Ronald Reygan ma'muriyatining tashqi siyosati - Foreign policy of the Ronald Reagan administration

Prezident Ronald Reygan bilan Buyuk Britaniya bosh vaziri Margaret Tetcher da Kemp-Devid 1986 yilda

Ushbu maqola qismidir haqida bir qator Ronald Reygan
Siyosiy lavozimlar Saylov tarixi Hayotning boshlang'ich davri Karyera Filmlar Ommaviy imidj Kaliforniya gubernatori Gubernatorlik Qo'shma Shtatlarning 40-prezidenti Prezidentlik Xronologiya Siyosatlar Ichki Reyganomika Chet el Reygan doktrinasi Xalqaro sayohatlar Uchrashuvlar Kabinet Sud hokimiyati Birinchi davr 1-inauguratsiya Sovuq urush (1979–1985) Suiqasd qilishga urinish Grenadaning bosqini "Yovuz imperiya" Ikkinchi muddat 2-inauguratsiya Sovuq urush (1985-1991) CHellenjer falokat Liviyada bombardimon Eron-Kontra ishi "Bu devorni yiqit!" INF shartnomasi Prezidentlik kampaniyalari 1968 yilgi boshlang'ich saylovlar anjuman 1976 boshlang'ich saylovlar anjuman 1980 boshlang'ich saylovlar anjuman munozaralar saylov 1984 boshlang'ich saylovlar anjuman munozaralar saylov "Amerikadagi tong" "Ayiq" Prezidentlikdan keyingi lavozim Prezident kutubxonasi Ozodlik medali Bibliografiya Amerika hayoti Reygan kundaliklari Altsgeymer tashxisi O'lim va davlat dafn marosimi Meros Nutq va munozaralar "Tanlash vaqti" Reygan davri Reygan mukofoti Tasvirlar

The Ronald Reygan ma'muriyatining tashqi siyosati edi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining tashqi siyosati 1981 yildan 1989 yilgacha. Asosiy maqsad g'alaba qozonish edi Sovuq urush va orqaga qaytish ning Kommunizm - bunga erishildi 1989 yilgi inqiloblar yilda Sharqiy Evropa 1989 yil davomida va Sovet Ittifoqining tarqatib yuborilishi 1991 yilda. Tarixchilar kimga va qancha kredit berishlari haqida bahslashmoqdalar. Ular Sovuq urushdagi g'alaba AQShni dunyoda yagona qilganiga rozi super kuch, avvalgisi bilan yaxshi munosabatda bo'lgan kishi Kommunistik rejimlar yilda Rossiya va Sharqiy Evropa.^[1]

"DoirasidaReygan doktrinasi ", the Qo'shma Shtatlar moliyaviy va logistika yordamini taklif qildi antikommunist qarama-qarshilik Markaziy Evropa va borgan sari qattiq chiziq tutdi chap qanot hukumatlar Afg'oniston, Angola va Nikaragua.^[2][3]

Sovuq urush

Qarama-qarshilik

Reygan Sovuq urushni kuchaytirdi Sovet Ittifoqi, siyosatidan chiqib ketganligini belgilaydi détente o'tmishdoshlari tomonidan, Richard Nikson, Jerald Ford va Jimmi Karter. Reygan ma'muriyati orqali Sovet Ittifoqiga nisbatan yangi siyosatni amalga oshirdi NSDD-32 (Milliy xavfsizlik to'g'risida qarorlar ) uchta jabhada SSSR bilan to'qnashish: Sovet Ittifoqining yuqori texnologiyalarga kirishini kamaytirish va ularning resurslarini kamaytirish, shu jumladan jahon bozorida Sovet tovarlari qiymatini pasaytirish; (shuningdek) AQShning muzokaralardagi pozitsiyasini mustahkamlash uchun Amerikaning mudofaa xarajatlarini ko'paytirish; va Sovetlarni o'zlarining iqtisodiy resurslarini ko'proq mudofaaga sarflashga majbur qilish. Amerikaliklarning katta miqdordagi harbiy qurilishi eng ko'zga ko'ringan edi.

Ma'muriyat B-1 tomonidan bekor qilingan 1981 yilda bombardimonchi dasturi Karter ma'muriyati, ning yashirin rivojlanishi davom etdi B-2 ruhi Karter B-1 o'rnini bosmoqchi bo'lgan va MX ishlab chiqarishni boshlagan "Tinchlikparvar" raketasi. Sovetlarning joylashishiga javoban RSD-10 kashshof va muvofiq NATO "s ikki tomonlama qaror, ma'muriyat joylashtirilgan Pershing II G'arbiy Germaniyadagi raketalar oxir-oqibat ushbu yadro qurolining barcha sinfini yo'q qilish uchun yanada kuchli savdo-sotiq pozitsiyasini qo'lga kiritish uchun Uning pozitsiyasi shuki, agar Sovetlar RSD-10 raketalarini (AQShdan imtiyozsiz) olib tashlamasalar, Amerika shunchaki kuchli savdolashuv pozitsiyasi uchun Pershing II raketalarini kiritadi va ikkala raketa ham yo'q qilinadi.

Reyganning takliflaridan biri bu edi Strategik mudofaa tashabbusi (SDI). U ushbu mudofaa qalqoni yadroviy urushni imkonsiz qilishi mumkinligiga ishongan, ammo bu texnologiyaning har doim ham ishlashi mumkin bo'lgan noaniqlik, raqiblarni SDI-ni "Yulduzli urushlar" deb nomlashiga olib keldi. SDI tanqidchilari texnologik maqsadga erishib bo'lmaydigan, bu urinishni tezlashtirishi mumkin deb hisoblashgan qurollanish poygasi va favqulodda xarajatlar harbiy sanoatga to'g'ri keldi boondoggle. Tarafdorlar SDI Prezidentga savdolashuv mavqeini yanada kuchaytirgan deb javob berishdi. Darhaqiqat, Sovet rahbarlari chinakam tashvishga tushishdi.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Reygan butun dunyodagi antikommunistik guruhlarni qo'llab-quvvatladi. "Deb nomlanuvchi siyosatdaReygan doktrinasi, "uning ma'muriyati, masalan, o'ng qanotli repressiv rejimlarga yordam va qo'zg'olonga qarshi yordam va'da qildi Markos diktaturasi ichida Filippinlar, Janubiy Afrika aparteid hukumat va Hissene Habré diktatura Chad, shuningdek, Sovet Ittifoqi bilan bog'liq bo'lgan hukumatlarga qarshi bo'lgan partizan harakatlariga Qarama-qarshiliklar Nikaraguada Afg'onistondagi mujohidlar, va Angoladagi UNITA.^[4] Davomida Sovet-afg'on urushi, Reygan Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasini joylashtirdi Maxsus faoliyat bo'limi (SAD) Harbiylashtirilgan ofitserlar Sovet armiyasiga qarshi mujihad kuchlarini tayyorlash, jihozlash va ularga rahbarlik qilish.^[5][6] Garchi Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi (umuman) va AQSh Kongress a'zosi Charli Uilson Texasdan ushbu strategiyaning asosiy me'mori bo'lgan Maykl G. Vikers, yosh harbiy xizmatchi.^[7] Prezident Reyganning "Yashirin harakatlar" dasturiga Sovet Ittifoqining Afg'onistonni bosib olishini tugatishda yordam berganligi uchun berilgan.^[8][9] Polsha hukumati Hamjihatlik 1981 yil oxirlarida, Reygan iqtisodiy sanktsiyalarni qo'lladi Polsha Xalq Respublikasi.

Reygan Sovet iqtisodiyoti turg'un bo'lib qolgan paytda Amerika iqtisodiyoti yana harakatga kelmoqda deb hisoblar edi. Bir muncha vaqt Sovet Ittifoqi pasayishi Sovet neft eksportining yuqori narxlari bilan yashiringan edi, ammo bu tayoq 1980 yillarning boshlarida qulab tushdi. 1985 yil noyabr oyida neft narxi bir barreli uchun 30 dollar / barelni tashkil qildi va 1986 yil mart oyida u atigi 12 dollarga tushdi.^[10]

Reyganning jangovar ritorikasi Sovet imperiyasidagi dissidentlarni ilhomlantirdi, shuningdek, ittifoqchilarni hayratga soldi va tanqidchilarni qo'rqitdi.^{[iqtibos kerak ]} 1983 yil 8 martda Evangelistlar milliy assotsiatsiyasiga mashhur murojaatida u Sovet Ittifoqi an "yovuz imperiya "bu" ga yuboriladi "tarixning kul uyumi Sovet jangchilari qulagandan keyin Korean Airlines aviakompaniyasining 007-reysi 1983 yil 1 sentyabrda u ushbu qilmishni "vahshiylik harakati ... (g'ayriinsoniy shafqatsizlik)" deb nomlagan. Reyganning Sovet Ittifoqini "yovuz imperiya" deb ta'riflashi ba'zilarning g'azabiga sabab bo'ldi, ammo uning ta'rifi uning konservativ tarafdorlari tomonidan qat'iy himoya qilindi. Maykl Jons Heritage Foundation Masalan, Reyganni a Siyosatni ko'rib chiqish Sovet Ittifoqi tomonidan 208 da'vo qilingan yovuzliklarni aniqlagan "Yovuzlikning etmish yili" maqolasi Bolsheviklar inqilobi 1917 yilda.^[11]

1983 yil 3 martda Reygan kommunizm qulashini bashorat qildi: "Menimcha, kommunizm insoniyat tarixidagi yana bir qayg'uli, g'alati bobdir, uning so'nggi sahifalari hozir ham yozilmoqda".^[12] U 1982 yil 8 iyunda batafsil bayon qildi Britaniya parlamenti. Reygan Sovet Ittifoqi chuqur iqtisodiy inqirozga uchraganini ta'kidlab, Sovet Ittifoqi "inson erkinligi va o'z fuqarolariga inson qadr-qimmatini inkor etish bilan tarix oqimiga qarshi harakat qiladi" deb ta'kidladi.

Bu Gorbachyov 1985 yilda hokimiyat tepasiga kelishidan oldin sodir bo'lgan edi. Reygan keyinchalik yozgan tarjimai hol Amerika hayoti u "Gorbachyov hokimiyatga kelganidan keyin Sovet Ittifoqida yuz beradigan chuqur o'zgarishlarni ko'rmagan". Sovet Ittifoqining jiddiy iqtisodiy muammolariga qarshi turish uchun Gorbachyov erkinlik va oshkoralik uchun dadil yangi siyosatni amalga oshirdi glasnost va qayta qurish.

Sovuq urushning oxiri

Gorbachyov 1985 yilda Sovet Siyosiy Byurosining raisi bo'lganidan keyin Reygan Sovet Ittifoqiga nisbatan agressiv ritorikasini yumshatdi va muzokaralar pozitsiyasini oldi. Sovuq urushning so'nggi yillariga kelib, Moskva Sovet Ittifoqi yalpi milliy mahsulotining 25 foizini iste'mol qiladigan armiyani qurdi. iste'mol mollari va fuqarolik sektorlariga investitsiyalar.^[13] Ammo Sovet qurolli kuchlarining kattaligi AQSh bilan oddiy qurol-yarog 'poygasi natijasi emas edi.^[14] Buning o'rniga Sovet xarajatlari qurollanish poygasi va Sovuq Urushning boshqa majburiyatlarini Brejnev yillarida kamida o'n yillik iqtisodiy turg'unlikni to'plagan sovet tizimidagi chuqur tarkibiy muammolarning sababi va natijasi sifatida tushunish mumkin.^[15] Sovet mudofaasi sarmoyasi, albatta, harbiy zarurat bilan emas, aksariyat hollarda o'z kuchi va imtiyozlari uchun sektorga bog'liq bo'lgan katta partiya va davlat byurolarining manfaatlari bilan bog'liq edi.^[16]

Reygan va Gorbachyov yaqin munosabatlarni o'rnatdilar va Sovuq Urushning tinch yo'l bilan tugashiga katta hissa qo'shdilar

Media-ni ijro etish

Oldida gapirish Berlin devori 1987 yil 12 iyunda Ronald Reygan islohotchi Sovet rahbari Mixail Gorbachyovni "Ushbu devorni yiqit! "Mashhur parcha ushbu videoga soat 11: 10da boshlanadi.

Vaqtiga qadar Mixail Gorbachyov 1985 yilda hokimiyat tepasiga ko'tarilgan edi, Sovetlar iqtisodiy pasayish nol foizga yaqinlashdi va keskin pasayish bilan birga qattiq valyuta 1980-yillarda jahon neft narxlarining pasayishi natijasida tushum^[17] (neft eksporti Sovet Ittifoqi umumiy eksport daromadining 60 foizini tashkil etdi).^[13] Sovet iqtisodiyotini qulashidan oldin uni qayta qurish uchun Gorbachyov tezkor islohotlarning kun tartibini e'lon qildi qayta qurish ("qayta qurish" ma'nosini anglatadi) va glasnost ("erkinlashtirish" va "ochiqlik" ma'nosini anglatadi). Islohot Gorbachyovdan mamlakatning resurslarini Sovuq Urushning qimmat harbiy majburiyatlaridan fuqarolik sektoridagi daromadliroq yo'nalishlarga yo'naltirishni talab qildi. Natijada, Gorbachyov Qo'shma Shtatlarga an'anaviy kuchlar, yadro qurollari va siyosat darajalarida katta imtiyozlar berdi. Sharqiy Evropa.

Ko'plab AQSh sovet mutaxassislari va ma'muriyati rasmiylari Gorbachyov qurollanish poygasini bekor qilishda jiddiy ekanligiga shubha qilishdi,^[18] ammo Reygan Sovet rahbariyati yo'nalishidagi haqiqiy o'zgarishni tan oldi va shaxsan Gorbachyovni islohotlari bilan yanada kuchaytirish uchun mohir diplomatiyaga o'tdi.^[19]

Reygan, agar u Sovetlarni shunchaki gullab-yashnayotgan Amerika iqtisodiyotiga qarashga ishontira olsa, ular ham o'zlarini qamrab olishiga chin dildan ishonishgan. erkin bozorlar va erkin jamiyat.^[20]

Da berilgan nutqda Berlin devori shaharning 750 yilligiga,^[21] Reygan Gorbachyovni 20 ming tomoshabin oldida itarib yubordi: "Bosh kotib Gorbachyov, agar siz tinchlik izlasangiz, Sovet Ittifoqi va Sharqiy Evropa uchun farovonlik izlasangiz, liberallashtirishni xohlasangiz: Bu darvozaga keling! Janob Gorbachyov, bu eshikni oching ! Janob Gorbachyov, bu devorni buzing! " Oxirgi jumla "Ronald Reygan prezidentligining to'rtta eng mashhur so'zlari" ga aylandi.^[21] Keyinchalik Reyganning aytishicha, uning nutqidagi "kuchli ohang" ga uning nutqidan oldin devorning Sharqiy tomonida uni eshitishga urinayotganlarni politsiya ushlab qolishgan degan so'zlar ta'sir qilgan.^[21] Sovet axborot agentligi Reyganning tashrifi "ochiq provokatsion, urush uyushtiruvchi" deb yozgan.^[21]

O'n yil ichida kuchli yangi yuksaklikka erishgan Sharq-G'arb ziddiyatlari 1980-yillarning o'rtalaridan oxirlariga qadar tezda pasayib ketdi. 1988 yilda Sovetlar endi Sharqiy Evropadagi ittifoqdosh davlatlarning ishlariga aralashmasliklarini rasman e'lon qilishdi. 1989 yilda Sovet kuchlari chiqib ketishdi Afg'oniston.

Reyganniki Davlat kotibi Jorj P. Shultz, sobiq iqtisod professori, xususiy ravishda ko'rsatma bergan Gorbachyov erkin bozor iqtisodiyoti to'g'risida. Gorbachyovning iltimosiga binoan Reygan Moskva universitetida erkin bozorlarda ma'ruza qildi.^[22]

Reygan Moskvaga tashrif buyurganida, sovetlar uni taniqli shaxs sifatida qarashgan. A jurnalist u prezidentdan hali ham Sovet Ittifoqini yovuz imperiya deb hisoblaydimi, deb so'radi. "Yo'q", deb javob berdi u, "men boshqa vaqt, boshqa davr haqida gaplashayotgan edim".^[23]

Uning tarjimai holida Amerika hayoti, Reygan ular belgilagan yangi yo'nalishga, Gorbachyovga bo'lgan iliq his-tuyg'ularga va Gorbachyovning xavfsizligi uchun tashvishlanishiga umid bildirdi, chunki Gorbachyov islohotlarni juda qiyinlashtirdi. "Men uning xavfsizligi haqida qayg'urardim", deb yozgan Reygan. "Men u haqida hali ham xavotirda edim. U hayotini xavf ostiga qo'ymasdan, islohotlarni qanchalik qiyin va tezkor surishtirishi mumkin? Voqealar Gorbachyov dastlab niyat qilganidan ancha uzoqqa cho'ziladi.

Afrika

Angola

G'arb tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan harakatlar va Angolani ozod qilish uchun kommunistik Xalq harakati o'rtasidagi urush (MPLA ) hukumat Angola va Kubaning va Janubiy Afrikaning u erdagi harbiy aralashuvi natijasida o'n millionlab fuqarolar urushi 1 million kishining hayotiga zomin bo'ldi.^[24] Reygan ma'muriyati Angolaning to'liq mustaqilligi uchun milliy ittifoqqa yashirin yordam taklif qildi (UNITA ) boshchiligidagi antikommunistik va pro-kapitalistik kurashchilar guruhi Jonas Savimbi, uning hujumlarini Janubiy Afrika va AQSh qo'llab-quvvatladi. O'sha paytda Angolada yashagan nasroniy missioneri doktor Piter Xammond shunday esladi:

"Mamlakatda 50 mingdan ortiq kubalik qo'shin bor edi. Kommunistlar ko'plab cherkovlarga hujum qilib, yo'q qilishgan. MiG-23 va Mi-24 Hind vertolyot kemalari Angolada qishloq aholisini qo'rqitayotgan edi. Men ko'plab vahshiyliklarni, shu jumladan qishloqlarni, maktablarni va boshqa joylarni qurishni hujjatlashtirdim. 1986 yilda Ronald Reyganning nutqini eshitganim esimda ... "Biz Angoladagi UNITA Freedom Fighters-ga stinger raketalarini yuboramiz!" Men bilan SW radiosini tinglayotganlar hayratdan bir-birlariga qarashdi. Biz eshitgan narsalarimizni quloqlarimiz chindan ham eshitganmi yoki yo'qmi deb o'ylaganimizda, uzoq sukut, birimiz: "Yaxshi bo'lardi!" dedi, biz bu sodir bo'lishiga ishonishga jur'at etmadik, lekin shunday bo'ldi. UNITA tomonidan boshqariladigan Erkin Angolaga kelish. Sovet samolyotlari urib tushirildi. Qishloq aholisini, maktablarni va cherkovlarni bombardimon qilish va ish tashlash tugadi. Shubhasiz, Ronald Reyganning siyosati Angolada o'n minglab odamlarning hayotini saqlab qoldi. "^[25]

Jonas Savimbi uchrashuvni o'tkazmoqda Evropa parlamenti 1989 yilda deputatlar

Inson huquqlari kuzatuvchilari MPLAni "genotsidli vahshiylik", "muntazam ravishda yo'q qilish", "harbiy jinoyatlar" va "insoniyatga qarshi jinoyatlar" da ayblamoqda.^[26] MPLA 1992 yilda ochiqchasiga soxtalashtirilgan saylovlarni o'tkazdi, ularni sakkizta muxolifat partiyasi rad etdi. Rasmiy kuzatuvchi Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining nazorati kam bo'lganini, 500 ming UNITA saylovchisi huquqidan mahrum qilinganligini va 100 yashirin saylov uchastkalari mavjudligini yozgan. UNITA tinchlik bo'yicha muzokarachilarni 20 ming UNITA a'zolari bilan birga MPLA ularni o'ldirgan poytaxtga yubordi. Savimbi hali ham saylovni davom ettirishga tayyor edi. Keyinchalik MPLA o'n minglab UNITA va Angolaning Milliy ozodlik fronti (FNLA) saylovchilari butun mamlakat bo'ylab.^[27][28]

Savimbi konservator tomonidan qattiq qo'llab-quvvatlandi Heritage Foundation. Heritage tashqi siyosatshunosi Maykl Jons va boshqa konservatorlar Savimbi bilan Jamba shahridagi yashirin lagerlarida muntazam ravishda bo'lishgan va isyonchilar rahbariga Angola hukumatiga qarshi urushida doimiy siyosiy va harbiy rahbarlik qilishgan. Tashrif davomida Vashington, Kolumbiya 1986 yilda Reygan Savimbini Oq uyda u bilan uchrashishga taklif qildi. Uchrashuvdan so'ng Reygan UNITA-ning "dunyoni elektrlashtiradigan g'alaba" ni yutishi haqida gapirdi. Savimbi Reyganning vorisi bilan ham uchrashdi, Jorj H. V. Bush, Savimbiga "barcha kerakli va samarali yordamni" va'da qilgan.^[29]

Savolining 2002 yil fevralida Angola harbiylari tomonidan o'ldirilishi UNITA ta'sirining pasayishiga olib keldi. Savimbi o'rnini egalladi Paulu Lukamba. Savimbi vafotidan olti hafta o'tgach, UNITA MPLA bilan sulhni to'xtatishga rozi bo'ldi, ammo bugungi kunda ham Angola MPLA va UNITA tarafdorlari o'rtasida siyosiy jihatdan bo'linib ketgan. 2008 yil sentyabr oyida bo'lib o'tgan parlament saylovlari natijada MPLA uchun mutlaq ko'pchilik ovoz oldi, ammo ularning qonuniyligi xalqaro kuzatuvchilar tomonidan shubha ostiga qo'yildi.

Janubiy Afrika

Ronald Reygan prezidentligi davrida Janubiy Afrika deb nomlanuvchi, irqiy kamsitishlarga asoslangan demokratik bo'lmagan boshqaruv tizimidan foydalanishda davom etdi aparteid, unda oz sonli Janubiy Afrikalik fuqarolar oq tanli bo'lmagan aksariyat fuqarolarning hayoti ustidan deyarli to'liq huquqiy nazoratni amalga oshirdilar. 1980-yillarning boshlarida masala shaharchalarda bo'lib o'tgan voqealar va vafot etgan noroziliklar natijasida xalqaro e'tibor markaziga aylandi. Stiven Biko. Reygan ma'muriyati siyosati "konstruktiv kelishuv "Janubiy Afrikaning aparteid hukumati bilan. Bu, Janubiy Afrika hukumatini qora tanli fuqarolari bilan aparteidni to'xtatish borasida muloqot qilishga undash uchun rag'batlantirishdan iborat edi.^[30] AQSh Kongressi tomonidan chiqarilgan hukmlarga va diplomatik yoki iqtisodiy sanktsiyalarni talablariga qarshi bo'lib, Reygan rejimni nisbatan kichik tanqidlarga uchradi, aks holda xalqaro miqyosda izolyatsiya qilindi va AQSh Reyganning birinchi davrida hukumatga tan va iqtisodiy va harbiy yordam berdi. muddat.^[31] Keyinchalik Janubiy Afrikaning harbiy kuchlari okkupatsiya bilan shug'ullangan Namibiya va Savimbining UNITA bilan ittifoq asosida bir necha qo'shni davlatlarda proksi urushlar. Reygan ma'muriyati rasmiylari aparteid hukumatini kommunizmga qarshi asosiy ittifoqchi sifatida ko'rishgan.^[32]

1984 yilda BMTga murojaatida Reygan aparteiddan uzoqlashib tinch evolyutsiyani qo'llab-quvvatladi, ammo Janubiy Afrikani o'zgarishi uchun bosim o'tkazishni xohlamadi. Qachon Janubiy Afrika Anglikan episkop Desmond Tutu g'olib bo'ldi Tinchlik bo'yicha Nobel mukofoti aparteidni yo'q qilishga qaratilgan sa'y-harakatlari uchun Reygan 1984 yil oxirida uni qabul qildi, tabrikladi, ammo konstruktiv kelishuv siyosatini takrorladi.^[30] Biroq, gapirish Kapitoliy tepaligi Uy tinglovida Tutu nutq so'zlab, "konstruktiv kelishuv jirkanchlik, kutilmagan falokat" deb e'lon qildi.^[33]

Mening fikrimcha, Reygan ma'muriyatining uni qo'llab-quvvatlashi va u bilan hamkorlik qilishi bir xil darajada axloqsiz, yovuz va umuman xristianga tegishli emas. […] Siz aparteidni yoqlaysiz yoki qarshisiz, ritorika bilan emas. Siz yo yomonlikni yoqlaysiz, yoki yaxshilikni yoqlaysiz. Siz yo mazlum tarafdasiz, yo zolim tarafidasiz. Siz betaraf bo'la olmaysiz.^[34]

Reygan ikkinchi muddatini boshlagach, aparteidga qarshi qora oppozitsiya tobora kuchayib bordi va vaqti-vaqti bilan zo'ravonlik kuchayib bordi, shuningdek, aparteid hukumatining qatag'onlari. 1985 yil aprelda Reygan ichkaridan hujumga uchradi Respublika partiyasi o'zi. Senatda respublikachilarning ko'pchiligi aparteidni qoralovchi rezolyutsiyaga 89-4 ovoz berdi.^[35] Yozga kelib Kongress sanktsiyalarni kuchaytirishga intilayotgan edi, shuning uchun Reygan kongressning harakatlarini oldini olishga qaror qildi va 9 sentyabrda 12532-sonli ijro buyrug'ini berib, aparteid hukumatiga ba'zi turdagi bank kreditlarini berishni taqiqladi va qurol-yarog 'embargosini qo'ydi.^[36][37] Biroq, ushbu sanktsiyalar aparteidga qarshi kurashchilar tomonidan kuchsiz deb topildi. 1986 yil sentyabr oyida Reygan ushbu sanktsiyalarga nisbatan veto qo'ydi Aparteidga qarshi kompleks qonun (CAAA), ammo bu keyingi oy Kongressda ikki tomonlama harakat bilan bekor qilindi. Biroq, Reygan sanktsiyalarni har qanday mazmunli tarzda bajarishdan bosh tortdi.^[38] Kamida 2000 siyosiy mahbus sudsiz hibsda qoldi.

1987 yil oktyabr oyida, CAAA-ga binoan Reygan qo'shimcha sanktsiyalar "foydali bo'lmaydi" degan hisobotni taqdim etdi.^[39] P. W. Botha, Janubiy Afrika tashqi ishlar vaziri bunga javoban Reygan "va uning ma'muriyati" Janubiy Afrikaning haqiqati "deb atagan narsani tushunadi", deb aytdi.^[34] 1988 yilda Kongress respublikaga qarshi butunlay iqtisodiy embargo qo'yishni nazarda tutuvchi qonun loyihasini rad etdi.^[40]

1990 yilga kelib Reyganning vorisi Jorj V. V. Bush davrida Janubiy Afrikaning yangi hukumati F. V. de Klerk keng islohotlarni amalga oshirayotgan edi.^[41]

Liviya

Prezident Reygan boshchiligidagi Liviya va AQSh o'rtasidagi munosabatlar doimiy ravishda munozarali bo'lib kelgan Sidra ko'rfazidagi voqea 1981 yilda Vashington Liviya rahbarini ko'rdi Muammar Qaddafiy Sovetlarning xavfli, beqaror do'sti sifatida va Liviyani kuzatuvlar ro'yxatida saqlab qoldi.^[42][43]

1986 yil aprel oyining boshlarida keskinlik harbiy harakatlarga aylandi Berlin diskotekasida bomba portladi, natijada 63 amerikalik harbiy xizmatchi jarohat oldi va bitta harbiy xizmatchi o'ldi.^[44] Liviya "terrorchilik bombasi" ni boshqarganligi to'g'risida "inkor etilmaydigan dalil" mavjudligini aytib, Reygan bir qator havo hujumlari 15 aprel kuni Liviyadagi quruqlikdagi nishonlarda Margaret Tetcher hujumga kirishish uchun AQSh havo kuchlariga Buyuk Britaniyaning Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti Ustavining 51-moddasiga binoan Amerikaning o'zini himoya qilish huquqini qo'llab-quvvatlayotganini asoslab, hujumni boshlash uchun Britaniyaning aviabazalaridan foydalanishga ruxsat berdi. Reygan milliy auditoriyaga shunday dedi: "Bizning fuqarolarimiz dunyoning istalgan nuqtasida dushmanlik rejimlarining to'g'ridan-to'g'ri buyrug'i bilan hujumga uchraganda yoki ularga tajovuz qilinsa, men ushbu idorada bo'lgunimcha javob beramiz".^[45] Hujum Qaddafiyning "terrorizmni eksport qilish qobiliyatini" to'xtatish, unga "jinoiy xatti-harakatlarini o'zgartirish uchun rag'batlantirish va sabablarni" taklif qilish uchun ishlab chiqilgan.^[46]

BMT Xavfsizlik Kengashi AQShni tanqid qilishni rad etdi Biroq, 79 qarshi ovoz berib, 28 ga qarshi 33 ta betaraflik bilan Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Bosh assambleyasi 41/38 sonli qarorni qabul qildi, "Liviya Arabistoni Liviya Sotsialistik Xalqiga qarshi qilingan harbiy hujumni qoraladi. 1986 yil aprel, bu Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti Ustavi va xalqaro huquqning buzilishini anglatadi. "^[47]

Osiyo

Xitoy va Yaponiyaning mashhur qo'rquvlari yana bir "Sariq xavf" ni tashkil etdi.^[48]

Xitoy

Reygan siyosiy maydonda Tayvan nomidan eng taniqli vakili bo'lgan, ammo uning maslahatchilari uni 1980 yilgi kampaniyasida Xitoyga ochilishni davom ettirishini e'lon qilishga ishontirishgan. Xeyg Xitoy SSSRga qarshi asosiy ittifoqchi bo'lishi mumkinligi haqida qat'iy fikr bildirdi. Pekin har qanday ikki Xitoy siyosatini qabul qilishdan bosh tortdi, ammo kelishuvni kechiktirishga rozi bo'ldi. Sovuq urush Reyganning ikkinchi davri tugashi bilan va Xaygning o'rnini Shuls egallaganida, Xitoyga ittifoqchi sifatida ehtiyoj yo'qoldi. Shuls Yaponiya bilan iqtisodiy savdoga ko'proq e'tibor qaratdi. Pekin 1984 yilda tashrif buyurgan prezidentni iliq kutib oldi.^[49]

Yaponiya

Yaponiya bilan savdo-sotiq muammolari, ayniqsa, Amerika avtomobilsozligi va yuqori texnologiyalar sohalarini engib o'tish xavfi ustun bo'lgan. 1945 yildan keyin AQSh dunyoda ishlab chiqarilayotgan avtomobil ishlab chiqarishning taxminan 75 foizini ishlab chiqardi. 1980 yilda AQShni Yaponiya quvib o'tdi, so'ngra 1994 yilda yana dunyoda etakchiga aylandi. 2006 yilda Yaponiya ishlab chiqarish bo'yicha AQShdan ozgina o'tib ketdi va bu darajani 2009 yilga qadar ushlab turdi, Xitoy esa 13,8 million dona bilan birinchi o'rinni egalladi. Yaponiyaning iqtisodiy mo''jizasi strategik sanoat - po'lat, mashinasozlik, elektronika, kimyoviy mahsulotlar, avtoulovlar, kema qurilishi va samolyotlarga sarmoyalashning muntazam dasturidan kelib chiqdi.^[50][51] Reyganning birinchi davri mobaynida Yaponiya hukumati va xususiy sarmoyadorlar qarzdorlikning uchdan bir qismi AQSh moliya vazirligi tomonidan sotilib, amerikaliklarga yapon tovarlarini sotib olish uchun ishlatiladigan qattiq valyuta bilan ta'minlandi.^[52] 1985 yil mart oyida Senat Yaponiyaning savdo amaliyotini "adolatsiz" deb qoralagan va Prezident Reyganni Yaponiya importini cheklashga chaqirgan respublikachilarning qarorini qabul qilib, 92-0 ga ovoz berdi. ^[53] 1981 yilda yapon avtomobilsozlari "eksportni ixtiyoriy cheklash "AQShga yiliga 1,68 milliongacha eksport qilishi mumkin bo'lgan avtoulovlar sonini cheklash. ^[54]

Pokiston va Hindiston

Reygan va Bill Klark Pokiston Prezidenti bilan uchrashuv Ziyo ul-Haq, 1982.

Pokiston tomonidan boshqarilgan bo'lsa-da Muhammad Ziyo-ul-Haq va uning harbiy diktaturasi (1978-1988), bu Sovet Ittifoqining Afg'oniston ustidan nazoratni qo'lga kiritishga qaratilgan harakatlariga qarshi muhim ittifoqchi bo'lgan.^[55] Reyganning yangi ustuvor vazifalari Kongressmenning samarali harakatlarini amalga oshirishga imkon berdi Charlz Uilson (D-TX), yordam beradi Joanne Herring va Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi Afg'oniston boshlig'i Gust Avrakotos uchun mablag'ni ko'paytirish Siklon operatsiyasi. Kongress olti yillik 3,2 milliard dollarlik iqtisodiy va harbiy yordam dasturini qabul qildi, shuningdek, Pokiston orqali yuborilgan afg'on qarshiliklariga sir tutdi. Amerika rasmiylari Ziya rejimini kuchaytirib, Pokistonning liberallari, sotsialistlari, kommunistlari va demokratiya himoyachilarini zaiflashtirgan holda muntazam ravishda mamlakatga tashrif buyurishdi. General Axtar Abdurahmon ning ISI va Uilyam Keysi ning Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi birgalikda va o'zaro ishonch muhitida ishladilar. Reygan Pokistonga hujum vertolyotlari, o'ziyurar гаubitsalar, zirhli transportyorlar, 40 ta sotgan F-16 Fighting Falcon urush samolyotlari, yadroviy texnologiyalar, dengiz harbiy kemalari va razvedka uskunalari va o'qitish.^[56][57]

Indira Gandi 1980 yilda Hindistonda hokimiyat tepasiga qaytdi va munosabatlar yaxshilanishda sust edi. Hindiston SSSRni jimjitlik bilan qo'llab-quvvatladi Sovet bosqini va Afg'onistonni bosib olish. Nyu-Dehli Vashingtonni Amerikaning bir qator mudofaa texnologiyalari, jumladan, F-5 samolyotlari, super kompyuterlari, tungi ko'rish ko'zoynagi va radarlarini sotib olish to'g'risida gapirdi. 1984 yilda Vashington Hindistonga tanlangan texnologiyalarni etkazib berishni ma'qulladi, jumladan dengiz flotlari uchun gaz turbinalari va Hindistonning engil jangovar samolyotlari uchun prototiplar uchun dvigatellar. Shuningdek, Amerikaning Continental Electronics kompaniyasining Tamil Nadudagi Tirunelveli shahrida yangi VLF aloqa stantsiyasini loyihalashtirish va qurish uchun jalb qilinganligi, shu jumladan, ommaviy ravishda o'tkazilmagan texnologiyalar o'tkazmalari mavjud edi.^[58] Biroq, 1980-yillarning oxiriga kelib, har ikkala mamlakat o'zaro munosabatlarni yaxshilash uchun katta sa'y-harakatlar qildilar.^[59]

Kambodja

Reygan shahzoda bilan Norodom Sixanuk 1988 yilda Kambodja.

Reygan ushbu dasturni qo'llashga intildi Reygan doktrinasi chet eldagi antisovet qarshilik harakatlariga yordam berish Kambodja hokimiyatdan chetlatilgandan keyin Vetnam ishg'oli ostida bo'lgan Pol Pot kommunistik Kxmer-ruj sodir etgan rejim Kambodja genotsidi. Vetnamliklar kommunistni o'rnatgan edi PRK hukumati boshchiligidagi Najot fronti dissident Xeng Samrin. PRK hukumatiga qarshi kurashgan eng katta qarshilik harakati asosan Xitoy tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlangan sobiq Khmer Rouge rejimining a'zolaridan iborat edi, ularning inson huquqlari bo'yicha ahvoli 20-asrning eng yomon holatiga aylandi.

Shu sababli, Reygan Kambodjaning kichik qarshilik harakatlariga maxfiy ravishda yordam berishga ruxsat berib, jamoaviy ravishda "kommunistik bo'lmagan qarshilik" (NCR) deb nomlangan va shu jumladan partizanlarni Norodom Sixanuk va koalitsiya Kxmer xalqining milliy ozodlik fronti (KPNLF)^[60] keyin tomonidan boshqariladi O'g'il Sann, Vetnam ishg'olini majburan tugatishga intilish maqsadida. 1982 yilda yashirin yordam yiliga 5 million dollarni tashkil etdi, go'yo faqat o'limga olib kelmaydigan yordam uchun; bu miqdor 1984 yilda 8 million dollarga va 1987 va 1988 yillarda 12 million dollarga ko'paytirildi. 1988 yil oxirida Reygan Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi vositachiligini 8 million dollarga kamaytirdi. Tailand harbiylari (3,5 million dollarni ajratib yuborgan), ammo shu bilan birga fondlarga yangi moslashuvchanlik berib, NCR-ga Singapurda va boshqa AQShda ishlab chiqarilgan qurollarni sotib olishga ruxsat berdi. ASEAN bozorlar. Ayni paytda, 1985 yilda Reygan ma'muriyati "Solarz Fund" nomi bilan tanilgan NCR uchun alohida, ochiq yordam dasturini yaratdi. Ochiq Solarz jamg'armasi yiliga taxminan 5 million dollar ajratdi gumanitar yordam orqali NCRga USAID.^[61]

Keyin 1989 yilda kommunizmning qulashi, Vetnam Rossiya yordamidan mahrum bo'ldi. Vetnam chekinib ketdi va Kambodja PRK hukumati tinchlik uchun muzokaralar olib borishga majbur bo'ldi, natijada 1991 yilda Parij shartnomalari tuzildi.^[62] Keyin Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining nazorati ostida 1993 yilda erkin saylovlar bo'lib o'tdi.^[63]

Indoneziya va Sharqiy Timor

Boshliq General Suxarto, Indoneziya hukumati 1975 yilda Sharqiy Timorga bostirib kirdi va 1999 yilgacha mamlakatni bosib olgan. Reygan davrida AQSh 1975 yilda Ford davrida tashkil etilgan va Karter ma'muriyati tomonidan davom ettirilgan Suxarto rejimiga harbiy yordam ko'rsatishni davom ettirdi.^[64] 1983 yil dekabrda Kongressning 122 a'zosi tomonidan Prezident Reygan nomiga yozilgan xat e'lon qilindi. Maktubda "Xalqaro Amnistiya va boshqa tashkilotlarning inson huquqlarini buzish bo'yicha doimiy hisobotlari" qayd etilgan va prezidentdan "Sharqiy Timor aholisining og'ir ahvolini uning kun tartibiga qo'shishni" so'ragan.^[65] Murosasizlik bilan Reygan Suxarto rejimiga qadar qurol savdosini davom ettirdi.

Reygan ma'muriyatining birinchi davri uchun Jakartaga yillik qurol sotish o'rtacha qiymati 40 million dollarni tashkil etdi. 1986 yilda prezident misli ko'rilmagan 300 million dollarlik savdoni ma'qulladi, ammo yillik sotuvlar uning muddatining qolgan qismida ancha past edi. Indoneziyaga qurol savdosi siyosati Bush va Klinton davrida qayta tiklandi va BMT homiyligidan so'ng butunlay tugadi 1999 yil Sharqiy Timor mustaqilligi bo'yicha referendum.^[64][66]

Filippinlar

Corazon Aquino, 1986 yildan 1992 yilgacha Filippin prezidenti

AQShning asosiy qiziqishi Filippinlar uning harbiy bazalari edi (masalan.) Klark aviabazasi, Subic Bay dengiz bazasi va boshqalar) kimning erlari Filippin hukumati tomonidan ijaraga olingan. Baza ' geostrategik ahamiyati xalqaroga yaqin joylashganligi bilan bog'liq edi dengiz yo'llari ulash Fors ko'rfazi, Janubi-sharqiy Osiyo va Shimoliy-sharqiy Osiyo.^[67]

Reygan ma'muriyati bir necha bor Filippin diktatorining yonida turdi Ferdinand Markos. 1972 yilda harbiy holat e'lon qilinganidan 1983 yilgacha AQSh hukumati Markos rejimini 2,5 milliard dollarlik ikki tomonlama harbiy va iqtisodiy yordam va 5,5 milliard AQSh dollari kabi ko'p tomonlama institutlar orqali qo'llab-quvvatladi. Jahon banki.^[68] 1973 yilidayoq AQSh rasmiylari Filippin hukumat agentlari AQShda filippinlik dissidentlarni ta'qib qilish uchun borligini bilishgan. 1981 yil iyun oyida Sietldagi kasaba uyushmalari zali oldida Markosga qarshi ishchilarga qarshi ikki faol o'ldirildi. Xuddi shu oy, vitse-prezident Jorj H. V. Bush u g'alaba qozonganidan keyin Markosni "demokratik tamoyillarga va demokratik jarayonlarga sodiqligi" uchun maqtadi 1981 yilgi saylov.^[a]

Markosning shov-shuviga qaramay, Reyganning ko'magi rad etmadi suiqasd uning asosiy siyosiy raqibi, Sen Kichik Benigno Akvino. 1983 yil 21 avgustda. Markos tomonidan tayinlangan tergov kengashi Agrava kengashi deb nomlanganidan so'ng, qotillikni Aquinos harbiy qo'riqchilari o'rtasida fitna uyushtirganlikda aybladi, Markos tomonidan tayinlangan Sandiganbayan sud 1985 yil 2 dekabrda ayblanayotgan 25 nafar harbiy xizmatchini oqladi.^[73] Markos rejimi buzuq va repressiv edi degan doimiy ayblovlarga qaramay, Reygan Filippin va AQSh o'rtasida mavjud bo'lgan yaqin aloqalarni ta'kidlashni davom ettirdi.^[73]

1986 yil fevral oyida Aquinoning bevasi Corazon Aquino Markosga qarshi prezidentlikka nomzodini qo'ydi. AQSh va Buyuk Britaniya saylovlarni kuzatish uchun rasmiy delegatsiyalarni yubordi. Biroq, amerikalik kuzatuvchilar Markos kampaniyasining keng miqyosdagi saylovlardagi qallobliklari va zo'ravonliklari haqida xabar berganlarida, Reygan ko'z yumib, AQShni betaraf deb e'lon qildi.^[73] Bitta kuzatuvchi, Sen Richard Lugar, Markos hukumati ovozlarni sanab chiqishga urinayotgani haqida xabar berdi.^[73] Lugar, Sen bilan birga. Bob Dole va Sem Nun, prezidentning beparvoligiga ommaviy ravishda norozilik bildirdi.^[73] 22-25 fevral kunlari minglab fuqarolar ko'chaga chiqishdi Xalq hokimiyat inqilobi. Bunga javoban Filippin harbiylari va hukumat rahbarlari Markosdan voz kechishdi.^[73] Reygan ma'muriyati tezda Markosni hokimiyatdan ketishi uchun bosim o'tkazishga o'tdi hokimiyatning tinch yo'l bilan o'tishi.^[74] Corazon Aquino Prezident lavozimiga kirishish mamlakatda demokratiyaning tiklanishini belgiladi va AQSh 25 fevralda Akvino hukumatini tan oldi. Shunday bo'lsa-da, Reyganning Markosni qaysarlik bilan himoya qilishi munosabatlarni keskinlashtirdi.

Bu AQShning Filippindagi bazalarini ijaraga berish muddatini uzaytirish bo'yicha muzokaralar paytida kuchga kirdi. Aquino hukumati ijara shartnomalarini yangilashidan oldin AQSh yon berishga va iqtisodiy va harbiy yordamni sezilarli darajada oshirishga va'da berishga majbur edi.^[73] Ammo 1991 yil sentyabr oyida xafagarchilik Filippin Senatining ijara shartnomasini bekor qilish uchun ovoz berishiga olib keldi.^[75]

Evropa

Vatikan shahri

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari bilan konsullik aloqalarini saqlab qoldi Papa davlatlari 1797 yildan 1870 yilgacha va Papa bilan diplomatik aloqalar, Papa davlatlarining rahbari sifatida, 1848 yildan 1868 yilgacha, garchi elchilar darajasida bo'lmasa ham. Ushbu munosabatlar 1870 yilda barcha papa hududlarini yo'qotish bilan barham topdi.

1870 yildan 1984 yilgacha AQSh Muqaddas Taxt bilan diplomatik aloqada bo'lmagan. Biroq, bir nechta prezidentlar tashrif buyuradigan shaxsiy vakillarni tayinladilar Vatikan shahri vaqti-vaqti bilan xalqaro gumanitar va siyosiy masalalarni muhokama qilish uchun. Miron C. Teylor 1939 yildan 1950 yilgacha xizmat qilgan ushbu vakillardan birinchisi edi. Prezidentlar Nikson, Ford, Karter va Reygan ham Papaga shaxsiy elchilarni tayinladilar.

Protestant konfessiyalari tomonidan Vatikanning diplomatik tan olinishiga qarshi bo'lgan uzoq yillik qarshiliklarga qaramay,^[76] AQSh va Vatikan shaharlari 1984 yil 10 yanvarda diplomatik aloqalar o'rnatganligini e'lon qilishdi. 1984 yil 7 martda Senat Uilyam A. Uilsonni AQShning Vatikandagi birinchi elchisi etib tasdiqladi. Elchi Uilson 1981 yildan beri Prezident Reyganning Rim Papasi huzuridagi shaxsiy vakili bo'lib kelgan. Muqaddas Taxt arxiyepiskop Pio Lagini Vatikanning birinchi vakili deb atagan. Havoriy Nuncio (elchiga teng) AQShda^[77] Protestant guruhlari koalitsiyasi ushbu diplomatik munosabatlarni bekor qilish to'g'risida da'vo arizasi bilan javob berib, uni buzgan deb da'vo qilmoqda. cherkov va davlatning ajralishi.^[76]

Polsha

AQSh qo'llab-quvvatladi Hamjihatlik ichida harakatlanish Polsha va - Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasining ma'lumotlariga asoslanib - Karter ma'muriyati "Sovet Ittifoqining yirik harbiy kuchlari tomonidan Polshaga yaqinlashib kelayotgan harakat" deb o'ylamaslik uchun jamoatchilik bilan aloqalar kampaniyasini olib bordi. Polsha hukumati 1981 yilda o'zlariga qarshi tazyiq boshlaganida, ammo birdamlik haqida ogohlantirilmagan. Buning mumkin bo'lgan tushuntirishlari turlicha; kimdir Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi hibsga olingan deb hisoblaydi, boshqalari esa amerikalik siyosatchilar ichki tazyiqni "Sovetlarning muqarrar aralashuvi" dan afzal deb bilishadi.^[78]

lotin Amerikasi

O'zining shartlari bilan Reygan antikommunistik rejimlarni qo'llab-quvvatladi Gvatemala va Salvador va Qarama-qarshi isyonchilar Nikaragua, shuningdek, hokimiyatning demokratik o'tishlari Boliviya (1982), Gonduras (1981), Argentina (1983), Braziliya (1985), Urugvay (1984) va Surinam (1987). Uning kontrastlarni qo'llab-quvvatlashi Nikaragua isyonchilarning yomon inson huquqlari holati tufayli ziddiyatli edi.^[79] Hukumatlarini qo'llab-quvvatlash Gvatemala va Salvador o'sha hukumatlarning repressiv xususiyati va keyinchalik aniqlanganligi sababli ham munozarali edi genotsid Gvatemalada.^[80][81][82]

Taqdirda Folklend urushi 1982 yilda Reygan ma'muriyati a'zo sifatida Buyuk Britaniyaga bog'langan har ikki tomon uchun ham raqobat majburiyatlariga duch keldi Shimoliy Atlantika Shartnomasi Tashkiloti (NATO) va Argentinaga Amerikalararo o'zaro yordam shartnomasi ("Rio shartnomasi"). Biroq, Shimoliy Atlantika shartnomasi faqat hujum sodir bo'lgan taqdirda imzolaganlarni bir-birini qo'llab-quvvatlashga majbur qiladi Evropa yoki Shimoliy Amerika shimoliy Saraton tropikasi va Rio Pakti AQShni, agar imzolagan davlatlardan birining hududidan biriga hujum qilingan bo'lsa, aralashishga majbur qiladi - Buyuk Britaniya hech qachon Argentina hududiga hujum qilmagan. Mojaro rivojlanib borar ekan, Reygan ma'muriyati qo'llab-quvvatlashni Britaniyaga qaratdi.

Nikaragua

Reygan ma'muriyati moddiy-texnik, moliyaviy va harbiy qarzlarni berdi Contras-ni qo'llab-quvvatlash, qo'shni hududda joylashgan Gonduras, kim ishlagan a partizan hokimiyatni ag'darish uchun qo'zg'olon Sandinista Nikaragua hukumati (unga rahbarlik qilgan Daniel Ortega ). Ushbu ko'mak Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi tomonidan qo'zg'olonchilarga etkazildi va Reyganning boshqaruvi davrida davom etdi. Kontraslarning kuydirilgan yer taktikalari bir necha tarixchilar tomonidan shafqatsizligi uchun qoralangan.^[79] 1983 yilda Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi "Bir tomonlama boshqariladigan Latino aktivlari" (UCLAs) guruhini yaratdi, ularning vazifasi "portlar, neftni qayta ishlash zavodlari, qayiq va ko'priklarni buzish va uni kontrastlar qilganga o'xshatishga harakat qilish" edi.^[83] 1984 yil yanvar oyida ushbu UCLA'lar eng taniqli bo'lgan operatsiyani o'tkazdilar; bir nechta Nikaragua qayiqlarini cho'ktirgan va kamida beshta chet el kemalariga zarar etkazgan bir nechta Nikaragua portlarini qazib olish. Ushbu voqea ratifikatsiya qilinishiga olib keldi Boland tuzatish AQSh Kongressi tomonidan va AQShga xalqaro qor ko'chkisini keltirib chiqardi.^[84] Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi shuningdek, to'g'ridan-to'g'ri Kontrasga o'qitish va qurol-yarog 'hamda mablag' ajratdi.^[85]

Qo'zg'olonchilarga javoban rejim yangi "Tartibni saqlash va jamoat xavfsizligini ta'minlash to'g'risidagi qonun" ni qabul qildi, unga ko'ra "Tribunales Populares Anti-Somozistas" shubhali aksilinqilobchilarni sudsiz ushlab turishga imkon berdi. Favqulodda vaziyat, ayniqsa, "Nikaragualiklarning huquqlari va kafolatlari to'g'risidagi nizom" da ko'rsatilgan huquq va kafolatlar ta'sir ko'rsatdi.^[86] Namoyish uyushtirish erkinligi, uy daxlsizligi, matbuot erkinligi, so'z erkinligi va ish tashlash erkinligi kabi ko'plab fuqarolik erkinliklari cheklandi yoki bekor qilindi.^[86]

Shimoliy hibsga olingandan so'ng olingan mug'shot

The Boland tuzatish qarama-qarshi jangarilarga qurol-yarog 'etkazib berishni AQSh qonunlariga binoan noqonuniy qildi. Shunga qaramay, Reygan ma'muriyati kontrastlarni qurollantirish va moliyalashtirishda davom etdi Eron-Kontra janjal, shu asosda AQSh qonunlarni buzgan holda AQSh qonunlarini buzgan holda AQShning qurollarini kontrastlarga etkazib berish uchun ishlatgan naqd pul evaziga Eronga qurol sotgan. AQSh quyidagilarni ta'kidladi:^[87]

Nikaragua qo'shnilari Nikaragua tajovuziga qarshi yordam so'radi va AQSh bunga javob berdi. Ushbu mamlakatlar o'zlarini Nikaragua tomonidan qilingan tajovuz qurbonlari deb bilishini va nisbatan katta ulkan Nikaragua Qurolli Kuchlari tomonidan ham tahlikali hujumlarni, ham an'anaviy tahdidni bartaraf etishda Qo'shma Shtatlardan yordam so'rashlarini bir necha bor va oshkora ta'kidladilar.

AQSh tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan Nikaragua qarama-qarshiliklar

1984 yil Nikaragua saylovlarida Sandinista hukumati g'alaba qozondi. Saylov Nyu-Yorkning Inson huquqlari bo'yicha komissiyasi kabi saylovlarni kuzatuvchilar tomonidan "erkin, adolatli va qizg'in bahsli" deb e'lon qilingan edi.^[88] However, the elections were conducted under the SOE. Political prisoners were still held as it took place, and several opposition parties refused to participate. Martin Kriele opined that the 1984 election was carried out under the Sandinista Directorate, a body "no more subject to approval by vote than the Central Committee of the Communist Party isin countries of the East Bloc," and argued that there should have been a secret ballot to avoid government reprisals.^[89]

In addition, the Reagan administration criticized the elections because Arturo Kruz, the candidate nominated by the Coordinadora Democrática Nicaragüense, refused to run. However, the U.S. reportedly urged Cruz to avoid participation. Several senior administration officials told The New York Times that "the administration never contemplated letting Cruz stay in the race because then the Sandinistas could justifiably claim that the elections were legitimate".^[90]

The U.S. continued to pressure the government by illegally arming the contra insurgency. On October 5, 1985 the Sandinistas broadened the state of emergency begun in 1982 and suspended many more civil rights. A new regulation also forced any organization outside of the government to first submit any statement it wanted to make public to the censorship bureau for prior censorship.^[91]

It has been argued that "probably a key factor in preventing the 1984 elections from establishing liberal democratic rule was the United States' policy toward Nicaragua."^[92] Others have disputed this view, claiming that "the Sandinistas’ decision to hold elections in 1984 was largely of foreign inspiration".^[93]

As the contras' insurgency continued with U.S. support, the Sandinistas struggled to maintain power. They lost power in 1990, when they ended the SOE and held an election that all the main opposition parties competed in. The Sandinistas have been accused of killing thousands by Nicaragua's Permanent Commission on Human Rights.^[94] The contras have also been accused of committing war crimes, such as rape, arson, and the killing of civilians.^[95]

Historian Greg Grandin described a disjuncture between official ideals preached by the U.S. and actual U.S. support for terrorism.

"Nikaragua, bu erda Qo'shma Shtatlar qo'zg'olonchi davlatni emas, balki antikommunistni qo'llab-quvvatladi yollanma askarlar, likewise represented a disjuncture between the idealism used to justify U.S. policy and its support for political terrorism... The corollary to the idealism embraced by the Republicans in the realm of diplomatic public policy debate was thus political terror. In the dirtiest of Latin America's dirty wars, their faith in America's mission justified atrocities in the name of liberty."^[96]

Similarly, former diplomat Clara Nieto, in her book "Masters of War," charged that "the CIA launched a series of terrorist actions from the "mothership" off Nicaragua's coast. In September 1983, she charged the agency attacked Puerto Sandino with rockets. The following month, frogmen blew up the underwater oil pipeline in the same port — the only one in the country. In October there was an attack on Pierto Corinto, Nicaragua's largest port, with mortars, rockets, and grenades blowing up five large oil and gasoline storage tanks. More than a hundred people were wounded, and the fierce fire, which could not be brought under control for two days, forced the evacuation of 23,000 people."^[97]

Supporters of the Reagan administration have pointed out that the US had been the largest provider of aid to Nicaragua, and twice offered to resume aid if the Sandinstas agreed to stop arming communist insurgents in Salvador.^[98] Former official Roger Miranda wrote that "Washington could not ignore Sandinista attempts to overthrow Central American governments."^[99] Nicaragua's Permanent Commission on Human Rights condemned Sandinista inson huquqlari violations, recording at least 2,000 murders in the first six months and 3,000 disappearances in the first few years. It has since documented 14,000 cases of torture, rape, kidnapping, mutilation and murder.^[94] The Sandinistas admitted to forcing 180,000 peasants into resettlement camps.^[100]

Yilda Nikaragua va Qo'shma Shtatlar,^[101] The Xalqaro sud (ICJ) held that the U.S. had violated xalqaro huquq by supporting the contras in their rebellion against the Nicaraguan government and by kon qazib olish Nicaragua's harbors. Sud sudning ICJda ishni ko'rib chiqish vakolatiga ega emasligi haqidagi dalillarini rad etgandan so'ng, Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari protsessda ishtirok etishdan bosh tortdi. The U.S. later blocked enforcement of the judgment by the Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Xavfsizlik Kengashi and thereby prevented Nicaragua from obtaining any actual compensation.^[102] The Nicaraguan government finally withdrew the complaint from the court in September 1992 (under the government of Violeta Chamorro ).^[103] on November 12, 1987, the UN General Assembly called for "full and immediate compliance" with the World Court decision. Faqat Isroil joined the United States in opposing adherence to the ruling.^[104]

Salvador

In Salvador fuqarolar urushi between the military-led government of Salvador va Farabundo Marti nomidagi Milliy ozodlik fronti (FMLN), a coalition or umbrella organization of five left-wing militias, the U.S. supported both the Salvadoran military government^[105][106] and the centrist Christian Democrats. The government's security forces were split between reformists and right-wing extremists, who used death squads to stop political and economic change. The Carter Administration repeatedly intervened to prevent right-wing coups. The Reagan Administration repeatedly threatened aid suspensions to halt right-wing atrocities. As a result, the death squads made plans to kill the U.S. Ambassador.^[107] After years of bloody fighting; the rebels were forced, in part due to U.S. involvement, to concede defeat. The U.S. then threatened to cut off aid to the Salvadoran regime unless it made democratic reforms, which might have let the rebels regroup. Natijada; a new Constitution was promulgated, the Armed Forces regulated, a "civilian" police force established, the FMLN metamorphosed from a guerrilla army to a political party that competed in free and fair elections, and an amnistiya to'g'risidagi qonun was legislated in 1993.^[108] In 2002, a BBC article about President Jorj V.Bush 's visit to El Salvador reported that "U.S. officials say that President George H.W. Bush's policies set the stage for peace, turning El Salvador into a democratic success story." The article also talks about the "tremendous irony that President George W Bush [was] chosen to visit El Salvador on the anniversary of the murder of the country's Archbishop, Oscar Arnulfo Romero, 22 years ago. The irony also falls on his father who was involved with the war during his Presidency.^[109]

Reagan's policy has been criticized due to the human rights abuses proven repeatedly to be perpetrated by El Salvadoran security force with Xalqaro Amnistiya reporting that it had received: "regular, often daily, reports identifying El Salvador's regular security and military units as responsible for the torture, "disappearance" and killing of civilians. Types of torture reported by those who have survived arrest and interrogation included beatings, sexual abuse, use of chemicals to disorient, mock executions, and the burning of flesh with sulphuric acid."^[110] Rudolph Rummel has estimated that from 1979 to 1987, government forces perpetrated between 12,000 and 25,000 demokidal killings,^[111] bilan UNHCR estimating higher total figures.^[112]

During the war, the FMLN received some aid from the governments of Nicaragua and Cuba, though most weapons were seized from government forces.^[113] In 1983, an FMLN broadcast boasted of Cuban and Nicaraguan backing; an FMLN commander alleged that the war was directed by Cuba and that nearly all of his weapons came from Nicaragua. In 1985, the Sandinistas offered to stop military aid to forces in El Salvador in return for an end to the contra insurgency.^[114] The Soviet bloc supplied enough arms for several battalions.^[115]

The US increased aid as atrocities declined. The UN Truth Commission received direct complaints of almost 2,600 victims of serious violence occurring in 1980. It received direct complaints of just over 140 victims of serious violence occurring in 1985.^[116]

Gvatemala

Berilgan Xose Efrin Rios Montt 's staunch anticommunism and ties to the United States, the Reagan administration continued to support the general and his regime, paying a visit to Gvatemala shahri 1982 yil dekabrda.^[117] During a meeting with Ríos Montt on December 4, Reagan declared: "President Ríos Montt is a man of great personal integrity and commitment....I know he wants to improve the quality of life for all Guatemalans and to promote social justice."^[118] That same day, Guatemalan troops massacred hundreds at Dos Erres.

Ignoring this, Reagan claimed that Guatemala's human rights conditions were improving and used this to justify several major shipments of military hardware to Rios Montt; $4 million in helicopter spare parts and $6.3 million in additional military supplies in 1982 and 1983 respectively. The decision was taken in spite of records concerning human rights violations, bypassing the Kongress.^{[119][120][121][122][123]} Meanwhile, a then-secret 1983 CIA cable noted a rise in "suspect right-wing violence" and an increasing number of bodies "appearing in ditches and gullies."^[124] Indigenous Mayans suffered greatly under Ríos Montt's rule. The UN-backed official Tarixiy tushuntirish komissiyasi found that this was a campaign of deliberate genotsid against the population.^[125] In May 2013, Ríos Montt was found guilty of genotsid against Mayan Indian groups by a Guatemalan court. He was sentenced to 80 years in prison (50 years for genocide and 30 years for crimes against humanity).^[80] Estimates of deaths during the genocide are typically 200,000. Guatemala was the only Latin American nation to decline in population during this era. Clearly, Reagan's policy did not aid and greatly worsened the situation.

Grenada

Reagan meets with Prime Minister Evgeniya Charlz ning Dominika ichida Oval ofis about ongoing events in Grenada

The invasion of the Caribbean island Grenada in 1983, ordered by President Reagan, was the first major foreign event of the administration, as well as the first major operation conducted by the military since the Vetnam urushi. President Reagan justified the invasion by claiming that the cooperation of the island with communist Kuba posed a threat to the United States, and stated the invasion was a response to the illegal overthrow and execution of Grenadian Prime Minister Moris Bishop, himself a communist, by another faction of communists within his government. After the start of planning for the invasion, the Sharqiy Karib dengizi davlatlari tashkiloti (OECS) appealed to the United States, Barbados va Yamayka, among other nations, for assistance. The US invasion was poorly done, for it took over 10,000 U.S. forces eight days of fighting, suffering nineteen fatalities and 116 injuries, fighting against several hundred lightly armed policemen and Cuban construction workers. Grenada's Governor-General, Pol Skun, announced the resumption of the constitution and appointed a new government, and U.S. forces withdrew that December.

While the invasion enjoyed public support in the United States and Grenada^[126][127] it was criticized by the United Kingdom, Canada and the Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Bosh assambleyasi as "a flagrant violation of xalqaro huquq ".^[128] The date of the invasion is now a national holiday in Grenada, called Shukur kuni.

1982 yil Folklend urushi

At first glance, it appeared that the U.S. had military shartnoma obligations to both parties in the war, bound to the UK as a member of the Shimoliy Atlantika Shartnomasi Tashkiloti (NATO) and to Argentina by the Amerikalararo o'zaro yordam shartnomasi (the "Rio Pact"). Biroq, Shimoliy Atlantika shartnomasi only obliges the signatories to support if the attack occurs in Evropa yoki Shimoliy Amerika shimoliy Saraton tropikasi, and the Rio Pact only obliges the U.S. to intervene if one of the adherents to the treaty is attacked—the UK never attacked Argentina, only Argentine forces on British territory.

Mart oyida, Davlat kotibi Aleksandr Xeyg yo'naltirilgan US Ambassador to Argentina Garri V. Shlaudeman to warn the Argentine government away from any invasion. President Reagan requested assurances from Galtieri against an invasion and offered the services of his Vice President, Jorj X.V. Bush, kabi vositachi, lekin rad etildi.

Kaspar Vaynberger, Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Mudofaa vaziri 1981 yildan 1987 yilgacha.

USS Ivo Jima

Aslida Reygan ma'muriyati was sharply divided on the issue. Meeting on April 5, Haig and Assistant Secretary of State for Political Affairs Lourens Eagleburger favoured backing Britain, concerned that equivocation would undermine the NATO alliance. Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs Thomas Enders, however, feared that supporting Britain would undermine U.S. antikommunist harakatlari lotin Amerikasi. He received the firm backing of Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Elchisi Jane Kirkpatrick, Haig's nominal subordinate and political rival. Kirkpatrick was guest of honour at a dinner held by the Argentine ambassador to the United States, on the day that the Argentine armed forces landed on the islands.

The oq uy davom etdi betaraflik. Reagan assented to Haig and Mudofaa vaziri Caspar Weinberger's position. Between April 8 and April 30, Haig headed a "shuttle diplomacy" mission between London va Buenos-Ayres. According to a BBC documentary titled "The Falklands War and the White House",^[129] Caspar Weinberger's Department of Defense began a number of non-public actions to support and supply the British military while Haig's shuttle diplomacy was still ongoing. Haig's message to the Argentines was that the British would indeed fight, and that the U.S. would support Britain, but at the time he was not aware that the U.S. was providing support already.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

At the end of the April, Reagan declared U.S. support for Britain, and announced the imposition of iqtisodiy sanktsiyalar on Argentina.

At 11.30pm London time on May 31, 1982 Reagan told Mrs Thatcher that "The best chance for peace was before complete Argentine humiliation," he told her. "As the UK now had the upper hand militarily, it should strike a deal now." and suggesting a multi-national, peacekeeping force. Her reply was that "Britain had had to go into the islands alone, with no outside help, she could not now let the invader gain from his aggression."^[130]

American non-interference was vital to the American-British relationship. Ko'tarilish oroli, a British possession, was vital in the long term supply of the Task Force South; however, the airbase stationed on it was run and operated by the U.S. The American commander of the base was ordered to assist the British in any way and for a brief period Ascension Air Field was one of the busiest airports in the world. The most important NATO contributions were intelligence information and the rescheduled supply of the latest model of Sidewinder Lima har tomonlama infra-red seeking missiles, which allowed existing British stocks to be employed.

Margaret Thatcher stated that "without the Harrier jets and their immense manoeuvrability, equipped as they were with the latest version of the Sidewinder missile, supplied to us by U.S. Secretary of Defense Caspar Weinberger, we could never have got back the Falklands."

In early May, Caspar Weinberger offered the use of an American aircraft carrier.^[131] This seemingly extremely generous offer was seen by some as vital: it was noted by Rear Admiral Woodward that the loss of Yengilmas would have been a severe setback, but the loss of Germes would have meant an end to the whole operation. Weinberger admitted^[132] that there would have been many problems if a request had ever been made; not least, it would have meant U.S. personnel becoming directly involved in the conflict, as training British forces to crew the vessel would have taken years. In the July 2012 newsletter of the Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari dengiz instituti, which was reprinted online at the Institute's web site, it was revealed that the Reygan ma'muriyati actively offered the use of the amphibious assault helicopter carrier Ivo Jima (rasmda) as a replacement in case either of the two British carriers had been damaged or destroyed. This top-secret contigency plan was revealed to the staff of the Naval Institute by Jon Lehman, AQSh dengiz kuchlari kotibi at the time of the Falklands War, from a speech provided to the Naval Institute that Lehman made in Portsmut, U.K., on June 26, 2012. Lehman stated that the loan of the Ivo Jima was made in response to a request from the Qirollik floti, and it had the endorsement of AQSh prezidenti Ronald Reygan va AQSh mudofaa vaziri Kaspar Vaynberger. The actual planning for the Ivo Jima loan-out was done by the staff of the AQSh ikkinchi floti rahbarligida Vice Admiral James Lyons who confirmed Lehman's revelations with the Naval Institute staff. Contigency planning envisioned American harbiy pudratchilar, likely retired sailors with knowledge of the Ivo Jima's systems, assisting the British in manning the U.S. helicopter carrier during the loan-out. Naval analyst Erik Vertxaym compared this arrangement to the Flying Tigers. Significantly, except for AQSh davlat kotibi Aleksandr Xeyg, AQSh Davlat departamenti was not included in the loan-out negotiations.^[133] These 2012 revelations made headlines in the United Kingdom, but except for the U.S. Naval Institute, not in the United States.^[134]

Both Weinberger and Reagan were later awarded the British honour of Britaniya imperiyasi ordeni ritsarining qo'mondoni (KBE). American critics of the U.S. role claimed that, by failing to side with Argentina, the U.S. violated its own Monro doktrinasi.

Yaqin Sharq

Afg'oniston

President Reagan meeting with Afg'on mujohidlari rahbarlari Oval ofis 1983 yilda

Upon becoming President, Reagan moved quickly to undermine Soviet efforts to support the government of Afghanistan, as the Soviet Army had kirdi that country at Kabul's request in 1979.

Islomiy mujohidlar guerrillas were covertly supported and trained, and backed in their jihod against the occupying Soviets by the CIA. The agency sent billions of dollars in military aid to the guerrillas, in what came to be known as "Charlie Wilson's War ".

One of the CIA's longest and most expensive covert operations was the supplying of billions of dollars in arms to the Afghan mujahideen militants.^[136] The CIA provided assistance to the fundamentalist insurgents through the Pakistani ISI deb nomlangan dasturda Siklon operatsiyasi. Somewhere between $2–$20 billion in U.S. funds were funneled into the country to equip troops with weapons. No Americans trained or had direct contact with the mujahideen.^[137] The skittish CIA had fewer than 10 operatives in the region because it "feared it would be blamed, like in Guatemala."^[138]

With U.S. and other funding, the ISI armed and trained over 100,000 insurgents. On July 20, 1987, the withdrawal of Soviet troops from the country was announced pursuant to the negotiations that led to the Geneva Accords of 1988,^[139] with the last Soviets leaving on February 15, 1989.

The early foundations of Al-Qoida were allegedly built in part on relationships and weaponry that came from the billions of dollars in U.S. support for the Afghan mujahadin during the war to expel Soviet forces from that country.^[140] Biroq, bular ayblovlar tomonidan rad etilgan Stiv Koll ("If the CIA did have contact with Bin Laden during the 1980s and subsequently covered it up, it has so far done an excellent job"),^[141] Piter Bergen ("The theory that bin Laden was created by the CIA is invariably advanced as an axiom with no supporting evidence"),^[142] va Jeyson Burk ("It is often said that bin Laden was funded by the CIA. This is not true, and, indeed, would have been impossible given the structure of funding that General Zia ul–Haq, who had taken power in Pakistan in 1977, had set up").^[143]

Eron-Iroq urushi

Ronald Reygan hosts then-Iraqi foreign minister Tariq Aziz of the Saddam Hussein administration at the White House, 1984

Qachon Eron-Iroq urushi broke out following the Iranian Islamic revolution of 1979, the United States initially remained neutral in the conflict. However, as the war intensified, the Reagan administration would covertly intervene to maintain a balance of power, supporting both nations at various times. The U.S. mainly sided with Iroq, bunga ishonib Eron rahbar Oyatulloh Xomeyni threatened regional stability more than Iraqi President Saddam Xuseyn. U.S. officials feared that an Iranian victory would embolden Islom fundamentalistlari ichida Arab states, perhaps leading to the overthrow of secular governments—and damage to Western corporate interests—in Saudi Arabia, Iordaniya va Quvayt. After initial Iraqi military victories were reversed and an Iranian victory appeared possible in 1982, the American government initiated Qat'iy operatsiya to attempt to cut off the Iranian regime's access to weapons (notwithstanding their later shipment of weapons to Iran in the Eron-Kontra ishi ). AQSh taqdim etdi aql information and financial assistance to the Iraqi military regime.

On April 18, 1988 Reagan authorized Mantis ibodati operatsiyasi, a one-day naval strike against Iranian naval ships, boats, and command posts in retaliation for the mining of a U.S. guided missile frigate. One day later, Reagan sent a letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the President Pro Tempore of the Senate.^[144] USSSimpson (FFG-56) is mentioned in firing on Eron F-4 Phantom II Fighters built by the Qo'shma Shtatlar.

Isroil

Israel was granted "major non-NATO ally" status in 1989, giving it access to expanded weapons systems and opportunities to bid on US defense contracts. The United States maintained grant aid to Israel at $3 billion annually and implemented a free trade agreement in 1985. Since then all customs duties between the two trading partners have been eliminated. However, relations soured when Israel carried out Operation Opera, an Israeli airstrike on the Osirak yadro reaktori Bag'dodda. Reagan suspended a shipment of military aircraft to Israel, and harshly criticized the action. Relations also soured during the 1982 yil Livan urushi, when the United States even contemplated sanctions to stop the Israeli Siege of Beirut. The US reminded Israel that weaponry provided by the US was to be used for defensive purposes only, and suspended shipments of cluster munitions to Israel. Although the war exposed some serious differences between Israeli and US policies, such as Israel's rejection of the Reagan peace plan of 1 September 1982, it did not alter the Administration's favoritism for Israel and the emphasis it placed on Israel's importance to the United States. Although critical of Israeli actions, the United States vetoed a Soviet-proposed United Nations Security Council resolution to impose an arms embargo on Israel.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

In 1985, the US supported Israel's economic stabilization through roughly $1.5 billion in two-year loan guarantees the creation of a US–Israel bilateral economic forum called the U.S.–Israel Joint Economic Development Group (JEDG).^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

The second Reagan term ended on what many Israelis considered to be a sour note when the United States opened a dialogue with the Falastinni ozod qilish tashkiloti (PLO) in December 1988. But, despite the US–PLO dialogue, the Pollard spy case, and the Israeli rejection of the Shultz peace initiative in the spring of 1988, pro-Israeli organizations in the United States characterized the Reagan Administration (and the 100th Congress) as the "most pro-Israel ever", and praised the positive overall tone of bilateral relations.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Eron-Kontra ishi

President Reagan receives the Tower Report in the Cabinet Room of the White House, 1987

The attempts of certain members of the White House national security staff to circumvent Congressional proscription of covert military aid to the Contras ultimately resulted in the Iran-Contra Affair.

Two members of administration, Milliy xavfsizlik bo'yicha maslahatchi Jon Poindekster va polkovnik Oliver Shimoliy worked through CIA and military channels to sell arms to the Iranian government and give the profits to the contra guerillas in Nicaragua, who were engaged in a bloody civil war. Both actions were contrary to acts of Kongress. Reagan professed ignorance of the plot, but admitted that he had supported the initial sale of arms to Iran, on the grounds that such sales were supposed to help secure the release of Americans being held hostage by the Iranian-backed Hizbulloh yilda Livan.

Reagan quickly called for the appointment of an Mustaqil maslahatchi to investigate the wider scandal; natijada Minora komissiyasi report found that the President was guilty of the scandal, only in that his lax control of his own staff resulted in the arms sales. (The report also revealed that U.S. officials helped Khomeini identify and purge communists within the Iranian government.^[145]) The failure of these scandals to have a lasting impact on Reagan's reputation led Representative Patrisiya Shreder to dub him the "Teflon President", a term that has been occasionally attached to later Presidents and their scandals. Ten officials in the Reagan Administration were convicted, and others were forced to resign. Mudofaa vaziri Kaspar Vaynberger uchun javobgarlikka tortildi yolg'on guvohlik berish and later received a presidential pardon from George H.W. Bush, days before the trial was to begin. In 2006, historians ranked the Iran-Contra affair as the ninth-worst mistake by a U.S. president.^[146]

Livan

With the approval of Congress, Reagan in 1983 sent forces to Lebanon to reduce the threat of civil war. The American peacekeeping forces in Bayrut, a part of a multinational force davomida Livan fuqarolar urushi, were attacked on October 23, 1983. The Beyrut kazarmalarini bombardimon qilish killed 241 American servicemen and wounded more than 60 others by a suicide truck bomber.^[147] Reagan sent in a battleship to shell Syrian positions in Lebanon. Shortly after the barracks bombing, Reagan appointed a military fact-finding committee headed by retired Admiral Robert L. J. Long to investigate the bombing. He then withdrew all the marines from Lebanon.^[148]

Saudiya Arabistoni

Reagan with King of Saudi Arabia Fahd.

The Reagan Administration strengthened the alliance with Saudiya Arabistoni as it kept the commitment to defend the Kingdom. The "special relationship" between Riyadh and Washington really began to flourish after 1981, as the Saudis turned to the Reagan administration to safeguard their orders of advanced weapons. Saudi Arabia was part of the Reagan doctrine. secretary of defense, Caspar Weinberger, hailed from Bechtel, the construction giant with major interests in Saudi Arabia. After only two weeks in office, Weinberger announced that the administration wanted to do everything it could to strengthen Saudi defenses in the wake of the shah's fall in Iran. On March 6, 1981, the administration announced plans to sell new arms to the Saudis to halt what it perceived to be a "serious deterioration" in Western security interests in the region. On April 1, the National Security Council (NSC) decided to expand the administration's initial arms package to include five AWACS surveillance planes, the most advanced of their kind in the world. The total Saudi purchase, including the AWACS, came to $8.5 billion. President Reagan vowed to push the sale through, declaring that Saudi Arabia must not be allowed to fall like Iran and that the United States would forfeit "all credibility" in the Middle East if Congress blocked the sale. Finally, after extraordinary arm-twisting by President Reagan, the Senate approved the deal in late October.^[149]

Okeaniya

Avstraliya

In 1983, the Reagan Administration approached Australia with proposals for testing the new generation of American qit'alararo ballistik raketalar, MX raketasi. American test ranges in the Pacific were insufficient for testing the new long-range missiles and the United States military wished to use the Tasman dengizi as a target area. Avstraliyalik Bosh Vazir Malkolm Freyzer ning Liberal partiya had agreed to provide monitoring sites near Sydney for this purpose.^[150] However, in 1985, the new-elected Prime Minister Bob Xok, ning Mehnat partiyasi, withdrew Australia from the testing program, sparking criticism from the Reagan Administration. Hawke had been pressured into doing so by the left-wing faction of the Labor Party, which opposed the proposed MX missile test in the Tasman Sea. The Labor left-wing faction also strongly sympathized with the Yangi Zelandiya To'rtinchi mehnat hukumati 's anti-nuclear policy and supported a South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone.^{[151][152][153]}

To preserve its joint Australian-US military communications facilities, the Reagan Administration also had to assure the Hawke Government that those installations would not be used in the Strategik mudofaa tashabbusi project, which the Australian Labor Party strongly opposed. Despite these disagreements, the Hawke Labor Government still remained supportive of the ANZUS security treaty, a trilateral pact between Australia, New Zealand and the United States which was signed on 1 September 1951. It also did not support its New Zealand counterpart's ban on nuclear-armed and nuclear-powered ships. Following the US's suspension of defence and intelligence cooperation with New Zealand in February 1985, the Australian government also endorsed the Reagan Administration's plans to cancel trilateral military exercises and to postpone the ANZUS foreign ministers conference. However, it still continued to maintain bilateral military ties and continued to share intelligence information with New Zealand.^[153] Unlike New Zealand, Australia continued to allow AQSh dengiz kuchlari warships to visit its ports and to participate in joint military exercises with the United States.^[154][155]

Yangi Zelandiya

In 1984, the newly elected Mehnat hukumati ostida Bosh Vazir Devid Lange tanishtirdi yadroga qarshi legislation which banned the entry of atom energiyasi bilan ishlaydi va yadro qurolli warships into New Zealand waters. Reasons cited were the dangers of nuclear weapons, continued nuclear testing in the South Pacific, and opposition to US President Reagan's policy of aggressively confronting the Soviet Union. Yadro qurolsizlanish was also championed by a vocal pasifist yadroga qarshi harakat aligned with the mainstream siyosiy chap. Beri Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari dengiz kuchlari refused to confirm or deny the presence of nuclear weapons aboard ships, this law essentially refused access to New Zealand ports for all USN ships. Since New Zealand was a member of the tripartite ANZUS security alliance, which also included Australia and the United States, this created tensions in US-NZ relations.^[156][157]

The Reagan administration regarded New Zealand's anti-nuclear stance as incongruous with its Cold War policy of only conducting strategic arms reductions from a position of strength. The US government was also concerned that the Soviet Union was working through local Communist parties like the Sotsialistik birlik partiyasi to influence the Labour Party, anti-nuclear organisations, and the kasaba uyushma harakati as part of a strategy of steering New Zealand's foreign policy away from its traditional ally the Qo'shma Shtatlar.^[158]

1985 yil fevral oyida Qo'shma Shtatlar tomonidan portga tashrif buyurish uchun USS Buchanan was refused by the New Zealand government on the basis that the Buchanan was capable of launching nuclear depth bombs. Following consultations with Australia and after further negotiations with the New Zealand government broke down, the Reagan administration severed its ANZUS treaty obligations to NZ until US Navy ships were readmitted to NZ ports. Despite the ANZUS split, Secretary of State Jorj P. Shultz maintained that the ANZUS structure was still in place, should NZ decide to reverse its anti-nuclear policy and return to a fully operational defense relationship with the US.^[159] The Respublika Senator Uilyam Koen also advocated trade retaliation against New Zealand and urged the Reagan Administration to negotiate a separate bilateral security treaty with Australia.^[160][161] Ultimately, the Reagan Administration opted not to pursue economic retaliatory measures against New Zealand.^[162] President Reagan also maintained in NSDD 193 (Milliy xavfsizlik to'g'risida qaror ) that New Zealand still remained a "friend, but not an ally."^[163]

In 1987, the Republican Kongressmen Uilyam Bromfild sponsored a bill known as the Broomfield Bill (the New Zealand Military Preference Suspension Act) that would have deprived New Zealand of its favored status as an ally when purchasing military equipment from the United States. On October 20, 1987, the Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Vakillar palatasi passed the Broomfield Bill by a substantial majority. Sobiq Yangi Zelandiya diplomatining so'zlariga ko'ra Malkom Templeton, this bill was a symbolic endorsement by the Demokratik - nazorat ostida Kongress of the Reagan Administration's earlier decision to suspend its defence commitments to New Zealand. The Broomfield Bill also included an amendment added by the Democratic Congressman Stiven J. Solarz that would allow the U.S. President to restore the ANZUS relationship if NZ modified its nuclear-free policy.^[164]

However, the Broomfield Bill languished in the Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Senati. Keyingi 1988 US Senate elections, oqsoq o'rdak 100-kongress dropped a package containing the Broomfield Bill after Senator Edvard Kennedi opposed its inclusion. Thus, the Broomfield Bill was never passed by the Senate and formally ratified into law. While the Reagan Administration continued to eschew contact with the Lange hukumati, it continued to maintain ties with the center-right opposition Milliy partiya, which opposed the Nuclear Free Bill. Despite the suspension of ANZUS ties and ship visits, the United States's Antarktida tadqiqot dasturi "Deep Freeze" operatsiyasi continued to send military aircraft to Christchurch xalqaro aeroporti en route to US bases in the Antarctica.^[164]

The Heritage Foundation va Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Axborot xizmati also unsuccessfully tried to influence New Zealand public opinion in favor of supporting the resumption of ANZUS ties by sponsoring trips to the US by sympathetic journalists, politicians, and academics. Several of these individuals later tried to organize grassroots pro-ANZUS groups to counter the influence of the peace movement.^[165][166] Undaunted, the Labour government was qayta saylangan in 1987 and went on to pass Yangi Zelandiya yadrosiz zonasi, qurolsizlanish va qurollarni nazorat qilish to'g'risidagi qonun 1987 yil into law, making the entire country a yadrosiz zona, but still remaining within the ANZUS alliance.^[159]

Davlat tashriflari

Reagan had close friendships with many political leaders across the globe, especially Margaret Thatcher in Britain, and Brayan Myulroni yilda Kanada. Despite opposite personalities, Reagan and Thatcher bonded quickly, argues Devid Kannadin:

In many ways they were very different figures: he was sunny, genial, charming, relaxed, upbeat, and with little intellectual curiosity or command of policy detail; she was domineering, belligerent, confrontational, tireless, hyperactive, and with an unrivalled command of facts and figures. Ammo ularning orasidagi kimyo ish berdi. Britaniya muassasa uni jiddiy qabul qilishdan bosh tortgan bir paytda Reygan unga bo'lgan qiziqishi uchun minnatdor edi; u boylik yaratish, soliqlarni qisqartirish va Sovet Rossiyasidan kuchli mudofaa qurishning muhimligi to'g'risida u bilan kelishdi; va ikkalasi ham erkinlik va erkin bozor erkinligiga va keyinchalik Reygan "yovuz imperiya" deb ataydigan narsani ochib berish zarurligiga ishonishdi.^[167]

1985 yilda Reygan tashrif buyurdi Kolmeshohe qabristoni yaqin Bitburg kantslerning shoshilinch iltimosiga binoan Helmut Kol G'arbiy Germaniya, u erda askarlarga hurmat ko'rsatish uchun. 49 ta qabrda xizmat qilgan erkaklar qoldiqlari bo'lganligi sababli tortishuvlar yuzaga keldi Vaffen-SS. Qabristonda, shuningdek, ikkala Jahon urushida ham halok bo'lgan 2000 ga yaqin nemis askarlari qoldiqlari bo'lgan, ammo amerikaliklar yo'q. Ba'zi yahudiylar va faxriylar guruhlari ushbu tashrifga qarshi chiqishdi. Reygan Kohlni qo'llab-quvvatlash va uni tasdiqlash zarurati tufayli ketdi Genotsid jinoyatining oldini olish va jazolash to'g'risidagi konventsiya. Reygan ham tashrif buyurdi Bergen-Belsen kontslager, qaerda u keltirdi Anne Frank va nutqini "Endi boshqa" degan so'zlar bilan yakunladi.^[168]

Reygandan keyin SSSRning qulashi

Ga binoan Devid Remnik uning kitobida Lenin maqbarasi: Sovet imperiyasining so'nggi kunlari, Gorbachyovniki qayta qurish va glasnost islohotlar pandoraning erkinlik qutisini ochdi. Bir marta xalq islohotlardan foyda ko'rdi, ular ko'proq narsani xohlashdi. "Rejim Sovet o'tmishini keng ko'lamda tekshirishga ruxsat berish uchun etarlicha yumshatgandan so'ng, - deb yozgan Remnik," tub o'zgarish muqarrar edi. Tizim o'zini qanday bo'lganligi va qanday bo'lganligi bilan namoyon qilgandan so'ng, bu halokat edi ".

1989 yil dekabrda Gorbachev va Jorj X.V. Bush sammit yig'ilishida Sovuq urushni rasmiy ravishda tugatdi Maltada.^[169] Sovet Ittifoqi tizimi o'sha paytga kelib qulash arafasida edi va Varshava Shartnomasidagi kommunistik rejimlar o'z kuchlarini yo'qotib qo'yishdi. 1990 yil 11 martda Litva, yangi saylanganlar tomonidan boshqariladi Vytautas Landsbergis, Sovet Ittifoqidan mustaqilligini e'lon qildi. Berlin devoriga eshik ochildi va Gorbachev ma'qulladi. Gorbachyov Prezidentga taklif qildi Jorj X.V. Bush Sharqiy Evropada qo'shinlarning katta qisqarishi. SSSRning o'zida Gorbachyov o'zining islohotlariga qarshilikni yo'q qilish uchun partiyani isloh qilishga urindi, ammo shu bilan davlat va ittifoqni birlashtirgan aloqalarni zaiflashtirdi. 1990 yil fevralga qadar Kommunistik partiya o'zining 73 yillik monopoliyasini davlat hokimiyatiga topshirishga majbur bo'ldi. Sovet qattiqqo'llari isyon ko'tarib Gorbachevga qarshi to'ntarish uyushtirishdi, ammo bu muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi. Boris Yeltsin Gorbachev garovga olingan paytda ko'chada ruslarni yig'ishtirdi. 1991 yil dekabrga kelib, ittifoq davlati tarqatib yuborilib, SSSRni o'n beshta alohida mustaqil davlatga aylantirdi. Boris Yeltsin yangi Rossiyaning etakchisiga aylandi.^[170]

Ronald Reyganga bo'lgan maqtovida uning dafn marosimi, Buyuk Britaniyaning sobiq bosh vaziri Margaret Tetcher Reygan o'z lavozimida bo'lganida juda yaqindan ishlagan, "Boshqalar, eng yaxshi holatda, Sovet Ittifoqi bilan birgalikda yashashga umid qilishdi; u Sovuq urushda g'alaba qozondi - nafaqat o'q uzmasdan, balki dushmanlarni tashqariga chaqirish orqali ham. ularning qal'asi va ularni do'stlarga aylantirish .... Ha, u Moskvaning "yovuz imperiyasini" qoralashdan tortinmadi. Ammo u xayrixoh odam baribir uning qorong'i yo'laklaridan chiqib ketishi mumkinligini tushundi, shuning uchun Prezident Sovetlar ekspansiyasiga qarshi turdi va kommunizm ushbu bosimlarning og'irligi ostida qulab tushgan kungacha har bir nuqtada Sovet kuchsizligini bosdi. Xarobalar orasidan xayrixoh odam chiqqanida, Prezident Reygan qo'lini siqish va samimiy hamkorlik qilish uchun oldinga qadam qo'ydi. "

Uning roli uchun Gorbachyov birinchisini oldi Ronald Reyganning ozodlik mukofoti, shuningdek Tinchlik bo'yicha Nobel mukofoti.

Shuningdek qarang

• Sovuq urush
• Margaret Tetcherning tashqi siyosati
• Ronald Reygan amalga oshirgan xalqaro prezidentlik safari ro'yxati

Izohlar

Adabiyotlar

Qo'shimcha o'qish

• Aldous, Richard. Reygan va Tetcher: qiyin munosabatlar (2012), Britaniya bilan munosabatlar to'g'risida
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• Ford, Kristofer A. va Rozenberg, Devid A. "Reygan dengiz strategiyasining dengiz razvedkasining asoslari". Strategik tadqiqotlar jurnali (2): 379-409. Reyganning dengiz strategiyasi AQSh dengiz kuchlarini dengiz qirg'og'idagi Sovet zaifliklariga qarshi tatbiq etishga intildi. Bu AQSh dengiz kuchlarining katta yig'ilishi va SSSRga yaqin dengizlarda tajovuzkor mashqlar bilan qo'llab-quvvatlandi; u inqirozlar yoki global urushning dastlabki bosqichlarida Kremlga bosim o'tkazish maqsadida Moskvaning strategik raketa osti kemalarini aniq nishonga oldi. Dengizchilik strategiyasi razvedka xalqni harbiy harakatlar kontseptsiyasini to'liq qayta ko'rib chiqishga yordam berganida tarixda kamdan-kam uchraydigan holatlardan biridir.
• Gaddis, Jon Lyuis. Saqlash strategiyasi: Sovuq urush davrida Amerika milliy xavfsizlik siyosatini tanqidiy baholash (2005 yil 2-nashr), 342-79 betlar.
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• Leffler, Melvin P. "Ronald Reygan va sovuq urush: eng muhimi" Texas milliy xavfsizlik sharhi (2018) 1 # 3 (2018 yil may) onlayn
• Mann, Jeyms. Ronald Reyganning isyoni: Sovuq urushning tugash tarixi (Pingvin, 2010)
• Melanson, Richard A. Vetnam urushidan keyingi Amerika tashqi siyosati: Niksondan Klintongacha konsensus izlash (2015).
• Pach, Chester. "Reygan doktrinasi: printsip, pragmatizm va siyosat". Prezidentlik tadqiqotlari chorakda (2006) 36 №1 75-88. Reygan 1985 yilda AQSh anti-kommunistik qarshilik guruhlari bilan "ishonchni buzmasligi" kerakligini e'lon qildi. Biroq, uning siyosati turli xil edi, chunki mahalliy sharoit va AQShning xavfsizlik manfaatlaridagi farqlar Afg'oniston, Nikaragua, Mozambik, Angola va Kambodjada "ozodlik kurashchilari" ga nisbatan turlicha siyosatni keltirib chiqardi.
• Prados, Jon. Sovuq urush qanday tugadi: munozaralar va tarixni bajarish (Potomac Books, 2011).
• Ratnesar, Romesh. Ushbu devorni yirtib tashlang: shahar, prezident va sovuq urushni tugatgan nutq (2009)
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• Xizmat, Robert. Sovuq urushning oxiri: 1985-1991 yillar (2015) parcha
• Shvaytser, Piter. Reygan urushi: uning qirq yillik kurashlari va kommunizm ustidan g'alaba qozonish haqidagi epik hikoya (2002)
• Travis, Filipp V. Reyganning Nikaraguadagi terrorizmga qarshi urushi: Qonundan tashqari davlat (2016)
• Velasko, Jezus. Ronald Reygan va Jorj V.Bush davridagi AQSh tashqi siyosatidagi yangi konservativlar: Taxt ortidagi ovozlar (Woodrow Wilson Center Press, 2010 yil)
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Birlamchi manbalar

• Xeyg, Aleksandr. Ogohlantirish. Nyu-York: Makmillan, 1984 yil.
• Matlok, kichik, Jek F. Reygan va Gorbachyov: Sovuq urush qanday tugagan. Nyu-York: tasodifiy uylar savdosi jildlari, 2004. U Reyganning Moskvadagi elchisi bo'lgan
• McMahon, Robert J. "Reygan yillarida Amerika tashqi siyosatiga e'tibor berish", Diplomatik tarix 19, yo'q. 2 (1995): 367-384. Asosiy avtobiografiyalarni ko'rib chiqadi.
• Shuls, Jorj P. To'polon va g'alaba: mening davlat kotibi bo'lgan yillarim. Nyu-York: Skribner, 1993 y.
• Vaynberger, Kaspar. Tinchlik uchun kurash: Pentagonda etti muhim yil. Nyu-York: Warner Books Inc., 1991. Mudofaa vaziri

Tashqi havolalar

• AQShning qarama-qarshiliklarga qarshi siyosati dan Dekan Piter Krogh tashqi ishlar bo'yicha raqamli arxivlar
• Ronald Reygan nomidagi Prezident kutubxonasi
• Reyganning fayllari: Reygan ma'muriyatining minglab o'ta maxfiy hujjatlar to'plami.