Al-Aqsa Intifada - Al-Aqsa Intifada

Ikkinchi intifada
Qismi Isroil-Falastin to'qnashuvi
Flickr - Isroil mudofaa kuchlari - Nablus.jpg-da doimiy qo'riqchi
Davomida Nablusdagi Isroil askarlari Himoya qalqoni operatsiyasi
Sana2000 yil 28 sentyabr - 2005 yil 8 fevral
(4 yil, 4 oy, 1 hafta va 4 kun)
Manzil
Natija

Qo'zg'olon bostirildi[2][3][4][5][6][7]

Urushayotganlar

Isroil Isroil

 Falastin ma'muriyati

Falastin milliy xavfsizlik kuchlari

Qo'llab-quvvatlovchi:

Iroq bayrog'i (1991-2004) .svg Iroq[1] (2003 yilgacha )
Qo'mondonlar va rahbarlar

Isroil
Ariel Sharon
Avi Dichter
Ehud Barak
Shoul Mofaz
Moshe Yaalon
Dan Haluts

Gabi Ashkenazi

Falastinni ozod qilish tashkiloti FKO rahbarlari
Yosir Arafat #
Mahmud Abbos
Marvan Barguti  (Asir)
Abu Ali Mustafo  
Ahmad Sa'adat  (Asir)
Nayef Hawatmeh
HAMAS rahbarlari
Ahmed Yasin  
Abdel Rantissi  
Xolid Mashal
Ismoil Xaniya
Muhammad Deif
Boshqa rahbarlar
Abd Al Aziz Avda
Ramazon Shalah

Jamol Abu Samhadana  
Yo'qotishlar va yo'qotishlar

2000 yil 29 sentyabr - 2005 yil 1 yanvar:

~1,010[8][tekshirib bo'lmadi ][9] Isroilliklar jami:
- Falastinliklar tomonidan o'ldirilgan 644-773 Isroil tinch aholisi;
- Falastinliklar tomonidan o'ldirilgan Isroil xavfsizlik kuchlarining 215-301 xodimlari

2000 yil 29 sentyabr - 2005 yil 1 yanvar:

3,179[9][10][11]–3,354[8] Falastinliklar jami:
- Isroil xavfsizlik kuchlari tomonidan o'ldirilgan 2 739–3 168 falastinlik;*
- Isroil tinch aholisi tomonidan o'ldirilgan 34 falastinlik;
- falastinliklar tomonidan o'ldirilgan 152–406 falastinliklar;
Minglab odamlar hibsga olingan
Jami 55 xorijiy fuqaro:
- Falastinliklar tomonidan o'ldirilgan 45 nafar chet el fuqarosi;
- Isroil xavfsizlik kuchlari tomonidan o'ldirilgan 10 nafar chet el fuqarosi[8]
*Falastin fuqarosi / jangarilarining buzilishi haqidagi bahsli masala uchun qarang Zarar ko'rgan narsalar.

The Ikkinchi intifada (Ibroniycha: הāndíntisפāדה השהשngíהHa-Intifoda ha-Shniya) deb nomlanuvchi Al-Aqsa Intifada (Arabcha: نntfضضض أlأqصىIntifokat al-Aqṣā),[12] Falastinning Isroilga qarshi qo'zg'oloni edi.[12] Zo'ravonlikning umumiy qo'zg'atuvchilari muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchragan deb hisoblanadi 2000 yil Kemp-Devid sammiti bo'yicha yakuniy kelishuvga erishish Isroil-Falastin tinchlik jarayoni 2000 yil iyulda.[13] Zo'ravonlik 2000 yil sentyabr oyida boshlangan Ariel Sharon ga juda provokatsion tashrif buyurdi Ma'bad tog'i.[13] Tashrifning o'zi tinch, ammo kutilganidek, Isroil politsiyasi norozilik va tartibsizliklarni keltirib chiqardi. rezina o'qlar va ko'z yoshartuvchi gaz.[14]

Oddiy fuqarolar qatori jangchilar orasida ko'p sonli qurbonlar bo'lgan. Isroilliklar o'q otish, tank va havo hujumlarida qatnashgan va maqsadli qotillik Falastinliklar o'z joniga qasd qilish, tosh otish va o'q otish bilan shug'ullangan. Qurbonlar soni, jangovar va tinch aholini ham o'z ichiga olgan, taxminan 3000 falastinlik va 1000 isroillik, shuningdek 64 nafar chet ellik.[15][16]

Ko'pchilik buni ko'rib chiqadi 2005 yil 8 fevralda Sharm ash-Shayx sammiti Ikkinchi intifadaning oxiri bo'lish.[17] Falastin prezidenti Mahmud Abbos va Isroil Bosh vaziri Ariel Sharon barcha Falastin fraktsiyalari hamma joyda barcha isroilliklarga qarshi zo'ravonlik harakatlarini to'xtatishlariga, Isroil esa hamma joyda barcha falastinliklarga qarshi harbiy harakatlarini to'xtatishiga kelishib oldilar.[18][19] Shuningdek, ular o'zlarining majburiyatlarini tasdiqladilar Tinchlik uchun yo'l xaritasi jarayon. Sharon 900-ni chiqarishga ham rozi bo'ldi Falastinlik mahbuslar o'sha paytda o'tkazilgan 7500 kishidan,[20] intifada paytida qayta ishg'ol qilingan G'arbiy Sohil shaharlaridan chiqib ketish. Biroq, zo'ravonlik keyingi yillarda ham davom etdi, ammo xudkushlik hujumlari sezilarli darajada kamaydi.[iqtibos kerak ]

Etimologiya

Ikkinchi intifada Falastinning ikkinchi qo'zg'oloniga ishora qiladi birinchi Falastin qo'zg'oloni 1987 yil dekabr va 1993 yillar orasida sodir bo'lgan. "Intifada" (نntfضضض) ingliz tiliga "qo'zg'olon" deb tarjima qilingan. Uning ildizi arabcha so'z bo'lib, "silkinish" degan ma'noni anglatadi. U turli arab mamlakatlarida "qo'zg'olon" ma'nosida ishlatilgan; The 1977 yildagi Misrdagi tartibsizliklar masalan, "non intifada" deb nomlangan.[21] Bu atama Falastin hududlarini Isroil tomonidan bosib olinishiga qarshi qo'zg'olonni anglatadi.

Al-Aqsa Intifada ga ishora qiladi Al-Aqsa masjidi, intifada boshlangan joy. Bu milodning VIII asrida Al-Haram ash-Sharifda qurilgan masjid nomi, shuningdek Ma'bad tog'i ichida Quddusning eski shahri, yahudiylikdagi eng muqaddas va Islomdagi uchinchi muqaddas joy hisoblangan joy.

Intifadani ba'zida Oslo urushi (מלחמת אוסלו) ba'zi isroilliklar buni Isroil tomonidan quyidagi ta'qibga beriladigan imtiyozlar natijasi deb hisoblaydi. Oslo shartnomalari,[22][23][24] va Arafatning urushi, keyin kech Falastin rahbari kimdir uni boshlash uchun aybladi. Boshqalar, dastlab qurolsiz namoyishchilarning xalq qo'zg'oloniga bo'lgan nomutanosib javobini Intifadani butunlay urushga aylantirish sababi deb atashdi.[25]

Fon

Oslo shartnomalari

Ostida Oslo shartnomalari, 1993 va 1995 yillarda imzolangan, Isroil o'z kuchlarini qismlardan bosqichma-bosqich olib chiqib ketish majburiyatini oldi G'azo sektori va G'arbiy Sohil va Falastinning huquqini tasdiqladi o'zini o'zi boshqarish a yaratish orqali o'sha sohalarda Falastin ma'muriyati. O'z navbatida Falastinni ozod qilish tashkiloti rasman tan olingan Isroil va evakuatsiya qilingan hududlardagi aholi punktlarida ichki xavfsizlik uchun javobgarlikni o'z zimmasiga olishga majbur. Falastinning o'zini o'zi boshqarish besh yillik vaqt oralig'ida davom etishi kerak edi. Biroq, erdagi voqealar ikkala tomonni ham Oslo jarayonidan chuqur xafa qildi. Isroilliklar va falastinliklar Oslo tinchlik jarayonining muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lishida bir-birlarini ayblashmoqda. Oslo shartnomalari imzolanganidan so'ng besh yil ichida 405 falastinlik va 256 isroillik o'ldirildi.

1996 yildan boshlab Isroil tinchlik muzokaralari muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lib qolishi mumkinligi sababli, "Musiqali jozibasi" kodli nomini olgan keng ko'lamli favqulodda vaziyat rejalari va tayyorgarliklarini amalga oshirdi. 1998 yilda, Oslo muzokaralarida ko'zda tutilgan 5 yillik reja tugamaydi, degan xulosaga kelganidan so'ng, ID "S maydoni va G'azoning ba'zi hududlarini zabt etish uchun" Tikanlar maydoni "operatsiyasini amalga oshirdi va polk darajasidagi harbiy mashg'ulotlar o'tkazildi. shu maqsadda 2000 yil aprel oyida amalga oshirildi. Falastinning tayyorgarligi mudofaa va kichik miqyosda bo'lib, ular Isroilning hujumiga dosh berishdan ko'ra, mahalliy aholini tinchlantirish uchun ko'proq edi. Ushbu operatsiyalarning intensivligi bir brigada generali Zvi Fogelni Isroilning harbiy tayyorgarligi o'z-o'zidan amalga oshiriladigan bashoratga aylanib qolmaydimi degan savol tug'dirdi.[26]

1995 yilda, Shimon Peres o'rnini egalladi Ijak Rabin, kim bo'lgan suiqasd qilingan tomonidan Yigal Amir, Oslo tinchlik shartnomasiga qarshi bo'lgan yahudiy ekstremist. 1996 yilgi saylovlarda isroilliklar o'ng qanotni sayladilar[27] boshchiligidagi koalitsiya Likud nomzod, Benyamin Netanyaxu 1999 yilda kim tomonidan ta'qib qilingan Mehnat partiyasi rahbar Ehud Barak.

Kemp-Devid sammiti

2000 yil 11-25 iyul kunlari Kemp-Deviddagi Yaqin Sharq tinchlik sammiti Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari o'rtasida bo'lib o'tdi Prezident Bill Klinton, Isroil Bosh vaziri Ehud Barak va Falastin ma'muriyati Rais Yosir Arafat. Muzokaralar oxir-oqibat har bir tomonning bir-birini ayblashi bilan muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi. Kelishuvda to'rtta asosiy to'siqlar mavjud edi: hudud, Quddus va Ma'bad tog'i, qochoqlar va qaytish huquqi va Isroilning xavfsizlik muammolari. Yozda yuzaga kelgan vaziyatdan umidsizlik FHKning jiddiy sinishiga olib keldi, chunki ko'plab Fath guruhlari Xamas va Islomiy Jihodga qo'shilish uchun uni tark etishdi.[28]

2000 yil 13 sentyabrda Yosir Arafat va Falastin Qonunchilik Kengashi mustaqil Falastin davlatining rejalashtirilgan bir tomonlama deklaratsiyasini keyinga qoldirdi.[29]

Davom etish

Peres AQSh Davlat kotibining iltimosiga binoan cheklangan aholi punkti qurilishini amalga oshirgan bo'lsa-da, Madlen Olbrayt,[27] Netanyaxu Isroilning mavjud aholi punktlari ichida qurilishni davom ettirdi[30] va yangi mahalla qurish rejalarini ilgari surdi, Har Xoma, yilda Sharqiy Quddus. Biroq, u Shamir hukumatining 1991–92 yillar darajasidan ancha pastda qoldi va yangi turar-joylarni qurishdan tiyildi, garchi Oslo shartnomalarida bunday taqiq yo'q edi.[27] Oslogacha uy-joylar qurilishi, 1991–92: 13,960; Oslodan keyin, 1994–95: 3,840; 1996-1997: 3.570.[31]

Barak ko'chmanchilarning yanada jangari qanotini chetga surib qo'yish maqsadida mo''tadil ko'chmanchilar fikriga murojaat qildi va shu vaqtdan beri qurilgan 12 ta yangi zastavani demontaj qilish to'g'risida kelishuvga erishdi. Vye daryosi shartnomasi 1998 yil noyabrda,[32] ammo 3000 ta yangi uy qurish rejasi bilan mavjud aholi punktlarini kengaytirish davom etmoqda G'arbiy Sohil Falastin rahbariyati tomonidan qattiq qoralandi. Oslo kelishuvlariga binoan mavjud aholi punktlari ichida qurilishga ruxsat berilgan bo'lsa-da, Falastin tarafdorlari har qanday qurilishni davom ettirish uning ruhiga zid deb da'vo qilishadi,[27] yakuniy maqomdagi muzokaralar natijalariga zararli ta'sir ko'rsatdi va Barakning tinchlik istagiga Falastinning ishonchini susaytirdi.[32]

Xronologiya

2000

Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi masofadan turib zondlash Falastin ma'muriyati tomonidan boshqariladigan hududlar xaritasi, 2008 yil iyul.

The Kemp-Deviddagi Yaqin Sharq tinchlik sammiti, 2000 yil 11-25 iyul kunlari AQSh o'rtasida bo'lib o'tdi Prezident Bill Klinton, Isroil Bosh vaziri Ehud Barak va Falastin ma'muriyati Rais Yosir Arafat. Ikkinchisining muzokaralar muvaffaqiyatsiz kechganligi uchun bir-birini ayblashi bilan muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi.[iqtibos kerak ] Kelishuvda to'rtta asosiy to'siqlar mavjud edi: hudud, Quddus va Ma'bad tog'i, Falastinlik qochqinlar va qaytish huquqi va Isroilning xavfsizlik muammolari.[iqtibos kerak ]

Sharon Temple tog'iga tashrif buyuradi

28 sentyabrda Isroil oppozitsiyasi rahbari Ariel Sharon va a Likud yuzlab Isroil politsiyasi tomonidan qo'riqlanadigan partiya delegatsiyasi tashrif buyurdi Ma'bad tog'i bu keng tarqalgan bo'lib hisoblanadi Islomdagi eng muqaddas uchinchi sayt.[33] Isroil o'z nazoratini tasdiqladi Sharqiy Quddusni Quddusga qo'shish 1980 yilda va bu birikma yahudiylikdagi eng muqaddas sayt.

Isroil ichki ishlar vaziri Shlomo Ben-Ami, Sharonning tashrifiga ruxsat bergan, keyinchalik u Falastin ma'muriyati xavfsizlik boshlig'iga telefon qilganini da'vo qildi Jibril Rajub tashrifidan oldin va Sharon masjidlarga kirmaguncha, uning tashrifi hech qanday muammo tug'dirmasligiga ishontirdi. Rajub bunga qat'iy ishontirishni qat'iyan rad etdi.[34]

Sharon saytni tark etganidan ko'p o'tmay, tashqaridagi falastinlik quddusliklar tomonidan g'azablangan namoyishlar qo'zg'olonga aylandi. Uchun mas'ul shaxs vaqf O'sha paytda, Abu Qteish, keyinchalik Isroil tomonidan baland ovozli karnay yordamida falastinliklarni Al-Aqsoni himoya qilishga chaqirgani uchun ayblangan edi, bu esa Isroil rasmiylarining ta'kidlashicha, yig'ilish devori tomon tosh otish uchun mas'ul bo'lgan.[35] Isroil politsiyasi bunga javoban ko'zdan yosh oqizuvchi gaz va rezina o'q bilan javob bergan, namoyishchilar esa tosh otdi 25 nafar politsiyachini jarohatlagan boshqa snaryadlar, ulardan biri og'ir jarohat olgan va kasalxonaga yotqizilishi kerak edi. Kamida uch falastinlik kauchuk o'qlardan yaralangan.[36]

Sharonning ushbu binoga tashrifidan maqsad barcha isroilliklar ma'bad tog'iga tashrif buyurish huquqini ta'minlash edi;[37][38] ammo, Likud vakili so'zlariga ko'ra Ofir Akunis, asl maqsadi "Likud hukumati ostida [Ma'bad tog'i] Isroil suvereniteti ostida qolishini ko'rsatish" edi.[39] Ehud Barak Kemp-Devid muzokaralarida Haram joylashgan Sharqiy Quddus to'liq Isroil suvereniteti ostida qolishini talab qildi.[40] Ariel Sharon hukumatning ushbu joyni falastinliklarga topshirishga tayyorligi haqidagi ayblovlariga javoban, Isroil hukumati Sharonga ushbu hududga tashrif buyurishga ruxsat berdi. Uning niyatlari haqida ogohlantirganda, masalan, katta falastinlik arboblar Yosir Arafat, Saeb Erekat va Faysal Xusseyni, hamma Sharondan tashrifini to'xtatishni so'radi.[41]

O'n kun oldin falastinliklar ushbu yilni xotirlash kunini nishonladilar Sabra va Shatila qirg'ini.[41] The Kahan komissiyasi degan xulosaga kelgan Ariel Sharon Sabra va Shatiladagi qirg'in paytida Mudofaa vaziri bo'lgan shaxsning shaxsiy javobgarligi aniqlandi[42] "qon to'kish va qasos olish xavfini e'tiborsiz qoldirgani uchun" va "qon to'kilishining oldini olish uchun tegishli choralarni ko'rmagani uchun". Isroil nazorati ostiga o'tgan Beyrutning tinch aholisini himoya qilishda Sharonning beparvoligi a Mudofaa vaziriga yuklatilgan vazifani bajarmaganlikva Sharonni Mudofaa vaziri lavozimidan ozod qilish tavsiya qilindi. Dastlab Sharon iste'foga chiqishni rad etdi, ammo tinchlik marshidan keyin isroillik o'lganidan keyin Sharon mudofaa vaziri lavozimidan iste'foga chiqdi, ammo Isroil kabinetida qoldi.

Falastinliklar Sharonning Ma'bad tog'iga tashrifini, u bilan birga voqea joyiga kelgan qurollangan qo'riqchilari singari, provokatsiya va bosqin sifatida qoraladi. Tanqidchilarning ta'kidlashicha, Sharon ushbu tashrif zo'ravonlikni keltirib chiqarishi mumkinligini bilgan va uning tashrifi maqsadi siyosiy bo'lgan. Kuzatuvchilardan birining so'zlariga ko'ra, Sharon Ma'bad tog'ida yurib, "Arab-Isroil mojarosidagi eng nozik muz ustida konkida uchib yurgan".[43]

Ga binoan The New York TimesMisrliklar, falastinliklar, Livan va Iordaniyaliklarni o'z ichiga olgan arab dunyosida ko'pchilik Sharonning tashrifini Ikkinchi intifadaning boshlanishi va tinchlik jarayonining izdan chiqishi deb ta'kidlamoqda.[44] Juliana Ochsning so'zlariga ko'ra, Sharonning tashrifi ramziy ma'noda ikkinchi intifadani qo'zg'atdi.[45] Marvan Barguti Garchi Sharonning provokatsion harakatlari falastinliklar uchun birlashish nuqtasi bo'lgan bo'lsa-da, Ma'bad tog'iga bormagan taqdirda ham Ikkinchi intifada paydo bo'lishi mumkin edi.[46]

Intifadaning birinchi kunlari

2000 yil 29 sentyabrda, Sharonning tashrifidan bir kun o'tib, juma namozidan keyin atrofda katta tartibsizliklar boshlandi Quddusning eski shahri. Ma'bad tog'ida Isroil politsiyasi falastinliklarga qarata tosh otib o'q uzdi G'arbiy devor yahudiylarga sig'inuvchilarda. Quddus politsiyasi boshlig'i tosh bilan hushidan ketib, to'rt nafar falastinlik yoshni o'ldirganidan keyin ular jonli o'q-dorilarga o'tdilar.[43][47][48] 200 nafargacha falastinlik va politsiya jarohat oldi.[49] Yana uchta falastinlik Eski shaharda va Zaytun tog'i.[50] Kunning oxiriga kelib, etti falastinlik o'ldirildi va 300 kishi yaralandi;[51] To'qnashuvda 70 nafar Isroil politsiyasi ham jarohat oldi.[41][52]

Keyingi kunlarda namoyishlar boshlanib ketdi G'arbiy Sohil va G'azo. Isroil politsiyasi bunga jonli olov va rezina bilan qoplangan o'qlar bilan javob qaytardi. Dastlabki besh kun ichida kamida 47 falastinlik o'ldirilgan, 1.885 kishi yaralangan.[51] Parijda, xuddi shunday Jak Shirak tomonlar o'rtasida vositachilik qilishga urinib, Barakka Falastin va Isroil o'ldirilgan va yarador bo'lganlarning nisbati bir kunda falastinliklarning tajovuzkor ekanligiga hech kimni ishontira olmasligiga norozilik bildirdi. Shuningdek, u Barakka "toshlarni uloqtirayotgan odamlarga vertolyotlardan o'q uzishni davom ettirish" va xalqaro surishtiruvni rad etish Arafatning uch tomonlama muzokaralarda qatnashish taklifini rad etish bilan barobardir.[53] 27 sentyabr kuni G'azo sektori aholi punkti yaqinidagi falastinlik jangarilar tomonidan uyushtirilgan bombardimonda Isroil askari halok bo'ldi va yana biri yengil jarohat oldi. Netzarim.[54] Ikki kundan keyin Falastin politsiyasi zobiti Nail Sulaymon qarorgohga qarata o't ochdi Isroil chegara politsiyasi G'arbiy Sohil shahridagi qo'shma patrul paytida jip Qalqiliya, Suptni o'ldirish. Yosef Tabeja.[55] G'alayonlarning dastlabki bir necha kunida ID taxminan 1,3 million o'q otdi.[56]

Ga binoan Xalqaro Amnistiya Falastinliklarning dastlabki talafotlari namoyishlarda qatnashganlar yoki atrofdagilar edi. Amnistiya yana bir oy ichida o'ldirilgan falastinliklarning taxminan 80% Isroil xavfsizlik xizmatlari hayoti xavf ostida bo'lmagan namoyishlarda bo'lganligini ta'kidlamoqda.[57]

2000 yil 30 sentyabrda vafot etdi Muhammad al-Durrah, G'azo sektoridagi xiyobonda otasining orqasidan boshpana topayotgan falastinlik bola otib o'ldirilgani videoga tushdi. Dastlab bolaning o'limi va otasining yaralanishi Isroil harbiylariga tegishli edi. Sahna ramziy maqomga ega bo'ldi, chunki u butun dunyoda namoyish etildi va arab televideniesida bir necha bor namoyish etildi. Isroil armiyasi dastlab qotillik uchun javobgarlikni o'z zimmasiga oldi va kechirim so'radi va faqat 2 oy o'tgach, ichki tekshiruv dastlabki versiyasiga shubha tug'dirganda va keyinchalik ID jangarilar tomonidan o'q uzilganmi yoki Falastin fraktsiyalari aybdormi? o'limga olib kelgan o'q ovozlari.[58]

2000 yil oktyabr voqealari

Isroil arablarining 2000 yil oktabrdagi tartibsizliklar uchun yodgorligi, Nosira

"2000 yil oktyabr voqealari" deganda Isroil ichidagi bir necha kunlik tartibsizliklar va to'qnashuvlar, asosan, o'rtasidagi to'qnashuvlar tushuniladi Arab fuqarolari va Isroil politsiyasi, shuningdek, arablar va yahudiylar tomonidan keng ko'lamli tartibsizliklar. Isroilning o'n ikki arab fuqarosi va G'azo sektoridan bo'lgan falastinlik Isroil politsiyasi tomonidan o'ldirilgan bo'lsa, isroillik yahudiy o'z mashinasini toshga urib o'ldirgan. Tel-Aviv-Xayfa avtomagistrali. Intifadaning birinchi oyida 141 falastinlik o'ldirildi va 5984 kishi yaralandi, 12 isroillik halok bo'ldi va 65 kishi yaralandi.[59]

Shimoliy Isroil bo'ylab umumiy ish tashlash va namoyishlar 1 oktyabrda boshlanib, bir necha kun davom etdi. Ba'zi hollarda namoyishlar toqnashuvlarga aylanib ketdi Isroil politsiyasi jalb qilish tosh otish, o't o'chirish va jonli olov. Politsiyachilar ko'zdan yosh oqizuvchi gaz ishlatib, o't ochishdi rezina bilan qoplangan o'qlar keyinchalik ba'zi hollarda jonli o'q-dorilar, politsiya tartibsizlikni tartibga soluvchi protokolga zid ravishda ko'p marta. Ushbu jonli o'q-dorilarni ishlatish ko'plab o'limlar bilan bevosita bog'liq edi Yoki komissiya.

8 oktyabrda minglab yahudiy isroilliklar Tel-Avivda va boshqa joylarda sodir bo'lgan zo'ravonlik harakatlarida qatnashdilar, ba'zilari arablarga tosh otishdi, arablarning mulklarini vayron qilishdi va "Arablarga o'lim" shiorlarini aytishdi.[60]

Tartibsizliklar ortidan yahudiy va arab fuqarolari o'rtasida keskinlik va arab fuqarolari va politsiya o'rtasida ishonchsizlik keng tarqaldi. Oliy sud adliya boshchiligidagi tergov qo'mitasi Teodor Yoki, zo'ravonlik tartibsizliklarini ko'rib chiqib, politsiya bunday tartibsizliklar bilan shug'ullanishga tayyor emasligini aniqladi va yirik ofitserlarni yomon xulq-atvorda aybladi. The Yoki komissiya tanbeh berdi Bosh vazir Ehud Barak va tavsiya etiladi Shlomo Ben-Ami, keyin Ichki xavfsizlik vaziri, yana jamoat xavfsizligi vaziri sifatida ishlamaydi. Shuningdek, qo'mita arab liderlari va Knesset a'zolarini atmosferani qo'zg'atishda va zo'ravonlikni yanada og'irlashishiga hissa qo'shganlikda aybladi.

Ramallah linchingi va Isroilning javobi

Ramallahdagi turar-joy mahallasi.

12-oktabr kuni PA politsiyasi tasodifan kirib kelgan ikkita Isroil zaxirachisini hibsga oldi Ramalloh O'tgan haftalarda yuzga yaqin falastinlik o'ldirilgan bo'lsa, ularning yigirmaga yaqini voyaga etmaganlar.[61] Isroilning maxfiy agentlari bino ichida ekanligi haqida mish-mishlar tezda tarqaldi va mingdan ortiq falastinliklarning g'azablangan olami stansiya oldida yig'ilib, ularni o'lishga chaqirdi. Ikkala askar ham kaltaklangan, pichoqlangan va tanadan tushirilgan va bitta jasadga o't qo'yilgan. Italiya televideniesi ekipaji qotilliklarni videoga oldi va keyin uning lentasini xalqaro miqyosda translyatsiya qildi.[62][63] Britaniyalik jurnalist suratga olishga uringanida uning kamerasi tartibsizliklar tomonidan yo'q qilingan. Qotillikning shafqatsizligi Isroil jamoatchiligini hayratga soldi, ular buni Falastinning Isroil va yahudiylarga bo'lgan chuqur nafratining isboti deb bildilar.[64] Bunga javoban, Isroil G'arbiy Sohil va G'azo sektoridagi Falastin ma'muriyatining nishonlariga qarshi bir necha marotaba javob zarbalarini berdi. Ushbu operatsiyalarda linch amalga oshirilgan politsiya bo'limi evakuatsiya qilindi va yo'q qilindi.[65][66] Keyinchalik Isroil askarlarni o'ldirishda aybdorlarni ta'qib qilib, hibsga oldi.

Noyabr va dekabr

1-noyabr kuni Isroil kuchlari va falastinliklar o'rtasida to'qnashuvlar keskin oshdi, o'shanda uch Isroil askari va olti falastinlik o'ldirilgan, to'rt nafar ID askari va 140 falastinlik yaralangan. Keyingi kunlarda IDF tartibni tiklashga urinishi bilan qurbonlar ko'payib ketdi, to'qnashuvlar har kuni noyabr oyida sodir bo'ldi. Jami 122 falastinlik va 22 isroillik halok bo'ldi. 27-noyabr kuni, birinchi kuni Ramazon, Isroil tovar va yoqilg'ining o'tishi bilan cheklovlarni yumshatdi Karni kesib o'tish. O'sha kuni Quddus aholi punkti Gilo Falastinning og'ir pulemyot o'qi ostiga tushdi Beyt Jala. Bir hafta o'tgach, Isroil cheklovlarni kuchaytirdi va Falastinliklar ID va isroillik ko'chmanchilar bilan to'qnashuvni davom ettirdilar, dekabr oyida jami 51 falastinlik va 8 isroillik o'ldirildi.[67]

2001

The Taba sammiti Isroil bilan Falastin ma'muriyati 2001 yil 21-27 yanvar kunlari bo'lib o'tdi Taba ichida Sinay yarim oroli. Isroil bosh vaziri Ehud Barak va Falastin prezidenti Yosir Arafat avvalgi yoki keyingi tinchlik muzokaralariga qaraganda yakuniy kelishuvga yaqinlashdi, ammo oxir-oqibat o'z maqsadlariga erisha olmadilar.

2001 yil 17-yanvarda isroillik o'spirin Ofir Rahum aldovdan keyin o'ldirilgan Ramalloh 24 yoshli falastinlik, Fatohning a'zosi Mona Jaud Avana tomonidan Tanzim. U Internetda Ofir bilan bog'lanib, u bilan bir necha oy davomida onlayn romantikada bo'lgan. Oxir-oqibat u uni Ramallahga uchratish uchun uni haydashga ishontirdi, u erda u uch nafar falastinlik qurolli odam tomonidan pistirmada va o'n besh marotaba o'qqa tutildi.[68] Keyinchalik Avana katta harbiy va politsiya operatsiyasida hibsga olingan va umrbod qamoq jazosiga hukm qilingan. Yanvar oyida yana beshta isroillik, o'n sakkiz falastinlik o'ldirildi.

Ariel Sharon, vaqtida Likud partiya, qarshi yugurdi Ehud Barak dan Mehnat partiyasi. Sharon 2001 yil 6 fevralda Isroil Bosh vaziri etib saylandi 2001 yil Bosh vazirlikka maxsus saylov. Sharon Yosir Arafat bilan shaxsan uchrashishdan bosh tortdi.

Mart oyidagi zo'ravonlik 8 nafar isroillik, asosan tinch aholi va 26 nafar falastinlik o'limiga olib keldi. Yilda Xevron, falastinlik mergan o'n oylik isroillik go'dakni o'ldirdi Shalhevet dovoni.[69][70] Qotillik Isroil jamoatchiligini hayratga soldi. Isroil politsiyasining tergoviga ko'ra mergan bolani qasddan nishonga olgan.[71]

2001 yil 30 aprelda portlashda etti falastinlik jangari o'ldirildi, ulardan biri Ofir Rahumning qotilligi ishtirokchisi. ID Xalqaro Falastinning mas'uliyatli ekanligi haqidagi ayblovlarini tasdiqlashdan yoki rad etishdan bosh tortdi.

2001 yil 7 mayda IDF dengiz komandolari kemani qo'lga kiritdi Santorini Falastin ma'muriyati nazorati ostidagi G'azo tomon xalqaro suvlarda suzib yurgan. Kema qurol-yarog 'bilan to'ldirilgan edi. Isroil tomonidan olib borilgan tergov, yukni sotib olgan deb da'vo qilmoqda Ahmed Jibril "s Falastinni ozod qilish uchun Xalq jabhasi - Bosh qo'mondonlik (PFLP-GC). Kema va uning yuklari qiymati 10 million dollarga baholandi. Xabar qilinishicha, ekipaj qurol-yarog 'bilan to'ldirilgan bochkalarning yuklarini ehtiyotkorlik bilan yopilgan va tarkibidagi narsalar bilan birga suv o'tkazmaydigan joyni - G'azo sohilining yaqinida oldindan belgilangan joyda, Falastin ma'muriyati uni qayta tiklashi kerak edi.

2001 yil 8 mayda ikkita isroillik o'spirin Yaakov "Koby" Mandell (13) va Yosef Ishran (14) o'z qishlog'i yaqinida sayr qilish paytida o'g'irlab ketilgan. Ularning jasadlari ertasi kuni ertalab ular yashagan joy yaqinidagi g'orda topilgan.[72] USA Today politsiya ma'lumotlariga ko'ra, ikkala o'g'il ham "bog'langan, pichoqlangan va toshlar bilan o'ldirilgan". Gazetaning davomi: "Yahudiya cho'lidagi g'orning devorlari o'g'il bolalarning qoni bilan o'ralgan, xabarlarga ko'ra u erda qotillar tomonidan surtilgan".[73]

Keyin xudkushlik hujumi Netanyani urib yubordi 2001 yil 18 mayda Isroil 1967 yildan buyon birinchi marta G'arbiy Sohil va G'azodagi Falastin ma'muriyatining nishonlariga hujum qilish uchun jangovar samolyotlardan foydalanib, 12 falastinlikni o'ldirdi. Ilgari, havo hujumlari vertolyot qurollari bilan amalga oshirilgan.[74]

Tel-Avivdagi delfinariy saytidagi Dolphinarium qirg'inlari qurbonlari ismlari rus tilida yozilgan

2001 yil 1-iyunda an Islomiy Jihod xudkush terrorchi o'zini Tel-Aviv qirg'og'ida portlatdi Dolphinarium raqs klubi. 21 nafar Isroil fuqarosi, aksariyati o'rta maktab o'quvchilari, o'ldirildi va 132 kishi yaralandi.[75][76][77][78] Hujum Amerikaning sulh to'g'risida muzokaralar olib borishga bo'lgan urinishlariga sezilarli darajada to'sqinlik qildi.

12 iyun Georgios Tsibouktzakisning qotilligi Falastin merganlari tomonidan keyinchalik bog'lab qo'yilgan Marvan Barguti.[79]

2001 yilda jami 469 falastinlik va 199 isroillik o'ldirilgan. Xalqaro Amnistiya Xalqaro Amnistiya (Intifada) ning birinchi yilidagi hisobotida:

Isroil va bosib olingan hududlarda qonunga xilof ravishda o'ldirish va jarohat olish holatlarining aksariyati ID tomonidan haddan tashqari kuch ishlatib sodir etilgan. Xususan, IDF AQSh tomonidan etkazib beriladigan vertolyotlardan raketa hujumlarida, hayot uchun bevosita xavf tug'dirmaydigan joylarda foydalangan. Shuningdek, Isroil vertolyot qurollaridan sudsiz qatl etishda va tinch aholi, shu jumladan bolalarning o'ldirilishiga olib kelgan nishonlarga o'q uzishda ham foydalangan. ... HAMAS va Islomiy Jihod ko'p sonli Isroil fuqarolarini tasodifiy ravishda o'ldirish va mayib qilish uchun tez-tez jamoat joylarida, odatda Isroil ichida bomba joylashtirgan. Ikkala tashkilot ham shahidlik kultini kuchaytirdi va tez-tez xudkush bombalardan foydalanmoqda.[57]

Keyinchalik 2001 yilda falastinlik terrorchilar bir qator o'z joniga qasd qilish xurujlarini uyushtirdilar, ular orasida Sbarro restoranidagi qatliom, 15 fuqaroning qurbonlari bilan (shu jumladan 7 bola);[80][81][82] The Nahariya temir yo'l stantsiyasida xudkushlik hujumi va Pardes Xanna avtobusida portlash, ikkalasi ham 3 fuqaro qurbonlari bilan;[83][84][85] Ben Yehuda ko'chasida 11 fuqaroning o'limi bilan portlash, ko'plari bolalar;[86] va Xayfa avtobusi 16 xudkushlik hujumi, 15 fuqaroning qurbonlari bilan.[87]

2002

Dan musodara qilingan harbiy texnika Karine A

2002 yil yanvar oyida IDF Shayetet 13 dengiz komandolari qo'lga olindi Karine A, qurol olib yurgan yuk tashuvchi Eron Isroil tomon, bu Isroilga qarshi Falastin jangarilaridan foydalanish uchun mo'ljallangan. Yuqori mansabdor shaxslar Falastin ma'muriyati kontrabanda bilan shug'ullangan, isroilliklar barmog'ini ko'rsatgan Yosir Arafat shuningdek, jalb qilingan.

Falastinliklar asosan tinch aholiga qarshi qaratilgan xudkushlik hujumlari va Isroilga qarshi hujumlarni boshladilar. 3 mart kuni falastinlik snayper yaqinidagi nazorat punktida 10 nafar isroillik askar va ko'chmanchini o'ldirdi va 4 kishini yaraladi Ofra,[88] yordamida M1 karbini. Keyinchalik u hibsga olingan va umrbod qamoq jazosiga hukm qilingan. Hujumlarning tezligi oshdi va 2002 yil mart oyida eng yuqori ko'rsatkichga erishdi. Ko'plab otishma va granata hujumlaridan tashqari, o'sha oy Isroilda 15 o'z joniga qasd qilish hujumi sodir bo'ldi, o'rtacha har ikki kunda bitta bomba. Hujumlarning yuqori darajasi butun Isroilda qo'rquvni va butun mamlakat bo'ylab kundalik hayotni jiddiy buzilishini keltirib chiqardi. 2002 yil mart Isroilda "Qora mart" nomi bilan mashhur bo'ldi.[89] Xudkushlik hujumlari to'lqini bilan yakunlandi Fisih qirg'ini yilda Netanya 27 mart kuni, Park mehmonxonasida bayram paytida 30 kishi o'ldirilgan Fisih bayrami.[90] Umuman olganda, 2002 yil mart oyida Falastin hujumlarida 130 ga yaqin isroilliklar, asosan tinch aholi halok bo'lishdi.

12 mart kuni Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkiloti Xavfsizlik Kengashining 1397-sonli qarori o'tdi, bu yana bir bor tasdiqladi Ikki holatli echim va uchun asos yaratdi Tinchlik uchun yo'l xaritasi. Saylov okruglari mojarodagi zo'ravonlik haqida batafsil televizion ko'rsatuvlarga duch kelgan arab rahbarlari keng qamrovli bayonot berdilar Arab tinchligi tashabbusi Saudiya Arabistoni tomonidan 28 martda bayon qilingan. Arafat bu taklifni ma'qulladi, Isroil esa salqin munosabat bildirdi va deyarli buni e'tiborsiz qoldirdi.[91][92][93][94]

29 martda Isroil ishga tushirildi Himoya qalqoni operatsiyasi 3 maygacha davom etdi. IDF G'arbiy Sohil bo'ylab va Falastinning ko'plab shaharlariga keng ko'lamli hujumlarni amalga oshirdi. Arafat uning qamaliga olingan Ramallah aralashmasi.[95] BMT hisob-kitoblariga ko'ra, Isroilning 1 martdan 7 maygacha bo'lgan munosabati bilan 497 falastinlik halok bo'lgan va 1447 kishi yaralangan B'Tselem ro'yxatdan o'tgan 240 o'ldirilgan.[96] Qurbonlarning aksariyati Falastin xavfsizlik kuchlari va jangari guruhlar a'zolari bo'lgan. Isroil kuchlari ham operatsiya davomida 4258 falastinlikni hibsga olishdi.[97] Amaliyot davomida Isroilning qurbonlari soni 30 kishini va 127 kishini yaraladi. Operatsiya Falastin ma'muriyatining nazoratidagi hududlarini qaytarib olish bilan yakunlandi.[98]

Jenin

2 va 11 aprel kunlari Falastinning qochqinlar shaharchasida qamal va shiddatli janglar bo'lib o'tdi. Jenin. Lager, mudofaa qalqoni operatsiyasi paytida Isroil "Isroil tinch fuqarolariga ham, mintaqadagi Isroil shaharlari va qishloqlariga qarshi ko'plab terroristik hujumlarni boshlash joyi bo'lib xizmat qilganini" aniqlagandan so'ng nishonga olingan.[99] Jenin jangi har ikki tomon uchun alangali nuqtaga aylandi va shiddatli shaharlik janglarini ko'rdi, chunki Isroil piyodalari qurol-yarog 'va hujum vertolyotlari tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanib, lagerni Falastin jangarilaridan tozalashdi. Jangda IDF g'alaba qozondi, keyin o'nlab kishi ishladi Caterpillar D9 zirhli buldozerlar Falastinni tozalash uchun booby tuzoqlari, portlovchi moddalarni portlatish, binolar va qurol-yaroq ustunlarini yo'q qilish; buldozerlar falastinlik jangarilar hujumlariga dosh berolmaydilar.[100]

Isroilning lagerdagi harbiy operatsiyalari paytida Falastin manbalari yuzlab odamlarni qirg'in qilganini iddao qilishdi. Falastin ma'muriyatining yuqori lavozimli rasmiysi aprel oyi o'rtalarida 500 ga yaqin odam o'ldirilgan deb da'vo qilgan.[101] Jenin shahridagi janglar paytida Isroil rasmiylari dastlab yuzlab falastinliklarning o'limini taxmin qilishgan, ammo keyinchalik Falastinliklarning soni "45 dan 55 gacha" bo'lishini kutishgan.[102] Keyingi tortishuvlarda Isroil Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Xavfsizlik Kengashi tomonidan bir ovozdan so'ralgan birinchi so'rovni o'tkazishiga to'sqinlik qildi, ammo BMT o'z hisobotida qatliom haqidagi da'volarni rad etishga qodir deb hisobladi. Falastinlik tinch aholini xavf ostiga qo'ygani uchun ikkala tomon ham.[102][103] O'zlarining tergovlari asosida Xalqaro Amnistiya[104] va Human Rights Watch tashkiloti[105] Jenin shahridagi ID xodimlarining bir qismi sodir etgan deb aybladi harbiy jinoyatlar shuningdek, ID tomonidan hech qanday qirg'in qilinmaganligini tasdiqladi. Ikkala inson huquqlarini himoya qilish tashkilotlari ham rasmiy surishtiruvlarga chaqirgan; IDF ayblovlarni rad etdi.

Jangdan keyin ko'pchilik manbalar, shu jumladan IDF va Falastin ma'muriyati, Falastinda o'lganlar sonini 52-56 deb e'lon qildi;[106] Human Rights Watch tashkiloti 52 falastinlik o'limini hujjatlashtirdi va kamida 27 jangari va 22 tinch aholini, shuningdek jangari yoki fuqarolik maqomini aniqlash mumkin bo'lmagan qo'shimcha 3 falastinlikni o'z ichiga olganligini da'vo qildi,[107] IDF esa 48 jangari va 5 tinch aholi o'ldirilganligini aytgan.[108] Human Rights Watch ma'lumotlariga ko'ra, 140 bino vayron bo'lgan.[109] IDF jang paytida 23 Isroil askari halok bo'lgan va 75 nafari yaralanganini xabar qildi.[105][110]

Baytlahm

2 apreldan 10 maygacha stend-off Tug'ilish cherkovi yilda Baytlahm. Falastinlik tinch aholi, jangarilar va ruhoniylar bo'lgan paytda ID jangarilari cherkovni o'rab olishdi. Qamal paytida ID snayperlari cherkov ichida 8 jangarini yo'q qilishdi va 40 dan ortiq odamni yaraladilar. Qarama-qarshilik ID tomonidan terrorchi deb topilgan 13 falastinlik jangarining Evropaga deportatsiya qilinishi bilan hal qilindi va IDF 38 kunlik qarama-qarshilikni cherkov ichidagi jangarilar bilan tugatdi.

2003

2003 yilda Hayfada avtobusdagi portlash oqibatlari

Isroil razvedkasining ushbu bayonotidan so'ng Yosir Arafat ga 20000 dollar to'lagan edi al-Aqsa shahidlar brigadasi, Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari demokratik islohotlarni talab qildi Falastin ma'muriyati, shuningdek, Arafatdan mustaqil bosh vazirni tayinlash. 2003 yil 13 martda AQSh bosimidan so'ng Arafat tayinlandi Mahmud Abbos Falastin bosh vaziri sifatida.

Abbos tayinlangandan so'ng, AQSh ma'muriyati bu lavozimni ilgari surdi Tinchlik uchun yo'l xaritasi - bu Kvartet tugatish rejasi Isroil-Falastin to'qnashuvi jangari tashkilotlarni tarqatib yuborish, aholi punktlari faoliyatini to'xtatish va demokratik va tinch Falastin davlatini barpo etish orqali. Rejaning birinchi bosqichi Falastin ma'muriyatidan partizanlik va terroristik hujumlarni bostirishni va noqonuniy qurollarni musodara qilishni talab qildi. Jangari tashkilotlarga qarshi tura olmaslik yoki fuqarolik urushi xavfini tug'dira olmagan yoki istamagan Abbos jangari guruhlar bilan vaqtincha sulh bitimiga erishishga urindi va ulardan Isroil fuqarolariga qarshi hujumlarni to'xtatishni iltimos qildi.

20 may kuni Isroil dengiz kuchlari qo'mondonligi boshqa kemani, ya'ni Abu Hasan, albatta G'azo sektori dan Livan. U raketalar, qurol-yarog 'va o'q-dorilar bilan to'ldirilgan edi. Bortdagi sakkiz ekipaj a'zosi hibsga olingan, ular orasida bir keksalar ham bor Hizbulloh a'zo.

2003 yil 29 iyunda a vaqtinchalik sulh tomonidan bir tomonlama e'lon qilindi Fatoh, HAMAS va Islomiy Jihod uch oylik muddat davomida o't ochishni to'xtatish va Isroilga qarshi barcha hujumlarni to'xtatish to'g'risida e'lon qildi.[111] Keyingi bir oyda zo'ravonlik biroz pasaygan, ammo Isroilning tinch aholisiga qarshi xudkushlik hujumlari va Isroilning jangarilarga qarshi operatsiyalari davom etgan.

ID hujumi paytida reyd paytida to'rt nafar falastinlik, ulardan uchtasi jangari bo'lgan Asqar yaqin Nablus tanklar va zirhli transport vositalari (BTR); jangarilardan biri tomonidan Isroil askari o'ldirilgan. Yaqin atrofdagi falastinliklar falastinlik ishchilarga qarata o'q uzganligi niqobidagi Isroil politsiyasining otryadiga da'vo qilishdi Abbedulloh Qavasameh u Xevron masjididan chiqib ketayotganda.[112] YAMAM, operatsiyani amalga oshirgan Isroilning terrorizmga qarshi politsiya bo'limi, Qavasemahni hibsga olishga uringan paytda ularga qarata o'q uzganini aytdi.

19 avgustda Xamas a o'z joniga qasd qilish a gavjum avtobus yilda Quddus 23 nafar Isroil fuqarosini, shu jumladan 7 bolani o'ldirish. HAMAS buni beshta falastinlik (jumladan, Xamas rahbari) o'ldirilishi uchun qasos deb da'vo qildi Abbedulloh Kavasame ) hafta boshida. AQSh va Isroil ommaviy axborot vositalari tez-tez avtobusdagi portlashni tinchlikni buzish va sulhga chek qo'yish deb atashdi.

Xamas avtobusining hujumidan so'ng, Isroil mudofaa kuchlari Hamas rahbarlarini o'ldirish yoki qo'lga olish buyurilgan Xevron va G'azo sektori. Avtobusda xudkushlik hujumini uyushtirganlarning barchasi qo'lga olingan yoki o'ldirilgan va Xevronda XAMAS rahbariyati ID tomonidan jiddiy zarar ko'rgan. Nablus, Jenin va Tulkaremda qat'iy komendantlik soati joriy etildi; Nablusni qulflash 100 kundan ortiq davom etdi. Yilda Nazlet 'Issa, 60 dan ortiq do'kon Isroil fuqarolik ma'muriyati tomonidan vayron qilingan buldozerlar. Isroil fuqarolik ma'muriyati do'konlarning borligini tushuntirdi buzib tashlangan chunki ular ruxsatisiz qurilgan. Falastinliklar Isroilning harbiy komendantlik soati va mol-mulkni yo'q qilishni tashkil etadi jamoaviy jazo begunoh falastinliklarga qarshi.[113]

Iordan daryosining g'arbiy qirg'og'idagi to'siqni erta qurish, 2003 yil

Arafat davrida samarali hukmronlik qila olmagan Abbos 2003 yil sentyabr oyida iste'foga chiqdi. Ahmed Kurey Uning o'rniga (Abu Ala) tayinlandi. Isroil hukumati mojaroni muzokaralar yo'li bilan hal qilish umididan voz kechdi va qurilishni boshlash orqali Isroilni Falastin jamoalaridan jismonan ajratish bo'yicha bir tomonlama siyosat olib bordi. Isroilning G'arbiy sohilidagi to'siq. Isroil ushbu to'siqni falastinlik hujumchilarni Isroil shaharlariga kirishini oldini olish uchun zarur deb da'vo qilmoqda. Falastinliklar to'siq Falastin jamoalarini bir-biridan ajratib turishini va qurilish rejasi Falastin hududining amalda qo'shib olinishini anglatadi.

4 oktyabrdan keyin Maksim restoranida o'z joniga qasd qilish, Hayfa, 21 isroillik hayotini olib ketgan, Isroil Suriya va Eron homiysi Islomiy Jihod va Hizbulloh va terakt uchun javobgar edi. Maksim qirg'inidan keyingi kun, IAF harbiy samolyotlar sobiq Falastinning o'quv bazasini bombardimon qildi Ayn Sahebda, Suriya, 1980-yillardan beri asosan tark qilingan. Saytda saqlanayotgan o'q-dorilar yo'q qilindi, oddiy posbon jarohat oldi.

2004

Bilan Isroil jamoalarining qayta-qayta o'q otishlariga javoban Qassam raketalari va G'azodagi minomyot snaryadlari IDF asosan ishlaydi Rafax - qidirish va yo'q qilish kontrabanda tunnellari olish uchun jangarilar tomonidan ishlatilgan qurol, o'q-dorilar, qochqinlar, sigaretalar, avtomobil qismlari, elektr tovarlari, chet el valyutasi, oltin, giyohvand moddalar va mato Misr. 2000 yil sentyabrdan 2004 yil maygacha Misr va G'azo sektorini bog'laydigan to'qsonta tunnel topildi va yo'q qilindi. Rafohdagi reydlar ko'plab oilalarni uysiz qoldirdi. Isroilning rasmiy pozitsiyasi shundaki, ularning uylari jangarilar tomonidan bosib olingan va ID kuchlari bilan janglar paytida vayron qilingan. Ushbu uylarning aksariyati Isroil bosqini tufayli tashlab qo'yilgan va keyinchalik vayron qilingan. According to Human Rights Watch, over 1,500 houses were destroyed to create a large buffer zone in the city, many "in the absence of military necessity", displacing around sixteen thousand people.[114]

2004 yil 2 fevralda Isroil Bosh vaziri Ariel Sharon barcha transfer rejasini e'lon qildi Jewish settlers dan G'azo sektori. The Israeli opposition dismissed his announcement as "media spin", but the Isroil Mehnat partiyasi bunday harakatni qo'llab-quvvatlashini aytdi. Sharonning o'ng qanot koalitsiyasidagi sheriklari Milliy diniy partiya va Milliy ittifoq rejani rad etdi va agar u amalga oshirilsa, hukumatni tark etishga va'da berdi. Yossi Beilin, peace advocate and architect of the Oslo shartnomalari va Geneva Accord, also rejected the proposed withdrawal plan. He claimed that withdrawing from the Gaza Strip without a peace agreement would reward terror.

Following the declaration of the disengagement plan by Ariel Sharon and as a response to suicide attacks on Erez o'tish va Ashdod seaport (10 people were killed), the IDF launched a series of armored raids on the Gaza Strip (mainly Rafah and refugee camps around Gaza), killing about 70 HAMAS jangarilar. On 22 March 2004, an Israeli helicopter gunship o'ldirilgan Hamas leader Sheikh Ahmed Yassin, along with his two bodyguards and nine bystanders. On 17 April, after several failed attempts by Hamas to commit suicide bombings and a successful one that killed an Israeli policeman, Yassin's successor, Abdel Aziz al-Rantissi, was killed in an almost identical way, along with a bodyguard and his son Mohammed.

The fighting in Gaza Strip escalated severely in May 2004 after several failed attempts to attack Isroil nazorat punktlari kabi Erez o'tish va Karni crossing. On 2 May, Palestinian militants attacked and shot dead a pregnant woman and her four young daughters.[115][116][117][118] Xalqaro Amnistiya uni a deb tasnifladi insoniyatga qarshi jinoyat and stated that it "reiterates its call on all Palestinian armed groups to put an immediate end to the deliberate targeting of Israeli civilians, in Israel and in the Occupied Territories".[119] Additionally, on 11 and 12 May, Palestinian militants destroyed two IDF M-113 APClar, killing 13 soldiers and mutilating their bodies. The IDF launched two raids to recover the bodies, killing 20–40 Palestinians and greatly damaging structures in the Zaitoun neighbourhood in Gaza and in south-west Rafah.

Israeli forces uncover a smuggling tunnel in Gaza, May 2004

Subsequently, on 18 May the IDF launched Operation Rainbow with a stated aim of striking the militant infrastructure of Rafah, destroying smuggling tunnels, and stopping a shipment of SA-7 raketalar va takomillashtirilgan tankga qarshi qurol. A total of 41 Palestinian militants and 12 civilians were killed in the operation, and about 45–56 Palestinian structures were demolished. Israeli tanks shelled hundreds of Palestinian protesters approaching their positions, killing 10. The protesters had disregarded Israeli warnings to turn back. This incident led to a worldwide outcry against the operation.

29 sentyabr kuni, a Qassam rocket Isroilning shaharchasini urdi Sderot and killed two Israeli children, the IDF launched "Tavba qilish kunlari" operatsiyasi in the north of the Gaza Strip. The operation's stated aim was to remove the threat of Qassam rockets from Sderot and kill the Hamas militants launching them. The operation ended on 16 October, after having caused widespread destruction and the deaths of over 100 Palestinians, at least 20 of whom were under the age of sixteen.[120] The IDF killed thirteen-year-old Imon Darvesh Al Xams as she strayed into a closed military area; the commander was accused of allegedly firing his automatic weapon at her dead body deliberately to verify the death. The act was investigated by the IDF, but the commander was cleared of all wrongdoing,[121][122] and more recently, was fully vindicated when a Jerusalem district court found the claim to be libellous, ruled that NIS 300,000 be paid by the journalist and TV company responsible for the report, an additional NIS 80,000 to be paid in legal fees and required the journalist and television company to air a correction.[123] According to Palestinian medics, Israeli forces killed at least 62 militants and 42 other Palestinians believed to be civilians.[124] According to a count performed by Haaretz, 87 militants and 42 civilians were killed. Palestinian refugee camps were heavily damaged by the Israeli assault. The IDF announced that at least 12 Qassam launchings had been thwarted and many terrorists hit during the operation.

21 oktyabr kuni Isroil havo kuchlari o'ldirilgan Adnan al-Ghoul, a senior Hamas bomb maker and the inventor of the Qassam rocket.

On 11 November, Yasser Arafat died in Paris.

Escalation in Gaza began amid the visit of Mahmud Abbos ga Suriya in order to achieve a Xudna between Palestinian factions and convince Hamas leadership to halt attacks against Israelis. Hamas vowed to continue the armed struggle, sending numerous Qassam rockets into open fields near Nahal Oz, and hitting a bolalar bog'chasi yilda Kfar Darom with an anti-tank missile.

On 9 December five Palestinians weapon smugglers were killed and two were arrested in the border between Rafah and Misr. O'sha kuni, Jamol Abu Samhadana and two of his bodyguards were injured by a missile strike. In the first Israeli airstrike against militants in weeks, an unmanned Israeli drone plane launched one missile at Abu Samahdna's car as it travelled between Rafah and Khan Younis in the southern Gaza Strip. It was the fourth attempt on Samhadana's life by Israel. Samhadana is one of two leaders of the Ommaviy qarshilik qo'mitalari and one of the main forces behind the smuggling tunnels. Samhadana uchun javobgar deb ishoniladi portlash against an American diplomatic convoy in Gaza that killed three Americans.

On 10 December, in response to Hamas firing mortar rounds into the Neveh Dekalim settlement in the Gaza Strip and wounding four Israelis (including an 8-year-old boy), Israeli soldiers fired at the Khan Younis refugee camp (the origin of the mortars) killing a seven-year-old girl. An IDF source confirmed troops opened fire at Khan Younis, but said they aimed at Hamas mortar crews.[iqtibos kerak ]

The largest attack since the death of Yasser Arafat claimed the lives of five Israeli soldiers on 12 December, wounding ten others. Approximately 1.5 tons of explosives were detonated in a tunnel under an Israeli military-controlled border crossing on the Egyptian border with Gaza near Rafah, collapsing several structures and damaging others. The explosion destroyed part of the outpost and killed three soldiers. Two Palestinian militants then penetrated the outpost and killed two other Israeli soldiers with gunfire. It is believed that Hamas and a new Fatah faction, the "Fatah Hawks", conducted the highly organised and coordinated attack. A spokesman, "Abu Majad", claimed responsibility for the attack in the name of the Fatah Hawks claiming it was in retaliation for "the assassination" of Yasser Arafat, charging he was poisoned by Israel.

2005

Palestinian presidential elections were held on 9 January, and Mahmud Abbos (Abu Mazen) was elected as the president of the PA. His platform was of a peaceful negotiation with Israel and non-violence to achieve Palestinian objectives. Although Abbas called on militants to halt attacks against Israel, he promised them protection from Israeli incursions and did not advocate disarmament by force.

Violence continued in the Gaza Strip, and Ariel Sharon froze all diplomatic and security contacts with the Falastin milliy ma'muriyati. Spokesman Assaf Shariv declared that "Israel informed international leaders today that there will be no meetings with Abbas until he makes a real effort to stop the terror." The freezing of contacts came less than one week after Mahmoud Abbas was elected, and the day before his inauguration. Falastin muzokarachisi Saeb Erekat, confirming the news, declared "You cannot hold Mahmoud Abbas accountable when he hasn't even been inaugurated yet."[125][126]

Gaza Strip, with borders and Israeli limited fishing zone

Following international pressure and Israeli threat of wide military operation in the G'azo sektori, Abbas ordered Falastin politsiyasi to deploy in the northern Gaza Strip to prevent Qassam rocket and mortar shelling over Israeli settlement. Although attacks on Israelis did not stop completely, they decreased sharply. On 8 February 2005, at the 2005 yil Sharm ash-Shayx sammiti, Sharon and Abbas declared a mutual sulh between Israel and the Falastin milliy ma'muriyati. They shook hands at a four-way summit that also included Iordaniya va Misr da Sharm ash-Shayx. However, Hamas and Islomiy Jihod said the truce is not binding for their members. Israel has not withdrawn its demand to dismantle terrorist infrastructure before moving ahead in the Tinchlik uchun yo'l xaritasi.[127]

Many warned that truce is fragile, and progress must be done slowly while observing that the truce and quiet are kept. On 9–10 February night, a barrage of 25–50 Qassam rockets va mortar shells urish Neve Dekalim settlement, and another barrage hit at noon. Hamas said it was in retaliation for an attack in which one Palestinian was killed near an Israeli settlement.[128] As a response to the mortar attack, Abbas ordered the Palestinian security forces to stop such attacks in the future. He also fired senior commanders in the Palestinian security apparatus. 10 fevral kuni, Isroil xavfsizlik kuchlari arrested Maharan Omar Shucat Abu Hamis, a Palestinian resident of Nablus, who was about to launch a bus o'z joniga qasd qilish ichida Fransuz tepaligi yilda Quddus.

On 13 February 2005, Abbas entered into talks with the leaders of the Islamic Jihad and the Hamas, for them to rally behind him and respect the truce. Ismail Haniyah, a senior leader of the group Hamas said that "its position regarding calm will continue unchanged and Israel will bear responsibility for any new violation or aggression."

In the middle of June, Palestinian factions intensified bombardment over the city of Sderot doğaçlama bilan Qassam rockets. Palestinian attacks resulted in 2 Palestinians and 1 Chinese civilian killed by a Qassam, and 2 Israelis were killed. The wave of attacks lessened support for the disengagement plan among the Israeli public. Attacks on Israel by the Islomiy Jihod va al-Aqsa shahidlar brigadasi increased in July, and on 12 July, a o'z joniga qasd qilish hit the coastal city of Netanya, killing 5 civilians. On 14 July, Hamas started to shell Israeli settlements inside and outside the G'azo sektori with dozens of Qassam rockets, killing an Israeli woman. On 15 July, Israel resumed its "targeted killing" policy, killing 7 Hamas militants and bombing about 4 Hamas facilities. The continuation of shelling rockets over Israeli settlements, and street battles between Hamas militants and Palestinian policemen, threatened to shatter the truce agreed in the Sharm el-Sheikh Summit of 2005. The Israeli Defence Force also started to build up armored forces around the Gaza Strip in response to the shelling.

End of the Intifada

The ending date of the Second Intifada is disputed, as there was no definite event that brought it to an end.[129] The general views is that it ended in 2005, while some sources include events and statistic for the intifada as far as 2007.[130]

  • Some commentators such as Sever Plocker[131] consider the intifada to have ended in late 2004. With the sickness and then death of Yasser Arafat in November 2004, the Palestinians lost their internationally recognised leader of the previous three decades, after which the intifada lost momentum and lead to internal fighting between Palestinian factions (most notably the Fath-Xamas to'qnashuvi ), as well as conflict within Fatah itself.
  • Israel's unilateral disengagement from the Gaza Strip, announced in June 2004 and completed in August 2005, is also cited, for instance by Ramzy Baroud,[132] as signalling the end of the intifada.
  • Some consider 8 February 2005 to be the official end of the Second Intifada, although sporadic violence still continued outside PA control or condolence.[133][134] On that day, Abbas and Sharon met at the Sharm ash-Shayx sammiti where they vowed to end attacks on each other.[135][136] In addition, Sharon agreeing to release 900 Falastinlik mahbuslar and withdraw from West Bank towns. Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) refused to be parties to the agreement, arguing the cease-fire was the position of the PA only.[135][137] Five days later Abbass reached agreement with the two dissenting organizations to commit to the truce with the proviso that Israeli violation would be met with retaliation.[138]

Schachter addressed the difficulties in deciding when this intifada ended. He reasoned that suicide bombing was the best criterion, being arguably the most important element of second intifada-related violence, and that according to this criterion the intifada ended during 2005.[129]

Cause of the Second Intifada

The Second Intifada started on 28 September 2000, after Ariel Sharon, a Likud party candidate for Israeli Prime Minister, made a visit to the Ma'bad tog'i, shuningdek, nomi bilan tanilgan Al-Haram Al-Sharif, an area sacred to both Jews and Muslims, accompanied by over 1,000 security guards. He stated on that day, "the Temple Mount is in our hands and will remain in our hands. It is the holiest site in Judaism and it is the right of every Jew to visit the Temple Mount."[139]

This visit was seen by Palestinians as highly provocative; and Palestinian demonstrators, throwing stones at police, were dispersed by the Israeli Army, using tear gas and rubber bullets.[140][141][142][143] A riot broke out among Palestinians at the site, resulting in clashes between Israeli forces and the protesting crowd.

Some believe the Intifada started the next day, on Friday, 29 September, a day of prayers, when an Israeli police and military presence was introduced and there were major clashes and deaths.[144][145][146]

Mitchell hisoboti

The Sharm el-Sheikh Fact-Finding Committee (an investigatory committee set up to look into the causes behind the breakdown in the peace process, chaired by Jorj J. Mitchell ) published its report in May 2001.[147] In Mitchell hisoboti, the government of Israel asserted that:

The immediate catalyst for the violence was the breakdown of the Camp David negotiations on July 25, 2000, and the "widespread appreciation in the international community of Palestinian responsibility for the impasse". In this view, Palestinian violence was planned by the PA leadership, and was aimed at "provoking and incurring Palestinian casualties as a means of regaining the diplomatic initiative".

The Palestine Liberation Organization, according to the same report, denied that the Intifada was planned, and asserted that "Camp David represented nothing less than an attempt by Israel to extend the force it exercises on the ground to negotiations." The report also stated:

From the perspective of the PLO, Israel responded to the disturbances with excessive and illegal use of deadly force against demonstrators; behavior which, in the PLO's view, reflected Israel's contempt for the lives and safety of Palestinians. For Palestinians, the widely seen images of Muhammad al-Durrah in Gaza on September 30, shot as he huddled behind his father, reinforced that perception.

The Mitchell report concluded:

The Sharon visit did not cause the "Al-Aqsa Intifada". But it was poorly timed and the provocative effect should have been foreseen; indeed it was foreseen by those who urged that the visit be prohibited.

va shuningdek:

We have no basis on which to conclude that there was a deliberate plan by the PA to initiate a campaign of violence at the first opportunity; or to conclude that there was a deliberate plan by the [Government of Israel] to respond with lethal force.

Views on the Second Intifada

Palestinians have claimed that Sharon's visit was the beginning of the Second Intifada,[142] while others have claimed that Yasser Arafat had pre-planned the uprising.[148][149]

Ba'zilar, shunga o'xshash Bill Klinton,[150] say that tensions were high due to failed negotiations at the Kemp-Devid sammiti in July 2000. They note that there were Israeli casualties as early as 27 September; this is the Israeli "conventional wisdom", according to Jeremy Pressman, and the view expressed by the Isroil tashqi ishlar vazirligi.[151][152][54][153][154] Most mainstream media outlets have taken the view that the Sharon visit was the spark that triggered the rioting at the start of the Second Intifada.[36][155][156][157] In the first five days of rioting and clashes after the visit, Israeli police and security forces killed 47 Palestinians and wounded 1885,[51] while Palestinians killed 5 Israelis.[158][159]

Palestinians view the Second Intifada as part of their ongoing struggle for national liberation and an end to Israeli occupation,[160] whereas many Isroilliklar consider it to be a wave of Palestinian terrorism instigated and pre-planned by then Palestinian leader Yosir Arafat.[151][152]

Ba'zilar buni da'vo qilishdi Yosir Arafat va Falastin ma'muriyati (PA) had pre-planned the Intifada.[148] They often quote a speech made in December 2000 by Imad Falouji, the PA Communications Minister at the time, where he explains that the Intifada had been planned since Arafat's return from the Kemp-Devid sammiti in July, far in advance of Sharon's visit.[161] He stated that the Intifada "was carefully planned since the return of (Palestinian President) Yasser Arafat from Camp David negotiations rejecting the U.S. conditions".[162] Devid Samuels quotes Mamduh Nofal, former military commander of the Falastinni ozod qilish uchun demokratik front, who supplies more evidence of pre-28 September military preparations. Nofal recounts that Arafat "told us, Now we are going to the fight, so we must be ready".[163] Barak as early as May had drawn up contingency plans to halt any intifada in its tracks by the extensive use of IDF snipers, a tactic that resulted in the high number of casualties among Palestinians during the first days of rioting.[164]

Support for the idea that Arafat planned the Intifadah comes from HAMAS rahbar Mahmoud al-Zahar, who said in September 2010 that when Arafat realized that the Kemp-Devid sammiti in July 2000 would not result in the meeting of all of his demands, he ordered Hamas as well as Fatah and the Aqsa Martyrs Brigades, to launch "military operations" against Israel.[165] al-Zahar is corroborated by Mosab Hassan Yousef, son of the Hamas founder and leader, Shayx Xasan Yusef, who claims that the Second Intifada was a political maneuver premeditated by Arafat. Yousef claims that "Arafat had grown extraordinarily wealthy as the international symbol of victimhood. He wasn't about to surrender that status and take on the responsibility of actually building a functioning society."[166]

Arafat's widow Suha Arafat reportedly said on Dubai television in December 2012 that her husband had planned the uprising.

"Immediately after the failure of the Camp David [negotiations], I met him in Paris upon his return.... Camp David had failed, and he said to me, 'You should remain in Paris.' I asked him why, and he said, 'Because I am going to start an intifada. They want me to betray the Palestinian cause. They want me to give up on our principles, and I will not do so,'" the research institute [MEMRI] translated Suha as saying.[167]

Isroilniki unilateral pullout from Lebanon in the summer of 2000 was, according to Philip Mattar, interpreted by the Arabs as an Israeli defeat and had a profound influence on tactics adopted in the Al Aqsa Intifada.[92] PLO rasmiysi Faruk Kaddoumi told reporters: "We are optimistic. Hezbollah's resistance can be used as an example for other Arablar seeking to regain their rights."[168] Many Palestinian officials have gone on record as saying that the intifada had been planned long in advance to put pressure on Israel. It is disputed however whether Arafat himself gave direct orders for the outbreak, though he did not intervene to put a break on it[28] A personal advisor to Arafat, Manduh Nufal, claimed in early 2001 that the Palestinian Authority had played a crucial role in the outbreak of the Intifada.[59] Israeli's military response demolished a large part of the infrastructure built by the PA during the years following the Oslo Accords in preparation for a Palestinian state.[169] This infrastructure included the legitimate arming of Palestinian forces for the first time: some 90 paramilitary camps had been set up to train Palestinian youths in armed conflict.[28] Some 40,000 armed and trained Palestinians existed in the occupied territories.[40]

On 29 September 2001 Marvan Barguti, the leader of the Fatah Tanzim ga bergan intervyusida Al-Hayat, described his role in the lead up to the intifada.[170]

I knew that the end of September was the last period (of time) before the explosion, but when Sharon reached the al-Aqsa Mosque, this was the most appropriate moment for the outbreak of the intifada.... The night prior to Sharon's visit, I participated in a panel on a local television station and I seized the opportunity to call on the public to go to the al-Aqsa Mosque in the morning, for it was not possible that Sharon would reach al-Haram al-Sharif just so, and walk away peacefully. I finished and went to al-Aqsa in the morning.... We tried to create clashes without success because of the differences of opinion that emerged with others in the al-Aqsa compound at the time.... After Sharon left, I remained for two hours in the presence of other people, we discussed the manner of response and how it was possible to react in all the cities (bilad) and not just in Jerusalem. We contacted all (the Palestinian) factions.

Barghouti also went on record as stating that the example of Hezbollah and Israel's withdrawal from Lebanon was a factor which contributed to the Intifada.[59]

Ga binoan Nathan Thrall, dan Elliott Abrams 's inside accounts of negotiations between 2001 and 2005, it would appear to be an inescapable conclusion that violence played an effective role in shaking Israeli complacency and furthering Palestinian goals: the U.S. endorsed the idea of a Palestinian State, Ariel Sharon became the first Israeli Prime Minister to affirm the same idea, and even spoke of Israel's "occupation", and the bloodshed was such that Sharon also decided to withdraw from Gaza, an area he long imagined Israel keeping.[171] Biroq, Zakariya Zubeidi, former leader of the Al-Aqsa shahidlar brigadasi, considers the Intifada to be a total failure that achieved nothing for the Palestinians.[172]

Zarar ko'rgan narsalar

The casualty data for the Second Intifada has been reported by a variety of sources and though there is general agreement regarding the overall number of dead, the statistical picture is blurred by disparities in how different types of casualties are counted and categorized.

The sources do not vary widely over the data on Israeli casualties. B'Tselem reports that 1,053 Israelis were killed by Palestinian attacks through 30 April 2008.[173][tekshirib bo'lmadi ] Israeli journalist Zeev Shiff reported similar numbers citing the Shin Bet as his source[174] in an August 2004 Haaretz article where he noted:

The number of Israeli fatalities in the current conflict with the Palestinians exceeded 1,000 last week. Only two of the country's wars – the War of Independence and the Yom Kippur War – have claimed more Israeli lives than this intifada, which began on September 29, 2000. In the Six-Day War, 803 Israelis lost their lives, while the War of Attrition claimed 738 Israeli lives along the borders with Egypt, Syria and Lebanon.[174]

There is little dispute as to the total number of Palestinians killed by Israelis. B'Tselem reports that through 30 April 2008, there were 4,745 Palestinians killed by Israeli security forces, and 44 Palestinians killed by Israeli civilians.[173] B'Tselem also reports 577 Palestinians killed by Palestinians through 30 April 2008.[173]

Between September 2000 and January 2005, 69 percent of Israeli fatalities were male, while over 95 percent of the Palestinian fatalities were male.[9] "Remember These Children" reports that as of 1 February 2008, 119 Israeli children, age 17 and under, had been killed by Palestinians. Over the same time period, 982 Palestinian children, age 17 and under, were killed by Israelis.[175]

Combatant versus noncombatant deaths

Regarding the numbers of Israeli civilian versus combatant deaths, B'Tselem reports that through 30 April 2008 there were 719 Israeli civilians killed and 334 Israeli security force personnel killed.[173]

  Israeli total
  Palestinian total
  Israeli breakdown
  Palestinian breakdown

Diagramma asoslanadi B'Tselem casualty numbers.[173] It does not include the 577 Palestinians killed by Palestinians.

B'Tselem reports[173] that through 30 April 2008, out of 4,745 Palestinians killed by Israeli security forces, there were 1,671 "Palestinians who took part in the hostilities and were killed by Israeli security forces", or 35.2%. According to their statistics, 2,204 of those killed by Israeli security forces "did not take part in the hostilities", or 46.4%. There were 870 (18.5%) who B'Tselem defines as "Palestinians who were killed by Israeli security forces and it is not known if they were taking part in the hostilities".

The B'Tselem casualties breakdown's reliability was questioned and its methodology has been heavily criticized by a variety of institutions and several groups and researchers, most notably Jamoatchilik bilan aloqalar bo'yicha Quddus markazi 's senior researcher, retired IDF lieutenant colonel Jonathan Dahoah-Halevi, who claimed that B'Tselem repeatedly classifies terror operatives and armed combatants as "uninvolved civilians", but also criticized the Israeli government for not collecting and publishing casualty data.[176] Kerolin B. Glik, deputy managing editor of Quddus Post and former advisor to Benyamin Netanyaxu, pointed to several instances where, she claimed, B'Tselem had misrepresented Palestinian rioters or terrorists as innocent victims, or where B'Tselem failed to report when an Arab allegedly changed his testimony about an attack by settlers.[177][178] The Amerikadagi Yaqin Sharqdagi hisobotlarni aniqligi bo'yicha qo'mita (CAMERA), which said that B'Tselem repeatedly classified Arab combatants and terrorists as civilian casualties.[179][180][181][182]

The Israeli International Policy Institute for Counter-Terrorism (IPICT), on the other hand, in a "Statistical Report Summary" for 27 September 2000, through 1 January 2005, indicates that 56% (1,542) of the 2,773 Palestinians killed by Israelis were combatants. According to their data, an additional 406 Palestinians were killed by actions of their own side. 22% (215) of the 988 Israelis killed by Palestinians were combatants. An additional 22 Israelis were killed by actions of their own side.[9]

IPICT counts "probable combatants" in its total of combatants. From their full report in September 2002:

A 'probable combatant' is someone killed at a location and at a time during which an armed confrontation was going on, who appears most likely – but not certain – to have been an active participant in the fighting. For example, in many cases where an incident has resulted in a large number of Palestinian casualties, the only information available is that an individual was killed when Israeli soldiers returned fire in response to shots fired from a particular location. While it is possible that the person killed had not been active in the fighting and just happened to be in the vicinity of people who were, it is reasonable to assume that the number of such coincidental deaths is not particularly high. Where the accounts of an incident appear to support such a coincidence, the individual casualty has been given the benefit of the doubt, and assigned a non-combatant status.[9]

In the same 2002 IPICT full report there is a pie chart (Graph 2.9) that lists the IPICT combatant breakdown for Palestinian deaths through September 2002. Here follow the statistics in that pie chart used to come up with the total combatant percentage through September 2002:

KombatantlarPercent of all Palestinian deaths
Full Combatants44.8%
Probable Combatants8.3%
Violent Protesters1.6%
Total Combatants54.7%

2004 yil 24-avgustda, Haaretz reporter Ze'ev Schiff published casualty figures based on Shin Bet ma'lumotlar.[174] The Haaretz article reported: "There is a discrepancy of two or three casualties with the figures tabulated by the Israel Defense Forces."

Here is a summary of the figures presented in the article:

  • Over 1,000 Israelis were killed by Palestinian attacks in the al-Aqsa Intifada.
  • Palestinians sources claim 2,736 Palestinians killed in the Intifada.
  • The Shin Bet has the names of 2,124 Palestinian dead.
  • Out of the figure of 2,124 dead, Shin Bet assigned them to these organizations:

The article does not say whether those killed were combatants or not. Here is a quote:

The Palestinian security forces – for example, Force 17, the Palestinian police, General Intelligence, and the counter security apparatus – have lost 334 of its members during the current conflict, the Shin Bet figures show.[174]

As a response to IDF statistics about Palestinian casualties in the West Bank, the Israeli human rights organization B'Tselem reported that two-thirds of the Palestinians killed in 2004 did not participate in the fighting.[183]

Prior to 2003, B'Tselem's methodology differentiated between civilians and members of Palestinian military groups, rather than between combatants and non-combatants, leading to criticism from some pro-Israel sources.[184] B'Tselem no longer uses the term "civilian" and instead describes those killed as "participating" or "not participating in fighting at the time of death".[183]

Boshqalar buni ta'kidlaydilar Falastin milliy ma'muriyati has, throughout the Intifada, placed unarmed men, women, children and the elderly in the line of fire, and that announcing the time and place of anti-occupation demonstrations via television, radio, sermons, and calls from mosque loudspeaker systems is done for this purpose.[185]

2009 yilda tarixchi Benni Morris retrospektiv kitobida bayon etilgan One State, Two States that about one third of the Palestinian deaths up to 2004 had been civilians.[186]

Palestinians killed by Palestinians

B'Tselem reports that through 30 April 2008, there were 577 Palestinians killed by Palestinians. Of those, 120 were "Palestinians killed by Palestinians for suspected collaboration with Israel".[173] B'Tselem maintains a list of deaths of Palestinians killed by Palestinians with details about the circumstances of the deaths. Some of the many causes of death are crossfire, factional fighting, kidnappings, collaboration, etc.[187]

Concerning the killing of Palestinians by other Palestinians, a January 2003 Gumanist magazine article reports:[188]

For over a decade the PA has violated Palestinian human rights and civil liberties by routinely killing civilians—including collaborators, demonstrators, journalists, and others—without charge or fair trial. Of the total number of Palestinian civilians killed during this period by both Israeli and Palestinian security forces, 16 percent were the victims of Palestinian security forces.

... According to Freedom House 's annual survey of political rights and civil liberties, Freedom in the World 2001–2002, the chaotic nature of the Intifada along with strong Israeli reprisals has resulted in a deterioration of living conditions for Palestinians in Israeli-administered areas. The survey states:

Civil liberties declined due to: shooting deaths of Palestinian civilians by Palestinian security personnel; the summary trial and executions of alleged collaborators by the Palestinian Authority (PA); extra-judicial killings of suspected collaborators by militias; and the apparent official encouragement of Palestinian youth to confront Israeli soldiers, thus placing them directly in harm's way.

Internal Palestinian violence has been called an 'Intra'fada during this Intifada and the previous one.[189]

Natijada

On 25 January 2006, the Palestinians held umumiy saylovlar uchun Falastin Qonunchilik Kengashi. The Islamist group Hamas won with an unexpected majority of 74 seats, compared to 45 seats for Fatoh and 13 for other parties and independents. Hamas is officially declared as a terroristik tashkilot by the United States and the European Union and its gaining control over the Palestinian Authority (such as by forming the government) would jeopardize international funds to the PA, by laws forbidding sponsoring of terrorist group.

On 9 June, seven members of the Ghalia family o'ldirilgan on a Gaza beach. The cause of the explosion remains uncertain. Nevertheless, in response, Hamas declared an end to its commitment to a ceasefire declared in 2005 and announced the resumption of attacks on Israelis. Palestinians blame an Israeli artillery shelling of nearby locations in the northern Gaza Strip for the deaths, while an Israeli military inquiry cleared itself from the charges.

On 25 June, a military outpost was attacked by Palestinian militants and a gunbattle followed that left 2 Israeli soldiers and 3 Palestinian militants dead. Ongli Gilad Shalit, an Israeli soldier, was captured and Israel warned of an imminent military response if the soldier was not returned unharmed. In the early hours of 28 June Israeli tanks, APCs and troops entered the Gaza strip just hours after the air force had taken out two main bridges and the only powerstation in the strip, effectively shutting down electricity and water. Yozgi yomg'irlar operatsiyasi commenced, the first major phase of the G'azo-Isroil mojarosi, which continues to run independently of the intifada.

On 26 November 2006, a truce was implemented between Israel and the Palestinian Authority. A 10 January 2007, Reuters article reports: "Hamas has largely abided by a November 26 truce which has calmed Israeli–Palestinian violence in Gaza."[190]

Rocket and mortar shells from Gaza into Israel, February 2009

An intensification of the Gaza–Israel conflict, the G'azo urushi, occurred on 27 December 2008 (11:30 a.m. local time; 09:30 UTC )[191] when Israel launched a harbiy kampaniya codenamed Qo'rg'oshin operatsiyasi (Ibroniycha: מבצע עופרת יצוקה‎) targeting the members and infrastructure of Hamas in response to the numerous rocket attacks upon Israel from the Gaza Strip.[192][193][194] The operation has been termed the Gaza massacre (Arabcha: مجزرة غزة‎) by Hamas leaders and much of the media in the Arab dunyosi.[195][196][197][198][199][200][201][202][203][204]

2009 yil 17-yanvar, shanba kuni Isroil G'azodan raketa va minomyot hujumlarini to'xtatish sharti bilan bir tomonlama o't ochishni to'xtatishni e'lon qildi va keyingi bir necha kun ichida chekinishni boshladi.[205] Keyinchalik XAMAS o'z chegara punktlarini to'liq olib tashlash va ochish shartlari bilan o'z otashkesimini e'lon qildi. G'azodan kelib chiqadigan minomyot olovining pasayish darajasi davom etmoqda, ammo Isroil buni hozirgacha sulhni buzish deb qabul qilmagan. Hujumlarning chastotasini kichik rasmda ko'rish mumkin. Ma'lumotlar maqolaga to'g'ri keladi "2008-2009 yillardagi Isroil-G'azo mojarosi xronologiyasi ", asosan foydalanadi Haaretz 1 fevraldan yangiliklar[206] 28 fevralgacha.[207] Oddiy ID javoblari qurol kontrabanda tunnellariga havo hujumi.[iqtibos kerak ]

Zo'ravonlik 2006 yil davomida har ikki tomonda ham davom etdi. 27 dekabr kuni Isroilning Inson Huquqlari Tashkiloti B'Tselem Intifada to'g'risidagi yillik hisobotini e'lon qildi. Bunga ko'ra, 2006 yilda 660 falastinlik halok bo'lgan, bu 2005 yilda o'lgan falastinliklarning uch baravaridan ko'prog'i va 23 isroilliklar edi. 28 dekabrdan Haaretz maqola:[208] "Hisobotga ko'ra, o'ldirilgan falastinliklarning qariyb yarmi, 322 nafari ular o'ldirilgan paytda jangovar harakatlarda qatnashmagan. Halok bo'lganlarning 22 nafari qotillik nishonlari, 141 nafari esa voyaga etmaganlar." 660 falastinlikdan 405 nafari o'ldirilgan 2006 yil Isroil va G'azo mojarosi 28 iyundan 26 noyabrgacha davom etdi.

Taktikalar

Falastin taktikasi ommaviy noroziliklardan tortib va umumiy ish tashlashlar, ga o'xshash Birinchi intifada, Isroil askarlari, xavfsizlik kuchlari, politsiya va tinch aholiga qarshi qurolli hujumlarga. Hujum usullari quyidagilarni o'z ichiga oladi xudkushlik hujumlari,[209] ishga tushirish raketalar va minomyotlar ichiga Isroil,[210][211] ikkala askarni ham o'g'irlash[212][213] va tinch aholi,[214] shu jumladan bolalar,[73][215] otishmalar,[216][217][218][219][220][221][222] suiqasd,[223] pichoqlash,[73][224] toshlar,[224][225] va linchings.[226][227][228][229]

Isroilning taktikasiga falastinliklarning harakatlarini o'rnatish orqali jilovlash kiradi nazorat punktlari va qat'iy ijro etish komendantlik soati ma'lum sohalarda. Infrastrukturaviy hujumlar Falastin ma'muriyati Politsiya va qamoqxonalar kabi maqsadlar Falastin ma'muriyatini Isroilga qarshi namoyishlarni va Isroil nishonlariga qilingan hujumlarni bostirishga majbur qilishning yana bir usuli edi.[iqtibos kerak ]

Falastinliklar

Zo'ravonlik bilan shug'ullanadigan jangari guruhlar kiradi HAMAS, Falastin Islomiy Jihodi, Falastinni ozod qilish uchun Xalq jabhasi (PFLP) va al-Aqsa shahidlar brigadasi. Ular yuqori intensiv kampaniyani olib borishdi partizan urushi kabi taktikalardan foydalangan holda Isroil ichkarisida va bosib olingan hududda Isroilning harbiy va fuqarolik nishonlariga qarshi pistirmalar, snayperlar hujumlari va xudkushlik hujumlari. Harbiy texnika asosan chetdan olib kelinayotgan bo'lsa, ba'zi engil qurollar, qo'l granatalari va portlovchi kamarlar, avtomatlar va Qassam raketalari mahalliy ishlab chiqarilgan. Shuningdek, ular masofadan boshqarish pultidan foydalanishni ko'paytirdilar minalar Isroil qurol-yarog'iga qarshi, bu qurol juda yomon qurollangan guruhlar orasida juda mashhur edi. Avtomobil bombalari tez-tez Isroil zirhli jiplari va nazorat punktlari kabi "engil qotib qolgan" nishonlarga qarshi ishlatilgan. Shuningdek, 1500 dan ortiq falastinlik haydab otish Intifadaning faqat birinchi yilida 75 kishini o'ldirdi.[230]

Falastinning eng samarali taktikalari orasida o'z joniga qasd qilish (qarang Ro'yxat ). Bir yoki ikki marta bombardimon qilish sifatida amalga oshirilgan xudkushlik hujumlari odatda "yumshoq" nishonlarga yoki "engil qotirilgan" maqsadlarga (masalan, nazorat punktlariga) qarshi amalga oshirilib, urush xarajatlarini isroilliklarga ko'tarish va Isroil jamiyatining ruhiy tushkunligini kamaytirishga qaratilgan. O'z joniga qasd qilish hujumlarining aksariyati (barchasi hammasi emas) tinch aholini nishonga olgan va ular Isroil shaharlaridagi jamoat transporti, restoranlar va bozorlar kabi gavjum joylarda amalga oshirilgan.

Dan biri katta rivojlanish edi bolalar tomonidan olib borilgan xudkushlik bombalari. Aksariyat xudkushlik portlashlaridan farqli o'laroq, ulardan foydalanish nafaqat Qo'shma Shtatlar va inson huquqlari tashkilotlari tomonidan qoralangan Xalqaro Amnistiya, shuningdek, ko'plab falastinliklar va Yaqin Sharq matbuotining aksariyati. Eng yosh falastinlik xudkush terrorchi Al Doha qishlog'ida yashovchi o'rta maktab o'quvchisi 16 yoshli Issa Bdeir edi, u o'z bog'ida o'zini portlatib yuborganida do'stlari va oilasini hayratga soldi. Rishon LeZion, o'spirin va qariyani o'ldirish. Eng yoshi o'z joniga qasd qilishga urinish 14 yoshli o'smir tomonidan sodir etilgan Xuvvara nazorat punkti biron bir zarar etkazishni boshqarishdan oldin.

2004 yil may oyida Isroil mudofaa vaziri Shoul Mofaz buni da'vo qildi Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Yaqin Sharqdagi falastinlik qochqinlarga yordam berish agentligi Buning oldini olish uchun tez yordam mashinalari o'lgan Isroil askarlarining jasadlarini olish uchun ishlatilgan Isroil mudofaa kuchlari ularning o'liklarini tiklashdan.[231] Reuters tez tibbiy yordamga kirib kelgan sog'lom qurollangan erkaklar tashish uchun BMT belgilarini olgan videoni taqdim etdi. UNRWA dastlab tez yordam mashinalarida jangarilar borligini rad etgan, ammo keyinchalik haydovchi qurollangan odamlarning tahdidlariga bo'ysunishga majbur bo'lganligi haqida xabar bergan. UNRWA ularning tez yordam mashinalarida o'lgan Isroil askarlari tanasining qismlarini olib borganligini hali ham rad etadi.

2004 yil avgustda Isroil Nablus yaqinidagi Gavara nazorat-o'tkazish punktida ID tomonidan ishlangan portlovchi moddalarni aniqlaydigan zamonaviy qurilma Falastin tez yordam mashinasi portlovchi moddalarni tashiganligini aniqladi.

Isroil siyosatiga Falastinning ba'zi reaktsiyalari G'arbiy Sohil va G'azo sektori zo'ravonliksiz norozilikdan iborat,[232][233][234] asosan qishloqda va yaqinida Bil'in. Bayt Saurdan chiqqan Falastinning yaqinlashish markazi kabi guruhlar rasmiy ravishda zo'ravonliksiz qarshilik ko'rsatishni rag'batlantiradi va tashkil qiladi.[235] Kabi boshqa guruhlar Xalqaro birdamlik harakati zo'ravonliksiz qarshilikni ochiqchasiga himoya qilish. Ushbu tadbirlarning bir qismi xalqaro va isroilliklar bilan hamkorlikda amalga oshiriladi, masalan, haftalik namoyishlarga qarshi Isroilning G'arbiy sohilidagi to'siq Bi'lin kabi qishloqlarda amalga oshirildi,[236] Biddu[237] va Budrus.[238][239] Ushbu qarshilik modeli Beyt Sira kabi boshqa qishloqlarga tarqaldi,[240] Xevron, Safo va Nilayn.[241][242] Isroilning Jenin va Nablusga qayta bostirib kirishi paytida 2002 yil may oyida ikki falastinlik nasroniy tomonidan "Falastinda zo'ravonliksiz qarshilik ko'rsatish strategiyasini chaqirish" e'lon qilindi.[243]

Ba'zida zo'ravonliksiz taktikalar Isroilning harbiy kuchlari bilan uchrashgan. Masalan, Xalqaro Amnistiya "10 yoshli Naji Abu Qamer, 11 yoshli Muborak Salim al-Xashash va 13 yoshli Mahmud Tariq Mansur 19 may kuni tushdan keyin o'ldirilgan sakkiz qurolsiz namoyishchilar orasida 2004 yil G'azo sektoridagi Rafahda, Isroil armiyasi zo'ravonliksiz namoyishlarga qarshi tanklar snaryadlari va vertolyot qurolidan uchirilgan raketa bilan o'q uzganida. Hujumda yana o'nlab qurolsiz namoyishchilar yaralangan. " Isroil armiyasi va hukumat vakillarining so'zlariga ko'ra, tanklar namoyishchilarni Isroil armiyasi pozitsiyalari tomon yurishlariga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun yaqin atrofdagi bo'sh binoni o'qqa tutgan va vertolyot yaqin atrofdagi ochiq maydonda raketa otgan.[244]

Isroil

IDF Caterpillar D9 zirhli buldozer. Harbiy mutaxassislar D9 talofatining past bo'lishini ta'minlovchi asosiy omil sifatida D9 ni ta'kidladilar.
The Isroil havo kuchlari (IAF) AH-64 Apache otish uchun platforma sifatida ishlatilgan boshqariladigan raketalar Falastin maqsadlarida va ish bilan ta'minlangan maqsadli qotillik yuqori darajadagi jangarilar va terrorchilar rahbarlariga qarshi siyosat.

The Isroil mudofaa kuchlari (IDF) Falastin hujumlariga qarshi jangarilarning G'arbiy Sohil va G'azo sektoriga hujumlarini qarshi olib, juda samarali harakat qildi. shahar jangi taktika. IDF kabi og'ir zirhli uskunalardan foydalangan holda, o'z qo'shinlari xavfsizligini ta'kidladi Merkava og'ir tank va zirhli transportyorlar, shuningdek, turli harbiy samolyotlar bilan havo hujumlarini amalga oshirdi F-16lar, uchuvchisiz samolyotlar va qurolli vertolyotlar jangari maqsadlariga zarba berish. Qurolli janglarning katta qismi uyma-uy yurib, yaxshi qurollangan va yaxshi o'qitilgan piyoda askarlar tomonidan olib borilgan. O'zining yuqori darajadagi tayyorgarligi, jihozlari va raqamlari tufayli IDF ko'cha janglari paytida ustunlikka ega edi. Falastin qurolli guruhlari jang paytida katta yo'qotishlarga duch kelishdi, ammo operatsiyalar xalqaro miqyosda ko'pincha tanqidlarga uchradi, chunki oddiy fuqarolar halok bo'lishiga olib keldi. Isroil tomonidan qurol ishlab chiqarishda gumon qilingan Falastinning metallga ishlov beradigan do'konlari va boshqa biznes ob'ektlari muntazam ravishda havo hujumlari, shuningdek G'azo sektori kontrabandasi tunnellari tomonidan nishonga olingan.

Isroil Caterpillar D9 zirhli buldozerlar portlatish uchun muntazam ravishda ishlatilgan booby tuzoqlari va IEDlar, Misr bilan chegara bo'ylab Isroil qo'shinlarini o'qqa tutishda foydalanilgan uylarni buzish, "bufer zonalar" yaratish va G'arbiy sohilda harbiy operatsiyalarni qo'llab-quvvatlash. 2005 yil fevraligacha Isroil o'z joniga qasd qilgan terrorchilarning evakuatsiyasi to'g'risida ogohlantirish berganidan keyin oilalarini buzish siyosatini olib bordi. Yagona uylarda yashovchi falastinliklarning ko'pligi, ko'p sonli uylar vayron bo'lganligi va uylarni buzish natijasida garovga qo'yilgan zarar tufayli, bu tobora tortishuvlarga sabab bo'lgan taktikaga aylandi. Oilalar o'z uylarini buzib tashlanishiga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun o'z joniga qasd qilish harakatlari to'g'risida Isroil kuchlariga o'z vaqtida ma'lumot berishni boshladilar, ammo buni amalga oshirgan oilalar qatl qilinishi yoki boshqa yo'l bilan jazolanishi mumkin edi hamkorlik yoki tomonidan Falastin ma'muriyati yoki suddan tashqari Falastin jangarilari tomonidan. Ushbu masalani o'rgangan IDF qo'mitasi amaliyotni tugatishni tavsiya qildi, chunki siyosat o'z xarajatlarini Isroilning xalqaro miqyosdagi obro'si va falastinliklar o'rtasida yuzaga kelgan teskari ta'sirni oqlash uchun etarli darajada samarali emas edi.[245]

To'liq quruqlik va havo ustunligi bilan ommaviy hibsga olishlar muntazam ravishda Isroil harbiy va politsiya kuchlari tomonidan olib borilgan; har qanday vaqtda, Isroil qamoqxonalarida 6000 ga yaqin falastinlik mahbuslar hibsga olingan bo'lib, ularning taxminan yarmi Isroil qonunlariga muvofiq yakuniy ayblov xulosasisiz vaqtincha ushlab turilgan.

Harbiylarning taktikasi "komendantlik soati "- fuqarolar yashaydigan hududlarni uzoq muddat blokirovkalash - Isroil tomonidan Intifada bo'ylab keng qo'llanilgan. Eng uzoq vaqt komendantlik soati Nablus komendantlik soati ketma-ket 100 kundan ortiq saqlanib turdi, odatda kuniga ikki soatdan kam odamlarga oziq-ovqat olishlari yoki boshqa ish bilan shug'ullanishlari mumkin edi.

Xavfsizlik nazorat punktlari Falastin shaharlari ichida va ular o'rtasida to'siqlar o'rnatilib, barcha odamlar va transport vositalari bepul o'tish uchun xavfsizlik tekshiruvidan o'tkazildi. Isroil ushbu nazorat punktlarini jangarilarni to'xtatish va qurol-yarog 'atrofida harakatlanish imkoniyatlarini cheklash uchun zarur deb himoya qildi. Ammo ba'zi Falastin, Isroil va xalqaro kuzatuvchilar va tashkilotlar nazorat punktlarini haddan tashqari, xo'rlovchi va ishg'ol qilingan hududlardagi gumanitar vaziyatning asosiy sababi sifatida tanqid qilmoqda. Isroildagi xavfsizlik holatiga qarab tranzit bir necha soatga kechikishi mumkin. Merganlar minoralari G'azo sektorida Isroildan oldin keng foydalanilgan tortib olmoq.

Isroil razvedka xizmatlari Shin Bet va Mossad qurolli guruhlar ichidagi mollar va manbalarga tayanib, aloqa liniyalarini paypaslab, havodan razvedka qilish orqali Falastinning jangari tashkilotlariga kirib bordi.[246] Yig'ilgan ma'lumot IDga ruxsat berdi, Isroil chegara politsiyasi va Isroil politsiyasi, shu jumladan Yamam va Mistaravim rejalashtirilgan yuzlab xudkushlik hujumlarini oldini olish uchun maxsus kuchlar bo'linmalari. Yig'ilgan razvedka, shuningdek, maqsadli qotillik uchun belgilangan falastinliklar ro'yxatini tuzishda yordam berdi.

Isroil keng foydalangan maqsadli qotillik, isroilliklarga qarshi hujumlarni uyushtirishda ishtirok etgan falastinliklarning suiqasdlari, yaqinlashib kelayotgan tahdidlarni bartaraf etish va boshqalarni bu yo'ldan qaytarish uchun, birinchi navbatda havo hujumlari va yashirin operatsiyalariga tayanib. Shin Bet ularni amalga oshirish. Maqsadli qotillik strategiyasi Shin Bet tomonidan taklif qilingan bo'lib, u har bir xudkush terrorchini to'xtatishning iloji yo'qligiga qaramay, o'z joniga qasd qilishni to'g'ridan-to'g'ri operativ qo'mondonlar, yollovchilar, kurerlar, qurol-yaroq sotuvchilarini o'ldirish orqali ularning ortidagi fitna infratuzilmasiga hujum qilish yo'li bilan to'xtatish mumkinligini aniqladi. , portlashlarni moliyalashtirgan seyflarni saqlovchilar va kontrabandachilar.[247] Isroil foydalanish uchun tanqid qilindi qurolli vertolyotlar ko'pincha shahar aholisining qurbon bo'lishiga olib keladigan shahar suiqasdlarida. Isroil jangarilar rahbarlarining aholi zich joylashgan joylarda tinch aholi orasida yashirinib yurishini odat qilib, ularni bexabarga aylantirayotganini tanqid qildi inson qalqonlari. Butun Intifada davomida Falastin rahbariyati maqsadli qotillik tufayli katta yo'qotishlarga duch keldi.

Ushbu amaliyot xalqaro hamjamiyat tomonidan suddan tashqari qatl sifatida keng qoralangan,[248][249] Isroil Oliy sudi buni qonuniy choralar deb qaror qildi o'zini himoya qilish terrorizmga qarshi.[250] Ko'pchilik[JSSV? ] tinch aholini xavf ostiga qo'yganligi uchun qasddan qilingan qotilliklarni tanqid qiling, ammo uning tarafdorlari bu ikkala tomonning tinch aholisi orasida qurbon bo'lishini kamaytiradi deb hisoblaydilar.

G'azo sektoridan takroriy raketa hujumlariga javoban Isroil dengiz kuchlari tayinlangan dengiz blokadasi maydonda. Isroil, shuningdek, chegarani muhrlab qo'ydi va G'azoning havo hududini muvofiqlashtirdi Misr va Stripga kiradigan barcha gumanitar yuklarni quruqlikdan o'tish joylaridan o'tkazmasdan oldin xavfsizlik tekshiruvidan o'tkazdi. Bunkerlarni qurish uchun ishlatilishi mumkinligi sababli qurilish materiallari taqiqlangan deb e'lon qilindi.[251] Blokada xalqaro miqyosda tanqid qilindi "jamoaviy jazo "G'azoning tinch aholisiga qarshi.[252]

Isroilning hiyla-nayranglari xalqaro miqyosda qoralangan bo'lsa-da, Isroil terror hujumlarini oldini olish uchun xavfsizlik nuqtai nazaridan ularning hayotiy zarurligini ta'kidlamoqda. Ba'zilar, masalan, nashr etilgan raqamlarni keltiradilar Haaretz gazeta, ushbu usullarning samaradorligini isbotlash uchun (Grafik 1: To'satdan qilingan hujumlar (sariq) va boshqalar muvaffaqiyatli hujumlar (qizil)Grafik 2: Har chorakda "yashil chiziq" ichida o'z joniga qasd qilish ).

Xalqaro ishtirok

Xalqaro hamjamiyat anchadan buyon o'z hissasini qo'shib kelmoqda Isroil-Falastin to'qnashuvi va bu ishtirok faqat al-Aqsa Intifada paytida kuchaygan. Hozirda Isroil har yili 3 milliard dollar oladi AQShdan harbiy yordam, kredit kafolatlari bundan mustasno.[253] Isroil rivojlangan sanoat mamlakati bo'lsa ham, 1976 yildan beri AQShning har yili eng katta miqdordagi xorijiy yordam oluvchisi bo'lib qolmoqda.[254] Shuningdek, u AQSh iqtisodiy yordamining yagona oluvchisi bo'lib, u qanday sarflanganligini hisoblamaydi.[254] Falastin ma'muriyati har yili AQShdan 100 million dollarlik harbiy yordam va 2 milliard dollarlik global moliyaviy yordam oladi, shu jumladan "526 million dollar Arab Ligasi, Dan 651 million dollar Yevropa Ittifoqi, AQShdan 300 million dollar va AQShdan taxminan 238 million dollar Jahon banki ".[255] Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining ma'lumotlariga ko'ra, Falastin hududlari gumanitar yordam oluvchilar orasida etakchi o'rinni egallaydi.[256][257]

Bundan tashqari, mojaroga xususiy guruhlar tobora ko'proq jalb qilinmoqda, masalan Xalqaro birdamlik harakati Falastin tomonida va Amerika Isroil jamoatchilik bilan aloqalar qo'mitasi Isroilliklar tomonida.

2001 va 2002 yillarda Arab Ligasi sammitlari, Arab davlatlari Ikkinchi Intifadani qo'llab-quvvatlashga va'da berganlaridek, ularga ham va'da berishdi Birinchi intifada 1980 yillarning oxirlarida ketma-ket ikkita sammitda.[258]

Oslo shartnomalariga ta'siri

Al-Aqsa intifodasi boshlanganidan va uning ahamiyati xudkushlar jamoat transportida ketayotgan tinch aholini qasddan nishonga olish (avtobuslar ), the Oslo shartnomalari Isroil jamoatchiligi tobora ko'proq norozilik bilan qarashmoqda.

2000 yil may oyida, Oslo kelishuvlaridan etti yil o'tgach va al-Aqsa Intifada boshlanishidan besh oy oldin, so'rovnoma[259] Tami Shtaynets nomidagi Tinchlik tadqiqotlari markazi tomonidan Tel-Aviv universiteti barcha isroilliklarning 39% Shartnomalarni qo'llab-quvvatlashini va 32% Shartnomalar kelgusi bir necha yil ichida tinchlikka erishishiga ishonadi. Bundan farqli o'laroq, 2004 yil may oyida o'tkazilgan so'rov natijalariga ko'ra barcha isroilliklarning 26% Shartnomalarni qo'llab-quvvatlamoqda va 18% Shartnomalar kelgusi bir necha yil ichida tinchlikka erishishiga ishonadi; mos ravishda 13% va 16% ga kamayadi. Bundan tashqari, keyinchalik o'tkazilgan so'rov natijalariga ko'ra barcha isroilliklar 80% ga ishonishadi Isroil mudofaa kuchlari al-Aqsa Intifada bilan harbiy aloqada bo'lishga muvaffaq bo'ldilar.[260]

Iqtisodiy xarajatlar

Isroil

Isroil tijoratida, ayniqsa turizmning keskin pasayishi tufayli, salbiy ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Isroil Savdo-sanoat palatasi vakili inqiroz natijasida kelib chiqqan jami iqtisodiy zararni 2002 yilda yillik 122 milliard dollar bo'lgan YaIMga nisbatan 150 dan 200 milliard Shekelgacha yoki 35-45 milliard AQSh dollariga baholadi.[261] 2005 yildan keyin o'z joniga qasd qilish hujumlari keskin kamayganligi sababli Isroil iqtisodiyoti tiklandi IDF va Shin-Bet harakatlari.

Falastin ma'muriyati

Idorasi Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining bosib olingan hududlar bo'yicha maxsus koordinatori (UNSCO) Falastin iqtisodiyotiga etkazilgan zararni 2002 yil birinchi choragida 1,1 milliard dollardan ziyodroq deb hisoblagan, ammo yillik YaIM 4,5 milliard dollarni tashkil etgan.[261]

Shuningdek qarang

Izohlar va ma'lumotnomalar

Iqtiboslar

  1. ^ (turk tilida) Saddam: 'Isroil chegaramiz bo'lsa ham judatan qabul qilindi' (Hurriyat )
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  3. ^ Laura King (2004 yil 28 sentyabr). "Intifadaga bo'lgan ishonchni yo'qotish". Los Anjeles Tayms. Olingan 28 sentyabr 2014.
  4. ^ Jekson Diyel (2004 yil 27 sentyabr). "Jenin dan Fallujaga". Washington Post. Olingan 28 sentyabr 2014.
  5. ^ Zeev Chafetz (2004 yil 22-iyul). "Intifade tugadi - faqat tinglang". Jahon yahudiylarining sharhi. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2014 yil 4-avgustda. Olingan 28 sentyabr 2014.
  6. ^ General-mayor (rez) Yaakov Amidror (2010 yil 23-avgust). "Isyonchilarga qarshi urushda g'alaba qozonish: Isroil tajribasi". Jamoatchilik bilan aloqalar bo'yicha Quddus markazi. Olingan 28 sentyabr 2014. Iqtibos jurnali talab qiladi | jurnal = (Yordam bering)
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  11. ^ "Gumanitar koordinatordan G'azoga oid dala yangiliklari" (PDF). Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Gumanitar masalalarni muvofiqlashtirish boshqarmasi. 9 yanvar 2009. Arxivlangan asl nusxasi (PDF) 2015 yil 24 sentyabrda. Olingan 28 sentyabr 2014.
  12. ^ a b BBC 2004 yil.
  13. ^ a b Pressman 2006 yil, p. 114.
  14. ^ Byman 2011 yil, p. 114.
  15. ^ B'Tselem - Statistika - Halok bo'lganlar 29.9.2000-15.1.2005, B'Tselem. Arxivlandi 14 aprel 2013 da Arxiv.bugun
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  17. ^ Tucker 2019, p. 958: u [Abbos] va Isroil bosh vaziri Sharon 2005 yil sammitida jangovar harakatlarni to'xtatishga kelishib oldilar. Ushbu kelishuv Ikkinchi intifadani samarali yakunladi
  18. ^ Abbos 2005 yil.
  19. ^ Sharon 2005 yil.
  20. ^ Reinhart 2006 yil, p. 77.
  21. ^ "1977 yil: Misr noni intifada".
  22. ^ Itamar Rabinovich (2004). Tinchlik o'rnatish: Isroil va arablar, 1948–2003. Prinston universiteti matbuoti. p.306. ISBN  978-0691119823.
  23. ^ Devin Sper (2004). Isroil kelajagi. Sy Publishing. p.335. ISBN  978-0976161301.
  24. ^ Binyamin Elon (2005). Xudoning Isroil bilan ahdnomasi: hozirgi dunyoda Injil chegaralarini belgilash. Balfour kitoblari. p. 45. ISBN  978-0892216277.
  25. ^ Ben-Ami, Shlomo (2006). Urush izlari, tinchlik yaralari. London: Oksford universiteti matbuoti. p.267. ISBN  978-0195181586. Isroil askarlari bilan yuzma-yuz kelayotgan yosh, qurolsiz erkaklar bilan xalq qo'zg'oloni sifatida boshlangan Isroilning nomutanosib javobi Intifadani boshqarib bo'lmaydigan darajada avj oldi va uni har tomonlama urushga aylantirdi.
  26. ^ Hilel Frish,Falastin harbiylari: Militsiya va armiyalar o'rtasida, Routledge, 2010 p.102.
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  32. ^ a b Tim Youngs, Xalqaro ishlar va mudofaa bo'limi (2001 yil 24 yanvar). "Yaqin Sharq inqirozi: Kemp-Devid," Al-Aqsa Intifada "va tinchlik jarayoni istiqbollari" (PDF). Jamiyatlar kutubxonasi. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi (PDF) 2008 yil 27 fevralda. Olingan 18 dekabr 2007.
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  34. ^ Bregman 2005 yil, p. 160.
  35. ^ Hilel Koen, https://books.google.com/books?id=KRKsAgAAQBAJ&pg=PA73 Arab Quddusning ko'tarilishi va qulashi: Falastin siyosati va shahar 1967 yildan beri, Routledge, 2013 yil 73-bet
  36. ^ a b "Shu kuni:" provokatsion "masjidga tashrif buyurish tartibsizliklarni keltirib chiqarmoqda". BBC yangiliklari. 28 sentyabr 2000 yil. Olingan 1 sentyabr 2014. Falastinliklar va Isroil politsiyasi Quddusning eng muqaddas joyi - Al-Aqsa masjidi atrofidagi binoda bir necha yillardan buyon sodir bo'lgan eng zo'ravonliklarda to'qnash kelishdi. Zo'ravonlik bugun erta tongda qattiq isroillik muxolifat etakchisi Ariel Sharon tomonidan juda munozarali masjid turar joyidan keyin boshlandi. ... Janob Sharon saytni tark etganidan ko'p o'tmay, tashqaridagi g'azablangan namoyishlar zo'ravonlikka aylandi. Isroil politsiyasi ko'zdan yosh oqizuvchi gaz va rezina bilan qoplangan metall o'qlarni otdi, namoyishchilar toshlar va boshqa raketalarni uloqtirishdi. Politsiyaning ta'kidlashicha, ularning 25 kishisi falastinliklar tomonidan tashlangan raketalardan jarohat olgan, ammo ulardan bittasi kasalxonaga yotqizilgan. Isroil radiosi kamida uch falastinlik kauchuk o'qlardan yaralanganini xabar qildi. ... Ertasi kuni (2000 yil 29 sentyabr) juma namozidan keyin Quddus va G'arbiy Sohil bo'ylab yana zo'ravonlik boshlandi.
  37. ^ Greenberg, Joel (2000 yil 5 oktyabr). "Unapologetic, Sharon zo'ravonlikni yoqish uchun aybni rad etdi". The New York Times. Olingan 23 may 2010.
  38. ^ Li Xokstader (2000 yil 29 sentyabr). "Isroilning Muqaddas maydonga safari g'alayonni qo'zg'atdi; Falastinliklar Quddusning eski shahrida suverenitet sinovidan g'azablandilar". Washington Post. p. A22. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2015 yil 4 sentyabrda. Olingan 28 sentyabr 2014.
  39. ^ "Falastinliklar muxolifatning muqaddas qadamjoga sayohati qon to'kishiga olib kelishi mumkinligini aytmoqda". CNN. Associated Press. 27 sentyabr 2000. Arxivlangan asl nusxasi 2004 yil 10 dekabrda.
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  41. ^ a b v Menaxem Klayn (2003). Quddus muammosi: doimiy maqom uchun kurash. Florida universiteti matbuoti. p. 98. ISBN  978-0813026732.
  42. ^ Shiff, Zeev; Ehud Ya'ari (1984). Isroilning Livan urushi. Simon va Shuster. p.284. ISBN  0-671-47991-1.
  43. ^ a b Shindler 2013 yil, p. 283.
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  45. ^ Juliana Ochs (2011). Xavfsizlik va shubha: Isroildagi kundalik hayotning etnografiyasi. Siyosiy zo'ravonlik etnografiyasi. Pensilvaniya universiteti matbuoti. p. 6. ISBN  978-0812242911.
  46. ^ Goldberg, Jefri. Mahbuslar: Do'stlik va terror haqida hikoya. Nyu-York: Amp kitoblar, 2008. p. 258.
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    Darhaqiqat, hozirgi terrorizm to'lqini Isroil-Falastin mojarosining doimiy echimini topish uchun yuqori darajadagi qizg'in muzokaralar olib borilgandan ko'p o'tmay boshlandi.
    2000 yil iyul oyida Kemp-Devidda AQSh Prezidenti Bill Klinton mezbonlik qilgan va Falastin muxtoriyati raisi Yosir Arafat va Isroil Bosh vaziri Ehud Barak ishtirok etgan Yaqin Sharq tinchlik sammiti bo'lib o'tdi. Sammit davomida Isroil uzoq muddatli va misli ko'rilmagan kelishuvlarga erishish uchun uzoq muddatli va bardoshli kelishuvga erishish istagini bildirdi. Biroq Yosir Arafat muzokaralarni to'xtatishga qaror qildi, hatto o'z takliflarini ham taklif qilmadi. Binobarin, sammit prezident Klintonning muvaffaqiyatsizligi uchun aybni to'g'ridan-to'g'ri Arafatning oyog'iga qo'yishi bilan to'xtatildi. ...
    Kemp-Devid sammitidagi muvaffaqiyatsizliklar ortidan boshlangan Falastin terrorizmining to'lqini, Falastinning "bosib olishga qarshi turish" uchun o'z-o'zidan paydo bo'lgan harakati bilan hech qanday aloqasi yo'qligi aniq. Falastin rahbariyati tinchlik yo'lidan voz kechish va zo'ravonlikni kun tartibini ilgari surishning asosiy taktikasi sifatida qo'llash to'g'risida strategik qaror qabul qildi. Ushbu qaror tinchlik jarayonining asosiy poydevoriga putur etkazdi - bu echimga faqat egiluvchanlik emas, murosaga kelish orqali va zo'ravonlik bilan emas, balki muzokara orqali erishish mumkin.
    Falastinning Isroilning hududlarda mavjudligi terrorizmga sabab bo'lgan degan da'vosi, Arafat Isroilning tinchlik takliflarini rad etgandan keyin tanqidni chetlab o'tishga urinish sifatida boshlandi. Bu tezda kechirimsiz - begunoh tinch aholini beparvolik bilan o'ldirish uchun uzrga aylandi.
    Terroristik xurujlarni hech qachon oqlash mumkin emas va ular, ayniqsa, bahsli masalalar muzokaralar yo'li bilan hal qilinishi mumkin bo'lgan taqdirda ayanchli. Falastin ma'muriyatiga mojaroni muzokaralar orqali to'xtatish uchun haqiqiy imkoniyat berildi. Biroq, Isroilning zaytun novdasi do'lda o'q otishi va xudkush terrorchilarning to'dasi bilan kutib olindi. Tinchlik yo'lidagi eng katta to'siq Falastin davlatining etishmasligi emas, aksincha bu Falastin terrorizmining mavjudligidir.
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