986; Alfred G. Cuzan, Letter, Commentary, December 1985 and "The Latin American Studies Association vs. the United States," Akademik savollar, Summer 1994.
^ Christian Smith, Resisting Reagan: The US Central America Peace Movement, Chikago universiteti matbuoti, 1996 y
^ Noam Xomskiy, Demokratiyani to'xtatish, Vintage, 1992
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^ Castro, Vanessa (September 1992). The 1990 Elections in Nicaragua and Their Aftermath. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. p. 31.
^ Xomskiy, Noam (1985). To'lqinni burish. Boston, Massachusets: South End Press.
^ Newspaper article: La Prensa "Arxivlangan nusxa". Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2013-10-19 kunlari. Olingan 2013-09-14.CS1 maint: nom sifatida arxivlangan nusxa (havola)
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^ "Shoot to Kill: Nicaragua's Strategy to Repress Protest". Olingan 2019-03-14.
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^ "Daniel Ortega declara ilegales las protestas en Nicaragua y amenaza con prisión a organizadores". La Republica (ispan tilida). 2018-09-29. Olingan 2018-10-03.^{[tekshirish kerak ]}
^ "Daniel Ortega declara ilegales las protestas en Nicaragua y amenaza con prisión a organizadores". La Republica (ispan tilida). 2018-09-29. Olingan 2018-10-03.^{[tekshirish kerak ]}
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^ "Journalists And NGOs Face Shutdowns, Beatings As Nicaragua Stifles Dissent". NPR.org. Olingan 17 yanvar 2019.^{[tekshirish kerak ]}
^ Arse, Alberto. "Confidencial, el diario requisado y ocupado por la policía de Nicaragua que sobrevive en la semiclandestinidad de una habitación de hotel". eldiario.es. Olingan 17 yanvar 2019.^{[tekshirish kerak ]}
^ "Régimen ordena cierre de gasolineras, ¿qué hay detrás?". Maxfiy. 21 dekabr 2018 yil. Olingan 17 yanvar 2019.^{[tekshirish kerak ]}
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^ Bruce E. Wright, Theory in the Practice of the Nicaraguan Revolution, New York: Latin American Studies. 1995 yil.
^ Maria Molero, Nicaragua Sandinista: del sueno a la Realidad (1979–1988), Institute of Political Science, 1999.
^ Rayt, Amaliyotdagi nazariya.
^ Palmer, pp. 91–109
^ Rayt, Amaliyotdagi nazariya.
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^ ^a ^b Prevost, p. 128
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^ "Annual Report Of The Inter-American Commission On Human Rights" (PDF). 1987-09-22. Olingan 2009-03-30.
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^ Kleinbach, Russell (July–August 1985). "Nicaraguan Literacy Campaign: Its Democratic Essence". Oylik sharh. 75-84 betlar. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi on 2002-01-12. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ ^a ^b Prevost, p. 127
^ "Embargo Politics". Ko'p millatli monitor. Olingan 2007-02-15.
^ ^a ^b ^v ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h ^men ^j Dawes, p. 28
^ ^a ^b ^v ^d ^e ^f ^g ^h Beverley, p. 95
^ Dawes, p. 31
^ Dawes, p. 165
^ Beverley, p. 96
^ ^a ^b Beverley, p. 98
^ ^a ^b ^v ^d ^e "Country Studies: Nicaragua: Chapter 3:The Sandinista Era, 1979–90". Kongress kutubxonasi.
^ Torres, Luz Marina (June 1991). "Women in Nicaragua: The Revolution on Hold". Revista Envío. Olingan 2008-02-22.
^ ^a ^b Giriazzo, Alicia. "Ten Years After: Women in Sandinista Nicaragua". Epika. Olingan 2008-02-22.
^ Whisnant, David E. (September 1995). Muqaddas joylarda tasodifiy belgilar: Nikaragua madaniyat siyosati. Shimoliy Karolina universiteti matbuoti. p. 417. ISBN 0-8078-4523-X.
^ Fernandez Poncela, Anna M.; Bill Steiger (1996). "The Disruptions of Adjustment: Women in Nicaragua". Lotin Amerikasi istiqbollari. 23 (1): 49–66. doi:10.1177/0094582X9602300104.
^ Klein, Hilary (December 1995). "The women's movement in Nicaragua: Constructing new alternatives". Bizning orqamizdan. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2009-06-28. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ Garvin, Glen (1999-07-18). "Hostility to the U.S. a costly mistake". Mayami Xerald. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ "Nicaragua: el obispo Silvio Báez llamó "dictadura" al régimen de Daniel Ortega y lo acusó de atacar a la Iglesia Católica". infobae (ispan tilida). Olingan 25 avgust, 2020.
^ "Arrojan bomba molotov a Catedral de Managua; dañan imagen venerada". Excelsior (ispan tilida). 31 iyul 2020 yil. Olingan 25 avgust, 2020.
^ John Norton Moore, Markaziy Amerikadagi maxfiy urush (University Publications of America, 1987) p. 143n94 (2,000 killings); Roger Miranda and William Ratliff, Nikaraguada fuqarolar urushi (Transaction, 1993), p. 193 (3,000 disappearances); Yangiliklar haqida tushuncha, July 26, 1999 (14,000 atrocities).
^ ^a ^b "Report on the Situation of Human Rights in the Republic of Nicaragua – Chapter 2". Inson huquqlari bo'yicha Amerikaaro komissiya. 1981-06-30. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ Report on the Situation of Human Rights of a Segment of the Nicaraguan Population of Miskito Origin (1983), Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.
^ Kunzle, Devid (1995). The Murals of Revolutionary Nicaragua, 1979–1992. Kaliforniya universiteti matbuoti. p. 12. ISBN 978-0-520-08192-5.
^ "1991 yillik hisobot". Inson huquqlari bo'yicha Amerikaaro komissiya. 1992-02-14. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ "1992-1993 yillik hisobot". Inson huquqlari bo'yicha Amerikaaro komissiya. 1993-03-12. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ ^a ^b Report on Nicaragua, Axborot byulleteni Numbers 1&2, 1985. Toronto: Inter-Church Committee on Human Rights in Latin America.
^ "Annual Report 1984". Inson huquqlari bo'yicha Amerikaaro komissiya. 1984-09-24. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ "Nikaragua". Hrw.org. Olingan 2013-04-18.
^ "Progressio's history". Progressio. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2008 yil 7 oktyabrda. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ "Right to Survive: Human Rights in Nicaragua," 1987. London: CIIR
^ ^a ^b "Human Rights: Opposition Rights Group Continues Attack". Envio.org. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ "Report On The Situation Of Human Rights In The Republic Of Nicaragua – Chapter 8". Inson huquqlari bo'yicha Amerikaaro komissiya. 1981-06-30. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ "Inter-American Commission on Human Rights 1987–1988 – Nicaragua". Inson huquqlari bo'yicha Amerikaaro komissiya. 1988-06-16. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ "Annual Report 1986–1987 Chapter 4 Nicaragua". Inson huquqlari bo'yicha Amerikaaro komissiya. 1987-09-22. Olingan 2009-03-30.
^ Richard Araujo, "The Sandinista War on Human Rights" (PDF). Arxivlandi asl nusxasi (PDF) on 2007-06-27. (480 KB) (July 19, 1983), Heritage Foundation.
^ "Nicaragua a Tortured Nation" Historians Against War
^ "Country ratings and status, FIW 1973–2012" (XLS). Freedom House. 2012. Olingan 2012-08-22.
^ ^a ^b ^v Vernon A. Walters (October 1986). "Nicaragua's role in revolutionary internationalism – statement by Vernon A. Walters". AQSh Davlat departamenti byulleteni. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2009-06-28.
^ https://www.politifact.com/factchecks/2015/mar/16/mitch-mcconnell/mitch-mcconnell-john-kerry-visited-nicaragua-1980s/
^ https://nymag.com/intelligencer/2019/05/bernie-sanders-pro-sandinista-past-problem.html
^ https://newrepublic.com/article/154096/making-sense-bernies-sandinista-sympathies
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^ "2021 yilda Nikaraguada Sandinistik inqilob kuni". Office Holidays. Olingan 25 avgust, 2020.
^ Meyler, Stenli. "El Mozote Case Study". columbia University School of Journalism.
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Bibliografiya

Endryu, Kristofer; Mitroxin, Vasili. Dunyo bizning yo'limiz bilan ketayotgan edi: KGB va uchinchi dunyo uchun kurash. Basic Books (2005)
Endryu, Kristofer; Mitroxin, Vasili. Qilich va qalqon: Mitroxin arxivi va KGB sirlari. Basic Books (2001)
Arias, Pilar. Nicaragua: Revolución. Relatos de combatientes del Frente Sandinista. Mexico: Siglo XXI Editores, 1980.
Asleson, Vern. Nicaragua: Those Passed By. Galde Press ISBN 1-931942-16-1, 2004
Belli, Humberto. Breaking Faith: The Sandinista Revolution and Its Impact on Freedom and Christian Faith in Nicaragua. Crossway Books/The Puebla Institute, 1985.
Beverley, John and Marc Zimmerman. Literature and Politics in the Central American Revolutions. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990. ISBN 978-0-608-20862-6
Xristian, Shirli. Nicaragua, Revolution In the Family. New York: Vintage Books, 1986.
Koks, Jek. Requiem in the Tropics: Inside Central America. UCA Books, 1987.
Dawes, Greg. Aesthetics and Revolution, Nicaraguan Poetry 1979–1990. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993. ISBN 978-0-8166-2146-0
Gilbert, Dennis. Sandinistas: The Party And The Revolution. Blackwell Publishers, 1988.
Hayck, Denis Lynn Daly. Life Stories of the Nicaraguan Revolution. Nyu-York: Routledge nashriyoti. 1990 yil.
Hodges, Donald C. Intellectual Foundations of the Nicaraguan Revolution. Ostin: Texas universiteti matbuoti, 1986 y.
Kinzer, Stephen. Birodarlar qoni: Nikaraguada hayot va urush, Putnam Pub Group, ISBN 0-399-13594-4, 1991.
Kirkpatrick, Jean. Dictatorships and Double Standards. Touchstone, 1982.
Miranda, Roger, and William Ratliff. The Civil War in Nicaragua: Inside the Sandinistas. New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1993.
Molero, Maria. "Nicaragua Sandinista: del sueno a la realidad". Siyosatshunoslik instituti.(1999).
Moore, John Norton, The Secret War in Central America: Sandinista Assault on World Order. university Publications of America, 1987.
Nolan, David. The Ideology of the Sandinistas and the Nicaraguan Revolution. Coral Gables, Florida: University of Miami Press, 1984.
Palmer, Steven. "Carlos Fonseca and the Construction of Sandinismo in Nicaragua". Lotin Amerikasi tadqiqotlari sharhi. Vol. 23. No. 1 (1988). 91–109.
Prevost, Gary. "Cuba and Nicaragua: A special Relationship?". The Sandinista Legacy: The Construction of Democracy, Latin American Perspectives. 17.3 (1990)
Smit, Hazel. Nicaragua: Self-Determination and Survival. Pluto Press, 1991. ISBN 0-7453-0475-3
Sirias, Silvio. Bernardo and the Virgin: A Novel. Northwestern University Press, 2005 yil.
The Dream of Sandino. Dir. Leuten Rojas. Latin American Review Series. v. 1983 yil.
Wright, Bruce E. Theory in the Practice of the Nicaraguan Revolution. New York: Latin American Studies. 1995 yil.
Zimmermann, Matilde. Sandinista: Carlos Fonseca and the Nicaraguan Revolution. Dyuk universiteti matbuoti, 2001 yil.

Tashqi havolalar

www.lavozdelsandinismo.com
Travel to Sandinista Country
End of the Sandinistas and US Response dan Dekan Piter Krogh tashqi ishlar bo'yicha raqamli arxivlar
Sandinistas and the Catholic Church dan Dekan Piter Krogh tashqi ishlar bo'yicha raqamli arxivlar.
History of the Sandinista Revolution: the union of a whole nation da ViaNica.
Revista Envío – Nicaraguan magazine, "critically supportive" of the Sandinistas, with archive documenting events throughout the 1980s
San'at, haqiqat va siyosat — Garold Pinter delivers Adabiyot bo'yicha Nobel mukofoti lecture in which he explains the Sandinista conflict and condemns the U.S.
Daniel Ortega interview highlights, 2009 yil 10 mart
Many Nicaragua Revolutionaries feel Betrayed by the Revolution Treysi Uilkinson tomonidan, Los Anjeles Tayms, 2009 yil 19-iyul
Exit Somoza, Enter the Sandinistas, An Account by U.S. Ambassador to Nicaragua Lawrence Pezzullo Diplomatik tadqiqotlar va o'qitish assotsiatsiyasi
Attacks attributed to the FSLN on the START database

Oldingi Francisco Urcuyo Maliaños	Presidency of Nicaragua (Milliy tiklanish xuntasi ) 1979–1984	Muvaffaqiyatli Daniel Ortega Saavedra

[1] Redacción Central (2011-04-29). "Daniel: la unidad es fundamental para el proyecto Cristiano, Sociala y Solidario - LVDS". Lavozdelsandinismo.com. Olingan 2014-08-18.

[2] Redacción Central (2012-12-24). "Rosario: Queremos la unión de Nicaragua entera alrededor del Cristianismo, el Socialismo y la Solidaridad - LVDS". Lavozdelsandinismo.com. Olingan 2014-08-18.

[3] Redacción Central (2013-03-13). "Celebró Rosario en nombre del pueblo y el gobierno elección del papa Francisco - LVDS". Lavozdelsandinismo.com. Olingan 2014-08-18.

[4] "Comandante Daniel: En Nikaragua se han respetado los derechos humanos". Redvolusyon (Yuventud Sandinista). 4 sentyabr 2018 yil. Arxivlangan asl nusxasi 2019 yil 2 martda. Olingan 27 fevral, 2019. Primero, yoempre u partido del principio, y siempre lo he dicho, que el marxismo es una guía para la acción. Aquí, los primeros munozaralari los tuvimos, recuerdo, con los muchachos, con los compañeros del partido socialia y dentro del mismo Frente Sandinista les parecía que no era correcto que el partido se llamase Frente Sandinista, sino que en todo caso debía llevar elbre un partido clásico, entendido en sus orígenes prácticos del pensamiento marxista en Europa y luego trasladado a America. Sandino (Augusto César) davridagi ideal siyosat va g'oyalar siyosati va g'oyalari. Sandino hacía una síntesis de lo que eran nuestros valores y nuestras luchas, con una esencia estrictamente y profundamente antiimperialista. Entonces, ese ha sido mi pensamiento. El marxismo, como un instrumento para desarrollar las g'oyalar, para desarrollar los programas y para desarrollar la acción. Jamás nos dejamos llevar por lo que era la interpretación dogmática que el mismo Marx no la mandó, sino que partimos de ese principio y yo sigo pensando de esa manera, porque aquí, cuando hablamos de un gobierno que en esta nueva etapa de 2007 a 2018 logra un enorme avance como nunca en la historia de nuestro país en el campo económico, en el campo social, en seguridad, institilidad, rompiendo esquemas, porque una alianza con empresarios, es decir, con la burguesía. Y esto hay compañeros que no lo pueden entender.

[5] "La Formación de un Militante Revolcionario". Redvolusyon (Yuventud Sandinista). 2018 yil 21-noyabr. Arxivlangan asl nusxasi 2019 yil 2 martda. Olingan 27 fevral, 2019.

[historymatters.gmu.edu-6] Tarix masalalari "Monro doktrinasini bekor qilish": Avgusto Sezar Sandinodan e'lon Qabul qilingan 29/09/12

[7] Kuba inqilobi va uning kengayishi: Sotsialistik ishchilar partiyasining qarori. 74-bet

[8] Shtatlar, mafkuralar va ijtimoiy inqiloblar: Eron, Nikaragua va Filippinlarning qiyosiy tahlili Misargh Parsa tomonidan Kembrij universiteti matbuoti uchun. Sahifa 224.

[9] "Suratlarda: Sandinistik inqilob esda qoldi", BBC, 20-iyun, 2010 yil

[Nothing-10] v ^d Jorj Rassel; Uilyam Makvirter; Timoti Loughran; Alessandra Stenli (1983-10-17). "Bu inqilobni hech narsa to'xtata olmaydi". Vaqt. Olingan 2009-03-30.

[11] Stefan Kurtua va boshq. Kommunizmning qora kitobi: jinoyatlar, terrorizm, repressiyalar; 25-bob: "Lotin Amerikasidagi kommunizm"; Garvard universiteti matbuoti, ISBN 978-0674076082

[12] ICJ (Nikaragua qarshi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari) 1986 yil 27-iyun, olindi 26/09/12

[13] 1984 yil: Sandinistalar saylovda g'alaba qozonganligini da'vo qilishmoqda, BBC - Shu kuni

[14] "HowStuffWorks" Nikaragua - Sandinist rejimi va undan keyin"". History.howstuffworks.com. 2008-02-27. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2008-08-08 kunlari. Olingan 2013-04-18.

[15] Kongress kutubxonasi, Mamlakatshunoslik, 1-bob >> "FSLNning ko'tarilishi"; va Ignatiev, 4-bob, "Sandinista Revival".

[16] FSLN rasmiy veb-sayti bir vaqtlar asoschilar deb nomlangan bo'lishi mumkin: Santos Lopes (sobiq Sandino jangchisi), Karlos Fonseka, Silvio Mayorga, Tomas Borge, Germán Pomares Ordonez, Xorxe Navarro, Xulio Buitrago, Faustino Ruis, Rigoberto-Kruz, Casimiro Sotelo, Xose Benito Eskobar Peres. 2009 yil 30 martda berilgan asl nusxasi: [1] "Nikaragua FSLN tarixi". Sahifada endi yuqorida ko'rsatilgan ismlar ro'yxati yo'q va FSLNning sayti emas (2009 yil noyabr) tijorat saytiga o'xshaydi.

[17] "Amerika sotsiologik assotsiatsiyasi" (PDF). (334 KB): Tirilish va o'zlashtirish: Qiyosiy istiqbolda tarixiy shaxslarning siyosiy qo'llanilishi

[guerillaWarfare-18] Kichik Devis, Tomas M. M. (yanvar 2002). Partizanlar urushi. SR kitoblari. p. 359. ISBN 0-8420-2678-9.

[19] "NIKARAGUA - mamlakatni o'rganish". Country-data.com. Olingan 2013-04-18.

[20] BBC yangiliklari: 1972 yil: Nikaraguada zilzila vayronagarchiliklarni keltirib chiqardi

[walker-21] Walker, Tomas (2003 yil yanvar). Nikaragua (4-nashr). Kembrij, MA: Westview Press. p.31. ISBN 0-8133-3882-4.

[hist-22] "Somoza sulolasi" (PDF). Pitsburg universiteti. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi (PDF) 2010-06-17. Olingan 2 sentyabr 2006.

[23] "Nikaragua Kongressi mamlakatshunoslik kutubxonasi - Somoza davri, 1936–74". Lcweb2.loc.gov. Olingan 2013-04-18.

[24] Daniel Ortega haqida Jahon biografiyasining ensiklopediyasi, 2005-2006

[25] Lopez, Jorj A. (dekabr 1987). Lotin Amerikasida liberallashtirish va qayta demokratlashtirish. Greenwood Press. p.63. ISBN 0-313-25299-8.

[autogenerated2-26] Lafeber, Valter (1993 yil yanvar). Muqarrar inqiloblar: Qo'shma Shtatlar Markaziy Amerikada. W. W. Norton & Company. p.229. ISBN 0-393-30964-9.

[27] Beker, Mark. "Inqilobgacha Nikaragua". Truman davlat universiteti. Olingan 2009-03-30.

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Nikaraguadagi siyosiy partiyalar
Parlament partiyalar	Sandinista milliy ozodlik fronti (71) Konstitutsionist Liberal partiya (14) Mustaqil Liberal partiya (2) Nikaragua Liberal alyansi (2) Respublika uchun ittifoq (1) Konservativ partiya (1) YATAMA (1)
Parlamentdan tashqari partiyalar	O'zgarishlar uchun alternativa Haqiqiy Costeño muxtoriyat harakati Markaziy Amerika Unionist partiyasi Nikaragua kommunistik partiyasi Xristian Birligi Harakati Fuqarolar harakati partiyasi Potosining fuqarolik assotsiatsiyasi Sohil xalqlari partiyasi Konservativ ittifoq Kosteno Demokratik Ittifoqi Demokratik konservativ partiya Ekolog Nikaragua Yashillar partiyasi Buyuk Liberal Ittifoq Milliy birlik uchun mustaqil liberal partiya Marksistik-leninistik xalq harakati Ko'p millatli mahalliy xalq partiyasi Sohil birligi uchun ko'p millatli partiya Milliy harakat partiyasi Milliy birlik harakati Neoliberal partiya Nikaragua xristian-demokratik ittifoqi Nikaragua demokratik harakati Xristian yo'li Nikaragua partiyasi Nikaragua qarshilik partiyasi Nicaraguan Socialist Party Ommabop konservativ ittifoq Inqilobiy birlik harakati Sandinistani ta'mirlash harakati Ijtimoiy xristian partiyasi Ijtimoiy konservativ partiya Sotsial-demokratik partiya Respublika bilan Ishchilar inqilobiy partiyasi
Ishdan bo'shatilgan partiyalar	Sohil ittifoqi Coordinadora Democrática Nicaragüense Demokratik partiya Milliy ishonch demokratik partiyasi Qonuniy partiya Milliy konservativ harakatlar Milliy oppozitsiya ittifoqi (1966) Milliy oppozitsiya ittifoqi (1990) Milliy loyiha Milliyatchi Liberal partiya Ommabop Ijtimoiy Xristian partiyasi Markaziy Amerika ishchilarining inqilobiy partiyasi An'anaviy konservativ partiya Birlik alyansi UNO-96 alyansi
Portal: Siyosat Siyosiy partiyalar ro'yxati Nikaragua siyosati