AQSh tashqi siyosati tarixi, 1913–1933 - History of U.S. foreign policy, 1913–1933 - Wikipedia

Prezident Vudro Uilson 1913 yildan 1921 yilgacha AQSh tashqi siyosatini boshqargan

The 1913–1933 yillarda AQSh tashqi siyosatining tarixi tegishli Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining tashqi siyosati davomida Birinchi jahon urushi va ko'p Urushlararo davr. Prezidentlarning ma'muriyati Vudro Uilson, Uorren G. Xarding, Kalvin Kulidj va Herbert Guver ushbu davrda ketma-ket AQSh tashqi siyosati olib borildi.

Dastlab Uilson Birinchi Jahon urushida betaraf bo'lishga intildi, ammo 1917 yilda u Qo'shma Shtatlarni urush tomoniga boshladi. Ittifoqdosh kuchlar ning Britaniya, Frantsiya va boshqa mamlakatlar. 1918 yilda, Germaniya tinchlik uchun sudga da'vo qildi va Uilson urushdan keyingi ittifoqchilarning asosiy rahbarlaridan biri edi Parij tinchlik konferentsiyasi. U o'zining variantini himoya qildi "O'n to'rt ball ", kelajakdagi mojarolarning oldini olishga yordam beradigan" uyushgan umumiy tinchlik "ni o'rnatishga chaqirdi. Boshqa ittifoqchilar rahbarlari Uilsonning ba'zi maqsadlariga qarshi turdilar, ammo ittifoqchilar rahbarlari yangi tuzilgan tashkilotga qo'shilishga rozi bo'ldilar Millatlar Ligasi. Qo'shma Shtatlarda senator Genri Kabot uyi tomonidan ratifikatsiya qilinishini oldini olish bo'yicha muvaffaqiyatli harakatlarni olib bordi Versal shartnomasi va Uilson lavozimini tark etgach, shartnoma tasdiqlanmagan bo'lib qoldi.

Uilson siyosatiga qarshi kampaniya olib borgan Xarding 1920 yilda saylovda g'alaba qozondi va 1921 yilda o'z lavozimini egalladi. Harding Versal shartnomasini rad etdi va Qo'shma Shtatlar hech qachon Ligaga qo'shilmadi. Davlat kotibi Charlz Evans Xyuz 1922 yilda yakunlangan muzokaralarga rahbarlik qildi Vashington dengiz shartnomasi, uning asosida yirik dengiz kuchlari dengiz qurollanish poygasidan qochishga kelishib oldilar. Qurolsizlanish bo'yicha harakatlar 1922 yildan keyin ham davom etib, 1930 yil imzolanishga olib keladi London dengiz shartnomasi. Evropadagi urush qarzlari va qoplanishi ham 1920-yillarda asosiy muammo sifatida paydo bo'ldi; AQSh qarzlarni kechirishni doimiy ravishda rad etdi, ammo Xarding, Kudidj va Guvverlar turli xil Evropa mamlakatlaridagi qarzlar yukini pasaytirish bo'yicha kelishuvlarga erishdilar. Kulidjning asosiy tashqi siyosiy tashabbusi bu edi Kellogg-Briand pakti, unga binoan imzolaganlar urushni "milliy siyosat vositasi" sifatida rad etishga kelishib oldilar. The Katta depressiya Guvver davrida boshlanib, butun dunyo iqtisodiyotini inqirozga uchratdi. Tushkunlik o'rtasida, Yaponiya Manjuriyani bosib oldi va Adolf Gitler Germaniyada hokimiyat tepasiga keldi.

Lotin Amerikasida Uilson AQSh tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan hukumatlarni qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun o'z askarlarini yuborishda o'zidan avvalgilariga taqlid qildi, ammo Guver oxir-oqibat "Banan urushi AQSh Meksika inqilobi Uilson prezidentligi davrida va Meksika 1920-yillarda tashqi siyosat masalasi bo'lib qolaveradi. Keyin Oktyabr inqilobi, Uilson amerikalik askarlarni jo'natdi Rossiya a qismi sifatida kengroq ittifoqchilar aralashuvi. Rossiyaning o'rniga muvaffaqiyatga erishdi Sovet Ittifoqi 1922 yilda va Qo'shma Shtatlar Sovet Ittifoqiga diplomatik tan olishni 1933 yilgacha uzaytirishdan bosh tortadi.

Etakchilik

Uilson ma'muriyati

Asosiy maqola: Vudro Vilsonning prezidentligi

Uning g'alabasidan keyin 1912 yil AQSh prezident saylovi, Demokrat Vudro Uilson sifatida xizmat qilgan Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Prezidenti 1913 yildan 1921 yilgacha. Uilson ma'muriyatining asosiy tashqi siyosat arboblari orasida davlat kotibi ham bor Uilyam Jennings Bryan,[1] va "polkovnik" Edvard M. Xaus, 1919 yilgacha Uilsonning tashqi siyosat bo'yicha asosiy maslahatchisi.[2] Bryan 1915 yilda Uilsonning qattiq yo'nalishiga qarshi bo'lganligi sababli iste'foga chiqdi Germaniya natijasida Lusitania RMS ning cho'kishi[3] bilan almashtirildi Robert Lansing. Bryanning iste'fosidan so'ng, Uilson ma'muriyatining tashqi siyosatini to'g'ridan-to'g'ri nazorat ostiga oldi.[4]

Uilsonning tashqi siyosati idealistik yondashuvga asoslangan edi liberal internatsionalizm bilan keskin qarama-qarshi bo'lgan realist ning konservativ millatchiligi Uilyam Xovard Taft, Teodor Ruzvelt va Uilyam Makkinli.[5]Artur Linkning so'zlariga ko'ra 1900 yildan beri demokratlarning konsensusi:

tashqi siyosatda militarizm, imperializm va aralashuvni doimiy ravishda qoraladi. Ular buning o'rniga dunyoni liberal-internatsionalistik yo'nalishda jalb qilishni qo'llab-quvvatladilar. Uilsonning Uilyam Jennings Bryanni davlat kotibi etib tayinlashi yangi ketishni ko'rsatdi, chunki Bryan azaldan imperializm va militarizmning etakchi raqibi va dunyo tinchlik harakatining kashshofi bo'lib kelgan.[6]

Harding ma'muriyati

Asosiy maqola: Uorren G. Xarding prezidentligi

Respublika Uorren G. Xarding 1921 yilda Uilson g'alaba qozonganidan keyin muvaffaqiyat qozondi 1920 yilgi prezident saylovi va u 1923 yil avgustda vafotiga qadar prezident bo'lib ishlagan. Harding sobiq Oliy sud adliya va 1916 yilgi respublikachilar partiyasidan prezidentlikka nomzodni tanlagan. Charlz Evans Xyuz uning davlat kotibi sifatida.[7] Harding Xyuzni davlat kotibi etib tayinlaganida, sobiq adolat tashqi siyosatni olib borishini, Uilsonning xalqaro ishlarni yaqin boshqarishidan o'zgarishini,[8] Garchi Xyuz prezident tomonidan belgilab qo'yilgan ba'zi bir keng doiralar doirasida ishlashi kerak edi.[9] Xarding va Xyuz tez-tez muloqot qilib turar, prezident esa tashqi ishlar holati to'g'risida yaxshi xabardor bo'lib turar edi, lekin u kamdan-kam hollarda Xyuzning biron bir qarorini bekor qildi.[10]

Coolidge ma'muriyati

Asosiy maqola: Kalvin Kulijning prezidentligi

Respublika Kalvin Kulidj 1923 yil avgustda Xarding o'limidan keyin muvaffaqiyatga erishdi; u saylovda to'liq muddatga g'olib bo'ldi 1924 yilgi prezident saylovi va 1929 yilgacha ishlagan. Davlat kotibi Charlz Evans Xyuz Kulidj tashqi siyosatini 1925 yilda Kulijning qayta saylanishidan so'ng iste'foga chiqqunga qadar boshqargan. Uning o'rnini egalladi Frank B. Kellogg, ilgari senator va Buyuk Britaniyadagi elchi bo'lib ishlagan.[11] Vazirlar Mahkamasining boshqa taniqli amaldorlari orasida G'aznachilik kotibi ham bor Endryu Mellon[12] va savdo kotibi Herbert Guver,[13] ikkalasi ham Harding ma'muriyatida xizmat qilgan.

Guvver ma'muriyati

Asosiy maqola: Herbert Governing prezidentligi

1921 yildan 1928 yilgacha tijorat kotibi bo'lib ishlagan respublikachi Gerbert Guver, g'olib chiqqanidan keyin Coolidjning o'rnini egalladi 1928 yilgi prezident saylovi. Ketma-ket uchinchi prezident lavozimiga kirishgan respublikachi prezident sifatida Guver avvalgi ma'muriyatning ko'plab xodimlarini, shu jumladan G'aznachilik kotibini saqlab qoldi. Endryu Mellon[14] Genri Stimson, Filippin general-gubernatori va sobiq urush kotibi, Guverning davlat kotibi bo'ldi.[15] 1929 yil oktyabr oxirida 1929 yildagi qimmatli qog'ozlar bozori sodir bo'ldi va butun dunyo iqtisodiyoti pastga aylana boshladi Katta depressiya.[16] Dunyo miqyosidagi tushkunlik davrida Guver va davlat kotibi Genri Stimson Guvverning respublikachilaridan avvalgilariga qaraganda dunyo ishlarida yaqindan ishtirok etishdi.[17] Leuchtenbergning so'zlariga ko'ra, Guvver "dunyoning boshqa qismlariga e'tibor berishga hojat qolmagan holda o'z lavozimiga kelgan so'nggi Amerika prezidenti" bo'lgan. Ammo Guver davrida dunyo tartibi 1919 yil bilan o'rnatildi Versal shartnomasi yiqila boshladi.[18]

Birinchi jahon urushi, 1914-1918

Xaritasi buyuk kuchlar va 1914 yilda tanlangan boshqa mamlakatlar

Birinchi jahon urushidagi betaraflik

Birinchi jahon urushi 1914 yil iyulda paydo bo'lgan Markaziy kuchlar (Germaniya, Avstriya-Vengriya, Usmonli imperiyasi, va Bolgariya) ga qarshi Ittifoqdosh kuchlar (Buyuk Britaniya, Frantsiya, Rossiya va boshqa bir qator mamlakatlar). 1914 yil sentyabr oyida Germaniyaning avansi to'xtatilgandan so'ng, urush uzoq tanglikka tushib qoldi Marnadagi birinchi jang.[19] 1914 yildan 1917 yil boshigacha Uilson tashqi siyosatining asosiy maqsadi Qo'shma Shtatlarni Evropadagi urushdan saqlash edi.[20] Uilson hukumatning barcha harakatlari neytral bo'lishini va jang qiluvchilar xalqaro huquq me'yorlariga binoan ushbu betaraflikni hurmat qilishlarini talab qildi. Urush boshlanganidan so'ng, Uilson Senatga "Qo'shma Shtatlar" fikrda ham, harakatda ham xolis bo'lishi kerak, bizning his-tuyg'ularimizga, shuningdek, bir tomonning afzalligi sifatida talqin qilinishi mumkin bo'lgan har qanday bitimga chek qo'yishi kerak "dedi. boshqasidan oldingi kurash. " U millat sifatida AQShni nazarda tutadimi yoki barcha amerikaliklarni shaxs sifatida nazarda tutadimi, u noaniq edi.[21] Uilson Qo'shma Shtatlarni urushdan chetlatishga qat'iy qaror qilgan bo'lsa ham va u shunday deb o'ylardi urush sabablari murakkab edi, u shaxsan AQSh Ittifoqchilar bilan Markaziy kuchlardan ko'ra ko'proq qadriyatlarni bo'lishishiga ishongan.[22]

Uilson va "Jingo", Amerika urush iti. Tahririyat multfilmi urushga da'vo qiladigan jingolarni masxara qiladi.

Uilson va Xaus Qo'shma Shtatlarni mojaroda vositachi sifatida ko'rsatishga intildilar, ammo Evropa rahbarlari mojaroni tugatishga yordam berish bo'yicha Xausning takliflarini rad etdilar.[23] Bryanning da'vatiga binoan, Uilson, shuningdek, Amerika kompaniyalarini urushayotgan tomonlarga kredit berishni to'xtatdi. Siyosat Ittifoqchilarga Markaziy kuchlardan ko'proq zarar etkazdi, chunki ittifoqchilar Amerika mollariga ko'proq bog'liq edilar. Ma'muriyat 1914 yil oktyabrda qarzlarni bekor qilish siyosatini yumshatdi va 1915 yil oktyabrda siyosatning Amerika iqtisodiyotiga ta'siridan qo'rqib, uni tugatdi.[24] Qo'shma Shtatlar ittifoqchi kuchlar bilan ham, markaziy davlatlar bilan ham savdo qilishga intildi, ammo inglizlar a Germaniya blokadasi Va, bir muncha vaqt davom etgan muzokaralardan so'ng, Uilson asosan Britaniyaning blokadasiga rozi bo'ldi. AQSh Markaziy kuchlar bilan nisbatan kam to'g'ridan-to'g'ri savdo-sotiqqa ega edi va Uilson savdo masalalarida Angliyaga qarshi urush ochishni istamadi.[25] Inglizlar, shuningdek, to'sib qo'yilgan tovarlarni tovon puli bo'lmagan holda sotib olish o'rniga, sotib olish yo'li bilan Amerika blokirovkasini yanada maqbulroq qilishdi.[26] Ko'pgina nemislar Amerikaning Ittifoqchilar bilan savdosini qat'iyan betaraf deb hisobladilar.[25]

Borayotgan keskinliklar

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: Qayiqda yurish kampaniyasi (Birinchi Jahon urushi)

Inglizlarning Markaziy kuchlarni blokadasiga javoban nemislar a dengiz osti kemasi Britaniya orollarini o'rab turgan dengizdagi savdo kemalariga qarshi. Uilson Amerika savdo-sotiqiga ingliz blokadasiga qaraganda ancha kuchli ta'sir ko'rsatgan siyosatga keskin norozilik bildirdi.[27] 1915 yil mart oyida Thrasher hodisasi, Britaniyaning savdo kemasi Falaba nemis suvosti kemasi tomonidan 111 kishining, shu jumladan, bir amerikalikning hayoti bilan halok bo'lgan.[28] 1915 yil boshida nemis bombasi Amerikaning " Kushlashva nemis suvosti kemasi Amerika tankerini torpedo qildi Gulflight. Uilson ba'zi bir asosli dalillarga asoslanib, ikkala voqea ham tasodifiy bo'lganligi va da'volarni hal qilish urush oxirigacha qoldirilishi mumkinligi to'g'risida fikr bildirdi.[29] Nemis dengiz osti kemasi Buyuk Britaniyaning okean laynerini torpedaga botirdi va cho'ktirdi RMS Lusitaniya 1915 yil may oyida; mingdan ziyod odam halok bo'ldi, shu jumladan ko'plab amerikaliklar.[30] Uilson urushga chaqirmadi; Buning o'rniga u shunday degan: "Erkak kishi mag'rurlik bilan kurashishga qodir. U erda shunday millat borki, u shunchalik to'g'ri, shundayki u boshqalarni majburan to'g'ri deb ishontirishga hojat yo'q". U noto'g'ri so'zlarni tanlaganini tanqidchilar uning ritorikasini tanqid qilganda tushundilar.[31] Uilson Germaniyaga norozilik namoyishini yubordi va Germaniya hukumatidan cho'kish kabi voqealarni "takrorlanishiga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun tezkor choralar ko'rishni" talab qildi. Lusitaniya. Bunga javoban, Uilson Amerikaning savdo huquqlari himoyasini betaraflikdan ustun qo'yganiga ishongan Bryan vazirlar mahkamasidan iste'foga chiqdi.[32]

White Star layneri SS Arabcha 1915 yil avgustda ikki amerikalik qurbon bo'lganligi bilan torpedaga aylandi. Germaniya bu harakatni rad qilmasa, AQSh diplomatik tanaffus bilan tahdid qildi. Nemislar qurolsiz savdo kemalariga hujum qilishdan oldin ularni ogohlantirishga kelishib oldilar.[33] 1916 yil mart oyida SS Sasseks, Frantsiya bayrog'i ostidagi qurolsiz parom, La-Manshda torpedo qilingan va o'lganlar orasida to'rt amerikalik hisoblangan; nemislar postni buzgan edilarLusitaniya almashinuvlar. Uilson Germaniyadan dengiz osti urushlarini kreyser urushi qoidalariga cheklash va'dasini berishga muvaffaq bo'lganda, maqtovga sazovor bo'ldi. Bu amaldagi amaliyotdan yiroq chekinish edi - Germaniya shunchaki beg'arazlik bilan chekinishi mumkin bo'lgan diplomatik imtiyoz.[34] 1917 yil yanvarda nemislar yangi siyosat boshladilar cheklanmagan dengiz osti urushi Britaniya orollari atrofidagi dengizlarda kemalarga qarshi. Germaniya rahbarlari bu siyosat AQShning urushga kirishishini qo'zg'atishi mumkinligini bilar edilar, ammo ular AQSh to'liq safarbar bo'lguncha Ittifoqchi kuchlarni mag'lub etishga umid qilishdi.[35]

Tayyorlik

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: Tayyorgarlik harakati

Harbiy "tayyorgarlik" yoki kichik armiya va flotni qurish - jamoatchilik fikrining asosiy dinamikasiga aylandi.[36][37] Yangi, yaxshi mablag 'bilan ta'minlangan tashkilotlar boshlang'ich tashkilotlarga murojaat qilish uchun, shu jumladan Amerika mudofaa jamiyati (ADS) va Milliy xavfsizlik ligasi ikkalasi ham ittifoqchilar tomonida urushga kirishni ma'qul ko'rishdi.[38][39] Teodor Ruzvelt boshchiligidagi interventsionerlar Germaniya bilan urush qilishni xohlashdi va Uilsonning qurilishni rad etishiga hujum qilishdi AQSh armiyasi urushni kutish bilan.[40] Uilsonning tayyorgarlikka qarshilik ko'rsatishi qisman Demokratik partiyaning urushga qarshi kuchli elementi bilan bog'liq edi, u Bryan tomonidan boshqarilgan. Partiya ichidagi va tashqarisidagi ko'plab guruhlar, shu jumladan ayollar, urushga qarshi kayfiyat kuchli edi,[41] Protestant cherkovlari,[42] mehnat jamoalari,[43] va Janubiy demokratlarga yoqadi Klod Kitchin, kuchli uyning usullari va usullari qo'mitasining raisi. Biograf Jon Morton Blum deydi:

Uilsonning tayyorlik to'g'risida uzoq vaqt sukut saqlagani, partiyasi va butun xalq orasida antipreparastlik munosabatlari shunchalik tarqalishiga va shu qadar qattiqlashishiga yo'l qo'ydiki, u oxiriga kelib vazifasini bajarishga kirishganda ham, mamlakatdagi Kongress ham ko'p ishontirishga qodir emas edi.[44]

Cho'kgandan keyin Lusitaniya va Bryanning iste'foga chiqishi, Uilson ochiqchasiga tayyor bo'lishga va armiya va dengiz flotini qurishga kirishdi.[26] Uilson Amerikaning harbiy aralashmaslik bo'yicha an'anaviy majburiyati bilan cheklandi. Uilson, katta harbiy safarbarlik faqat urush e'lon qilinganidan keyin sodir bo'lishi mumkin deb hisoblagan, garchi bu Evropaga qo'shin yuborishni uzoq vaqt kechiktirishni anglatsa ham. Ko'plab demokratlar hech qanday amerikalik askarlar kerak bo'lmaydi, faqat amerikaliklarning pullari va o'q-dorilariga ehtiyoj seziladi.[45] Uilson dengiz flotini keskin kengaytirish haqidagi iltimosiga ko'ra ko'proq muvaffaqiyatga erishdi. Kongress 1916 yilda dengiz kuchlarini kengaytirish to'g'risidagi qonunni qabul qildi, u dengiz flotining professional zobitlari tomonidan yuqori darajadagi maqom parkini qurishni rejalashtirishni qamrab oldi, ammo ishga kirishish uchun bir necha yil kerak bo'ldi.[46]

Urushga kirish

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: Birinchi jahon urushiga Amerikaning kirishi va Birinchi Jahon Urushidagi Qo'shma Shtatlar
General Jon J. Pershing
Polkovnik Edvard M. Xaus

1917 yil boshida Germaniya elchisi Yoxann fon Bernstorf Davlat kotibi Lansinga Germaniyaning cheklanmagan suvosti urushlarini olib borish majburiyatini bildirgan.[47] Fevral oyi oxirida AQSh jamoatchiligi Zimmermann Telegram Germaniya Meksikani AQShga qarshi urushda unga qo'shilishga ishontirishga harakat qilgan maxfiy diplomatik aloqa.[48] Vazirlar Mahkamasi va Kongress bilan maslahatlashganidan keyin Uilsonning reaktsiyasi minimal edi - nemislar bilan diplomatik aloqalarni to'xtatish. Prezident shunday dedi: "Biz nemis xalqining samimiy do'stlarimiz va ular bilan tinchlikda bo'lishni chin dildan istaymiz. Biz ishonmasligimiz kerak bo'lgan vaqtgacha yoki ular biz bilan dushman ekanligiga ishonmaymiz".[49] Amerika kemalariga qilingan qator hujumlardan so'ng, Uilson 20 mart kuni Vazirlar Mahkamasining majlisini o'tkazdi; barcha Vazirlar Mahkamasi a'zolari AQShning urushga kirish vaqti kelganiga rozi bo'lishdi. Uilson Kongressni 2 aprelda boshlanadigan maxsus sessiyaga chaqirdi.[50]

1917 yil martda Rossiyada ikkita inqilobning birinchisi ham yuz berdi va bu AQShning urushdagi strategik roliga ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Imperiya hukumatining ag'darilishi Amerikaning Evropa mojarosiga kirishi uchun jiddiy to'siqni olib tashladi, noyabrdagi ikkinchi inqilob nemislarni sharqiy jabhasida katta tahdiddan xalos qildi va ularga G'arbiy frontga ko'proq qo'shin ajratishga imkon berdi. AQSh Ittifoqchilarning 1918 yildagi janglarda yutug'i uchun markaziy kuchlarni jalb qildi. Uilson dastlab ittifoqchilarning Rossiyaga qarshi harbiy aralashuvga harbiy resurslarini bag'ishlash haqidagi iltimoslarini rad etdi. Bolsheviklar, qisman Meksikaga aralashishga urinish tajribasidan kelib chiqqan holda; Shunday bo'lsa-da, u oxir-oqibat potentsial foydaga ishongan va sharqiy frontda ittifoqchilarga yordam berish uchun cheklangan kuchni yuborishga rozi bo'lgan.[51]

Uilson 2 aprel kuni Kongressga murojaat qilib, Germaniyaga qarshi urush e'lon qilishga chaqirdi. Uning ta'kidlashicha, nemislar "AQSh hukumati va xalqiga qarshi urushdan boshqa narsa emas". U armiyani ko'paytirish uchun harbiy loyihani, harbiy xarajatlarni to'lash uchun soliqlarni ko'paytirishni, ittifoqdosh hukumatlariga qarz berishni va sanoat va qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini ko'paytirishni so'radi.[52] The Qo'shma Shtatlar tomonidan urush e'lon qilinishi Germaniyaga qarshi 1917 yil 6-aprelda etnik nemis tayanch punktlari va janubdagi chekka qishloq joylarining qarama-qarshiligi bilan kuchli partiyaviy ko'pchilik tomonidan Kongressdan o'tdi. Qo'shma Shtatlar ham keyinroq qarshi urush e'lon qiling 1917 yil dekabrda Avstriya-Vengriya. AQSh Buyuk Britaniya yoki Frantsiya bilan rasmiy ittifoq tuzmadi, balki "bog'langan" kuch sifatida faoliyat yuritdi - norasmiy ittifoqchi harbiy hamkorlik bilan harbiy hamkorlik bilan. Oliy urush kengashi Londonda.[53]

Generallar Frederik Funston va Leonard Vud Evropada Amerika armiyasi kuchlarini qo'mondonligi uchun da'vogar bo'lgan, ammo Funston Qo'shma Shtatlar urushga kirishidan bir necha hafta oldin vafot etgan va Uilson Teodor Ruzveltning yaqin ittifoqchisi bo'lgan Vudga ishonmagan. Uilson o'rniga Pancho Vilyaga qarshi ekspeditsiyani boshqargan general Jon J. Pershingga buyruq berdi.[54] Pershing taktika, strategiya va ba'zi diplomatiyalar bo'yicha to'liq vakolatlarga ega bo'lar edi.[55] Edvard Xaus prezidentning Britaniya hukumati bilan asosiy aloqa kanaliga aylandi va Uilyam Vizeman Britaniyaning dengiz flotidagi attashe, uyning Angliyadagi asosiy aloqasi edi. Ularning shaxsiy munosabatlari ikki hukumat o'rtasida muhim tushunishga erishish uchun ziddiyatli munosabatlarni engib, kuchlarga yaxshi xizmat ko'rsatishga muvaffaq bo'ldi. Xaus shuningdek, AQShning Ittifoqchilar Oliy Urush Kengashidagi vakili bo'ldi.[56]

O'n to'rt ball

Asosiy maqola: O'n to'rt ball

Uilson kelajakdagi nizolarning oldini olishga yordam beradigan "uyushgan umumiy tinchlik" o'rnatishga intildi. Ushbu maqsadda unga nafaqat Markaziy kuchlar, balki turli darajadagi imtiyozlarni qo'lga kiritishga intilgan va Markaziy kuchlar to'g'risidagi jazolashuvchi tinchlik shartnomasiga qarshi bo'lgan boshqa Ittifoqchi kuchlar ham qarshi chiqdilar.[57] U nomli maxfiy o'rganish guruhini yaratdi So'rov, Polkovnik Xaus tomonidan boshqarilgan, urushdan keyingi muzokaralarga tayyorgarlik ko'rish uchun.[58] Surishtiruv ishlari Uilsonning 1918 yil 8-yanvarda Kongressdagi nutqi bilan yakunlandi, unda u Amerikaning uzoq muddatli urush maqsadlarini bayon qildi. Bu urushayotgan har qanday millat tomonidan qilingan niyatning eng aniq ifodasi edi. O'n to'rt nuqta deb nomlanadigan nutq asosan muallif edi Valter Lippmann va Uilsonning xalqaro miqyosdagi ilg'or ichki siyosatini prognoz qildi. Dastlabki oltita fikr diplomatiya, dengizlarning erkinligi va mustamlakachilik da'volarini hal qilish bilan bog'liq edi. Keyin hududiy masalalar ko'rib chiqildi va yakuniy nuqta, barcha millatlarning mustaqilligi va hududiy yaxlitligini kafolatlaydigan millatlar birlashmasini tuzish - a Millatlar Ligasi. Ushbu manzil dunyo bo'ylab tarqatish uchun ko'plab tillarga tarjima qilingan.[59]

Urushdan keyingi fikrlardan tashqari, Uilsonning o'n to'rtta nuqtasi bir necha omillarga asoslandi. Boshqa ittifoqchilar rahbarlaridan farqli o'laroq, Uilson Usmonli imperiyasi yoki Avstriya-Vengriya imperiyasini butunlay parchalanishga chaqirmadi. Germaniya bilan bir qatorda jazolanmaydigan tinchlikni taklif qilishda Uilson urushni tugatish bo'yicha muzokaralarni tezda boshlashga umid qildi. Uilsonning liberal bayonotlari, shuningdek, ittifoqdosh mamlakatlardagi tinchlikparvar va urushdan charchagan elementlarga, shu jumladan AQShga qaratilgan edi. Bundan tashqari, Uilson ruslarni urushga qaytarishga umid qilar edi, garchi u bu maqsadga erisha olmasa ham.[60]

Urush kursi

AQShning urushga kirishi bilan Uilson va urush kotibi Beyker qo'shinni kengaytirishni boshladilar, maqsad 300,000 a'zosini yaratish edi. Muntazam armiya, 440,000 a'zosi Milliy gvardiya va 500 ming kishilik majburiy kuch "nomi bilan tanilganMilliy armiya. "Muddatli harbiy xizmatga va amerikalik askarlarning chet eldagi majburiyatlariga bir oz qarshilik ko'rsatganiga qaramay, Kongressning har ikki palatasining aksariyat qismi harbiy xizmatga chaqirishga ovoz berdi. 1917 yilgi tanlangan xizmat to'g'risidagi qonun. Fuqarolar urushi qo'zg'olonlaridan qochishga intilib, qonun loyihasida kimni chaqirish kerakligini belgilash majburiyati yuklangan mahalliy chaqiruv hay'atlari tashkil etildi. Urush tugaguniga qadar 3 millionga yaqin kishi harbiy xizmatga chaqiriladi.[61] Admiralning da'vati bilan dengiz floti ham ulkan kengayishni ko'rdi Uilyam Sims, dengiz osti kemalarini qurishga qaratilgan. AQShning hissasi va yangi e'tibor tufayli ittifoqchilarning yuk tashish bo'yicha yo'qotishlari sezilarli darajada kamaydi konvoy tizimi.[62]

The Amerika ekspeditsiya kuchlari birinchi bo'lib Frantsiyaga 1917 yil o'rtalarida kelgan.[63] Uilson va Persing ingliz va frantsuzlarning amerikalik askarlarning mavjud ittifoqchilar tarkibiga qo'shilishi, AQShga harakat erkinligini berish, ammo yangi tashkilotlar va ta'minot zanjirlarini yaratishni talab qilish haqidagi taklifini rad etishdi.[64] 1917 yil oxirida Evropada atigi 175000 amerikalik askar bor edi, ammo 1918 yil o'rtalariga kelib kuniga 10.000 amerikalik Evropaga etib kelmoqda. Rossiya 1918 yil mart oyida imzolanganidan keyin urushni tugatdi Brest-Litovsk shartnomasi, Germaniyaga askarlarni Sharqiy front urush. Nemislar a Spring Offensive katta talofatlar keltirgan, ammo ittifoqchilar qatorini buzolmagan ittifoqchilarga qarshi. Avgust oyidan boshlab ittifoqchilar Yuz kunlik tajovuz charchagan nemis qo'shinini orqaga surib qo'ydi.[65]

1918 yil sentyabr oyining oxiriga kelib Germaniya rahbariyati urushda g'alaba qozonishiga ishonmay qoldi. Uilson demokratik hukumat tomonidan imzolangan tinchlik bitimini qabul qilish ehtimoli ko'proq ekanligini anglagan holda, Kayzer Vilgelm II boshchiligidagi yangi hukumatni tayinladi Baden shahzodasi Maksimilian; Baden darhol Uilson bilan sulh tuzishga intildi.[66] Notalar almashinishida Germaniya va Amerika rahbarlari sulhga o'n to'rt ochkoni kiritishga kelishib oldilar; Keyin uy Frantsiya va Britaniyadan kelishuvni sotib oldi, ammo ularsiz bir tomonlama sulh tuzish bilan tahdid qilgandan keyingina. Uilson Pershingning sulh shartnomasini bekor qilish va uning o'rniga Germaniya tomonidan so'zsiz taslim bo'lishni talab qilish haqidagi iltimosiga e'tibor bermadi.[67] Nemislar 1918 yil 11-noyabrdagi sulh, jangni tugatish. Avstriya-Vengriya imzolagan Villa Giusti sulh sakkiz kun oldin, Usmonli imperiyasi imzolagan paytda Mudros sulh oktyabrda.

Birinchi jahon urushidan keyingi natijalar, 1919-1921

Parij tinchlik konferentsiyasi

Asosiy maqolalar: Parij tinchlik konferentsiyasi, 1919 yil va Birinchi jahon urushidan keyingi natijalar
Birinchi Jahon urushi tugaganidan keyin 1919 yilda Parijdagi tinchlik konferentsiyasida "Katta to'rtlik" Uilson yonida turibdi Jorj Klemenso o'ngda

Sulh shartnomasini imzolagandan so'ng, Uilson Evropaga tashrif buyurish uchun tashrif buyurdi Parij tinchlik konferentsiyasi, shu bilan ish paytida Evropaga sayohat qilgan birinchi AQSh prezidenti bo'ldi.[68] Qo'shma Shtatlarga ikki haftalik qaytish uchun mablag 'yig'ing, Uilson olti oy davomida Evropada qoldi va u erda urushni rasmiy ravishda tugatish uchun tinchlik shartnomasiga erishishga e'tibor qaratdi. Mag'lubiyatga uchragan Markaziy kuchlar konferentsiyaga taklif qilinmagan va ularning taqdirini xavotir bilan kutishgan.[69] Uilsonning raqobatchi fraktsiyalarini taklif qildi Rossiya fuqarolar urushi sulh e'lon qiling va Parij tinchlik konferentsiyasiga qo'shma delegatsiya yuboring, ammo boshqa ittifoq rahbarlari bu taklifga qarshi chiqdilar va biron bir delegatsiya yuborilmadi.[70] Uilson, Buyuk Britaniya bosh vaziri Devid Lloyd Jorj, Frantsiya Bosh vaziri Jorj Klemenso va Italiya Bosh vaziri Vittorio Emanuele Orlando uydirma "Katta to'rtlik "" Parijdagi tinchlik konferentsiyasida eng ko'p ta'sir o'tkazgan ittifoqchilar rahbarlari. Uilson o'zining idealistik o'n to'rt ochkosini himoya qilishda davom etgan bo'lsa-da, boshqa ko'plab ittifoqchilar qasos olishni xohlashdi. Klemenso, ayniqsa, Germaniya uchun og'ir shartlarni izlar edi, Lloyd Jorj esa Uilsonning ba'zi g'oyalarini qo'llab-quvvatladi, ammo agar shartnoma Markaziy kuchlar uchun juda qulay bo'lsa, jamoatchilikning ta'siridan qo'rqdi.[69]

Parijdagi tinchlik konferentsiyasida bir nechta yangi Evropa davlatlari tashkil etildi

O'zining Millatlar Ligasi yo'lida Uilson konferentsiyada ishtirok etgan boshqa kuchlarga bir nechta fikrlarni bildirdi. Frantsiya Germaniyani parchalash va juda katta miqdordagi pul to'lashga majbur qildi urushni qoplash. Uilson bu g'oyalarga qarshi turdi, ammo Germaniya hali ham urush tovonlarini to'lashi kerak edi va ularga bo'ysundirildi Reyndagi harbiy ishg'ol. Bundan tashqari, a band Shartnomada urush uchun javobgar sifatida Germaniya alohida ko'rsatilgan. Uilson yaratilishiga rozi bo'ldi mandatlar sobiq Germaniya va Usmonli hududlarida, Evropa kuchlari va Yaponiyaga Yaqin Sharq, Afrika va Osiyoda amalda mustamlakalarni yaratishga imkon berdi. Yaponiyaning Germaniya manfaatlarini sotib olishi Shandun yarim oroli Xitoy ayniqsa isbotladi mashhur emas, Uilsonning o'zini o'zi boshqarish va'dasini amalga oshirganligi sababli. Biroq, Uilson Markaziy Evropa va Bolqonda, shu jumladan Polshada bir nechta yangi davlatlarning yaratilishida g'olib chiqdi, Yugoslaviya va Chexoslovakiya va Avstriya-Vengriya imperiyasi va Usmonli imperiyasi bo'linib ketdi.[71] Uilson Italiyaning hududga bo'lgan talablarini qondirishdan bosh tortdi Adriatik qirg'og'i, Yugoslaviya va Italiya o'rtasida 1920 yil imzolanmaguncha hal qilinmaydigan nizolarga olib keldi Rapallo shartnomasi.[72] Yaponiya konferentsiyani a irqiy tenglik bandi. Uilson bu masalaga befarq edi, ammo Avstraliya va Britaniyaning qattiq qarshiliklariga qo'shildi.[73]

The Millatlar Ligasining Kelishuvi konferentsiya tarkibiga kiritildi Versal shartnomasi Germaniya bilan urushni tugatdi.[74] Uilson o'zi ahdni "tashqi tajovuz" ga qarshi turishga va nizolarni shu kabi tashkilotlar orqali tinch yo'l bilan hal qilishga rozilik bildiradigan ahdni ishlab chiqqan qo'mitaga rahbarlik qildi. Xalqaro odil sudlovning doimiy sudi.[75] Konferentsiya davomida sobiq prezident Taft Uilsonga Liga shartnomasiga kiritilgan uchta taklifni kiritdi, chunki u qabul qilinishini sezilarli darajada oshiradi deb o'ylagan - Ligadan chiqish huquqi, Ligadan ichki masalalarni ozod qilish va Monro doktrinasining daxlsizligi. . Uilson bu tuzatishlarni juda istamay qabul qildi. Versal shartnomasidan tashqari, ittifoqchilar Avstriya bilan ham shartnomalar tuzishdi Sen-Jermen-an-Lay shartnomasi ), Vengriya (the Trianon shartnomasi ), Usmonli imperiyasi (The Sevr shartnomasi ) va Bolgariya (the Noyilli-sur-Seyn shartnomasi ), ularning barchasi Millatlar Ligasi nizomini o'z ichiga olgan.[76]

Konferentsiya 1919 yil may oyida muzokaralarni yakunladi, o'shanda Germaniya rahbarlari ushbu shartnomani birinchi marta ko'rib chiqdilar. Ba'zi nemis rahbarlari bu shartnomani rad etishni ma'qullashdi, ammo Germaniya bu shartnomani 1919 yil 28-iyunda imzoladi.[77] Tinchlik yo'lidagi harakatlari uchun Uilson 1919-yil taqdirlandi Tinchlik bo'yicha Nobel mukofoti.[78] Biroq mag'lubiyatga uchragan Markaziy kuchlar shartnomaning og'ir shartlariga norozilik bildirdilar va bir nechta mustamlakachilar vakillari Evropada yangi davlatlarni barpo etgan, ammo Osiyo va Afrikada mustamlakachilikning davom etishiga yo'l qo'ygan shartnomaning ikkiyuzlamachiligini ta'kidladilar. Uilson ham shartnomani tasdiqlash uchun noaniq ichki kurashga duch keldi, chunki respublikachilar bunga qarshi chiqishdi.[79]

Shartnomani tasdiqlash bo'yicha munozara

1919 yil Versal tinchlik konferentsiyasidan qaytgan Uilson.

Respublikachilar oz miqdordagi ovozga ega bo'lgan Senatning uchdan ikki qismining ovozi bilan shartnomani ratifikatsiya qilish uchun imkoniyatdan unchalik qulay bo'lmagan.[80] Shartnoma bo'yicha jamoatchilik fikri bir xil emas edi, aksariyat respublikachilar, nemislar va irland katolik-demokratlari tomonidan qattiq qarshilik ko'rsatildi. Senatorlar bilan ko'plab uchrashuvlarda Uilson qarshilik kuchayganligini aniqladi. Parijdagi tinchlik konferentsiyasidan so'ng jismoniy holati zaiflashganiga qaramay, Uilson G'arb davlatlarini shiddat bilan qabul qilishga qaror qildi va 29 ta asosiy nutqni va ko'plab qisqa nutqlarni qo'llab-quvvatlashni rejalashtirdi.[81] Uilson bir qator zaiflashtiruvchi qon tomirlarini boshidan kechirdi va 1919 yil sentyabrda safarini qisqartirishga majbur bo'ldi. U Oq uyda nogiron bo'lib qoldi, uning xotini uni diqqat bilan kuzatib turdi va uni salbiy yangiliklardan izolyatsiya qildi va uning ahvoli og'irligini kamaytirdi.[82]

Senator Genri Kabot uyi shartnomaga qarshi chiqishga olib keldi; u Uilsonni nafratlantirdi va uni ratifikatsiya qilish jangida kamsitishga umid qildi. Respublikachilar Uilsonning ular bilan urush yoki uning oqibatlarini muhokama qila olmaganidan g'azablandilar. Respublikachilar bu shartnomaga qarshi chiqqanlar va demokratlar uni asosan qo'llab-quvvatlaganlaridek, Senatda qizg'in partizanlar urushi rivojlandi. Shartnoma bo'yicha munozaralar urushdan keyingi davrda Amerikaning dunyo hamjamiyatidagi o'rni haqidagi munozaralar atrofida bo'lib o'tdi va senatorlar uchta asosiy guruhga bo'lindilar. Aksariyat demokratlar shartnomani ma'qullashdi.[80] O'n to'rt senator, asosan respublikachilar "murosasizlar, "chunki ular AQShning Millatlar Ligasiga kirishiga to'liq qarshi chiqdilar. Bunday murosaga kelmaydiganlarning ba'zilari, masalan Jorj V. Norris, dekolonizatsiya va qurolsizlanishni qo'llab-quvvatlamaganligi uchun shartnomaga qarshi chiqdi. Kabi boshqa murosasizliklar Xiram Jonson, Amerikaning harakat erkinligini xalqaro tashkilotga topshirishdan qo'rqqan. Aksariyat davlatlar bir-birlarini tajovuzdan himoya qilishlari uchun ularni bog'lab turishi kerakligi haqidagi X-Liga shartnomasini olib tashlashga intildi.[83] "Rezervistlar" nomi bilan tanilgan qolgan senatorlar guruhi bu g'oyani qabul qildi, ammo AQSh suverenitetini himoya qilishni ta'minlash uchun Ligani har xil darajada o'zgartirishga intildi.[83] Sobiq prezident Taft va sobiq davlat kotibi Elihu Root ikkalasi ham shartnomani ba'zi o'zgartirishlar bilan ratifikatsiya qilishni ma'qullashdi va ularning shartnomani jamoatchilik tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlashi Uilsonga ratifikatsiya qilish uchun respublikachilar tomonidan katta qo'llab-quvvatlash imkoniyatini berdi.[80]

Ratifikatsiyani qo'lga kiritishning qiyinligiga qaramay, Uilson doimiy ravishda rezervasyonlarga qo'shilishdan bosh tortdi, qisman agar boshqa qo'shimchalar kiritilsa, boshqa kuchlar bilan muzokaralarni qayta boshlash kerak degan xavotir tufayli.[84] 1919 yil noyabr oyining o'rtalarida Lodj va uning respublikachilari shartnoma tarafdorlari Demokratlar bilan shartnoma imzolash uchun koalitsiya tuzdilar, ammo jiddiy shafqatsiz Uilson bu murosani rad etdi va yetarlicha demokratlar mag'lubiyatni ratifikatsiya qilish uchun uning yo'lidan borishdi. Kuper va Beylining ta'kidlashicha, Uilsonning sentyabrdagi zarbasi uni Lodj bilan samarali muzokaralarni olib borishga majbur qilgan.[85]

Harding va Kulidj, 1921–1929

Harding o'z lavozimini egallaydi

Harding ish boshlagan paytga qadar Evropada bir nechta yangi davlatlar tashkil topgan edi Birinchi jahon urushidan keyingi natijalar

Uilsonning siyosatiga qarshi va "normal holatga qaytish,"[86] Respublika Uorren G. Xarding da aniq g'alabaga erishdi 1920 yil AQSh prezident saylovi.[87] Versal shartnomasi hali ham tasdiqlanmaganligi sababli, AQSh Germaniya, Avstriya va Vengriya bilan texnik jihatdan urushda qoldi. Tinchlik o'rnatish Noks-Porter rezolyutsiyasi, AQShni tinchlikda e'lon qilish va Versalda berilgan har qanday huquqni saqlab qolish. Shartnomalar Germaniya bilan, Avstriya va Vengriya, ularning har biri Versal shartnomasining Ligaga tegishli bo'lmagan ko'plab qoidalarini o'z ichiga olgan bo'lib, 1921 yilda ratifikatsiya qilingan.[9] Bu hali ham AQSh va Liga o'rtasidagi munosabatlar masalasini qoldirdi. Xyuzning Davlat departamenti dastlab Ligadagi aloqalarni e'tiborsiz qoldirdi yoki a'zo davlatlar bilan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri aloqa orqali uni chetlab o'tishga urindi. 1922 yilga kelib, AQSh Jenevadagi konsuli orqali Liga bilan shug'ullangan. AQSh Ligadagi har qanday uchrashuvda siyosiy ta'sir ko'rsatishdan bosh tortdi, ammo kuzatuvchilarni texnik va gumanitar masalalar bo'yicha sessiyalarga yubordi.[88]

Xarding Senatga AQShning taklif qilingan ishtirokini qo'llab-quvvatlovchi xabar yuborganida poytaxtni hayratda qoldirdi Xalqaro odil sudlovning doimiy sudi ("Jahon sudi" nomi bilan ham tanilgan). Uning taklifi aksariyat senatorlar tomonidan ijobiy qabul qilinmadi va AQShning Jahon sudiga a'zoligini qo'llab-quvvatlovchi rezolyutsiya ishlab chiqildi va darhol Tashqi ishlar qo'mitasiga ko'mildi.[89] 1926 yilda Senat sudga sharhlar bilan qo'shilishni ma'qulladi.[90] Millatlar Ligasi rezervasyonlarni qabul qildi, ammo u o'ziga tegishli ba'zi o'zgartirishlarni taklif qildi. Senat ushbu o'zgartirishlar bo'yicha harakat qilmadi va Qo'shma Shtatlar hech qachon Jahon sudiga qo'shilmadi.[91]

Qurolsizlanish

Shuningdek qarang: Vashington dengiz konferentsiyasi
Charlz Evans Xyuz, sobiq Oliy sud sudyasi va Hardingning davlat kotibi

Birinchi Jahon urushi oxirida Qo'shma Shtatlar eng katta dengiz flotiga va dunyodagi eng katta qo'shinlaridan biriga ega edi. Qo'shma Shtatlarning o'zi uchun hech qanday jiddiy tahdid bo'lmagan Xarding va uning vorislari dengiz floti va armiyani qurolsizlantirishga rahbarlik qilishdi. Armiya 140 ming kishiga qisqardi, dengiz kuchlarini qisqartirish esa Buyuk Britaniya bilan paritet siyosatiga asoslangan edi.[92] Senator, qurollanish poygasini oldini olishga intilmoqda Uilyam Borax Kongressning Amerika harbiy-dengiz floti, Buyuk Britaniya dengiz kuchlari va Yaponiya dengiz flotini 50 foizga qisqartirishni talab qiladigan rezolyutsiyasida g'olib chiqdi. Kongressning qo'llab-quvvatlashi bilan Harding va Xyuz Vashingtonda qurolsizlanish bo'yicha dengiz konferentsiyasini o'tkazishga tayyorgarlik ko'rishni boshladilar.[93] The Vashington dengiz konferentsiyasi 1921 yil noyabrda AQSh vakillari bilan yig'ilgan, Yaponiya, Britaniya, Frantsiya, Italiya, Xitoy, Belgiya, Gollandiya va Portugaliya. Davlat kotibi Xyuz konferentsiyada asosiy rolni o'z zimmasiga oldi va eng muhim taklifni ilgari surdi - agar Buyuk Britaniya 19 kemani, Yaponiya 17 kemani ishdan chiqarsa, AQSh harbiy kemalarini 30 taga qisqartiradi.[94] Konferentsiyani yoritgan jurnalistning yozishicha, "Xuz dunyoning barcha admirallari asrlar davomida g'arq bo'lganiga qaraganda o'ttiz besh daqiqada ko'proq kemalarni cho'ktirdi.[95]

Konferentsiyada ishtirok etuvchi mamlakatlar o'rtasida oltita shartnoma va o'n ikkita rezolyutsiya ishlab chiqildi tonna dengiz kemalarining maxsus tariflariga.[96] Qo'shma Shtatlar, Buyuk Britaniya, Yaponiya va Frantsiya To'rt kuch shartnomasi, unda har bir mamlakat bir-birlarining hududiy yaxlitligini hurmat qilishga kelishib oldilar tinch okeani. Ushbu to'rtta kuch va Italiya ham erishdilar Vashington dengiz shartnomasi Har bir mamlakat hurmat qilishga rozi bo'lgan jangovar kemalar tonajining nisbatini o'rnatdi. In To'qqizta kuch to'g'risidagi shartnoma, har bir imzo chekuvchi hurmat qilishga rozi bo'ldi Ochiq eshik siyosati Xitoyda va Yaponiya qaytib kelishga rozi bo'ldi Shandun Xitoyga.[97]

Qarzni kamaytirish

Xarding ish boshlagan paytga kelib, xorijiy hukumatlardan AQShga bo'lgan katta urush qarzini kamaytirishga chaqiriqlar kelib tushdi va Germaniya hukumati bu miqdorni kamaytirishga intildi kompensatsiyalar uni to'lash talab qilinganligini. AQSh har qanday ko'p tomonlama kelishuvni ko'rib chiqishdan bosh tortdi. Xarding muzokaralarda urush qarzlarini kamaytirish bo'yicha ma'muriyatga keng vakolat berish uchun Mellon tomonidan taklif qilingan rejadan o'tishga intildi, ammo 1922 yilda Kongress o'tdi yanada cheklovchi qonun loyihasi. Xyuz Angliya uchun 62 yillik urush qarzini past foizlar bilan to'lash va shu bilan kamaytirishga kelishish to'g'risida muzokara olib bordi hozirgi qiymat majburiyatlar. 1923 yilda Kongress tomonidan tasdiqlangan ushbu shartnoma boshqa xalqlar bilan muzokaralar uchun namuna bo'ldi.[98]

Kulidj dastlab Evropaning qarzlarini kechirish yoki Evropa tovarlariga nisbatan past tariflarni rad etish chaqiruvlarini rad etdi, ammo Rurning ishg'oli 1923 yilda uni harakatga keltirdi. Davlat kotibi Xyuzning tashabbusi bilan Kulij tayinlandi Charlz Deys Germaniyani qoplash bo'yicha kelishuvga erishish uchun xalqaro komissiyani boshqarish. Natijada Dawes rejasi Germaniya qarzini qayta tuzilishini ta'minladi va Qo'shma Shtatlar Germaniyaga boshqa davlatlarning qarzlarini to'lashga yordam berish uchun pul qarz berdi. Dawes rejasi Germaniya iqtisodiyotining keskin rivojlanishiga hamda xalqaro hamkorlik kayfiyatiga olib keldi.[99]

Renunciation of war

Building on the success of the Dawes Plan, U.S. ambassador Alanson B. Xyuton helped organize the Locarno Conference in October 1925. The conference was designed to ease tensions between Germany and France, the latter of which feared a German rearmament. In Lokarno shartnomalari, France, Belgium, and Germany each agreed to respect the borders established by the Versal shartnomasi and pledged not to attack each other. Germany also agreed to arbitrate its eastern boundaries with the states created in the Treaty of Versailles.[100]

Coolidge's primary foreign policy initiative was the Kellogg-Briand pakti of 1928, named for Secretary of State Kellogg and French foreign minister Aristid Briand. The treaty, ratified in 1929, committed signatories—the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, and Japan—to "renounce war, as an instrument of national policy in their relations with one another."[101] The treaty did not achieve its intended result—the outlawry of war—but it did provide the founding principle for international law after Ikkinchi jahon urushi.[102] Coolidge's policy of international disarmament allowed the administration to decrease military spending, a part of Coolidge's broader policy of decreasing government spending.[103] Coolidge also favored an extension of the Washington Naval Treaty to cover kreyserlar, but the U.S., Britain, and Japan were unable to come to an agreement at the Jeneva dengiz konferentsiyasi.[104]

Immigratsiya

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: Qo'shma Shtatlarga immigratsiya tarixi

Immigration to the United States had increased during the first two decades of the twentieth century, with many of the immigrants coming from Janubiy Evropa va Sharqiy Evropa dan ko'ra G'arbiy Evropa. Many Americans viewed these new immigrants with suspicion, and World War I and the Birinchi qizil qo'rqinch further heightened nativist fears.[105] A constituent writing to Senator Uilyam Borax reflected the opinion of many who favored immigration restriction, stating "immigration should be completely stopped for at least one generation until we can assimilate and Americanize the millions who are in our midst."[106] The Per Centum Act of 1921, signed by Harding on May 19, 1921, reduced the numbers of muhojirlar to 3 percent of a country's represented population based on the 1910 yilgi aholini ro'yxatga olish. The act, which had been vetoed by President Wilson in the previous Congress, also allowed unauthorized immigrants to be deported.[107] Immigration to the United States fell from roughly 800,000 in 1920 to approximately 300,000 in 1922.[108]

In the years after the passage of the Emergency Quota Act, members of Congress debated the substance of a permanent immigration bill. Most leaders of both parties favored a permanent bill that would greatly restrict immigration, with the major exception being Al Smit and other urban Democrats.[109] Business leaders had previously favored unlimited immigration to the United States, but mechanization, the entrance of women into the labor force, and the migration of Southern blacks into the North had all contributed to a reduced demand for foreign-born labor.[110] Coolidge endorsed an extension of the cap on immigration in his 1923 State of the Union, but his administration was less supportive of the continuation of the Milliy kelib chiqishi formulasi, which effectively restricted immigration from countries outside of Evropaning shimoli-g'arbiy qismi. Secretary of State Hughes strongly opposed the quotas, particularly the total ban on Japanese immigration, which violated the Janoblarning 1907 yildagi shartnomasi Yaponiya bilan. Despite his own reservations, Coolidge choose to sign the restrictive 1924 yilgi immigratsiya to'g'risidagi qonun.[111] The Emergency Quota Act had limited annual immigration from any given country to 3 percent of the immigrant population from that country living in the United States in 1920; the Immigration Act of 1924 changed this to 2% percent of the immigrant population from a given country living in the United States in 1890.[112]

Hoover and the Great Depression, 1929–1933

Shuningdek qarang: Franklin D. Ruzvelt ma'muriyatining tashqi siyosati

When Hoover took office, an international committee meeting in Paris promulgated the Yosh reja yaratgan Xalqaro hisob-kitoblar banki and stipulated the partial forgiveness of German Birinchi Jahon urushi tovonlari. Hoover was wary of agreeing to the plan, as he feared that it would be linked to reduced payments on loans the U.S. extended to France and Britain in World War I. He ultimately agreed to support the proposal at the urging of Ouen D. Yang, the American industrialist who chaired the committee. Despite the settlement reached by the Young Plan, the German economy collapsed in the early 1930s, and Germany announced that it could not pay reparations. In response, Hoover issued the Hoover Moratorium, a one-year halt on Allied war loans conditional on a suspension of German reparations payments.[113] Hoover also made American bankers agree to refrain from demanding payment on private loans from Germans.[114] Hoover hoped that the moratorium would help stabilize the European economy, which he viewed as a major cause of economic troubles in the United States.[115] As the moratorium neared its expiration the following year, an attempt to find a permanent solution was made at the 1932 yilgi Lozanna konferentsiyasi. A working compromise was never established, and reparations payments virtually stopped.[116]

Hoover placed a priority on disarmament, which he hoped would allow the United States to shift money from the military to domestic needs.[117] Hoover and Stimson focused on extending the 1922 Vashington dengiz shartnomasi, which sought to prevent a naval qurollanish poygasi. A previous effort to extend the Washington Naval Treaty, the Jeneva dengiz konferentsiyasi, had failed to produce results, but the Hoover administration convinced the British to re-open negotiations.[118][119] In 1930, the United States and other major naval powers signed the London dengiz shartnomasi.[120] The treaty represented the first time that the naval powers had agreed to cap their tonnage of auxiliary vessels (previous agreements had focused on kapital kemalar ), but the treaty did not include France or Italy. The treaty provoked a nationalist backlash in Japan due to its reconfirmation of the "5–5–3" ratio which limited Japan to a smaller fleet than the United States or the United Kingdom.[121] 1932 yilda Qurolsizlanish bo'yicha Butunjahon konferentsiyasi, Hoover urged worldwide cutbacks in armaments and the outlawing of tanks and bombers, but his proposals were not adopted.[121]

Yaponlarning Manjuriyaga bosqini

1931 yilda Yaponiya bosqinchi Manchuriya, mag'lubiyatga uchragan Xitoy Respublikasi 's military forces and establishing Manchukuo, a puppet state. The Hoover administration deplored the invasion, but also sought to avoid antagonizing the Japanese, fearing that taking too strong of a stand would weaken the moderate forces in the Japanese government. Hoover also viewed the Japanese as a potential ally against the Sovet Ittifoqi, which he saw as a much greater threat.[122] In response to the Japanese invasion, Hoover and Secretary of State Stimson outlined the Stimson doktrinasi, which held that the United States would not recognize territories gained by force. The Hoover administration based this declaration on the 1928 Kellogg-Briand pakti, in which several nations (including Japan and the United States) renounced war and promised to peacefully solve disputes. In the aftermath of invasion of Manchuria, Stimson and other members of the Cabinet came to believe that war with Japan might be inevitable, though Hoover continued to push for qurolsizlanish among the world powers.[123]

Gitlerning ko'tarilishi

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: Natsistlar Germaniyasi

In early 1933, during Hoover's last days in office, Adolf Gitler va Natsistlar partiyasi came into power in Germaniya. At first, many in the United States thought of Hitler as something of a comic figure, but Hitler quickly consolidated his power in Germany and attacked the post-war order established by the Versal shartnomasi.[124] Hitler preached a racist doctrine ning Oriy superiority, and his central foreign policy goal was the acquisition of territory to Germany's east, which he sought to repopulate with Nemislar.[125]

Latin America, 1913–1933

Panama kanali

The Panama kanali opened in 1914, fulfilling the long-term American goal of building a canal across Central America. The canal provided quick passage between the tinch okeani bilan Atlantika okeani, presenting new opportunities to the shippers and allowing the Navy to quickly transfer warships between the two oceans.[iqtibos kerak ] In April 1921, Harding gained the ratification of the Tomson-Urrutiya shartnomasi bilan Kolumbiya, granting that nation $25,000,000 as settlement for the U.S.-provoked Panamanian revolution of 1903.[126] The Latin American nations were not fully satisfied, as the U.S. refused to renounce interventionism, though Hughes pledged to limit it to nations near the Panama Canal and to make it clear what the U.S. aims were.[127]

Aralashuvlar

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: Banan urushi

Wilson sought closer relations with lotin Amerikasi, and he hoped to create a Panamerika organization to arbitrate international disputes. He also negotiated a treaty with Colombia that would have paid that country an indemnity for the U.S. role in the ajralib chiqish ning Panama, but the Senate defeated this treaty.[128] However, Wilson frequently intervened in Latin American affairs, saying in 1913: "I am going to teach the South American republics to elect good men."[129] The Dominika Respublikasi had been a de facto American protektorat since Roosevelt's presidency, but suffered from instability. In 1916, Wilson sent troops to occupy the island, and the U.S. soldiers would remain until 1924. In 1915, the U.S. aralashdi yilda Gaiti after a revolt overthrew the Haitian government, beginning an occupation that would last until 1919. Wilson also authorized military interventions in Kuba, Panama va Gonduras. 1914 yil Bryan-Chamorro shartnomasi konvertatsiya qilingan Nikaragua into another de facto protectorate, and the U.S. stationed soldiers there throughout Wilson's presidency.[130]

Intervention in Latin America became a minor campaign issue in the 1920 presidential election as Harding spoke against Wilson's decision to send U.S. troops uchun Dominika Respublikasi, and attacked the Democratic vice presidential candidate, Franklin D. Ruzvelt, for his role in the Haitian intervention. Secretary of State Hughes worked to improve relations with Latin American countries who were wary of the American use of the Monro doktrinasi to justify intervention; at the time of Harding's inauguration, the U.S. also had troops in Kuba va Nikaragua. The troops stationed in Cuba to protect American interests were withdrawn in 1921, but U.S. forces remained in the other three nations through Harding's presidency.[131]

The United States' occupation of Nikaragua va Gaiti continued under Coolidge's administration, though Coolidge withdrew American troops from the Dominika Respublikasi 1924 yilda.[132] The U.S. established a domestic constabulary in the Dominican Republic to promote internal order without the need for U.S. intervention, but the constabulary's leader, Rafael Truxillo, eventually seized power.[133] Coolidge led the U.S. delegation to the Sixth International Conference of American States, January 15–17, 1928, in Gavana, Kuba. There, he extended an zaytun novdasi to Latin American leaders embittered over America's aralashuv siyosati yilda Markaziy Amerika va Karib dengizi.[134]

President Hoover largely made good on a pledge made prior to assuming office not to interfere in Latin America's internal affairs. In 1930, he released the Klark Memorandumi, ning rad etilishi Ruzvelt xulosasi and a move towards non-interventionism in Latin America. Hoover did not completely refrain from the use of the military in Latin American affairs; he thrice threatened intervention in the Dominika Respublikasi, and he sent warships to Salvador to support the government against a left-wing revolution.[135] But he wound down the Banan urushi tugatish Nikaraguani bosib olish and nearly bringing an end to the Gaitining bosib olinishi. Franklin Ruzveltniki Yaxshi qo'shnilar siyosati would continue the trend towards non-interventionism in Latin America.[136]

Meksika

Meksika inqilobi

Asosiy maqola: Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining Meksika inqilobidagi ishtiroki

Wilson took office during the Meksika inqilobi, which had begun in 1911 after liberals overthrew the military dictatorship of Porfirio Dias. Shortly before Wilson took office, conservatives retook power through a coup led by Viktoriano Xerta.[137] Wilson rejected the legitimacy of Huerta's "government of butchers" and demanded Mexico hold democratic elections. Wilson's unprecedented approach meant no recognition and doomed Huerta's prospects for establishing a stable government.[138] After Huerta arrested U.S. Navy personnel who had accidentally landed in a restricted zone near the northern port town of Tampiko, Uilson dispatched the Navy to occupy the Mexican city of Verakruz. A strong backlash against the American intervention among Mexicans of all political affiliations convinced Wilson to abandon his plans to expand the U.S. military intervention, but the intervention nonetheless helped convince Huerta to flee from the country.[139] A group led by Venustiano Karranza established control over a significant proportion of Mexico, and Wilson recognized Carranza's government in October 1915.[140]

Carranza continued to face various opponents within Mexico, including Pancho Villa, whom Wilson had earlier described as "a sort of Robin Gud."[140] In early 1916, Pancho Villa raided an American town in New Mexico, killing or wounding dozens of Americans and causing an enormous nationwide American demand for his punishment. Wilson ordered General Jon J. Pershing and 4000 troops across the border to capture Villa. By April, Pershing's forces had broken up and dispersed Villas bands, but Villa remained on the loose and Pershing continued his pursuit deep into Mexico. Carranza then pivoted against the Americans and accused them of a punitive invasion; a confrontation with a mob in Parral on April 12 resulted in two dead Americans and six wounded, plus hundreds of Mexican casualties. Further incidents led to the brink of war by late June, when Wilson demanded an immediate release of American soldiers held prisoner. The prisoners were released, tensions subsided, and bilateral negotiations began under the auspices of the Mexican-American Joint High Commission. Eager to withdraw from Mexico due to World War I, Wilson ordered Pershing to withdraw, and the last American soldiers left in February 1917.[141]

Inqilobdan keyingi davr

A new Mexican government under President Alvaro Obregon sought recognition, but the Wilson administration refused. Under Harding, both Hughes and Secretary of the Interior Fall opposed recognition; Hughes instead sent a draft treaty to the Mexicans in May 1921, which included pledges to reimburse Americans for losses in Mexico since the 1910 yilgi inqilob U yerda. Obregón was unwilling to sign a treaty before being recognized, and he and worked to improve the relationship between American businesses and Mexico, reaching agreement with creditors and mounting a public relations campaign in the United States. This had its effect, and by mid-1922, Fall was less influential than he had been, lessening the resistance to recognition. The two presidents appointed commissioners to reach a deal, and the U.S. recognized the Obregón government on August 31, 1923, just under a month after Harding's death, substantially on the terms proffered by Mexico.[142]

1924 yilda, Plutarco Elías Calles took office as President of Mexico, and Calles sought to limit American property claims and take control of the holdings of the Catholic Church. However, Ambassador Duayt Morrou convinced Calles to allow Americans to retain their rights to property purchased before 1917, and Mexico and the United States enjoyed good relations for the remainder of Coolidge's presidency.[143] With the aid of a Catholic priest from the U.S., Morrow also helped bring an end to the Cristero urushi, a Catholic revolt against Calles's government.[144]

As part of his efforts to limit unemployment, Hoover sought to cut Qo'shma Shtatlarga immigratsiya, and in 1930 he promulgated an executive order requiring individuals to have employment before migrating to the United States.[145] With the goal of opening up more jobs for U.S. citizens, Secretary of Labor Uilyam N. Doak began a campaign to prosecute noqonuniy muhojirlar Qo'shma Shtatlarda. Though Doak did not seek to deport one specific group of immigrants, his campaign most strongly affected Meksikalik amerikaliklar, especially Mexican Americans living in Kaliforniya janubiy.[146] Many of the deportations were overseen by state and local authorities who acted on the encouragement of Doak and the Department of Labor.[147] During the 1930s, approximately one million Mexican Americans were forcibly "repatriated" to Mexico; approximately sixty percent of those deported were birthright citizens.[148]

American investment and trade

Under the leadership of economist Edvin V. Kemmerer, the U.S. extended its influence in Latin America through financial advisers. With the support of the State Department, Kemmerer negotiated agreements with Kolumbiya, Chili, and other countries in which the countries received loans and agreed to follow the advice of U.S. financial advisers. These "Kemmerized" countries received substantial investments and became increasingly dependent on trade with the United States.[149]

Other countries and regions, 1913–1933

Rossiya va Sovet Ittifoqi

Shuningdek qarang: Rossiya fuqarolar urushiga ittifoqchilar aralashuvi

After Russia left World War I following the Bolsheviklar inqilobi of 1917, the Allies sent troops there to prevent a German or Bolshevik takeover of weapons, munitions and other supplies previously shipped as aid to the pre-revolutionary government.[150] Wilson loathed the Bolsheviks, who he believed did not represent the Russian people, but he feared that foreign intervention would only strengthen Bolshevik rule. Britain and France pressured him to intervene in order to potentially re-open a second front against Germany, and Wilson acceded to this pressure in the hope that it would help him in post-war negotiations and check Japanese influence in Siberia.[151] The U.S. sent armed forces to assist the withdrawal of Chexoslovakiya legionlari bo'ylab Trans-Sibir temir yo'li, and to hold key port cities at Arxangelsk va Vladivostok. Though specifically instructed not to engage the Bolsheviks, the U.S. forces engaged in several armed conflicts against forces of the new Russian government. Revolutionaries in Russia resented the United States intrusion. Robert Maddox wrote, "The immediate effect of the intervention was to prolong a bloody civil war, thereby costing thousands of additional lives and wreaking enormous destruction on an already battered society."[152]

Commerce Secretary Hoover, with considerable experience of Russian affairs, took the lead on Russian policy in the Harding administration. He supported aid to and trade with Russia, fearing U.S. companies would be frozen out of the Soviet market.[153] Qachon famine struck Russia in 1921, Hoover had the Amerika yordam ma'muriyati, which he had headed, negotiate with the Russians to provide aid. According to historian George Herring, the American relief effort may have saved as many as 10 million people from starvation. U.S. businessman such as Armand Hammer invested in the Russian economy, but many of these investments failed due to various Russian restrictions on trade and commerce. Russian and (after the 1922 establishment of the Sovet Ittifoqi ) Soviet leaders hoped that these economic and humanitarian connections would lead to recognition of their government, but Communism's extreme unpopularity in the U.S. precluded this possibility.[154]

By the late 1920s, the Soviet Union was no longer a pariah in European affairs, and had normal diplomatic and trade relations with most countries. By 1933, old American fears of Communist threats had faded, and the business community, as well as newspaper editors, were calling for diplomatic recognition. After the Soviets promised they would not engage in espionage, Roosevelt used his presidential authority to normalize relations in November 1933.[155]

Yaqin Sharq

In 1919, Wilson guided American foreign policy to "acquiesce" in the Balfur deklaratsiyasi without supporting Zionism in an official way. Wilson expressed sympathy for the plight of Jews, especially in Poland and France.[156]

In May 1920, Wilson sent a long-deferred proposal to Congress to have the U.S. accept a mandate from the League of Nations egallab olmoq Armaniston.[157] Bailey notes this was opposed by American public opinion, and had the support of only 23 senators.[158] Ovanisyan Richard G. states that Wilson "made all the wrong arguments" for the mandate and focused less on the immediate policy than on how history would judge his actions: "[he] wished to place it clearly on the record that the abandonment of Armenia was not his doing."[159]

Yaponiya

Relations with Japan had warmed with the signing of the Washington Naval Treaty and were further bolstered by U.S. aid in the aftermath of the 1923 yil Kantoning zilzilasi, which killed as many as 200,000 Japanese and left another 2 million homeless. However, relations soured with the passage of the Immigration Act of 1924, which banned immigration from Japan to the United States. U.S. officials encouraged Japan to protest the ban while the legislation was drafted, but Japanese threats backfired as supporters of the legislation used the threats to galvanize opposition to Japanese immigration. The immigration legislation sparked a major backlash in Japan, strengthening the position of those in Japan who favored expansionism over cooperation with Western powers.[160]

Xitoy

The Coolidge administration at first avoided engagement with the Xitoy Respublikasi tomonidan boshqarilgan Sun Yatsen va uning vorisi, Chiang Qay-shek. The administration protested the Shimoliy ekspeditsiya when it resulted in attacks on foreigners, and refused to consider renegotiating treaties reached with China when it had been under the rule of the Tsing sulolasi. In 1927, Chiang purged his government of Communists and began to seek U.S. support. Seeking closer relations with China, Secretary of State Kellogg agreed to grant tariff autonomy, meaning that China would have the right to set import duties on American goods.[161]

Shuningdek qarang

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  157. ^ Piter Balakian (2003). Yonayotgan Dajla: Arman genotsidi va Amerikaning javobi. Nyu-York: HarperKollinz.
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  159. ^ Ovanisyan, Richard G. (1996). Armaniston Respublikasi, Vol. IV: Yarim oy bilan o'roq, bo'linish va Sovetlashtirish o'rtasida. Berkli: Kaliforniya universiteti matbuoti. pp.10–24. ISBN  978-0-520-08804-7.
  160. ^ Ringa (2008), 467-468 betlar
  161. ^ Ringa (2008), pp. 467–470

Asarlar keltirilgan

Qo'shimcha o'qish

  • Graebner, Norman, tahr. Aniq bo'lmagan an'ana: XX asrdagi Amerika davlat kotiblari (1961) ch 5-9 nashr Bryan, Lansing, Xyuz, Kellogg va S timson 79-183 betlar. onlayn bepul
  • Rayt, Esmond. "Vudro Vilsonning tashqi siyosati: qayta baholash. 1-qism: Vudrou Uilson va birinchi jahon urushi" Bugungi tarix. (Mar 1960) 10 №3 149-157 betlar
    • Rayt, Esmond. "Vudro Vilsonning tashqi siyosati: qayta baholash. 2-qism: Uilson va aqlning orzusi" Bugungi tarix (1960 yil aprel) 19 № 4 223-231 bet