Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari tashqi siyosati tarixi - History of United States foreign policy
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| Tarixi Qo'shma Shtatlar |
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 Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari portali |
Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari tashqi siyosati tarixi AQSh tashqi siyosatiga oid asosiy tendentsiyalar haqida qisqacha ma'lumot Amerika inqilobi hozirgi kunga qadar. Asosiy mavzular "Ozodlik imperiyasi ", demokratiyani targ'ib qilish, kengaymoqda qit'a bo'ylab, qo'llab-quvvatlaydi liberal internatsionalizm, Jahon urushlari va Sovuq urush, xalqaro terrorizmga qarshi kurash, Uchinchi dunyo va kuchli jahon iqtisodiyotini qurish.
Yangi millat: 1776–1801 yillar
Inqilob va Konfederatsiya
Mintaqaviy emas, balki global, balki "Ozodlik imperiyasi" ni yaratish uzoq yillik idealidan so'ng Qo'shma Shtatlar tashkil topgandan.
1778 yilda Frantsiya bilan harbiy va moliyaviy ittifoq Angliya bilan kurashish uchun Ispaniya va Gollandiyani olib keldi Amerika inqilobiy urushi Buyuk Britaniyaning dengiz va harbiy ustunligi neytrallashtirilgan jahon urushiga aylandi. Diplomatlar - ayniqsa Franklin, Adams va Jefferson - Amerika mustaqilligining ishonchli tan olinishi va yangi milliy hukumatga berilgan katta kreditlar. The Parij shartnomasi 1783 yilda AQSh uchun juda qulay bo'lgan, endi u g'arbga qarab Missisipi daryosigacha kengayishi mumkin.
Tarixchi Samuel Flagg Bemis diplomatik tarix bo'yicha etakchi mutaxassis edi. Jerold Kombsning so'zlariga ko'ra:
- Bemisniki Amerika inqilobining diplomatiyasi, Dastlab 1935 yilda nashr etilgan, hali ham ushbu mavzu bo'yicha standart ishdir. Bu Evropa mojarolarida Amerikaning chalkashib ketish xavfini ta'kidladi. Evropa diplomatiyasi XVIII asrda "chirigan, buzilgan va buzuq" edi, deb ogohlantirdi Bemis. Amerikaning diplomatik muvaffaqiyati Evropa siyosatidan chetda qolish va Evropa mojarosidan foyda olish natijasida yuzaga keldi. Franklin, Jey va Adams buni inqilob paytida amalga oshirgan va natijada Amerika diplomatiyasi yilnomasida eng katta g'alabaga erishgan. Bemis frantsuz ittifoqi urushda g'alaba qozonish uchun zarur bo'lganligini tan oldi. Shunga qaramay, u bu "Evropa diplomatiyasining bemalol sohasiga" olib kelganidan afsuslandi. Vergennes [Frantsiya tashqi ishlar vaziri] Amerikani "so'yish punkti" ga olib borishga juda tayyor edi, agar bu Frantsiya manfaatlarini ilgari sursa, Qo'shma Shtatlarning ayrim qismlari bo'linishi mumkin edi.[1]
1776 yildagi mustaqillikdan tortib 1789 yildagi yangi Konstitutsiyagacha bo'lgan Amerika tashqi ishlari Konfederatsiya moddalari to'g'ridan-to'g'ri Kongress tomonidan yangi hukumat 1781 yil 10-yanvarda tashqi ishlar bo'limi va tashqi ishlar bo'yicha kotib lavozimini yaratguniga qadar.[2]
Milliy dastlabki davr: 1789-1801
Kabinet darajasida Tashqi ishlar vazirligi 1789 yilda Birinchi Kongress tomonidan yaratilgan. Tez orada uning nomi o'zgartirildi Davlat departamenti va tashqi ishlar bo'yicha kotib unvonini davlat kotibiga o'zgartirdi; Tomas Jefferson lavozimni egallash uchun Frantsiyadan qaytib keldi.
Frantsiya inqilobi 1793 yilda Angliya (Amerikaning etakchi savdo sherigi) va Frantsiya (eski ittifoqchi, hali ham amalda bo'lgan shartnoma bilan) o'rtasida urush boshlanganda, Vashington va uning kabineti betaraflik siyosati to'g'risida qaror qabul qildilar. 1795 yilda Vashington qo'llab-quvvatladi Jey shartnomasi, G'aznachilik kotibi tomonidan ishlab chiqilgan Aleksandr Xemilton Britaniya bilan urushdan qochish va tijoratni rag'batlantirish. Jeffersoniyaliklar bu shartnomaga qat'iyan qarshi chiqdilar, ammo Vashingtonning ko'magi hal qiluvchi ahamiyatga ega bo'ldi va AQSh va Buyuk Britaniya o'n yil davomida do'stona munosabatda bo'lishdi. Ammo tashqi siyosatdagi nizo tomonlarni o'zaro qutqarishga olib keldi Birinchi partiya tizimi.[3][4]
Prezident siyosatining asosiga aylangan "Xayrlashuv xabarida" Jorj Vashington 1796 yilda chet el chalkashliklariga qarshi maslahat bergan:[5]
Evropaning asosiy manfaatlari to'plami bor, ular uchun bizda yo'q, yoki juda uzoq munosabatlar mavjud. Shuning uchun u tez-tez tortishuvlar bilan shug'ullanishi kerak, sabablari bizning tashvishimizga begona. Demak, biz o'zimizni sun'iy aloqalar orqali, uning siyosatidagi odatiy ziddiyatlarga yoki uning do'stligi yoki dushmanligining oddiy kombinatsiyalariga va to'qnashuvlariga aralashishimiz aqlsiz bo'lishi kerak. Bizning alohida va uzoq vaziyatimiz bizni boshqa yo'ldan borishga chorlaydi va beradi.
1797 yilga kelib frantsuzlar amerikalik kemalarni ochiqchasiga qo'lga kiritishdi va "deb nomlanuvchi urushga olib keldi Yarim urush 1798–99 yillarda. Prezident Jon Adams sinab ko'rilgan diplomatiya; muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi. 1798 yilda frantsuzlar Frantsiya tashqi ishlar vazirini ko'rish uchun amerikalik diplomatlardan katta pora berishni talab qilishdi Talleyran, amerikaliklar buni rad etishdi. Adamsdan shubhalangan Jeffersonian respublikachilar, hujjatlarni talab qildilar, Adams frantsuz diplomatlarining ismlari uchun X, Y va Z kodlaridan foydalangan holda chiqargan. The XYZ ishi millatchilik tuyg'usining to'lqinini qo'zg'atdi. Tushkunlikka tushgan AQSh Kongressi Adamsning dengiz flotini tashkil etish rejasini ma'qulladi. Adams istamay imzoladi Chet ellik va tinchlik aktlari urush davri o'lchovi sifatida. Adams uning Hamilton qanotini sindirdi Federalistlar partiyasi va 1800 yilda Frantsiya bilan sulh tuzdi.[6]
Jeffersonian Era: 1801-1829
Tomas Jefferson Amerikani buyuk "Ozodlik imperiyasi" ni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi kuch sifatida tasavvur qildi,[7] bu targ'ib qiladi respublikachilik va ning imperializmiga qarshi turing Britaniya imperiyasi. The Louisiana Xarid qilish 1803 yil, Jefferson tomonidan 15 million dollarlik shartnomada tuzilgan Napoleon Bonapart, g'arbdan katta hududni qo'shib, o'sib borayotgan millatning sonini ikki baravar oshirdi Missisipi daryosi, fermerlar uchun idealizatsiya qilingan millionlab yangi fermer xo'jaliklari saytlarini ochish Jeffersonian Demokratiya.[8]
Prezident Jefferson ichida 1807 yilgi Embargo qonuni Frantsiya va Buyuk Britaniya bilan savdo qilishni taqiqlash, lekin uning siyosati asosan tijorat manfaatlari o'rniga agrar manfaatlar foydasiga partizan sifatida ko'rilgan bo'lib, Yangi Angliyada juda mashhur bo'lmagan va ingliz harbiy kemalariga yomon munosabatlarni to'xtatish samarasiz edi.
1812 yilgi urush
Jeffersoniyaliklar birinchi navbatda inglizlarga chuqur ishonishmagan, ammo inglizlar amerikaliklarning Frantsiya bilan savdosini yopib qo'yishgan va qirollik dengiz flotida Amerika fuqaroligini talab qilgan Amerika kemalarida 6000 ga yaqin dengizchi taassurot qoldirgan. Amerikaning sharafi inglizlarning Amerika harbiy kemasiga hujumi tufayli xor bo'ldi Chesapeake 1807 yilda.[9]
G'arbda hindular Angliya tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlandi va qurollandi, ko'chmanchilarni o'ldirish uchun pistirma va reydlardan foydalangan, shu bilan chegaradosh aholi punktlarining O'rta G'arbiy (Ogayo, Indiana va Michigan shtatlari) kengayishini kechiktirgan.[10]
1812 yilda diplomatiya buzilib, AQSh Buyuk Britaniyaga qarshi urush e'lon qildi. The 1812 yilgi urush juda yomon rejalashtirish va ikkala tomonning harbiy fiyaskolari bilan ajralib turardi. Bilan tugadi Gent shartnomasi 1815 yilda. Harbiy jihatdan bu tanglik edi, chunki ikkala tomon ham bostirib kirish urinishlarida muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi, ammo Qirollik dengiz floti qirg'oqni qamal qildi va Amerika savdosini yopdi (Buyuk Britaniyaning Kanadaga kontrabandasini olib kirishdan tashqari). Ammo inglizlar Napoleonni mag'lub etishning asosiy maqsadlariga erishdilar, Amerika qo'shinlari esa inglizlar qo'llab-quvvatlagan hind ittifoqini mag'lubiyatga uchratib, O'rta G'arbda Britaniyani qo'llab-quvvatlovchi hindistonlik chegara davlatini barpo etish va ularga AQShga nisbatan hududiy ustunlikni berish bo'yicha Angliya urush maqsadiga barham berishdi. Inglizlar amerikalik dengizchilarni hayratga solishni to'xtatdilar va Frantsiya bilan savdo (hozirgi Buyuk Britaniyaning ittifoqchisi) qayta tiklandi, shuning uchun urush sabablari yo'q qilindi. Ayniqsa, Nyu-Orleandagi jangda Amerikaning buyuk g'alabasidan so'ng, amerikaliklar o'zlarining "ikkinchi mustaqillik urushida" g'alaba qozonganlaridan g'ururlanib, g'alaba qozonishdi.[11] Muvaffaqiyatli generallar Endryu Jekson va Uilyam Genri Xarrison ham siyosiy qahramonga aylanishdi. 1815 yildan keyin AQSh-Kanada chegarasida keskinlik avj oldi, tinch savdo va umuman yaxshi munosabatlar mavjud edi. Chegaradagi nizolar tinchlik yo'li bilan hal qilindi. 1815 yildan keyin AQShda ham, Kanadada ham millatchilik va milliy g'urur kuchayib ketdi, AQSh katta demokratiya sari intildi va inglizlar Kanadada demokratiyani keyinga qoldirishdi.
1780 yildan keyin Qo'shma Shtatlar Shimoliy Afrika mamlakatlari bilan va Usmonli imperiyasi.[12]
lotin Amerikasi
1821 yilda Lotin Amerikasidagi Ispaniya mustamlakalarining yangi mustaqilligiga javoban Qo'shma Shtatlar Monro doktrinasi 1823 yilda. Ushbu siyosat Evropaning aralashuviga qarshi chiqishini e'lon qildi Amerika qit'asi va keyingi Amerika rahbarlari ruhiyatida doimiy iz qoldirdi. Ispaniyaning Florida shtatini mustamlaka qilmasligi yoki politsiya qilmasligi, uni 1821 yilda AQSh tomonidan sotib olishga olib keldi. Jon Kvinsi Adams Prezident Monro huzuridagi davlat kotibi edi.[13]
Jekson davri: 1829–1861
Meksika-Amerika urushi
1846 yilda shiddatli siyosiy munozaralardan so'ng ekspansionist demokratlar viglardan ustun keldi, AQSh Texas Respublikasini qo'shib oldi. Meksika Texasning mustaqillikka erishganini hech qachon tan olmagan va agar AQSh qo'shib olsa, urush va'da qilgan. Prezident Jeyms K. Polk Buyuk Britaniya bilan Oregonga oid chegara mojarosini tinch yo'l bilan hal qildi, so'ng Texas armiyasining patrullarini Texasning bahsli hududiga yubordi. Bu sabab bo'ldi Meksika-Amerika urushi, buni amerikaliklar osonlikcha yutishdi. Natijada Guadalupe Hidalgo shartnomasi 1848 yilda AQSh Kaliforniya, Arizona va Nyu-Meksikoni o'z ichiga olgan hududni qo'lga kiritdi va u erdagi Ispaniyaliklarga to'liq AQSh fuqaroligi berildi.[14]
Nikaragua kanali
Inglizlar barqaror Meksikani Amerikaning janubi-g'arbiy tomon kengayishiga to'sqinlik qilishni xohlashdi, ammo beqaror Meksika Texasga hujum qildi va mag'lubiyati uchun qasos olishni xohladi. Natijada Amerikaning keng ekspansiyasi bo'ldi. 1848 yilda Kaliforniyada oltinning topilishi oltin maydonlariga o'tishga katta talab tug'dirdi, asosiy yo'llar Panamadan o'tib, butun Janubiy Amerika bo'ylab juda uzoq sekin suzib yurishidan saqlanish uchun. Panamadagi xavfli muhitga qaramay 600 ming odam tashiydigan temir yo'l qurildi. Nikaraguadagi kanal juda sog'lom va jozibali imkoniyat edi va amerikalik tadbirkor Kornelius Vanderbilt AQShning Nikaragua bilan tuzgan shartnomasi bilan bir qatorda zarur ruxsatnomalarni qo'lga kiritdi. Buyuk Britaniya azaldan Markaziy Amerikada hukmronlik qilgan, ammo Amerikaning ta'siri tobora o'sib borar edi va kichik mamlakatlar Qo'shma Shtatlardan ingliz imperializmiga qarshi himoya izlaydi. Ammo inglizlar Amerika kanalini to'sishga qat'iy qaror qildilar va uni to'sib qo'ygan Atlantika okeanining Miskito sohilidagi muhim joylarni egallab oldilar. Viglar Vashingtonda mas'ul edilar va qiyin demokratlardan farqli o'laroq ishbilarmonlik yo'li bilan tinch yo'l bilan hal qilishni xohlashdi. Whiglar Gibraltarning chokepointini monopollashtirish bo'yicha ingliz tajribasidan saboq oldilar, bu esa mojarolar, urushlar va harbiy va dengiz xarajatlarini inglizlar uchun tugatmadi. Qo'shma Shtatlar kanal butun dunyo bo'ylab harakatlanish uchun ochiq va neytral bo'lishi kerak, harbiylashtirilmasligi kerak degan qarorga keldi. Joylarda keskinlik kuchayib, dalada kichik jismoniy qarama-qarshiliklar yuzaga keldi.[15]
In Kleyton-Bulver shartnomasi 1850 yil Vashington va London diplomatik echim topdilar. Kuchli to'qnashuvni oldini olish uchun u Tinch okeani va Atlantika okeanini birlashtiradigan Nikaragua kanaliga e'tibor qaratdi. Uchta asosiy shartnoma qoidalarida biron bir xalq boshqa davlatning roziligi va hamkorligisiz bunday kanalni qurmasligi aytilgan edi; na mintaqada yangi mustamlakalarni mustahkamlaydi yoki topa olmaydi; agar va qachon kanal qurilgan bo'lsa, ikkala kuch ham uning barcha yuk tashish uchun neytral asosda bo'lishiga kafolat berar edi. Biroq, kelishmovchiliklar yuzaga keldi va hech qachon Nikaragua kanali ishga tushirilmadi, ammo shartnoma 1901 yilgacha amal qildi. 1857-59 yillarga kelib London Amerika hududining kengayishiga qarshi chiqishni to'xtatdi.[16]
1869 yilda transkontinental temir yo'lning ochilishi Kaliforniyaga sayohatni tez, arzon va xavfsiz qildi. Amerikaliklar kanallarga bo'lgan qiziqishni yo'qotdilar va diqqatlarini uzoq masofali temir yo'llarni qurishga qaratdilar. Bu orada inglizlar e'tiborini Misr orqali Suvaysh kanalini qurishga qaratdilar. London Nikaraguadagi Amerika kanallari qurilishiga veto qo'ydi. 1890-yillarda frantsuzlar Panama orqali kanal qurish uchun katta sa'y-harakatlarni amalga oshirdilar, ammo u noto'g'ri boshqarish, qattiq korruptsiya va ayniqsa xavfli kasallik muhitida o'z-o'zini yo'q qildi. 1890-yillarning oxiriga kelib Angliya Qo'shma Shtatlar bilan munosabatlarni ancha yaxshilash zarurligini angladi va AQShga Nikaragua yoki Panama orqali kanal qurishga ruxsat berishga rozi bo'ldi. Tanlov Panama edi. The Hay-Pauncefote shartnomasi 1901 yildagi Kleyton-Bulver shartnomasi o'rnini egalladi va neytralizatsiya qoidasini qabul qildi Panama kanali AQSh qurgan; u 1914 yilda ochilgan.[17][18]
Prezident Byukenen, 1857-1861 yy
Byukenen tashqi siyosatda katta tajribaga ega edi va Oq uyga katta ambitsiyali tashqi siyosat bilan kirib keldi, ammo u davlat kotibi Lyuis Kassda juda kam muvaffaqiyatga erishdi. Asosiy to'siq Kongressning qarshiligi edi. Uning ambitsiyalari Buyuk Britaniya hisobiga Markaziy Amerika ustidan AQSh gegemonligini o'rnatish atrofida edi.[19] U qayta muzokaralar olib borishga umid qildi Kleyton-Bulver shartnomasi, bu xatoni AQShning mintaqadagi ta'sirini cheklaydigan xato deb hisobladi. Shuningdek, u Meksika shtatlari ustidan Amerika protektoratlarini o'rnatishga intildi Chixuaxua va Sonora Qisman mormonlar uchun boradigan joy sifatida.[20]
Ispaniya imperiyasining tanazzulga yuz tutgan davlatidan xabardor bo'lib, u nihoyat uzoq vaqtdan beri davlat qulligi avj olgan Kubani egallab olish maqsadiga erishishga umid qildi. Inglizlar bilan uzoq muzokaralardan so'ng, u ularni berishga rozi bo'lishga ishontirdi Bay orollari ga Gonduras va Mosquito Coast ga Nikaragua. Biroq, Buchenening Kuba va Meksikadagi ambitsiyalari Vakillar palatasida bloklandi, u erda qullikka qarshi kuchlar yangi qullar hududini egallashga qaratilgan har qanday harakatga qat'iy qarshi chiqdilar. Byukenenga uning ittifoqchisi senator yordam berdi Jon Slidell (D.-Luiziana) Ammo Senator Stiven Duglas, Demokratik partiyadagi Byukenenning ashaddiy dushmani, Byukenenning tashqi siyosatini puchga chiqarish uchun ko'p harakat qildi.[21][22]
Byukenen Alyaskani Rossiyadan, ehtimol mormonlar ko'chib kelganlar uchun mustamlaka sifatida sotib olishga urindi, ammo AQSh va Rossiya narx bo'yicha kelisha olmadilar.
Xitoyda, to'g'ridan-to'g'ri qatnashmaganiga qaramay Ikkinchi afyun urushi, Byukenen ma'muriyati savdo imtiyozlarini qo'lga kiritdi. Prezident suyandi Uilyam Bredford Rid (1806–1876) uning vaziri Xitoyga 1857–58 yillarda. Sobiq vig, Rid 1856 yilda kampaniyani qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun ko'plab eski viglarni ishontirgan edi. The Tientsin shartnomasi (1858) amerikalik diplomatlarga Pekinda yashash huquqini berdi, amerika tovarlari uchun boj stavkalarini pasaytirdi va chet elliklar tomonidan Xitoyda dinni erkin amalga oshirilishini kafolatladi. Rid ba'zi bir ildizlarini rivojlantirdi Ochiq eshik siyosati bu 40 yildan keyin hosil bo'ldi.[23][24]
1858 yilda Byukenen "Eng asossiz, asossiz va jur'atsiz hujum" dan g'azablanib, Paragvay ekspeditsiyasi. Uning muvaffaqiyatli vazifasi jazolash edi Paragvay otish uchun USSSuv jodugari ilmiy ekspeditsiyada bo'lgan. Paragvay uzr so'radi va tovon puli to'ladi.[25]
Fuqarolar urushi va zarhal davr: 1861–1897
Amerika fuqarolar urushi
Har bir millat rasmiy ravishda betaraf edi Amerika fuqarolar urushi va hech kim Konfederatsiyani tan olmadi. Bu davlat kotibi Syuard va Linkoln ma'muriyati uchun katta diplomatik yutuq bo'ldi. Frantsiya, ostida Napoleon III, Meksikani bosib olgan va qo'g'irchoq rejimini o'rnatgan; Amerika ta'sirini inkor etishga umid qildi. Shuning uchun Frantsiya Britaniyani vositachilik siyosatida, ikkalasi ham Konfederatsiyani tan olishlarini taklif qildi.[26] Linkoln bu urush degan ma'noni bir necha bor ogohlantirgan. Britaniyaning to'qimachilik sanoati Janubdan paxtaga bog'liq edi, ammo u fabrikalarni bir yil davomida ushlab turish uchun zaxiralarga ega edi va har qanday holatda ham sanoatchilar va ishchilar Buyuk Britaniya siyosatida unchalik katta bo'lmagan. Urushni bilish Amerika oziq-ovqat mahsulotlarining hayotiy jo'natmalarini to'xtatib qo'yishi, inglizlarning savdo flotida vayronagarchiliklar keltirib chiqarishi va Kanadaning zudlik bilan yo'qolishiga olib kelishi mumkin edi, Buyuk Britaniya o'zining kuchli qirollik floti bilan frantsuz sxemalariga amal qilishdan bosh tortdi.[27]
Linkolnning tashqi siyosati 1861 yilda Evropa jamoatchilik fikriga murojaat qilish nuqtai nazaridan nuqsonli edi. Diplomatlar Qo'shma Shtatlar qullikni tugatishga sodiq emasligini tushuntirishlari kerak edi, aksincha ular ajralib chiqishning konstitutsiyasiga zidligi to'g'risida qonuniy dalillarni takrorladilar. Konfederat vakili esa qullikni e'tiborsiz qoldirib, ularning erkinligi uchun kurashga, erkin savdoga sodiqligiga va paxtaning Evropa iqtisodiyotidagi muhim roliga e'tibor qaratish orqali ancha muvaffaqiyat qozondi. Bundan tashqari, Evropa zodagonlari (har bir yirik mamlakatda hukmronlik qiluvchi omil) "Amerika tanazzulini xalq hukumatidagi barcha eksperiment muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchraganligining isboti sifatida talaffuz qilishdan juda xursand edi. Evropa hukumati rahbarlari ko'tarilgan Amerika Respublikasining parchalanishini ma'qullashdi".[28]
Britaniyadagi elita fikri ma'qullandi Konfederatsiya, jamoatchilik fikri Qo'shma Shtatlar foydasiga moyil bo'lsa. Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari bilan har ikki yo'nalishda ham yirik savdo davom etdi, amerikaliklar Britaniyaga don etkazib berishdi, Angliya esa ishlab chiqarilgan buyumlar va o'q-dorilarni yubordi. AQShga immigratsiya davom etdi. Britaniyaning Konfederatsiya bilan savdosi cheklangan edi, paxtaning uchishi Britaniyaga etib bordi va ba'zi o'q-dorilar ko'plab kichik blokada qatnashchilari tomonidan sirg'alib o'tdi. Mustaqillikni ta'minlash bo'yicha Konfederatsiya strategiyasi asosan Buyuk Britaniya va Frantsiyaning harbiy aralashuviga umid qilar edi, ammo Konfederat diplomatiyasi befoyda edi. E'lon bilan Emansipatsiya to'g'risidagi e'lon 1862 yil sentyabr oyida bu inglizlarning aksariyati qo'llab-quvvatlagan qullikka qarshi urushga aylandi.[29]
Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari bilan jiddiy diplomatik mojaro kelib chiqdi "Trent ishi "1861 yil oxirlarida. Ittifoqdagi jamoatchilik fikri Angliyaga qarshi urush ochishga chaqirdi, ammo Linkoln harbiy dengiz kuchlari noqonuniy tortib olgan diplomatlarni taslim qildi va qaytarib yubordi.[30]
Britaniyalik moliyachilar aksariyat qismini qurdilar va ishladilar blokada yuguruvchilari, ularga yuz million funt sterling sarflash; ammo bu qonuniy edi va jiddiy keskinlikning sababi emas edi. Ularning tarkibida qirol dengiz flotidan ta'tilda bo'lgan dengizchilar va zobitlar bor edi. AQSh harbiy-dengiz floti tezkor blokada yuguruvchilaridan birini qo'lga kiritgach, u kema va yukni amerikalik dengizchilarga pul mukofoti sifatida sotdi, so'ngra ekipajni qo'yib yubordi.
Uzoq muddatli muammo Britaniya kemasozlik zavodi edi (John Laird va Sons ) Konfederatsiya uchun ikkita harbiy kemani qurish, shu jumladan CSS Alabama, Qo'shma Shtatlarning keskin noroziliklari tufayli. Fuqarolik urushidan keyin nizo Alabama da'volari, unda Qo'shma Shtatlarga xalqaro sud tomonidan Britaniya tomonidan ishlab chiqarilgan harbiy kemalar tomonidan etkazilgan zarar uchun 15,5 million dollarlik hakamlik sudi berildi.[31]
Oxir oqibat, Britaniya ishtirokidagi bu holatlar na urush natijalarini o'zgartirdi va na ikki tomonni urushga undadi. Vazir boshchiligidagi AQSh diplomatik vakolatxonasi Charlz Frensis Adams, Sr. hech qachon rasman tan olinmagan Konfederatsiya missiyalariga qaraganda ancha muvaffaqiyatli bo'ldi.[32]
Tarixchi Don Doylning ta'kidlashicha, Ittifoqning g'alabasi dunyo tarixining rivojlanishiga katta ta'sir ko'rsatgan.[33] Ittifoqning g'alabasi xalq demokratik kuchlariga kuch bag'ishladi. Boshqa tomondan, Konfederatsion g'alaba erkinlikning emas, qullikning yangi tug'ilishini anglatishi mumkin edi. Tarixchi Fergus Bordevich Doyldan keyin quyidagilarni ta'kidlaydi:
- Shimolning g'alabasi demokratik hukumatning mustahkamligini qat'iy isbotladi. Boshqa tomondan, Konfederativ mustaqillik, XX asrga va ehtimol undan keyin ham xalqaro soya soladigan reaktsion siyosat va irqqa asoslangan repressiyalar uchun Amerika modelini yaratgan bo'lar edi. "[34]
Urushdan keyingi o'zgarishlar
Angliya (va Kanada) bilan munosabatlar keskin edi; Kanada Konfederatlarga Vermontga bostirib kirishga ruxsat berishda beparvo edi. Konfederatsiya 1867 yilda, qisman Britaniyaning qurolli kuchlariga bog'liq bo'lmagan holda Amerika chaqirig'ini hal qilishning bir usuli sifatida paydo bo'ldi.[35]
Feniyaliklar sifatida tanilgan irlandiyalik faollar AQSh boshqa tomonga qaradi 1871 yilda Kanadaga bostirib kirgan va muvaffaqiyatsiz tugagan. Feniyaliklar harakati o'zining qobiliyatsizligidan qulab tushdi.[36] Alabama da'volarining hakamlik sudi 1872 yilda qoniqarli yarashuvni ta'minladi; Inglizlar AQShdan Konfederatsiya harbiy kemalari tomonidan sotib olingan iqtisodiy zarar uchun 15,5 million dollar to'lashdi.[37] Kongress Rossiyaga pul to'lagan Alyaska sotib olish 1867 yilda, ammo aks holda har qanday yirik kengayish bo'yicha takliflarni rad etdi, masalan, Prezident Uliss Grantning Santo Domingoni sotib olish haqidagi taklifi.[38]
Kanadani hech qachon himoya qilish mumkin emas edi, shuning uchun inglizlar yo'qotishlarini kamaytirishga va AQSh bilan ziddiyat xavfini yo'q qilishga qaror qildilar. Birinchi vazirlik Uilyam Gladstoun Shimoliy Amerikadagi barcha tarixiy harbiy va siyosiy majburiyatlaridan voz kechdi. U o'z qo'shinlarini uyiga olib keldi (Galifaksni Atlantika dengiz bazasi sifatida saqlab) va mas'uliyatni mahalliy aholiga topshirdi. Bu alohida Kanadadagi mustamlakalarni Kanadaning Dominion nomli o'zini o'zi boshqaradigan konfederatsiyasiga birlashtirishni oqilona qildi.[39]
Jeyms G. Bleyn
Jeyms G. Bleyn, etakchi respublikachi (va 1884 yilda prezidentlikka yutqazgan nomzod) 1880-yillarda juda innovatsion davlat kotibi edi. 1881 yilga kelib, Bleyn o'zining yuqori tarifidan butunlay voz kechdi Protektsionizm va davlat kotibi lavozimidan, ayniqsa, G'arbiy yarimsharda erkin savdoni rivojlantirish uchun foydalangan.[40] Uning sabablari ikki xil edi: birinchi navbatda, Bleynning Britaniyaning Amerikaga aralashishiga ehtiyotkorligi kamaymadi va u Lotin Amerikasi bilan savdo-sotiqning ko'payishini Buyuk Britaniyani mintaqada hukmronlik qilmaslikning eng yaxshi usuli deb bildi. Ikkinchidan, u eksportni rag'batlantirish orqali Amerika farovonligini oshirishi mumkinligiga ishongan. Prezident Garfild o'zining davlat kotibining qarashlari bilan rozi bo'ldi va Bleyn Lotin Amerikasi davlatlari o'rtasidagi nizolarga vositachilik qilish va savdoni ko'paytirish bo'yicha muzokaralar maydoni sifatida xizmat qilish uchun 1882 yilda Panamerika konferentsiyasini o'tkazishga chaqirdi. Shu bilan birga, Bleyn tinchlik yo'lida muzokaralar olib borishga umid qildi Tinch okeanidagi urush keyin kurashmoqda Boliviya, Chili va Peru. Bleyn Amerikaning ta'sirini boshqa sohalarda kengaytirishga intilib, qayta muzokaralar olib borishga chaqirdi Kleyton-Bulver shartnomasi Qo'shma Shtatlarning qurilishiga ruxsat berish Panama orqali kanal Britaniyaning ishtirokisiz, shuningdek, Britaniyaning strategik joylashuvdagi ishtirokini kamaytirishga urinishsiz Gavayi qirolligi.[41] Qo'shma Shtatlarning dunyoga qo'shilish rejalari G'arbiy yarim shardan tashqarida ham tarqaldi, chunki u bilan savdo shartnomalari tuzishga intildi. Koreya va Madagaskar. 1882 yilga kelib, yangi kotib Bleynning Lotin Amerikasidagi tashabbuslarini bekor qildi.[42]
Ostida yana davlat kotibi sifatida xizmat qilmoqda Benjamin Xarrison, Bleyn bilan yaqin aloqalar uchun ishlagan Gavayi qirolligi va G'arbiy yarim sharning barcha mustaqil davlatlarini birlashtiradigan dasturga homiylik qildi Panamerika ittifoqi.[43]
1892 yilgacha Qo'shma Shtatlardan boshqa mamlakatlarga va ulardan AQShga katta diplomatlar chaqirilgan "vazirlar "1892 yilda Evropaning to'rtta yirik mamlakati (Buyuk Britaniya, Frantsiya, Germaniya Italiya) AQShga bosh diplomat unvonini ko'tarishdi"elchi "; AQSh 1893 yilda o'zaro javob berdi.[44]
Tashqariga qarab
Evropa qudratlari va Yaponiya Afrika va Osiyodagi mustamlakachilik uchun qattiq kurash olib borgan bir paytda, Qo'shma Shtatlar chetda turdi. Bu 1893 yilda o'zgarishni boshladi. 1880-yillarning boshlarida Qo'shma Shtatlarda G'arbiy qal'alarda tarqalgan kichik armiya va eskirgan yog'och dengiz floti mavjud edi. 1890 yilga kelib AQSh yangi dengiz texnologiyasiga sarmoya kiritishni boshladi, shu jumladan kuchli qurol-yarog 'va po'lat qoplamali bug' bilan ishlaydigan harbiy kemalar.
1893 yilda biznes hamjamiyati Gavayi qirolligi qirolichani ag'darib tashladi va Prezident tomonidan ilova qilinishini so'radi Xarrison taklifni ma'qullash uchun Senatga yuborgan. Ammo yangi saylangan Prezident Klivlend taklif qilingan qo'shimchani qaytarib oldi; Gavayi mustaqil ravishda shakllandi Gavayi Respublikasi. Kutilmaganda tashqi siyosat Amerika siyosatining asosiy muammolariga aylandi. Tarixchi Genri Graf birinchi navbatda, "Uydagi jamoatchilik fikri o'zaro kelishuvni bildirganday tuyuldi ...." Shubhasiz, uydagi tuyg'u AQShning dunyodagi buyuk kuchlarga qo'shilishi uchun juda katta kuch bilan pishib etilib, xorijdagi mustamlakalarni qidirib topdi.[45]
Prezident Grover Klivlend, 1893 yil mart oyida ish boshlaganida, qo'shilish taklifini bekor qildi. Uning tarjimai holi Alin Brodskiy, u kichik qirollikka qarshi axloqsiz harakatlarga qarshi bo'lganligini ta'kidlaydi:
- U kichik davlatni kattaroq davlat tomonidan bosib olinishiga qarshi bo'lganligi sababli Germaniyaga qarshi Samoa orollarini himoya qilgani kabi, u ham o'z millatiga qarshi Gavayi orollarini himoya qildi. U Gavayining ilhomlanishini muqarrar kulminatsiya darajasiga ko'tarilishiga yo'l qo'yishi mumkin edi. Ammo u o'zini yomon ko'radigan qarama-qarshilikni tanladi, chunki bu unga zaif va himoyasiz xalq mustaqilligini saqlab qolishning yagona yo'li edi. Grover Klivlend qo'shib olish g'oyasi emas, balki noqonuniy hududlarni egallab olish uchun bahona sifatida qo'shib olish g'oyasi edi.[46]
Klivlend shartnomaga qarshi kurashish uchun janubiy demokratlarning qo'llab-quvvatlashini safarbar qilishi kerak edi. U Gruziyaning sobiq kongressmenini yubordi Jeyms X.Blount tergov qilish va echimini ta'minlash uchun Gavayidagi maxsus vakil sifatida. Blount imperializmga qarshi chiqishi bilan yaxshi tanilgan edi. Blount 1890-yillarda bo'lgan oq ustunlik harakatining etakchisi ham edi qora tanlilar tomonidan ovoz berish huquqini tugatish.. Ba'zi kuzatuvchilar u Osiyoliklarning o'zlarini boshqara olmasligi sababli anneksiyani qo'llab-quvvatlaydi deb taxmin qilishgan. Buning o'rniga, Blount imperializmga qarshi chiqdi va AQSh harbiylarini qirolicha Liliuokalanini tiklashga chaqirdi. U Gavayi aholisiga "Osiyo yo'llarini" davom ettirishga ruxsat berish kerak, deb ta'kidladi.[47]
Buyuk kuch sifatida paydo bo'lishi: 1897-1913
1895 yildan keyin tashqi siyosat to'satdan milliy ishlarda katta muammoga aylandi.[48] 1900 yilgi prezident saylovlarida urush, imperializm va dunyo ishlarida milliy rol kabi xalqaro muammolar o'z rolini o'ynadi[49]
Ekspansionistlar g'alaba qozonishdi
Sifatida tashkil etilgan kuchli umummilliy ekspansionistik harakat Amerika Anti-Imperialist Ligasi, Klivlendni tinglagan va paydo bo'ldi Karl Shurts, shuningdek Demokratik lider Uilyam Jennings Bryan, sanoatchi Endryu Karnegi, muallif Mark Tven va sotsiolog Uilyam Grem Sumner va Fuqarolar urushida katta bo'lgan ko'plab taniqli ziyolilar va siyosatchilar.[50] Anti-imperialistlar, bunga ishonib, ekspansiyaga qarshi chiqdilar imperializm degan asosiy tamoyilni buzgan respublika hukumati dan olish kerak "boshqariladiganlarning roziligi "" Liga bunday faoliyat Amerika o'zini o'zi boshqarish va. Ideallaridan voz kechishni talab qiladi deb ta'kidladi aralashmaslik - Mustaqillik Deklaratsiyasida ko'rsatilgan g'oyalar, Jorj Vashingtonning xayrlashish manzili va Linkolnniki Gettysburg manzili.[51]
Klivlend va boshqalarning sa'y-harakatlariga qaramay, davlat kotibi Jon Xey, dengiz strategisti Alfred T. Mahan, Respublikachi kongressmen Genri Kabot uyi, Urush kotibi Elihu Root va yosh siyosatchi Teodor Ruzvelt miting qilgan ekspansistlar. Ular gazeta nashriyotlari tomonidan qattiq qo'llab-quvvatlandi Uilyam Randolf Xerst va Jozef Pulitser, mashhur hayajonni qamchilash. Mahan va Ruzvelt raqobatbardosh zamonaviy dengiz flotini, Tinch okeani bazalarini, Nikaragua yoki Panama orqali o'tadigan istmiya kanalini va eng avvalo, Amerika uchun eng yirik sanoat kuchi sifatida qat'iyatli rolni taklif qiluvchi global strategiyani ishlab chiqdilar.[52] Prezident MakKinlining pozitsiyasi shundaki, Gavayi hech qachon o'z-o'zidan omon qololmaydi. Bu tezda Yaponiya tomonidan g'ovlanib ketishi mumkin edi - allaqachon orollar aholisining to'rtdan bir qismi yaponlar edi. Shunda Yaponiya Tinch okeanida hukmronlik qiladi va Amerikaning Osiyo bilan keng miqyosli savdoga bo'lgan umidlarini susaytiradi.[53] Demokratlar Senatdagi shartnomani uchdan ikki qism ko'pchiligini rad etish bilan to'sib qo'yishi mumkin bo'lsa-da, Makkinli Gavayini o'z tarkibiga qo'shib oldi. qo'shma qaror Bu har bir uyda faqat ko'pchilik ovozni talab qildi. Gavayi 1898 yilda o'z fuqarolari uchun to'liq AQSh fuqaroligiga ega bo'lgan hududga aylandi. 1959 yilda 50-shtat bo'ldi.[54]
Qo'shma Shtatlar Buyuk Britaniyadan qo'llab-quvvatlanib, 1900 yilda e'lon qildi Ochiq eshik siyosati shuning uchun barcha davlatlar zo'ravonliksiz teng sharoitlarda Xitoy bozoriga kirishlari mumkin edi.[55]
Tashqi siyosat ekspertizasi
1890-yillarda Amerikada tashqi siyosat bo'yicha tajriba cheklangan darajada ta'minlangan edi. Davlat departamentida aylanib yuradigan diplomatlar kadrlari bor edi, ammo eng yuqori lavozimlar siyosiy patronaj tayinlashlari edi. Ba'zan egalar cheklangan tajribaga ega bo'lishdi, ammo umumiy hovuz sayoz edi. Prezidentlikka nomzod va davlat kotibi darajasida 1850 yildan keyingi butun yarim asr minimal tajriba yoki qiziqishni namoyish etdi, bundan mustasno Uilyam Syuard 1860-yillarda va Jeyms G. Bleyn 1880-yillarda. 1900 yildan keyin Davlat departamentida tajriba yanada chuqurlashdi va eng yuqori darajada Ruzvelt, Taft, Uilson, Guvver va ularning davlat kotiblari xalqaro ishlarni chuqur biladigan ajoyib guruhdan iborat edilar. Amerikadagi saylovlar kamdan-kam hollarda 1910, 1916, 1920 va 1940 yillardagi istisnolardan tashqari tashqi siyosatni jiddiy muhokama qildi.[56]
Har doim inqiroz boshlanganda, yirik gazeta va jurnallar Vashington nima qilishi kerakligi haqida uzoq vaqt sharhlab berishdi. Ommaviy axborot vositalari, avvalambor, Nyu-York va Bostonda joylashgan oz sonli tashqi siyosatshunoslarga tayangan. Boshqa joylarda gazetalar o'zlarining hisobotlari va tahririyatlarini nusxalashgan. Ba'zan mintaqaviy ommaviy axborot vositalarida Evropaga sharh bera oladigan mahalliy mutaxassislar kadrlari bor edi, ammo ularda Lotin Amerikasi yoki Osiyo haqida juda ko'p ma'lumotga ega bo'lganlar kamdan-kam uchraydilar. Kontseptsiya jihatidan ommaviy axborot vositalari mutaxassislari Amerika urf-odatlariga tayanmoqdalar - bu inqirozda Vashington yoki Jeferson yoki Linkoln nima qilgan bo'lar edi? - Va bu biznesning hozirgi sharoitlariga qanday ta'sir qilishi mumkin. Ijtimoiy darvinist g'oyalar keng bo'lgan, ammo ular tashqi siyosiy qarashlarni kamdan-kam shakllantirgan. Ba'zi tarixchilar 1890 yillarda kashf etgan ruhiy inqiroz juda oz ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Evropa bo'ylab sayohat, Britaniya ommaviy axborot vositalarini diqqat bilan o'qish va ommaviy axborot vositalari mutaxassislari uchun asosiy manbalar.[57] Diniy jurnallarda vatanga qaytgan va foydali bo'lgan missionerlar kadrlari bor edi, etnik guruhlar, ayniqsa irlandlar va nemislar va yahudiylar o'zlarining milliy ekspertlariga ega edilar, ularning qarashlari o'zlarining davriy nashrlarida paydo bo'ldi.[58]
Kuba va Ispaniya
1890-yillarning o'rtalarida Amerika jamoatchilik fikri Ispaniyaning Kubaning mustaqillik harakatini qatag'on qilishini shafqatsiz va qabul qilinishi mumkin emas deb qoraladi. AQSh bosimni kuchaytirdi va Ispaniyaning javoblaridan norozi bo'ldi. Qachon Amerika harbiy kemasi USSMeyn portida aniqlanmagan sabablarga ko'ra portladi Gavana, Kuba, 1898 yil 15-fevralda bu masala juda dolzarb bo'lib qoldi va Makkinli tezkor choralar ko'rishga qarshi tura olmadi. Aksariyat demokratlar va ko'plab respublikachilar Kubani ozod qilish uchun urush talab qildilar. Deyarli bir vaqtning o'zida ikki mamlakat urush e'lon qildi. (Har bir boshqa davlat betaraf edi.) AQSh to'rt oy davom etgan bir tomonlama g'alabani osonlikcha qo'lga kiritdi Ispaniya-Amerika urushi apreldan iyulgacha. Parij shartnomasida AQSh Ispaniya imperiyasining so'nggi qoldiqlarini, xususan, o'z zimmasiga oldi Kuba, Puerto-Riko, Filippinlar va Guam. Bu Amerikaning mintaqaviy davlatdan global kuchga aylanishini belgilab berdi. Amerikaning nazorati ostida Kubaga mustaqillik berildi.[59] Ammo Filippinning doimiy maqomi qizg'in siyosiy mavzuga aylandi. Boshchiligidagi demokratlar Uilyam Jennings Bryan, urushni qat'iy qo'llab-quvvatlagan, ammo anneksiyaga qat'iy qarshi bo'lmagan.[60] McKinley qayta saylandi va qo'shib olishga qaror qilindi.[61]
AQSh dengiz kuchlari 1880-yillarda boshlangan modernizatsiya dasturlari tufayli yirik dengiz kuchi sifatida paydo bo'ldi va kapitanning dengiz energetikasi nazariyalarini qabul qildi. Alfred Tayer Mahan. Armiya kichik bo'lib qoldi, ammo tarkibida qayta tashkil qilindi Ruzvelt Zamonaviy yo'nalishlar bo'yicha boshqaruv va endi G'arbdagi tarqoq qal'alarga e'tibor qaratilmagan. The Filippin-Amerika urushi qo'zg'olonchilarni bostirish va AQShning orollar ustidan nazoratini ta'minlash bo'yicha qisqa operatsiya edi; Ammo 1907 yilga kelib Filippinlarga Osiyoga kirish sifatida qiziqish foydasiga yo'qoldi Panama kanali va Karib dengizida joylashgan Amerika tashqi siyosati. 1904 yil Ruzvelt xulosasi uchun Monro doktrinasi, Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining Amerikadagi zaif davlatlarni barqarorlashtirishga aralashish huquqini e'lon qildi, Lotin Amerikasida Evropaning ta'sirini yanada susaytirdi va AQShning mintaqaviy gegemonligini yanada o'rnatdi.[62]
Ning tarqalishi Meksika inqilobi 1910 yilda yarim asrlik tinch chegaralarni tugatdi va keskinlikni kuchaytirdi, chunki inqilobchilar Amerikaning biznes manfaatlariga tahdid qilishdi va yuz minglab qochqinlar shimolga qochishdi. Prezident Vudro Uilson Meksikani barqarorlashtirish uchun harbiy aralashuvdan foydalanishga urinib ko'rdi, ammo bu muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi. Meksikadan keyin 1917 yilda Germaniyaning taklifini rad etdi Zimmermann Telegram AQShga qarshi urushga qo'shilish uchun munosabatlar barqarorlashdi va Meksikada boshqa aralashuvlar bo'lmadi. Harbiy aralashuvlar Nikaragua singari boshqa kichik mamlakatlarda sodir bo'lgan, ammo oxiriga etkazilgan Yaxshi qo'shnilar siyosati Prezident tomonidan e'lon qilingan Franklin D. Ruzvelt 1933 yilda bu Amerikani diktatura tomonidan tan olinishi va ular bilan do'stlashishiga imkon berdi.[63]
Birinchi jahon urushi va urushlararo yillar: 1913-1933
Uilson va Birinchi Jahon urushi: 1913-1921
Barcha urushlarni tugatish uchun neytrallikdan urushgacha: 1914-1917
Amerika tashqi siyosati asosan Prezident tomonidan belgilandi Vudro Uilson, 1913 yilda Oq uyga kirishdan oldin tashqi ishlarga unchalik qiziqish bildirmagan. Uning bosh maslahatchisi ko'plab polkovniklar safiga yuborilgan "polkovnik" Edvard Xaus edi. AQSH harbiy aralashgan ko'pchilikda Lotin Amerikasi AQSh manfaatlarini, xususan Amerika ishbilarmon doiralarining tijorat manfaatlarini himoya qilish uchun davlatlar. Prezident Uilson 1914 yilda AQSh qo'shinlarini Meksikaga tushirdi Gaiti 1915 yilda, yilda Dominika Respublikasi 1916 yilda, Meksikada 1916 yilda ikkinchi marta va Meksikada Uilson lavozimini tark etishidan oldin yana bir necha marta, Kubada 1917 yilda va Panama 1918 yilda. Shuningdek, Uilson ma'muriyatining aksariyat qismi uchun AQSh harbiylari Nikaraguani ishg'ol qildilar, AQSh afzal ko'rgan Nikaragua prezidentini o'rnatdilar va mamlakat AQSh uchun qulay shartnomalarni imzolashlarini ta'minladilar.[64]
1914 yilda urush boshlanishi bilan Qo'shma Shtatlar betaraflikni e'lon qildi va tinchlikni ta'minlash uchun harakat qildi. U xususiy korporatsiyalar va banklarga pulni har qanday tomonga sotish yoki qarz olishga ruxsat berishni o'z ichiga olgan neytral huquqlarini talab qildi. Angliya blokadasi bilan Germaniyaga deyarli hech qanday savdo yoki qarz yo'q edi, faqat Ittifoqchilar. Germaniyadagi keng tarqalgan vahshiyliklar Amerika jamoatchilik fikrini larzaga keltirdi. Neytrallikni Britaniyadan nafratlanadigan irlandiyalik amerikaliklar, neytral bo'lishni istagan germaniyalik amerikaliklar va ayollar va cherkovlar qo'llab-quvvatladilar. Buni ko'proq ma'lumotli yuqori daraja qo'llab-quvvatladi WASP Teodor Ruzvelt boshchiligidagi element. Uilson neytrallikni talab qilib, ingliz va nemis qonunlarini, ayniqsa amerikalik tinch aholi o'ldirilgan nemis qonunlarini qoraladi. Nemis U-qayig'i torpedo qildi RMS Lusitaniya 1915 yilda. 20 daqiqada cho'kib ketdi, 128 amerikalik tinch aholi va 1000 dan ortiq inglizlar halok bo'ldi. Har qanday yo'lovchi kemasini yo'lovchilarga hayot kemalariga etkazmasdan cho'ktirish urush qonunlariga zid edi. Amerikaning fikri tsivilizatsiya uchun qonli tahdid sifatida Germaniyaga qarshi keskin ravishda qarshi chiqdi.[65] Germany apologized and repeatedly promised to stop attacks by its U-qayiqlar, but reversed course in early 1917 when it saw the opportunity to strangle Britain by unrestricted submarine warfare. It also made overtures to Mexico, in the Zimmermann Telegram, hoping to divert American military attention to south of the border. The German decision was not made or approved by the civilian government in Berlin, but by the military commanders and the Kaiser. They realized it meant war with the United States, but hoped to weaken the British by cutting off its imports, and strike a winning blow with German soldiers transferred from the Eastern front, where Russia had surrendered. Following the repeated sinking of American merchant ships in early 1917, Wilson asked Congress and obtained a declaration of war in April 1917. He neutralized the antiwar element by arguing this was a war with the main goal of ending aggressive militarism and indeed ending all wars. During the war the U.S. was not officially tied to the Allies by treaty, but military cooperation meant that the American contribution became significant in mid-1918. After the failure of the German spring offensive, as fresh American troops arrived in France at 10,000 a day, the Germans were in a hopeless position, and thus surrendered. Coupled with Wilson's O'n to'rt ball in January 1918, the U.S. now had the initiative on the military, diplomatic and public relations fronts. Vilsonizm —Wilson's ideals—had become the hope of the world, including the civilian population Germany itself.[66]
Invading Russia
The U.S. military together with forces of its Ittifoqchilar bosqinchi Rossiya 1918 yilda. Taxminan 250,000 bosqinchi askarlar, shu jumladan Evropa, AQSh va AQSh qo'shinlari Yaponiya imperiyasi yordam berish uchun Rossiyani bosib oldi Oq armiya qarshi Qizil Armiya yangi Sovet hukumat Rossiya fuqarolar urushi. Bosqinchilar Shimoliy Rossiya bosqini dan Arxangelsk va Sibir bosqini dan Vladivostok. Bosqinchi kuchlar tarkibiga Birinchi Jahon urushi tugaganidan keyin yangi Sovet hukumatini ag'darish va oldingi tuzumni qayta tiklash vazifasi kiritilgan 13000 AQSh askari kirdi. Choristik tuzum. AQSh va boshqa G'arb kuchlari bu maqsadda muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradilar va 1920 yilga kelib chekinishdi, ammo yapon harbiylari ba'zi qismlarini egallashda davom etishdi Sibir 1922 yilgacha va shimoliy yarmi Saxalin 1925 yilgacha.[67]
Historian Robert Maddox summarised, "The immediate effect of the intervention was to prolong a bloody civil war, thereby costing thousands of additional lives and wreaking enormous destruction on an already battered society."[68]Tarixchining fikriga ko'ra Frederick L. Schuman, the long term consequences of the expedition "were to poison East-West relations forever after, to contribute significantly to the origins of World War II and the later 'Sovuq urush,' and to fix patterns of suspicion and hatred on both sides which even today threaten worse catastrophes in time to come."[69] For Soviet leaders, the operation was proof that Western powers were keen to destroy the Soviet government if they had the opportunity to do so.[70]
Winning the war and fighting for peace
Da peace conference at Versailles, Wilson tried with mixed success to enact his Fourteen Points. He was forced to accept British, French and Italian demands for financial revenge: Germany would be made to pay reparations that amounted to the total cost of the war for the Allies and admit guilt in humiliating fashion. It was a humiliating punishment for Germany which subsequent commentators thought was too harsh and unfair. Wilson succeeded in obtaining his main goal, a Millatlar Ligasi that would hopefully resolve all future conflicts before they caused another major war.[71] Wilson, however, refused to consult with Respublikachilar, who took control of Congress after the 1918 elections and which demanded revisions protecting the right of Congress to declare war. Wilson refused to compromise with the majority party in Congress, or even bring any leading Republican to the peace conference. His personal enemy, Henry Cabot Lodge, now control the Senate. Lodge did support the league of Nations, but wanted provisions that would insist that only Congress could declare war on behalf of the United States. Wilson was largely successful in designing the new League of Nations, declaring it would be:
- a great charter for a new order of affairs. There is ground here for deep satisfaction, universal reassurance, and confident hope.[72]
The League did go into operation, but the United States never joined. With a two-thirds vote needed, the Senate did not ratify either the original Treaty or its Republican version. Washington made separate peace treaties with the different European nations. Nevertheless, Wilson's idealism and call for self-determination of all nations had an effect on nationalism across the globe, while at home his idealistic vision, called "Wilsonianism" of spreading democracy and peace under American auspices had a profound influence on much of American foreign policy ever since.[73]
Debate on Wilson's role
Perhaps the harshest attack on Wilson's diplomacy comes from Stanford historian Tomas A. Beyli in two books that remain heavily cited by scholars, Woodrow Wilson and the Lost Peace (1944) va Vudro Uilson va Buyuk xiyonat (1945), Bailey:
- contended that Wilson's wartime isolationism, as well as his peace proposals at war's end, were seriously flawed. Highlighting the fact that American delegates encountered staunch opposition to Wilson's proposed League of Nations, Bailey concluded that the president and his diplomatic staff essentially sold out, compromising important American ideals to secure mere fragments of Wilson's progressive vision. Hence, while Bailey primarily targeted President Wilson in these critiques, others, including House, did not emerge unscathed.[74]
Scot Bruce argues that:
- More recently, prominent historians such as Thomas J. Knock, Artur Uolvort va John Milton Cooper, among others, shied away from condemning Wilson and his peacemakers for extensive diplomatic failures in Paris. Instead, they framed Wilsonian progressivism, articulated through the League of Nations, as a comparatively enlightened framework tragically undermined by British and French machinations at the peace conference. ... Historian Margaret MakMillan, continued this analytical trend in her prize-winning book, Paris, 1919: Six Months That Changed the World (2001), which characterized Wilson as the frustrated idealist, unable to secure his progressive vision due to opposition from old-guard imperialists in his midst. While realists like Lloyd E. Ambrosius questioned the merits of defining Wilsonian progressivism too idealistically, the idea has persisted that well-intentioned U.S. delegates encountered staunch opposition to Wilson's proposals in Paris, and therefore compromised under pressure. Even the great Wilson scholar, Artur S. Link, subscribed to a version of this narrative.[75]
Interwar years, 1921–1933
In the 1920s, American policy was an active involvement in international affairs, while ignoring the League of Nations, setting up numerous diplomatic ventures, and using the enormous financial power of the United States to dictate major diplomatic questions in Europe. There were large-scale humanitarian food aid missions during the war in Belgium, and after it in Germany and Russia, led by Gerbert C. Guver.[76] There was also a major aid to Japan after the 1923 earthquake.[77]
The Republican presidents, Warren Harding, Calvin Coolidge and Herbert Hoover, avoided any political alliances with anyone else. They operated large-scale American intervention in issues of reparations and disarmament, with little contact with the League of Nations. Historian Jerald Combs reports their administrations in no way returned to 19th-century isolationism. The key Republican leaders:
- shu jumladan Elihu Root, Charlz Evans Xyuz, and Hoover himself, were Progressives who accepted much of Wilson's internationalism.... They did seek to use American political influence and economic power to goad European governments to moderate the Versailles peace terms, induce the Europeans to settle their quarrels peacefully, secure disarmament agreements, and strengthen the European capitalist economies to provide prosperity for them and their American trading partners.[78]
Rejection of the World Court
The U.S, played a major role in setting up the "Permanent Court of International Justice", known as the World Court.[79] Presidents Wilson, Harding, Coolidge, and Hoover supported membership but were unable to get a 2/3 majority in the Senate for a treaty. Roosevelt also supported membership, but he did not make it a high priority. Opposition was intense on the issue of losing sovereignty, led by the Hearst gazetalari va Ota Kuflin. The U.S. never joined.[80][81][82] The World Court was replaced by the Xalqaro sud in 1945. However The Connally Amendment of 1944 reserved the right of the United States to refuse to abide by its decisions. Margaret A. Rague, argues this reduced the strength of the Court, discredited America's image as a proponent of international law, and exemplified the problems created by vesting a reservation power in the Senate.[83][84]
The Vashington dengiz konferentsiyasi, was the most successful diplomatic venture the 1920s. It was held in Washington, under the Chairmanship of Secretary of State Charlz Evans Xyuz from 12 November 1921 to 6 February 1922. Conducted outside the auspice of the League of Nations, it was attended by nine nations—the United States, Japan, China, France, Great Britain, Italy, Belgium, Netherlands, and Portugal[85] Sovet Rossiyasi konferentsiyaga taklif qilinmadi. It focused on resolving misunderstandings or conflicts regarding interests in the Pacific Ocean and East Asia. The main achievement was a series of naval disarmament agreements agreed to by all the participants, that lasted for a decade. It resulted in three major treaties: To'rt kuch shartnomasi, Beshta kuch shartnomasi (the Vashington dengiz shartnomasi), the To'qqizta kuch to'g'risidagi shartnoma va bir qator kichik bitimlar. These treaties preserved peace during the 1920s but Were not renewed, as the world scene turned increasingly negative after 1930.[86]
Dawes rejasi
The Dawes plan was the American solution to the crisis of reparations, in which France was demanding more money than Germany was willing to pay, so France occupied the key industrial Ruhr district of Germany with its army. The Rurning ishg'oli in 1923 Caused an international crisis; Germany deliberately hyperinflated currency, making the occupation highly expensive for France. The crisis was solved by a compromise brokered by the United States in the form of the Dawes rejasi 1924 yilda.[87] This plan, sponsored by American Charlz Dovs, set out a new financial scheme. New York banks loaned Germany hundreds of millions of dollars that it used to pay reparations and rebuild its heavy industry. France, Britain and the other countries used the reparations in turn to repay wartime loans they received from the United States. By 1928 Germany called for a new payment plan, resulting in the Yosh reja Germaniyani 112 milliard marka miqdorida qoplash talablarini belgilagan (26,3 mlrd. AQSh dollari) va Germaniyaning 1988 yilga qadar to'lashini tugatadigan to'lovlar jadvalini tuzdi. 1931 yilda Germaniya iqtisodiyotining qulashi bilan tovon puli to'landi bir yilga to'xtatib qo'yilgan va 1932 yilda Lozanna konferentsiyasi they were suspended indefinitely. 1919-1932 yillarda Germaniya 21 milliard markadan kam tovon to'ladi. 1953 yildan keyin G'arbiy Germaniya qolgan qoldiqni to'lagan.[88]
Meksika
Since the turmoil of the Mexican revolution had died down, the Harding administration was prepared to normalize relations with Mexico. Between 1911 and 1920 American imports from Mexico increased from $57,000,000 to $179,000,000 and exports from $61,000,000 to $208,000,000. Savdo kotibi Gerbert Guver took the lead in order to promote trade and investments other than in oil and land, which had long dominated bilateral economic ties. Prezident Alvaro Obregon assured Americans that they would be protected in Mexico, and Mexico was granted recognition in 1923.[89] A major crisis erupted in the mid-1930s when the Mexican government expropriated millions of acres of land from hundreds of American property owners as part of President Lazaro Kardenas 's land redistribution program. No compensation was provided to the American owners.[90] The emerging threat of the Second World War forced the United States to agree to a compromise solution. The US negotiated an agreement with President Manuel Avila Camacho that amounted to a military alliance.[91]
Intervention ends in Latin America
Small-scale military interventions continued after 1921 as the Banan urushi tapered off. The Hoover administration began a goodwill policy and withdrew all military forces.[92] President Roosevelt announced the "Yaxshi qo'shnilar siyosati " by which the United States would no longer intervene to promote good government, but would accept whatever governments were locally chosen. His Secretary of State Kordell Xall endorsed article 8 of the 1933 Montevideo Convention on Rights and Duties of States; it provides that "no state has the right to intervene in the internal or external affairs of another".[93]
Roosevelt, World War II, and its aftermath: 1933–1947
Spanish Civil War: 1936–1939
In the 1930s, the United States entered the period of deep isolationism, rejecting international conferences, and focusing moment mostly on reciprocal tariff agreements with smaller countries of Latin America.
Qachon Ispaniya fuqarolar urushi erupted in 1936, the United States remained neutral and banned arms sales to either side. This was in line with both American neutrality policies, and with a Europe-wide agreement to not sell arms for use in the Spanish war lest it escalate into a world war. Congress endorsed the embargo by a near-unanimous vote. Only armaments were embargoed; American companies could sell oil and supplies to both sides of the fight. Roosevelt quietly favored the left-wing Republican (or "Loyalist") government, but intense pressure by American Catholics forced him to maintain a policy of neutrality. The Catholics were outraged by the systematic torture, rape and execution of priests, bishops, and nuns by anarchist elements of the Loyalist coalition. This successful pressure on Roosevelt was one of the handful of foreign policy successes notched by Catholic pressures on the White House in the 20th century.[94]
Germany and Italy provided munitions, and air support, and troops to the Millatchilar, boshchiligida Frantsisko Franko. The Soviet Union provided aid to the Loyalist government, and mobilized thousands of volunteers to fight, including several hundred from the United States in the Abraham Lincoln Battalion. All along the Spanish military forces supported the nationalists, and they steadily pushed the government forces back. By 1938, however, Roosevelt was planning to secretly send American warplanes through France to the desperate Loyalists. His senior diplomats warned that this would worsen the European crisis, so Roosevelt desisted.[95]
Adolf Gitler and Franco mutually disliked one another, and Franco repeatedly manipulated Hitler for his own benefit during World War Two. Franco sheltered Jewish refugees escaping through France and never turned over the Spanish Jews to Nazi Germany as requested, and when during the Second World War the Blue Division was dispatched to help the Germans, it was forbidden to fight against the Allies, and was limited only to fighting the Soviet.[96]
Coming of War: 1937–1941
President Roosevelt tried to avoid repeating what he saw as Woodrow Wilson's mistakes in World War I.[97] U ko'pincha qarama-qarshi qarorni qabul qildi. Uilson fikr va amalda betaraflikka chaqirdi, Ruzvelt esa uning ma'muriyati Angliya va Xitoyni qattiq qo'llab-quvvatlaganligini aniq ko'rsatdi. Unlike the loans in World War I, the United States made large-scale grants of military and economic aid to the Allies through Qarz berish, with little expectation of repayment. Uilson urush e'lon qilinishidan oldin urush ishlab chiqarishni juda kengaytirmadi; Ruzvelt shunday qildi. Uilson deklaratsiyani loyihani boshlashini kutdi; Ruzvelt buni 1940 yilda boshlagan. Uilson hech qachon AQShni rasmiy ittifoqchiga aylantirmagan, ammo Ruzvelt shunday qilgan. Uilson hech qachon Ittifoqning eng yaxshi rahbarlari bilan uchrashmagan, ammo Ruzvelt uchrashmagan. Wilson proclaimed independent policy, as seen in the 14 Points, while Roosevelt always had a collaborative policy with the Allies. In 1917, United States declared war on Germany; 1941 yilda Ruzvelt Perl-Harborda dushman hujum qilguncha kutdi. Uilson respublikachilar bilan hamkorlik qilishdan bosh tortdi; Ruzvelt etakchi respublikachilarni urush boshqarmasi va dengiz floti departamentiga rahbar etib tayinladi. Wilson let General John J. Pershing make the major military decisions; Ruzvelt o'z urushidagi asosiy qarorlarni, shu jumladan "Avval Evropa " strategy. He rejected the idea of an armistice and demanded unconditional surrender. Roosevelt often mentioned his role in the Wilson administration, but added that he had profited more from Wilson's errors than from his successes.[98][99][100]
Pearl Harbor was unpredictable
Siyosatshunos Roberta Volstetter explores why all American intelligence agencies failed to predict the attack on Pearl Harbor. The basic reason was that the Japanese plans were a very closely held secret. The attack fleet kept radio silence and was not spotted by anyone en route to Hawaii. There were air patrols over Hawaii, but they were too few and too ineffective to scan a vast ocean. Japan Navy spread false information—using fake radio signals—to indicate the main fleet was in Japanese waters, and suggested their main threat was north toward Russia. The U.S. had Jodugar, which successfully cracked the Japanese diplomatic code. However, the Japanese Foreign Ministry and its diplomats were deliberately never told about the upcoming attack, so American intelligence was wasting its time trying to discover secrets through MAGIC American intelligence expected attacks against British and Dutch possessions, and were looking for those clues. At Pearl Harbor, they focused on predicting local sabotage. There was no overall American intelligence center until the formation in 1942 of the Strategik xizmatlar idorasi. It was the forerunner of the Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi (Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi). In 1941 no one coordinated the masses of information coming in from the Army, Navy, and State department, and from British and Dutch allies. The system of notification was flawed, so the what the sender thought was an urgent message did not appear urgent to the recipient. After the attack, congressional investigators identify and link together all sorts of small little signals pointing to an attack, while they discarded signals pointing in other directions. Even in hindsight there was so much confusion, noise, and poor coordination that Wohlstetter concludes no accurate predictions of the attack on Pearl Harbor was at all likely before December 7.[101][102]
Ikkinchi jahon urushi
The same pattern which emerged with the first world war continued with the second: warring European powers, blockades, official U.S. neutrality but this time President Roosevelt tried to avoid all of Wilson's mistakes. American policy substantially favored Britain and its allies, and the U.S. getting caught up in the war. Unlike the loans in World War I, the United States made large-scale grants of military and economic aid to the Allies through Qarz berish. Industries greatly expanded to produce war materials. The United States officially entered World War II against Germany, Japan, and Italy in December 1941, following the Japanese surprise Perl-Harborga hujum. This time the U.S. was a full-fledged member of the Ikkinchi jahon urushining ittifoqchilari, not just an "associate" as in the first war. During the war, the U.S. conducted military operations on both the Atlantic and Pacific fronts. After the war and devastation of its European and Asian rivals, the United States found itself in a uniquely powerful position due to its enormous economic and military power .[103]
The major diplomatic decisions, especially relations with Britain, the Soviet Union, France and China, were handled in the White House by President Roosevelt and his top aide Garri Xopkins.[104][105] Davlat kotibi Kordell Xall handled minor routine affairs.[106] The one State Department official Roosevelt depended upon was strategist Sumner Uels, whom Hull drove out of office in 1943.[107]
Postwar peace
After 1945, the izolyatsionist pattern characterizing the inter-war period had ended for good. It was Franklin Roosevelt policy to establish a new international organization that would be much more effective than the old League of Nations, and avoid its flaws. He successfully sponsored the formation of the United Nations.
The United States was a major force in establishing the Birlashgan Millatlar in 1945, hosting a meeting of fifty nations in San Francisco. Avoiding the rancorous debates of 1919, where there was no veto, the US and the Soviet Union, as well as Britain, France and China, became permanent members of the Xavfsizlik Kengashi veto huquqi bilan. The idea of the U.N. was to promote world peace through consensus among nations, with boycotts, sanctions and even military power exercised by the Security Council. It depended on member governments for funds and had difficulty funding its budget. In 2009, its $5 billion budget was funded using a complex formula based on YaIM; the U.S. contributed 20% in 2009. However, the United Nations' vision of peace soon became jeopardized as the international structure was rebalanced with the development and testing of nuclear weapons by major powers.
Cold War: 1947–1991
Truman and Eisenhower
From the late 1940s until 1991, world affairs were dominated by the Sovuq urush, in which the U.S. and its allies faced the Soviet Union and its allies. There was no large-scale fighting but instead numerous regional wars as well as the ever-present threat of a catastrophic nuclear war.[108][109]
In 1948 the United States enacted the Marshall rejasi, which supplied Western Europe—including Germany—with US$13 billion in reconstruction aid. Stalin vetoed any participation by East European nations. A similar program was operated by the United States to restore the Japanese economy. The U.S. actively sought allies, which it subsidized with military and economic "foreign aid", as well as diplomatic support. The main diplomatic initiative was the establishment of the Shimoliy Atlantika Shartnomasi Tashkiloti (NATO) in 1949, committing the United States to nuclear defense of Western Europe, which engaged in a military buildup under NATO's supervision. The result was peace in Europe, coupled with the fear of Soviet invasion and a reliance on American protection.[110] In the 1950s, a number of other less successful regional alliances were developed by the United States, such as the Janubi-sharqiy Osiyo shartnomasi tashkiloti (SEATO). Economic and propaganda warfare against the communist world was part of the American toolbox.[111] The United States operated a worldwide network of bases for its Army, Navy and Air Force, with large contingents stationed in Germany, Japan and South Korea.[112]
Most nations aligned with either the Western or Eastern camp, but after 1960 the Soviets broke with China as the Communist movement worldwide became divided. Some countries, such as India and Yugoslavia, tried to be neutral. Rad etish orqaga qaytish of Communism by force because it risked nuclear war, Washington developed a new strategy called qamoq to oppose the spread of kommunizm. The containment policy was developed by U.S. diplomat Jorj Kennan in 1947. Kennan characterized the Sovet Ittifoqi as an aggressive, anti-Western power that necessitated containment, a characterization which would shape US foreign policy for decades to come. The idea of containment was to match Soviet aggression with force wherever it occurred while not using yadro qurollari. The policy of containment created a bipolar, zero-sum world where the ideological conflicts between the Soviet Union and the United States dominated geopolitics. Due to the antagonism on both sides and each countries' search for security, a tense worldwide contest developed between the two states as the two nations' governments vied for global supremacy militarily, culturally, and influentially.
The Cold War was characterized by a lack of global wars but a persistence of regional proksi urushlar, often fought between client states and proxies of the United States and Soviet Union. The US also intervened in the affairs of other countries through a number of secret operations.
During the Cold War, the Containment policy seeking to stop Soviet expansion, involved the United States and its allies in the Koreya urushi (1950–1953), a stalemate. Even longer and more disastrous was the Vetnam urushi (1963–75). Under Jimmy Carter, the U.S. and its Arab allies Succeeded in creating a Vietnamese -like disaster for the Soviet Union by supporting anti-Soviet Mujohidlar kuchlar Afg'oniston (Siklon operatsiyasi ).[113]
Kennedy-Johnson 1961-1969
The Cold War reached its most dangerous point during the Kennedy administration in the Kuba raketa inqirozi, a tense confrontation between the Soviet Union and the United States over the Soviet deployment of nuclear missiles in Cuba. The crisis began on October 16, 1962, and lasted for thirteen days. It was the moment when the Cold War was closest to exploding into a devastating nuclear exchange between the two superpower nations. Kennedy decided not to invade or bomb Cuba but to institute a naval blockade of the island. The crisis ended in a compromise, with the Soviets removing their missiles publicly, and the United States secretly removing its nuclear missiles in Turkey. In Moscow, Communist leaders removed Nikita Xrushchev because of his reckless behavior.[114]
Vietnam and the Cold War are the two major issues that faced the Kennedy presidency. Historians disagree. However, there is general scholarly agreement that his presidency was successful on a number of lesser issues. Thomas Paterson finds that the Kennedy administration helped quiet the crisis over Laos; was suitably cautious about the Congo; liberalized trade; took the lead in humanitarianism especially with the Peace Corps; helped solve a nasty dispute between Indonesia and the Netherlands; achieve the Limited Test Man Treaty; created a new Arms Control and Disarmament Agency; defended Berlin; and strengthened European defenses. His willingness to negotiate with Khrushchev smoothed the Berlin crisis, and Kennedy's personal diplomacy earned him the respect of Third World leaders.[115]
On the two major issues, no consensus has been reached. Michael L. Krenn argues in 2017:
- Fifty-some years after his assassination, John F. Kennedy remains an enigma. Was he the brash and impulsive president who brought the world to the brink of World War III with the Cuban Missile Crisis? Or was he the brave challenger of the American military-industrial complex who would have prevented the Vietnam War? Various studies portray him as a Cold War liberal, or a liberal Cold Warrior, or come up with pithy phrases to summarize the man and his foreign policy.[116]
The Qamoq policy meant fighting communist expansion where ever it occurred, and the Communists aimed where the American allies were weakest. When he became president in November 1963, Lyndon Johnson's primary commitment was to his domestic policy, so he tried to minimize public awareness and congressional oversight of the operations in the war.[117] Most of his advisers were pessimistic about the long term possibilities, and Johnson feared that if Congress took control, it would demand "Why Not Victory", as Barri Goldwater put it, rather than containment.[118] American Boots on the ground in Vietnam skyrocketed from 16,000 soldiers in 1963 to over 500,000 in 1968, plus many others in support roles outside Vietnam. Johnson refused to allow the trained men of the Army reserves or the Milliy gvardiya to serve in Vietnam, because that would involve Congressional oversight. Instead he relied increasingly on the draft, which became increasingly unpopular. With college deferments from the draft widely available, out of the 2.5 million Americans who served in Vietnam (out of 27 million Americans eligible to serve in the military) 80% came from poor and working-class backgrounds.[119] In August 1964 Johnson secured almost unanimous support in Congress for the Tonkin ko'rfazi, bu unga harbiy kuchni o'z xohishiga ko'ra ishlatish uchun juda keng qaror qildi. Janubiy Vetnamda yaxshi jihozlangan katta armiya bor edi, ammo deyarli barcha janglarni amerikaliklarga topshirdi. 1968 yil fevral oyida Vetnam Kongi butun mamlakat bo'ylab Janubiy Vetnam kuchlariga qarshi hujumni boshladi Tet Offensive. ARVN (Janubiy Vetnam armiyasi) hujumlarga qarshi muvaffaqiyatli kurash olib bordi Vietnam Kong samarasiz holatga; keyinchalik Shimoliy Vetnam armiyasi asosiy raqib bo'lgan.[120] Biroq Tet Offensive jamoatchilik bilan aloqalar halokatini Jonson uchun isbotladi, chunki jamoatchilik Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari juda kam odam tushunadigan urushga chuqur jalb qilinganligini tobora ko'proq anglamoqda.
1964 yildan boshlab, urushga qarshi harakat boshlandi. Ba'zilar zamonaviylashayotgan kapitalistik amerikaliklarga qarshi dehqon Vetnamliklarga ildiz otib, axloqiy asosda urushga qarshi chiqishdi. Qarama-qarshilik fuqarolik huquqlari harakati qora tanli faollari va elita universitetlaridagi kollej o'quvchilari orasida joylashgan edi.[121] Respublikachilar, masalan, Kaliforniya gubernatori Ronald Reygan, g'alaba yoki chekinishni talab qildi, chap tomonda esa zudlik bilan chiqib ketish haqidagi talablar avj oldi.[122]
Nixon-Ford 1969–1977 yillar
Prezident Richard Nikson (1969-74), uning yuqori maslahatchisi yordamida Amerika siyosatini tubdan o'zgartirdi Genri Kissincer.[123] Avvalo u kommunizmning kengayishini to'xtatishning eng yuqori maqsadi bo'lgan uzoq yillik qamoq siyosatini rad etdi. Ikki asosiy kommunistik raqib - Xitoy va SSSRni o'ynab, u har biri bilan do'stona munosabatlar orqali Sovuq urushga pauza qo'yishga muvaffaq bo'ldi yoki Détente. Moskva va Pekin birga borishdi va Niksonning Vetnamdan o'zlarini qo'llab-quvvatlashlarini to'xtatish shartlarini qabul qilishdi. Bu Niksonga bu urushni Janubiy Vetnam hukumatiga topshirishga, barcha Amerika va ittifoqchilar qo'shinlarini olib chiqib ketishda, bombardimon qilish tahdidini davom ettirishga imkon berdi. Vetnamlashtirish siyosati 1975 yilgacha ishlaydi, Shimoliy Vetnam Janubiy Vetnamni harbiy yo'l bilan bosib olgach, Qo'shma Shtatlar aralashmasdan turib turardi.[124] Nikson iste'foga chiqqandan so'ng, prezident Jerald Ford tashqi siyosatini davom ettirdi, ammo o'ng tomondan kuchli hujumga uchradi Ronald Reygan, u 1976 yilda nomzodlik uchun mag'lub bo'lgan.[125]
Nikson doktrinasi
The Nikson doktrinasi 1969 yil iyulda e'lon qilingan ittifoqdoshni himoya qilish uchun asosiy mas'uliyatni ittifoqchining o'ziga yukladi, ayniqsa jangga oid. Qo'shma Shtatlar diplomatiya ustida ishlaydi, moliyaviy yordam va o'q-dorilar bilan yordam beradi va ittifoqdosh armiyani tayyorlashga yordam beradi. Xususan:
- AQSh barcha shartnoma majburiyatlarini bajaradi.
- AQSh "agar atom energetikasi biz bilan ittifoqdosh bo'lgan bir millat yoki bizning tirikligimizni xavfsizligimiz uchun muhim deb biladigan millat erkinligiga tahdid solsa, qalqon beradi".
- Yadroviy bo'lmagan tajovuz bilan bog'liq mojarolarda AQSh "mudofaa uchun ishchi kuchi bilan ta'minlashning asosiy mas'uliyatini o'z zimmasiga olish bilan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri tahdid qilingan millatga qarashadi".[126]
Doktrinaga misollar keltirildi Vetnamlashtirish Janubiy Vetnam va Vetnam urushi bilan bog'liq jarayon.[127] Shuningdek, Osiyoning boshqa joylarida, shu jumladan Eronda,[128] Tayvan,[129] Kambodja[130] va Janubiy Koreya.[131] Doktrina Vetnamga 500 ming amerikalik askarni yuborgan amaliyotni aniq rad etish edi, garchi bu mamlakat uchun shartnoma majburiyati yo'q edi. Uzoq muddatli asosiy maqsad Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari va Sovet Ittifoqi va Xitoy o'rtasidagi ziddiyatni kamaytirish edi, bu esa tinchlanish jarayonini yaxshi yo'lga qo'yish edi.[132] Nikson doktrinasi xususan osiyo davlati Osiyo davlatlari o'zlarini himoya qilish uchun javobgar bo'lishi kerakligi haqidagi xabarni Janubiy Vetnamga qaratilgan edi, ammo Shoh Muhammad Rizo Pahlaviy Eron Nikson doktrinasini o'zlashtirdi va Osiyo davlatlari o'zlarining mudofaasi uchun javobgar bo'lishi kerak, degan amrda amerikaliklar unga cheklovlarsiz qurol-yarog 'sotishi kerak, degan fikrni qabul qildi, Nikson bu ishtiyoq bilan qabul qilgan taklif.[133] AQSh murojaat qildi Saudiya Arabistoni va Eron mintaqaviy barqarorlikning "qo'shaloq ustuni" sifatida.[134] Neft narxi 1970 va 1971 yillardagi o'sish ushbu harbiy ekspansiya bilan ikkala davlatni moliyalashtirishga imkon beradi. Qo'shma Shtatlardan Eronga umumiy qurol o'tkazmalari 1970 yildagi 103,6 million dollardan 1972 yilda 552,7 million dollarga o'sdi; Saudiya Arabistonida bo'lganlar 1970 yildagi 15,8 million dollardan 1972 yilda 312,4 million dollarga ko'tarildi. Qo'shma Shtatlar Fors ko'rfazidagi uchta kemadan iborat kichik dengiz kuchlarini saqlab qoladi. Ikkinchi jahon urushi yilda Bahrayn, ammo boshqa rasmiy xavfsizlik majburiyatlarini o'z zimmasiga olmaydi.[135]
Hindiston Pokiston, Bangladesh, 1971 yil
1971 yilda Sharqiy Pokistonda mustaqillik uchun urush boshlanib, Hindiston qo'shilib, Amerikaning ittifoqchisi bo'lgan Pokistonni mag'lub etdi. Nikson Pokistonni qo'llab-quvvatlash ramzi sifatida Bengal ko'rfaziga tashuvchi guruhni yubordi, ammo hech qanday jangovar harakatlarsiz. Nikson va Kissincer Hindistonning SSSR bilan ittifoqini Amerika manfaatlariga tahdid sifatida ko'rdilar. Biroq ular amerika jamoatchiligi birodar demokratiyaga qarshi urush harakatlarini qabul qilmasligini angladilar.[136] Pokiston a uchun olib borilayotgan maxfiy muzokaralarda muhim ittifoqchi bo'lgan Xitoy bilan yaqinlashish. Nikson hindlarning bostirib kirishidan qo'rqardi G'arbiy Pokiston Sovet Ittifoqining mintaqadagi hukmronligini xavf ostiga qo'yishi va bu AQShning global mavqei va Amerikaning yangi yashirin ittifoqchisi Xitoyning mintaqaviy mavqeiga jiddiy putur etkazishi mumkin edi. Xitoyga namoyish qilish uchun vijdonan Qo'shma Shtatlarning ittifoqchisi sifatida va AQSh Kongressining Pokistonga qarshi sanktsiyalariga bevosita qarshi bo'lib, Nikson Pokistonga harbiy materiallar yubordi, shu bilan birga Xitoyni Pokistonga qurol etkazib berishni ko'paytirdi. Oxir oqibat Pokiston mag'lub bo'ldi va Bangladesh mustaqil bo'ldi, ammo SSSR o'z nazoratini kengaytirmadi. Hindiston o'nlab yillar davomida Amerikaning rolidan norozi edi.[137]
Karter 1977–1981
Demokrat Jimmi Karter 1976 yilgi saylovda Fordni mag'lubiyatga uchratdi, ammo uning tashqi siyosati Afg'onistonda Sovet Ittifoqiga qarshi proksi urush va Eronda yangi anti-amerikalik rejim bilan to'qnashuv kabi cheksiz qiyinchiliklarga botdi.[138][139] Karter tashqi siyosatda juda kam tajribaga ega edi va u o'zining tashqi siyosat bo'yicha maslahatchilari, davlat kotibi o'rtasidagi ziddiyatli kurashni to'xtata olmadi. Kir Vens, milliy xavfsizlik bo'yicha maslahatchiga nisbatan Zbignev Bjezinskiy Maslahatchi Kommunizm va SSSRga qarshi bo'lgan Sovuq Jangchi edi. Karter dastlab nomzodini ko'rsatmoqchi edi Jorj Ball Davlat kotibi sifatida, ammo unga Bjezinski juda dovyurak deb veto qo'ydi.[140] Vens bilan muzokara olib bordi Panama kanali shartnomalari, tinchlik muzokaralari bilan birga Rodeziya, Namibiya va Janubiy Afrika. U Isroil vazirlari bilan yaqin hamkorlik qilgan Moshe Dayan va Ezer Vaytsman xavfsizligini ta'minlash uchun Kemp-Devid shartnomalari 1978 yilda Vens qurolsizlanishning kuchli tarafdori edi. U Prezident buni amalga oshirishni talab qildi Pol Warnke Direktori Qurol nazorati va qurolsizlanish agentligi, senatorning kuchli qarshiliklari tufayli Genri M. Jekson. Eng yong'in munozaralari Moskva bilan davom etayotgan siyosat bo'yicha bo'lib o'tdi. Vens qurol ustida cheklovlarni ishlab chiqishga harakat qildi Tuz II Sovet Ittifoqi bilan kelishuv, u buni o'sha davrning markaziy diplomatik masalasi deb bilgan, ammo Bjezinski Sovetlarga nisbatan qat'iyroq siyosatni amalga oshirishga kirishgan. U Sovet Ittifoqining Afrikada va Uchinchi dunyoda olib borgan faoliyatini keskin qoralashni va shuningdek, normallashgan munosabatlar uchun muvaffaqiyatli lobbichilik qilishini ilgari surdi. Xitoy Xalq Respublikasi 1978 yilda. Bjezinskiy Pekin bilan muzokaralarni o'z qo'liga oldi. Vens chetda qoldi va uning ta'siri susay boshladi. 1978 yil oxirida Eronda inqilob boshlanganda, ikkalasi azaliy ittifoqdoshni qanday qo'llab-quvvatlash borasida ikkiga bo'lingan Eron shohi. Vens islohotlarni talab qilish tarafdori edi, Bjezinskiy esa shohni qattiqqo'llikka undaydi. Karterdan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri harakat yo'nalishini ololmaganligi sababli, Vens va Bjezinskiydan Shoh tomonidan olingan turli xil xabarlar uning 1979 yil yanvar oyida Erondan qochib ketishi va uning rejim quladi.[141] 1980 yil aprel oyida Vens muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchraganligi sababli norozilik sifatida iste'foga chiqdi Eagle Claw operatsiyasi, qutqarish uchun maxfiy topshiriq Eronda garovga olingan amerikaliklar u qarshi bo'lgan. Uning o'rnini egalladi Edmund Maski.[142]
Ronald Reygan, 1981-1989
Reygan tinchlikni va tiyib turishni rad etdi va o'z maqsadini Sovet Ittifoqi kommunizmining tahdidini yo'q qilib, "yomon imperiya" deb tanqid qilib, Sovuq urushda g'alaba qozonish ekanligini e'lon qildi. Uning asosiy harakati harbiy xarajatlarning keskin o'sishi va Sovet Ittifoqi o'zining ibtidoiy kompyuter tizimlari bilan tenglasha olmagan yuqori texnologik qurollarga katta sarmoya edi.[143][144] Uyda va G'arbiy Evropada g'azablangan siyosiy janglardan so'ng, Reygan G'arbiy Evropada Sovet Ittifoqiga qaratilgan o'rta masofali ballistik raketalarni joylashtirishga muvaffaq bo'ldi.[145]
Reygan ma'muriyati mudofaa xarajatlarini soliqlarni va farovonlikni kamaytirish bilan bir qatorda lavozimga kirishish uchun uchta asosiy ustuvor yo'nalishlaridan birini keskin oshirdi. Yangi professional barcha professional kuchga o'tish yakunlandi va loyiha unutildi. Harbiy xizmatga chaqirilganlar va ofitserlar uchun ish haqi bazalari va imtiyozlarining keskin kengayishi mansab xizmatini yanada jozibador qildi. Mudofaa vazirining agressiv rahbarligi ostida Kaspar Vaynberger, rivojlanishi B-1 bombardimonchi qayta tiklandi va yangi uchun mablag 'bor edi B-2 bombardimonchi, shuningdek qanotli raketalar, MX raketasi va 600 ta dengiz floti kemasi. Yangi qurol Sovet maqsadlarini hisobga olgan holda ishlab chiqilgan. Soliqqa tortilgandan keyin real dollarlar bo'yicha 1981 yil o'rtasida mudofaa xarajatlari 34 foizga o'sgan. 1985 yilda Reyganning ikki muddati davomida mudofaa xarajatlari 2 trillion dollarni tashkil etdi, ammo shunga qaramay, bu federal byudjetdan past foiz yoki YaIMga ega edi, keyin 1976 yilgacha .[146]
Shuningdek, ittifoqchilarni qurish uchun katta qurol-yarog 'savdosi ham bo'lgan. Eng ko'zga ko'ringan narsa 1981 yilda Saudiya Arabistoniga samolyotlar, tanklar va havodagi ogohlantirish va boshqarish tizimlarini (AWACS) o'z ichiga olgan 8,5 milliard dollarga sotilgan. Isroil norozilik bildirdi, chunki AWACS uning strategik hujum qobiliyatiga putur etkazadi. Isroil va uning qudratli kuchlarini yumshatish uchun Vashingtondagi lobbi, Qo'shma Shtatlar unga qo'shimcha F-15 eskadroni, 600 million dollarlik kredit va Isroilda ishlab chiqarilgan Kfir jangovar samolyotlarini Lotin Amerikasi armiyalariga eksport qilishga ruxsat berishni va'da qildi.[147][148]
Birinchi muddatda ma'muriyat qurol nazorati choralariga chuqur shubha bilan qaradi. Biroq, katta qurilishdan so'ng va ikkinchi muddat ularga ijobiy qarab, qurol-yarog 'kamayishiga erishdi Mixail Gorbachyov.[149] Bu mumkin edi, chunki sklerotik Sovet rahbariyati vafot etdi va nihoyat 1985 yilda Mixail Gorbachyov Sovet Ittifoqida kommunizmni qutqarish majburiyati bilan hokimiyatga keldi. U Sovet hokimiyatini zaiflashtirgan Reygan bilan bir qator murosaga kelishdi. 1989 yilda Sharqiy Evropaning barcha sun'iy yo'ldoshlari qo'zg'olon ko'tarib, Moskvaning boshqaruvini qulatdilar. G'arbiy Germaniya Sharqiy Germaniyani egallab oldi. 1991 yilda Rossiya kommunizmni ag'dardi va yil oxirida Gorbachyov hokimiyatni yo'qotdi va Sovet Ittifoqi tarqatib yuborildi. Qo'shma Shtatlar va NATO Sovuq urushda g'alaba qozonib, AQShni dunyodagi yagona super kuchga aylantirdilar.[150] Reygan Amerika qudratini tiklash va Sovet dushmanini mag'lub etish to'g'risida tasavvurga ega edi va barchasi lavozimidan ketganidan ko'p o'tmay amalga oshdi. Biroq, u tafsilotlarga beparvolik bilan qaradi va katta xodimlarni, ba'zan esa kichik xodimlarni prezident darajasida qaror qabul qilishga yo'l qo'ydi. Barchasini birlashtirgan holda, tarixchilar va prezident olimlari Reyganning tashqi siyosatida yuqori ko'rsatkichlarga ega. 2017 yilda a C-SPAN olimlarning so'rovnomasi - ularning aksariyati uning o'ziga xos siyosatiga qarshi edi - Reygan barcha 42 prezidentlar bilan taqqoslaganda etakchilik darajasi bo'yicha reytingni egalladi. U xalqaro munosabatlarda to'qqizinchi o'rinni egalladi.[151][152]
Jorj H. V. Bush: 1989-1993
Reygandan farqli o'laroq, Bush ko'rish qobiliyatini pasaytirib, ehtiyotkorlik va ehtiyotkor boshqaruvni ta'kidladi. Uning tashqi siyosat bo'yicha asosiy maslahatchilari davlat kotiblari Jeyms Beyker va Lourens Eagleburger va milliy xavfsizlik bo'yicha maslahatchisi Brent Skoukroft edi. Bush Oq uyga uzoq muddatli va muvaffaqiyatli tashqi ishlar portfeli bilan kirdi, shu jumladan Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotidagi Xitoydagi elchi rollari, Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi direktori va vitse-prezident sifatida 65 xorijiy davlatlarga rasmiy tashriflari. Bush prezidentligi davrida yuz bergan muhim geosiyosiy voqealarga quyidagilar kiradi:
Bush prezidentligi davrida yuz bergan muhim geosiyosiy voqealarga quyidagilar kiradi:[153][154][155]
- The 1989 yil iyun oyida Xitoydagi Tiananmen maydonidagi norozilik namoyishlarini maydalash Qo'shma Shtatlarda va butun dunyoda keng qoralangan edi.
- The Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining Panamaga bosqini 1989 yil dekabrida mahalliy diktatorni ag'darish uchun.
- SSSR bilan imzolash Men boshlayman va Boshlash II yadroviy qurolsizlanish to'g'risidagi shartnomalar.
- The Ko'rfaz urushi 1991 yilda Bush Quvaytga bostirib kirganida Iroqni mag'lub etgan katta koalitsiyani boshqargan.
- G'alaba Sovuq urush Sovet kommunizmi ustidan.
- 1989 yilgi inqiloblar va ayniqsa Sharqiy Evropada kommunizmning qulashi
- Germaniyaning birlashishi 1990 yilda demokratik G'arb sobiq kommunistik Sharqni o'zlashtirishi bilan.
- The Sovet Ittifoqining tarqatib yuborilishi 1991 yilda uning o'rnini do'stona Rossiya va boshqa 14 mamlakat egalladi.
Xitoydagi Tiananmen maydonidan tashqari, barcha tadbirlar AQShga juda ma'qul keldi. Bush Panamaga bostirib kirishda va START shartnomalarida tashabbusni o'z zimmasiga oldi. Aks holda, u asosan voqealarga aralashmaslikka va xursand bo'lmaslikka harakat qiladigan passiv kuzatuvchi edi. Yaxshi natijalarni hisobga olgan holda, olimlar tashqi siyosatda Bushga yuqori baho berishadi, faqat Tyananmen maydonidagi tazyiqlarni qoralashni istamasligi bundan mustasno. U Xitoy bilan uzoq muddatli qulay aloqalarni xavf ostiga qo'yish uchun juda muhim deb o'ylardi.[156]
Sovuqdan keyingi urush: 1992 yil - hozirgacha
Sovet Ittifoqi parchalanishi bilan Rossiya endi xavf tug'dirmadi va Sovuq urush tugadi. Biroq AQSh o'zining asosiy ittifoqlarini davom ettirdi va NATO tez o'sib Sharqiy Evropaning aksariyat qismini qamrab oldi, yangi muammolar terrorizm va Iqlim o'zgarishi.[157] Muvaffaqiyatli bo'lganidan keyin Ko'rfaz urushi kabi ko'plab olimlar, 1991 yil Zbignev Bjezinskiy, AQSh tashqi siyosati uchun yangi strategik qarashning yo'qligi, uning tashqi siyosati uchun ko'plab imkoniyatlardan mahrum bo'lganligini da'vo qildi. 1990-yillarda Qo'shma Shtatlar tashqi siyosat byudjetini va sovuq urushdan mudofaa byudjetini qisqartirdi, bu yalpi ichki mahsulotning 6,5 foizini tashkil etdi va prezident davrida ichki iqtisodiy farovonlikka e'tibor qaratdi. Klinton 1999 va 2000 yillar uchun byudjet profitsitiga erishishga muvaffaq bo'ldi. Qo'shma Shtatlar sobiq etnik nizolarda ham tinchlikparvar bo'lib xizmat qildi. Yugoslaviya sifatida hamkorlik qilib BMT tinchlikparvar.
Terrorizmga qarshi global urush
O'n yillik iqtisodiy farovonlik 2001 yil 11 sentyabrdagi hujumlar bilan yakunlandi Jahon savdo markazi Nyu-York shahrida. Jangariga tegishli terrorchilar tomonidan kutilmagan hujum Al-Qoida tashkilot AQSh tashqi siyosatida milliy motam va paradigma o'zgarishini keltirib chiqardi. 1990-yillar davomida ichki farovonlikka e'tibor asosiy tendentsiyaga yo'l qo'ydi bir tomonlama harakat Prezident davrida Jorj V.Bush fundamentalistlarning o'sib borayotgan tendentsiyasi sifatida ko'rilgan narsalarga qarshi kurashish terrorizm Yaqin Sharqda. Qo'shma Shtatlar a Terrorizmga qarshi urush. Ushbu siyosat so'nggi o'n yil ichida AQSh tashqi siyosatida hukmronlik qildi, chunki millat Yaqin Sharqda ikkita harbiy kampaniyani boshladi, Afg'oniston va Iroq. Garchi har ikkala kampaniya xalqaro ko'makni jalb qilgan bo'lsa-da, xususan Afg'onistondagi janglar, urushning ko'lami va davomiyligi Amerika ittifoqchilarining motivatsiyasini pasaytirdi. Bundan tashqari, yo'q bo'lganda WMD Iroq harbiy zabt etilgandan keyin topilgan, dunyoda terrorizmning oldini olish uchun urush olib borilganligi to'g'risida butun dunyo bo'ylab shubha mavjud edi Iroqdagi urush Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari obro'si uchun jamoatchilik bilan aloqalarda jiddiy salbiy oqibatlarga olib keldi. "Bush doktrinasi "diplomatik va xavfsizlik siyosatini liberal siyosiy institutlar va demokratik qadriyatlarning maksimal darajada tarqalishiga yo'naltirdi. Siyosat" demokratik realizm "," milliy xavfsizlik liberalizmi "," demokratik globalizm "yoki" masihiy universalizm "deb nomlandi. Siyosat demokratiyani ilhomlantirishga yordam berdi. Yaqin Sharqdagi g'alayonlar.[158]
Butun dunyoda a dan o'tish sodir bo'ldi ikki qutbli dunyo a ko'p qutbli dunyo. Qo'shma Shtatlar iqtisodiy va harbiy jihatdan kuchli kuch bo'lib qolayotgan bo'lsa-da, Xitoy, Hindiston va Braziliya singari ko'tarilayotgan davlatlar hamda Rossiya uning ustunligiga qarshi chiqishdi. Nina Xarchigian kabi tashqi siyosatshunoslarning ta'kidlashicha, rivojlanayotgan oltita yirik davlatlar umumiy muammolarni birlashtiradilar: erkin savdo, iqtisodiy o'sish, terrorizmning oldini olish, yadro tarqalishini to'xtatish harakatlari. Agar ular urushdan qochib qutula olsalar, tushunmovchiliklar yoki xavfli raqobatlar bo'lmasligi sharti bilan, kelgusi o'n yilliklar tinch va samarali bo'lishi mumkin.
Prezident sifatida birinchi rasmiy televizion intervyusida, Barak Obama arab tilidagi sun'iy yo'ldosh televizion tarmog'i orqali musulmon dunyosiga murojaat qildi va avvalgi ma'muriyat davrida yomonlashgan munosabatlarni tiklashga sodiqligini bildirdi.[159] Hali ham Obama ma'muriyati davrida Amerika tashqi siyosati musulmon dunyosini, shu jumladan uning asosiy ittifoqchilaridan biri Pokistonni ham bezovta qilmoqda.
Ammo AQSh uchun jiddiy muammolar qolmoqda The O'rta Sharq diniy nafrat bilan g'azablanishni davom ettiradi va Arab norozilik Isroil. AQShning pozitsiyasi shundaki, xavfi yadroviy tarqalish kabi xalqlar bilan yaqqolroq namoyon bo'ladi Eron va Shimoliy Koreya yadro qurolini yaratishni talab qilib, xalqaro hamjamiyatni ochiqdan-ochiq buzib yurish. Kabi muhim masalalar Iqlim o'zgarishi Ko'p hukumatlardan ba'zida qiyin echimlarda birgalikda ishlashni talab qiladigan, qattiq diplomatik muammolarni keltirib chiqarmoqda[iqtibos kerak ].
Davlat departamentidagi so'nggi fikrlar haqida tushuncha 2010 yil noyabrda va keyingi oylarda taqdim etildi WikiLeaks Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining diplomatik xabarlari ozod qilindi.
Prezident Tramp davridagi yangi yo'nalishlar
Prezident Donald Tramp birinchi davlat kotibi bo'lgan Reks Tillerson. siyosiy bo'lmagan ko'plab masalalarda Tramp bilan kelishmagan va Davlat departamentining juda kambag'al menejeri obro'siga ega bo'lgan siyosiy bo'lmagan korporativ ijrochi. Unga Oq Uy umuman e'tibor bermadi va nihoyat Tramp uni ishdan bo'shatdi. Tramp respublikachi kongressmen deb nomlandi Mayk Pompeo 2018 yil aprel oyida ish boshlagan.[160][161]
Trump tashqi siyosati juda ziddiyatli bo'lib kelgan. U prezident Obama tomonidan imzolangan ko'plab kelishuvlarni, shu jumladan "12 mamlakat" savdo bitimini rad etdi "Trans-Tinch okeani sherikligi ",[162] xalqaro Parij iqlim kelishuvi,[163] va Birgalikdagi Harakat Rejasi Eron yadro qurolini ishlab chiqarishni cheklash.[164] U Kanadaga, Meksikaga, Evropaga va boshqa mamlakatlarga bojlar o'rnatdi va ochdi Xitoy bilan tobora kuchayib borayotgan savdo urushi.. Diktator bilan munosabatlar Kim Chen In Shimoliy Koreya haddan tashqari dushmanlik va yaqin shaxsiy do'stlik o'rtasida tebranib kelgan. Tramp bir necha bor musulmonlar va meksikaliklarning AQShga kirishini, shuningdek Lotin Amerikasidan boshpana izlovchilarni kamaytirishga urinib ko'rdi. Trump Saudiya Arabistoni va Isroilni juda kuchli qo'llab-quvvatladi va Eron va Venesuela hukumatlariga qattiq qarshilik ko'rsatdi. Uning ichki soliq va tartibga solish siyosatini umuman ma'qullagan ishbilarmon doiralar, uning protektsionistik savdo siyosatiga, ayniqsa, Xitoy bilan savdo urushiga qat'iy qarshi chiqdilar.[165][166]
Richard Xassning ta'kidlashicha, Tramp ma'muriyati Amerikaning ko'plab muhim pozitsiyalarini bekor qildi:
- Ittifoqlarni qo'llab-quvvatlash, erkin savdo quchog'i, iqlim o'zgarishidan tashvish, demokratiya va inson huquqlari tarafdori, Amerika etakchisi - Amerika tashqi siyosatining shu va boshqa asoslari shubha ostiga qo'yilgan va bir necha bor rad etilgan.[167]
Imperiya sifatida AQSh haqida bahs
Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari 1776 yilda yirik imperiyaga qarshi birinchi muvaffaqiyatli qo'zg'olon sifatida tashkil topdi va tarixiy jihatdan Monro doktrinasida ko'rilganidek, 1898 yilda Ispaniya imperiyasiga qarshi urushda va Angliya va Gollandiya imperiyalarining tarqatib yuborilishini qo'llab-quvvatlagan holda, imperializmni qat'iyan majbur qildi. 1945 yildan keyin. Jefferson erkinlik imperiyasini chaqirdi, Qo'shma Shtatlar respublikachilikka yo'l ko'rsatdi. Lotin Amerikasidagi mustamlakalarni tortib olish yoki sotib olish harakatlari 1850-yillarda rad etilgan. 1898–1900 yillarda qattiq munozara bo'lib o'tdi anti-imperialistlar Kim maxsus maqsadlar uchun qabulxonani tashkil qildi Amerika Anti-Imperialist Ligasi Ispaniya voqea joyini tark etganidan keyin Filippin boshqaruvini o'z qo'liga olishiga qarshi kurashish.[168] Ispaniya imperiyasining shafqatsizligiga javoban urush boshlashning asosiy tarafdorlari - eng avvalo Uilyam Jennings Brayn - Qo'shma Shtatlar xuddi shu yo'ldan yurmasliklari kerakligini ta'kidladilar. Prezident McKinley boshchiligidagi urush e'lon qilishning muxoliflari, Amerikaning vazifalari bor deb qaror qildilar va Filippinlarni qabul qilishni talab qildilar. Kongress Kubaga egalik qilmaslik to'g'risida qaror qabul qildi. Imperiya qudratiga aylanish haqidagi har qanday hayajon uzoqqa cho'zilmadi va 1905 yilga kelib Teodor Ruzvelt boshchiligidagi kengayish manfaatlari Osiyodan yuz o'girib, Panama kanaliga e'tiborni qaratdi. Demokratlar 1934 yilga kelib Filippinlarni mustaqil qilish to'g'risida qaror qabul qildilar, bu 1946 yilda amalga oshirildi. Gavayi Qo'shma Shtatlarga qo'shildi va hech kim - shu kungacha - Puerto-Rikoning uzoq muddatli maqomi to'g'risida qaror qabul qila olmadi.[169]
Biroq, Sovuq urush davrida va ayniqsa 11 sentyabr voqealaridan keyin tanqidchilar AQSh o'z-o'zidan butun dunyo imperiyasiga aylandi, deb ayblashmoqda. 1945 yilda Qo'shma Shtatlar barcha kuchlarini iloji boricha tezroq Evropadan olib chiqishni rejalashtirgan edi, ammo Sovet Ittifoqining Polsha va Chexoslovakiyadagi harakatlari Va ayniqsa Gretsiyada qayta o'ylashga majbur bo'ldi. Og'ir ta'sir ko'rsatdi Jorj Kennan, Vashington siyosatchilari Sovet Ittifoqi Amerika manfaatlariga tahdid soluvchi ekspansiyali diktatura degan qarorga kelishdi. Moskvaning ojizligi shundaki, u tirik qolish uchun kengayib borishi kerak edi va uning o'sishini ushlab turish yoki to'xtatish evropada barqarorlikka erishish mumkin edi. Natijada, Truman doktrinasi (1947) Gretsiya va Turkiyaga tegishli edi. Ikkinchi bir xil muhim ahamiyatga ega bo'lgan narsa, Evropani o'sish uchun qayta qurish va qayta tashkil etishni talab qiladigan jahon iqtisodiyotini tiklash zarurati edi. Sovet Ittifoqi tahdididan tashqari, bu masala 1948 yilgi Marshall rejasi uchun asosiy turtki bo'ldi. Uchinchi omil, ayniqsa Angliya va uchta Beniluks davlatlari tomonidan Amerikaning harbiy ishtiroki zarurligini anglash edi. Tarixchilar "Amerika bilan do'stlik izlash va uning rahbariyatini kutib olish ishtiyoqi ... G'arbiy Evropada Amerika" taklifnoma bilan "imperiyasini barpo etdi - bu ajoyib ibora bilan" Geyr Lundestad."[170][171]
Empire-as-Empire-ning etakchi vakili - ingliz tarixchisi A. G. Xopkins.[172] U 21-asrga kelib an'anaviy iqtisodiy imperializm endi o'ynamadi, deya ta'kidlab, neft kompaniyalari 2003 yilda Amerikaning Iroqqa bostirib kirishiga qarshi chiqishdi. Buning o'rniga globallashuvning qishloq va zanglagan kamarga salbiy ta'siri haqida Amerikada ish bo'ldi. Xopkins:
- Ushbu tashvishlar oila, e'tiqod va bayroqqa asoslangan konservativ tiklanish uchun yo'l tayyorladi, bu esa neo-konservatorlarga 11 sentyabrdan keyin konservativ vatanparvarlikni talabchan millatchilikka aylantirishga imkon berdi. Qisqa muddatda Iroqqa bostirib kirish milliy birlikning namoyon bo'lishi bo'ldi. Keyinchalik uzoqroq nuqtai nazardan qaralganda, bu transchegaraviy muzokaralarga tayanadigan yangi globallashgan manfaatlar va Amerika qal'asini tiklashga intilayotgan millatsiz millatchilik manfaatlari o'rtasidagi tobora ko'proq farqni ochib beradi.[173]
2001–2010 yillarda ko'plab olimlar "Amerika imperiya sifatida" mavzusida bahslashdilar.[174] Konservativ Garvard professori Niall Fergyuson butun dunyo bo'ylab harbiy va iqtisodiy qudrat birlashib, AQShni tarixdagi eng qudratli imperiyaga aylantirdi degan xulosaga keladi. Uning fikricha, bu juda yaxshi g'oya, chunki 19-asrda muvaffaqiyatli bo'lgan Britaniya imperiyasi singari u ham erkin bozorlarni globallashtirish, qonun ustuvorligini oshirish va vakillik boshqaruvini rivojlantirish uchun ishlaydi. Biroq, u amerikaliklarga imperiyaning ishlashini davom ettirish uchun ishchi kuchi va pul bilan bog'liq uzoq muddatli majburiyat etishmasligidan qo'rqadi.[175]
Ko'pchilik, ehtimol ko'pchilik olimlar, Qo'shma Shtatlarda imperiyaning asosiy muhim narsalari yo'q deb qaror qildilar. Masalan, Amerikaning harbiy bazalari mavjud bo'lsa-da, Amerika askarlari mahalliy xalq ustidan hukmronlik qilmaydi va Qo'shma Shtatlar hukumati barcha tarixiy imperiyalar singari hokimlarni yoki doimiy ko'chmanchilarni yubormaydi.[176] Garvard tarixchisi Charlz S. Mayer Empire-as-Empire masalasini uzoq vaqt o'rganib chiqdi. Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, "imperiya" so'zining an'anaviy tushunchasi amal qilmaydi, chunki Qo'shma Shtatlar boshqa millatlar ustidan rasmiy nazorat o'rnatmaydi va muntazam ravishda bosib olinmaydi. Eng yaxshi atama - Qo'shma Shtatlar "gegemon". Uning yuqori texnologiyalar, iqtisodiy qudrat va ommaviy madaniyatga ta'siri orqali ulkan ta'siri unga tarixiy imperiyalarning ichki yo'nalishidan keskin farq qiluvchi xalqaro aloqalarni beradi.[177][178]
Jahon tarixchisi Entoni Pagden AQSh haqiqatan ham imperiya deb so'raydi?
- Menimcha, agar Evropa imperiyalari tarixiga nazar tashlasak, javob yo'q bo'lishi kerak. Ko'pincha Amerika imperiya bo'lish qobiliyatiga ega bo'lganligi sababli, uning chet elda qiziqishi imperator bo'lishi kerak deb taxmin qilishadi. ... Bir qator hal qiluvchi jihatlarda Qo'shma Shtatlar haqiqatan ham imperiyaga ziddir. ... Amerika qadimgi Rimga zarracha o'xshamaydi. Avvalgi Evropa imperiyalaridan farqli o'laroq, uning rasmiy qaramliklarida biron bir chet elda yashaydigan aholisi yo'q va hech kimga ega bo'lishni istamaydi. ... U ushbu hududlardan tashqarida hech qanday to'g'ridan-to'g'ri qoidalarni qo'llamaydi va har doim o'zini to'g'ridan-to'g'ri boshqarishda ham rivojlanib ketganday ko'rinadigan har qanday narsadan iloji boricha tezroq chiqarib olishga harakat qilgan.[179]
Yumshoq quvvat
The Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining tashqi aloqalari uzoq vaqtdan beri juda katta yumshoq kuchga ega.[180] Ta'sirga Franklin D. Ruzveltnikini misol qilish mumkin to'rtta erkinlik Evropada Ikkinchi Jahon urushida ittifoqchilarni rag'batlantirish; orqasida odamlar Temir parda hukumatning chet el tashviqot guruhini tinglash Ozod Evropa radiosi; 2001 yilda yangi ozod qilingan afg'onistonliklarning nusxasini so'rab Huquqlar to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi va yosh eronliklar bugun yashirincha Amerikaning taqiqlangan videokliplari va sun'iy yo'ldosh televizion ko'rsatuvlarini o'z uylarining maxfiyligida tomosha qilishmoqda.[181] Amerikaning dastlabki majburiyati diniy bag'rikenglik Masalan, potentsial muhojirlarga murojaat qilishning kuchli elementi bo'lgan; va Ikkinchi Jahon Urushidan keyin Evropani tiklashda Amerikaning yordami targ'ibot g'alabasi bo'lib, Qo'shma Shtatlar aholisining farovonligi va saxovatini namoyish etdi.
Amerika radioeshittirishlarini o'rganish Sovet bloki va Chexiya Prezidentining guvohnomalari Vatslav Havel, Polsha Prezidenti Lex Valesa va Rossiya prezidenti Boris Yeltsin Sovuq urush davrida Qo'shma Shtatlar va uning ittifoqchilarining yumshoq kuchga ega bo'lgan sa'y-harakatlari oxir-oqibat muvaffaqiyatli qulab tushgan qulay sharoitlarni yaratishda yordam berdi. Sovet Ittifoqi.[182]
"Sun'iy yo'ldosh televideniesi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari qodir bo'lmagan usullar bilan arab dunyosida Amerikaning yumshoq kuchini faol ravishda targ'ib qilmoqda. Arab tilidagi tilni ishga tushirish Alxurra 2004 yil boshida sun'iy yo'ldosh kanali AQShga ko'proq foydali usullar bilan yangiliklar va ko'ngil ochishlarni taqdim etish uchun AQSh jamoat diplomatiyasini rivojlantirishda muhim burilish yasadi. Garchi u o'zini dunyodagi eng yirik arab tilidagi yangiliklar tashkiloti deb atasa-da, Virjiniyada joylashgan "Alhurra" da "Al-Jazeera" ning kesheti va brendi tan olinmagan, ammo yangiliklarni mutanosib ravishda namoyish etishi uni kichik, ammo muhim tomoshabinlarga aylantirdi. Yengil yangiliklar va engil amerikalik mashhur musiqa aralashmasi orqali yosh ommaviy auditoriyani nishonga oladigan radioeshittirishdagi bahsli yangiliklar - Radio Sawa yilda Arabcha va Farda radiosi yilda Fors tili - o'zlarining maqsadli mintaqalarida katta miqdordagi bozor ulushini qo'lga kiritdilar. "[183]
Diplomatlar
Diplomatiya tarixan 20-asrning oxirigacha insonning ishi bo'lgan. Ammo diplomatga xotin kerak edi - yuqori lavozimli mulozimlar yangi boshlagan diplomatning xotinini "Qo'mondonlik go'zalligi" va "Yumshoq jozibasi" bo'yicha vakolatlarini aniqlaydilar. Uning xizmatchilar bilan to'la yuqori sinfdagi uy sharoitlarini saqlab qolish, mehmonlar va obro'li kishilarni qabul qilish va hattoki norasmiy ma'lumot yig'ishda qatnashish orqali Amerika jamiyatining munosib qiyofasini aks ettirish juda zarur edi.[184] Xotin Evropa diplomatiyasining yuqori jamiyat turmush tarzi bilan yaxshi munosabatda bo'lishi kerak edi. Amerikalik diplomatik xizmatning ish haqi kamtarligi va o'yin-kulgi byudjetining cheklanganligini hisobga olgan holda, oilaviy pul katta yordam berdi. Kabi juda boy diplomatlar afzalliklarga ega edilar Jozef P. Kennedi kichik 1938–40 yillarda Sent-Jeyms sudida elchi sifatida. Uning ko'p sonli bolalari ingliz zodagonlari uchun munosib turmush o'rtoq deb hisoblangan. 1944 yilda uning qizi Ketlin uylangan Billi Kavendish, Markes Xartington va uning katta o'g'li Devonshir gersogi, Angliyaning eng aristokratik oilalaridan biri boshlig'i.
Frensis E. Uillis (1899-1983) taniqli kashshof bo'lgan. U Stenforddan siyosiy fanlarda doktorlik dissertatsiyasini olganidan keyin chet el xizmatiga qo'shildi. U chet el xizmatidagi uchinchi ayol edi va deyarli barcha postlari "birinchi" - birinchi ayol edi Muvaqqat ishlar vakili, birinchi ayol missiya boshlig'ining o'rinbosari, birinchi ayol tashqi xizmat xodimi (FSO) elchi, birinchi lavozimda uchta lavozimda elchi bo'lib ishlagan, birinchi ayol 1955 yilda martaba vaziri va 1962 yilda birinchi ayol mansab elchisi etib tayinlangan. U Chili, Shvetsiya, Belgiya, Ispaniya, Buyuk Britaniya va Finlyandiyaga hamda Davlat departamentiga yuborilgan. 1953 yilda u Amerikaning birinchi ayol elchisi bo'ldi (Shveytsariyada) va keyinchalik Norvegiya va Seylonda elchi bo'lib xizmat qildi. Uning tarjimai holi uning malakasi, til bilimi, tadqiqot qobiliyati, mehnatsevarligi va o'ziga bo'lgan ishonchi, shuningdek, davlat kotibi muovini Jozef Griv va elchi Xyu Gibsonning ustozligi bilan ajralib turadi.[185]
20-asrning oxiridan boshlab yuqori martabali elchixonalar odatda Oq uy tomonidan tanlanadi va prezidentning taniqli siyosiy yoki moliyaviy tarafdorlariga boradi. Ushbu havaskorlar asosan G'arbiy Evropaga yoki AQSh bilan mustahkam iqtisodiy aloqalarga ega bo'lgan davlatlarga yuboriladi Professional martaba elchilari Davlat departamenti ierarxiyasi orqali ko'tariladi va odatda kichik mamlakatlarga va AQSh bilan savdosi past bo'lgan mamlakatlarga yuboriladi. Yarim professional diplomatlarning katta qismi eng qudratli mamlakatlarga tayinlangan.[186] Naqsh prezidentlik uslubiga qarab farq qiladi. Masalan, Prezident davrida Jorj V.Bush (2001-2009) tashqi xizmat va AQSh Xalqaro taraqqiyot agentligi mablag'lari etarli darajada moliyalashtirilmagan va ko'pincha diplomatik sabablarga ko'ra siyosiy sabablarga ko'ra foydalanilgan.[187]
Shuningdek qarang
- Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari tarixining xronologiyasi
- Mamlakatlar bo'yicha Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari diplomatik aloqalari tarixi
- Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining shartnomalari ro'yxati
- Amerika diplomatik vakolatxonalari
- Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining tashqi siyosati
- AQSh tashqi siyosatini tanqid qilish
- Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari tashqi xizmati
- Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Davlat departamenti
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Bibliografiya
So'rovnomalar
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Tarixnoma
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- Pederson, Uilyam D. ed. A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt (2011) onlayn pp. 480–689, covers historiography of American diplomacy worldwide in WW2
- Plummer, Brenda Gayle. "Diplomatik tarixning o'zgaruvchan qiyofasi: adabiyot sharhi". Tarix o'qituvchisi 38 # 3 (2005), 385-400 betlar. onlayn.
- Schulzinger, Robert. Amerika tashqi aloqalarining hamrohi (Wiley Blackwell Companions to American History) (2006). 26 essays by scholars; tarixshunoslikka ahamiyat berish
- Sexton, Jay. "Toward a synthesis of foreign relations in the Civil War era, 1848–77." Amerika o'n to'qqizinchi asr tarixi 5.3 (2004): 50–73.
- Throntveit, Trygve. "Why Knock’s Wilson Matters" H-DIPLO (January 23, 2010) on Woodrow Wilson
- Zeiler, Thomas W. (2009). "The Diplomatic History Bandwagon: A State of the Field". Amerika tarixi jurnali. 95 (4): 1053–73. doi:10.2307/27694560. JSTOR 27694560. JSTOR-da
- Zeiler, Thomas W. ed. American Foreign Relations since 1600: A Guide to the Literature (2007), onlayn
Diplomatlar
- Arias, Eric, and Alastair Smith. "Tenure, promotion and performance: The career path of US ambassadors." Xalqaro tashkilotlarning sharhi 13.1 (2018): 77–103. onlayn
- Barnes, William, and John Heath Morgan. The Foreign Service of the United States: origins, development, and functions (Historical Office, Bureau of Public Affairs, Department of State, 1961)
- Haglund, E. T. "Striped pants versus fat cats: Ambassadorial performance of career diplomats and political appointees." Prezidentlik tadqiqotlari chorakda (2015) 45(4), 653–678.
- Ilchman, Warren Frederick. Professional Diplomacy in the United States, 1779–1939: A Study in Administrative History (U of Chicago Press, 1961).
- Jett, Dennis. American Ambassadors: The Past, Present, and Future of America’s Diplomats (Springer, 2014).
- Kennedy, Charles Stuart. The American Consul: A History of the United States Consular Service 1776–1924 (New Academia Publishing, 2015).
- Kopp, Harry W. and Charles A. Gillespie, eds. Career Diplomacy: Life and Work in the U.S. Foreign Service (2008)
Birlamchi manbalar
- Engel, Jeffrey A. et al. eds. America in the World: A History in Documents from the War with Spain to the War on Terror (2014) 416 pp. with 200 primary sources, 1890s–2013
- Paterson, Thomas G., ed. Major problems in American foreign policy : documents and essays: vol 2 since 1914 (3rd ed. 1989) onlayn bepul, Excerpts from primary and secondary sources.
Buyuk Britaniya
- Allen; H. C. Buyuk Britaniya va AQSh: Angliya-Amerika munosabatlari tarixi, 1783–1952 (1954)
- Bartlett, Kristofer Jon. The Special Relationship: A Political History of Anglo-American Relations Since 1945 (1992)
- Burt, Alfred L. The United States, Great Britain, and British North America from the Revolution to the Establishment of Peace after the War of 1812. (1940), detailed history by Canadian scholar; onlayn
- Krouford, Martin. The Anglo-American Crisis of the Mid-Nineteenth Century: The Times and America, 1850–1862 (1987)
- Dobson, Alan P. Anglo-American Relations in the Twentieth Century (1995)
- Dumbrell, John. Maxsus munosabatlar: Angliya-Amerika munosabatlari sovuq urushdan Iroqgacha (2006)
- Ellis, Silviya. Historical Dictionary of Anglo-American Relations (2009) va matn qidirish
- Foreman, Amanda. A World on Fire: Britain’s Crucial Role in the American Civil War (Random House, 2011), 958 pp.
- Geoffrey Wheatcroft, "Britaniyaliklar Konfederatsiyani deyarli qanday qo'llab-quvvatladilar" New York Times Sunday Book Review 2011 yil 30-iyun kuni onlayn
- Hollowell; Jonatan. Twentieth-Century Anglo-American Relations (2001)
- Xitxenlar, Kristofer. Blood, Class and Empire: The Enduring Anglo-American Relationship (2004)
- Lui, Uilyam Rojer; Baydagi imperatorlik: AQSh va Britaniya imperiyasining dekolonizatsiyasi, 1941–1945 (1978)
- Louis, William Roger, and Hedley Bull. The "Special Relationship": Anglo-American Relations since 1945 (1987)
- Lovenxaym, Frensis L. va boshq. eds. Ruzvelt va Cherchill, ularning urush davridagi yashirin yozishmalari (1975), primary sources
- Perkins; Bredford. The First Rapprochement: England and the United States, 1795–1805 (1955)
- Perkins, Bradford. Urushning dastlabki davri: Angliya va AQSh, 1805–1812 (1961) to'liq matn onlayn
- Perkins, Bradford. Kastler va Adams: Angliya va AQSh, 1812 · 1823 (1964) parcha; onlayn ko'rib chiqish
- Reynolds, Devid. Jahon urushidan sovuq urushgacha: Cherchill, Ruzvelt va 1940-yillarning xalqaro tarixi (2007) parcha va matn qidirish
- Rofe, J. Simon and Alison R. Holmes, eds. The Embassy in Grosvenor Square: American Ambassadors to the United Kingdom, 1938–2008 (2012), essays by scholars how the ambassadors promoted a special relationship
- Updyke, Frank A. 1812 yilgi urush diplomatiyasi (1915) onlayn bepul; strong on peace treaty
- Vuds, Rendal Bennet. Changing of the Guard: Anglo-American Relations, 1941–1946 (1990)
Evropa
- Berton, Simon. Urushdagi ittifoqchilar: Cherchill, Ruzvelt va de Goll o'rtasidagi achchiq raqobat. (2001). 356 bet.
- Blumenthal, Henry. France and the United States; Their Diplomatic Relation, 1789–1914 (1970).
- Blumenthal, Henry. A Reappraisal of Franco-American Relations, 1830–1871 (1959).
- Kostigliola, Frank. Frantsiya va Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari: Ikkinchi Jahon Urushidan beri sovuq ittifoq (1992), ilmiy tarix.
- Hill, Peter P. Napoleon's Troublesome Americans: Franco-American Relations, 1804–1815 (2005).
- Xofman, Ronald va Piter J. Albert, tahr. Diplomatiya va inqilob: 1778 yildagi Frantsiya-Amerika Ittifoqi (1981), Olimlarning dolzarb maqolalari.
- Jonas, Manfred. The United States and Germany: a diplomatic history (1984) qarz olish uchun onlayn ravishda bepul
- Krabbendam, Hans, et al. eds. Four Centuries of Dutch-American Relations 1609–2009 (Amsterdam: Boom, 2009, 1190 pp., ISBN 978-9085066538
- Pakton, Robert O., tahrir. De Goll va AQSh (1994)
- Stinchkomb, Uilyam S. Amerika inqilobi va Frantsiya ittifoqi (1969)
- Uilyams, A. Yigirmanchi asrda Frantsiya, Buyuk Britaniya va Qo'shma Shtatlar 1900–1940: qayta baholash (Studies in Diplomacy and International Relations) (2014).
1945 yilgacha
- Ambrosius, Lloyd E. Woodrow Wilson and the American Diplomatic Tradition (1987).
- Beale, Xovard. Theodore Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power (1956).
- Campbell, Charles S. From Revolution to Rapprochement: The United States and Great Britain, 1783–1900 (1974).
- Kogliano, Frensis D. Ozodlik imperatori: Tomas Jeffersonning tashqi siyosati (2014)
- Kurti, Merle. American Philanthropy Abroad: A History (1963).
- Dallek, Robert. Franklin D. Ruzvelt va Amerika tashqi siyosati, 1932-1945 (2nd ed. 1995) standart ilmiy tadqiqot onlayn
- Doyle, Don H. Barcha millatlarning sababi: Amerika fuqarolar urushining xalqaro tarixi (2014) Excerpt and text search
- Eckes, Alfred E. Opening America’s Market: U.S. Foreign Trade Policy since 1776 (1995).
- Ekbladh, David. The Great American Mission: Modernization and the Construction of an American World Order (2011)
- Gilderxus, Mark T. The Second Century: U.S. Latin American Relations since 1889 (2000).
- Xoulend, Charlz P. Amerika tashqi aloqalarini o'rganish, 1930 yil (1931) 1920-yillarning oxiriga qadar keng ko'lamli obzor
- Ximen, Xarold Melvin. Dunyo atrofini eshitdi; fuqarolar urushining xorijdagi ta'siri. Nyu-York: Knopf, 1969 yil.
- Ilchman, Warren F. Professional Diplomacy in the United States, 1779–1939: A Study in Administrative History (U of Chicago Press, 1961).
- Jons, Xovard. Blue & Gray Diplomacy: A History of Union and Confederate Foreign Relations (2010) onlayn
- LaFeber, Walter. The American Search for Opportunity, 1865–1913 Vol. 2 of The Cambridge History of American Foreign Relations. (1993).
- Overy, Richard. Urushga olib boradigan yo'l (4-nashr 1999, ISBN 978-0-14-028530-7), covers late 1930s; pp 347–399.
- Peraino, Kevin. Dunyoda Linkoln: Davlat arbobi va Amerika qudratining shafaqi (2013). parcha
- Saul, Norman E. Distant Friends: The United States and Russia, 1763–1867 (1991).
- Savelle, Maks. The Origins of American Diplomacy: The International History of Anglo-America, 492–1763 (1968) qarz olish uchun onlayn ravishda bepul
- Saldin, Robert P. “Foreign Affairs and Party Ideology in America The Case of Democrats and World War II,” Siyosat tarixi jurnali 22#4 (2010), 387–422.
- Sexton, Jay. "Civil War Diplomacy." in Aaron Sheehan-Dean ed., A Companion to the US Civil War (2014): 741–62.
- Smit, Robert V. Jangovar dunyo o'rtasida: Amerika tashqi aloqalari, 1775–1815 (2012), 220 bet, qisqacha kirish parcha
- Tucker, Robert W. va David C. Hendrickson. Ozodlik imperiyasi: Tomas Jefersonning haykalchasi (1990)
- Varg, Pol A. Foreign Policies of the Founding Fathers. 1963. onlayn
- Rayt, Esmond. "Vudro Vilsonning tashqi siyosati: qayta baholash. 1-qism: Vudrou Uilson va birinchi jahon urushi" Bugungi tarix. (Mar 1960) 10 №3 149-157 betlar
- Rayt, Esmond. "The Foreign Policy of Woodrow Wilson: A Re-Assessment.2-qism: Uilson va aqlning orzusi " Bugungi tarix (1960 yil aprel) 19 № 4 223-231 bet
Sovuq urush
- Anderson, Devid L., tahrir. Vetnam urushi Kolumbiya tarixi (Columbia University Press, 2013)
- Bacevich, Endryu J., tahrir. Uzoq urush: Ikkinchi jahon urushidan beri AQSh milliy xavfsizlik siyosatining yangi tarixi (2007)
- Brendlar, H. W. Globalizmning ish haqi: Lindon Jonson va Amerika qudratining chegaralari (1997)
- Koen, Uorren I. va Nensi Bernkopf Taker, eds. Lindon Jonson dunyo bilan to'qnashadi: Amerika tashqi siyosati 1963–1968 (Kembrij universiteti matbuoti, 1994)
- Colman, Jonathan. Lyndon B. Jonsonning tashqi siyosati: Qo'shma Shtatlar va dunyo, 1963–1969 (Edinburg universiteti matbuoti, 2010) 231 bet.
- Dobson, Alan P. va Stiv Marsh. 1945 yildan beri AQSh tashqi siyosati. 160 bet (2001) onlayn nashr
- Dyuk, Kolin, Qattiq chiziq: Respublikachilar partiyasi va Ikkinchi Jahon Urushidan beri AQSh tashqi siyosati (Princeton University Press, 2010). 386 pp.
- Gaddis, Jon Lyuis. Saqlash strategiyasi: Urushdan keyingi Amerika milliy xavfsizlik siyosatini tanqidiy baholash (1982) onlayn nashr
- Gavin, Frensis J. va Mark Atvud Lourens, nashr. Sovuq urushdan tashqarida: Lindon Jonson va 1960-yillarning yangi global muammolari (Oksford universiteti matbuoti, 2014) 301 bet.
- Kolko, Gabriel, Uchinchi dunyo bilan to'qnashuv: AQSh tashqi siyosati, 1945–1980 (1988)
- Leffler, Melvin P. Insoniyat ruhi uchun: AQSh, Sovet Ittifoqi va sovuq urush (2007)
- Lyuis, Adrian R. Amerika urush madaniyati: Ikkinchi Jahon Urushidan Iroq Ozodligi amaliyotiga qadar AQSh harbiy kuchlari tarixi (2006)
- Nikson, Richard. RN: Richard Niksonning xotiralari (1983)
- Paterson, Tomas G. Kommunistik tahdid bilan uchrashish: Truman Reyganga (1988), etakchi liberal tarixchi tomonidan
Osiyo
- Koen Uorren I. Amerikaning Xitoyga munosabati: Xitoy-Amerika munosabatlarining talqin qiluvchi tarixi. (5-nashr 2009 yil)
- Yashil, Maykl J. 1783 yildan buyon katta strategiya va Osiyo-Tinch okeanidagi Amerika kuchi (2017) yirik ilmiy tadqiqot parcha
- Medkalf, Rori. Hind-Tinch okeani imperiyasi: Xitoy, Amerika va dunyoning hal qiluvchi mintaqasi uchun tanlov (2020) parcha
- Van Sant, Jon; Mauch, Piter; va Sugita, Yoneyuki, Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari-Yaponiya munosabatlarining tarixiy lug'ati. (2007) onlayn ko'rib chiqish
1990 yildan beri
- Brendlar, hal. Berlindan Bog'dodgacha: Amerikaning sovuqdan keyingi urush dunyosida maqsadni qidirishi (2008), 440 bet.
- Dyuk, Kolin, Qattiq chiziq: Respublikachilar partiyasi va Ikkinchi Jahon Urushidan beri AQSh tashqi siyosati (Princeton University Press, 2010). 386 pp.
- Fenbi, Jonathan va Trey McArver. Burgut va ajdaho: Donald Tramp, Si Tszinpin va AQSh / Xitoy munosabatlarining taqdiri (2019)
- Gardner, Lloyd S. Bog'dodga uzoq yo'l: AQShning 70-yillardan hozirgi kungacha bo'lgan tashqi siyosatining tarixi (2008) 310 bet.
- Haass, Richard (2018). Tartibsiz dunyo: Amerika tashqi siyosati va eski tartib inqirozi. Pingvin kitoblari. p. 312. ISBN 978-0-399-56238-9.
- Xuk, Stiven V. va Kristofer M. Jons, nashr. Amerika tashqi siyosatining Routledge qo'llanmasi (2011), 480 bet olimlarning esselari parcha
- Inbar, Efraim va Jonathan Rynhold, tahrir. AQSh tashqi siyosati va XXI asrdagi global mavqei: haqiqatlar va tasavvurlar (Routledge, 2016).
- Lansford, Tom. Sovuq urushdan beri AQSh diplomatiyasining tarixiy lug'ati (2007)
- Leffler, Melvin P. va Jeffri V. Legro, nashr etilgan. Noaniq vaqtlarda: Berlin devoridan keyingi Amerika tashqi siyosati va 11 sentyabr (Cornell UP, 2011), ProQuest-da onlayn
- Skott, Jeyms A. Oxiridan keyin: Sovuq Urushdan keyingi dunyoda AQSh tashqi siyosatini amalga oshirish. (1998) 434 bet. onlayn nashr
Tashqi havolalar
- "BIZ. Diplomatik tarix manbalari indeksi " homiysi Amerika tashqi aloqalari tarixchilari jamiyati (SHAFR).[1]
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Turkum- ^ Bo'ldi tomonidan tavsiya etilgan Washington Post, 1998 yil 8 oktyabr Arxivlandi 2018-04-10 da Orqaga qaytish mashinasi