Intizomni tekshirish bo'yicha markaziy komissiya - Central Commission for Discipline Inspection

Xitoy Kommunistik partiyasining intizomni tekshirish bo'yicha markaziy komissiyasi

中国 共产党 中央 纪律 检查 委员会
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Xitoy Kommunistik partiyasining timsolidir
Turi
Turi
Nazorat muassasasi
Muddatlar
5 yil
Etakchilik
Chjao Leji
2017 yil 25 oktyabrdan
Yang Xiaochao
2015 yil iyulidan beri
Ota-ona tanasi
Tomonidan saylangan
Mas'ul
CPC Milliy Kongressi
Yurisdiktsiya
Tuzilishi
O'rindiqlar130 (komissiya )
21 (Doimiy komissiya )
VakolatCPC Konstitutsiyasi
Uchrashuv joyi
Ping An Lixi ko'chasi, 41-uy,
Xicheng tumani, Pekin
Veb-sayt
www.ccdi.gov.cn (xitoy tilida)
Intizomni tekshirish bo'yicha markaziy komissiya
An'anaviy xitoy中國 共產黨 中央 紀律 檢查 委員會
Soddalashtirilgan xitoy tili中国 共产党 中央 纪律 检查 委员会
To'g'ridan-to'g'ri ma'noXitoy Kommunistik partiyasi Markaziy taftish intizom komissiyasi
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An'anaviy xitoy中央 紀委
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To'g'ridan-to'g'ri ma'noMarkaziy-intizom-komissiya
Xitoy
Xitoy Xalq Respublikasining Davlat gerbi (2) .svg
Ushbu maqola bir qator qismidir
siyosati va hukumati
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Xitoy Xalq Respublikasi bayrog'i.svg Xitoy portali

The Intizomni tekshirish bo'yicha markaziy komissiya (CCDI)[eslatma 1] eng yuqori ichki nazorat instituti Xitoy Kommunistik partiyasi Ichki qoidalar va qoidalarni bajarish va partiyadagi korruptsiya va qonunbuzarliklarga qarshi kurashish vazifasi yuklatilgan. Hukumatning barcha darajalaridagi mansabdor shaxslarning aksariyati ham Kommunistik partiya a'zolari bo'lganligi sababli, komissiya amalda Xitoydagi korrupsiyaga qarshi kurashish bo'yicha eng yuqori organ hisoblanadi.

Da zamonaviy komissiya tashkil etildi 3-yalpi majlis ning 11-Markaziy qo'mita 1978 yil dekabrda. Boshqarish tizimlari ilgari "Markaziy nazorat komissiyasi" nomi ostida 1927 yilda va 1955 yildan 1968 yilgacha bo'lgan qisqa muddat davomida mavjud bo'lgan va 1949 yildan 1955 yilgacha uning nomi bilan ishlagan. Madaniy inqilob 1969 yilda. 1993 yilda agentlik va hukumatning ichki faoliyati Nazorat vazirligi (MOS) birlashtirildi. Garchi komissiya nazariy jihatdan Partiyaning Markaziy Qo'mitasi va uning Siyosiy byurosi kabi ijro etuvchi institutlaridan mustaqil bo'lsa-da, tarixiy jihatdan CCDI ishiga Partiyaning yuqori rahbarlari rahbarlik qilgan. Biroq, bilan boshlanadi Xu Tszintao ning muddati Xitoy Kommunistik partiyasining bosh kotibi 2002 yil noyabrda va ayniqsa keyingi Si Tszinpin 2012 yil noyabr oyida partiya rahbariyatini o'z zimmasiga olgan holda CCDI Markaziy Qo'mitadan pastroqdagi partiyalar faoliyatidan mustaqil bo'lish uchun muhim islohotlarni amalga oshirdi.

Partiya fikriga ko'ra Konstitutsiya, CCDI a'zolari tomonidan saylanadi Milliy Kongress va besh yil muddatga xizmat qiladi. U saylanadigan milliy kongressdan so'ng, CCDI uni saylash uchun yig'iladi Kotib, kotib o'rinbosarlari, bosh kotib va Doimiy komissiya. Keyin saylangan mansabdor shaxslar ish boshlashlari uchun Markaziy Qo'mita tomonidan tasdiqlanishi kerak. CCDI kotibi 1997 yildan beri a'zosi hisoblanadi Siyosiy byuroning doimiy qo'mitasi va 2009 yildan beri rahbar Tekshirish ishlari bo'yicha Markaziy etakchi guruh. Hozirgi kotib Chjao Leji, 2017 yil 25 oktyabrda ish boshlagan.

Tarix

Xalq respublikasidan oldin

Boshqarish tizimi g'oyasi ilhomlantirildi Vladimir Lenin yilda Davlat va inqilob. Lenin har bir narsani ta'kidladi kommunistik avangard partiyasi, barcha darajalarda, partiya-rasmiy saylovlar, ishdan bo'shatish va ish faoliyatini nazorat qilish tizimi zarur edi. Uning asarlari asos solishga olib keldi Sovet Markaziy nazorat komissiyasi; boshqaruv tizimi va Xitoy Kommunistik partiyasi (CPC) tuzilishi Xitoyga import qilingan. Tartib-intizom va nazoratning muhimligi KPK tashkil topgandan beri ta'kidlangan. The 2-milliy kongress o'zgartirilgan partiya konstitutsiyasi, partiyani intizomga bag'ishlash. Biroq, partiya me'yorlarini himoya qilish yoki kadrlar xatti-harakatlarini nazorat qilish uchun hech qanday muassasa tashkil etilmagan. Markaziy nazorat komissiyasi (CCC) tashkil etilgunga qadar 5-milliy kongress 1927 yilda mahalliy partiya qo'mitalari a'zolarni nazorat qilish uchun mas'ul bo'lgan va markaziy va viloyat darajasida nazorat komissiyalari tashkil etilgan.[1]

5-milliy kongress yana partiya konstitutsiyasiga o'zgartirishlar kiritdi, nazorat komissiyalari va ularning maqsadlari to'g'risidagi bobni qo'shdi, ammo ularning faoliyatiga unchalik e'tibor bermadi. Qisman shu sababli, nazorat komissiyalari 1920 yillarning oxiri va 30-yillarning boshlarida bir qancha partiyalarni tuzatish kampaniyalarida faol ishtirok etishdi. O'sha paytda komissiyalar siyosiy kurashlarda qatnashishga moyil edilar, xususan tozalashlar Chjan Guotao va Vang Ming.[2]

Boshqarish tizimi Markaziy ko'rib chiqish qo'mitasi (1928–1933), Markaziy partiya ishlari qo'mitasi (1933–1945) va Markaziy nazorat komissiyasi (1945–1949) sifatida qayta tashkil etildi. Ushbu o'zgarishlarga qaramay, nazorat organlarining vazifalari va majburiyatlari partiya konstitutsiyasiga o'zgartirishlar kiritilgunga qadar noaniq bo'lib qoldi 7-milliy kongress 1945 yilda. 1945 yildagi tuzatishlar nazorat organining rolini oydinlashtirish uchun ozgina yordam bergan deb ta'kidlash mumkin bo'lsa-da, partiya rahbariyati uning mavjudligining nazariy sabablarini kengaytirdi. Partiya konstitutsiyasida ta'kidlanishicha, boshqaruv tizimi "Lenin partiyasining g'oyaviy va tashkiliy jihatdan birlashishi uchun uning ehtiyojlariga xizmat qilish uchun tug'ilgan. Bunday rol partiyaning o'zining real yoki sezilgan dushmanlariga qarshi va tashqarisida tez-tez olib borilayotgan kampaniyalarida kuchaytirilgan. partiya tashkiloti. "[3]

1949 yilda Markaziy Qo'mita Intizomni Tekshirish bo'yicha Markaziy Komissiyasini (CCDI) tashkil etdi.[4] U avvalgilardan bir necha jihatlari bilan ajralib turardi. Bu javobgar edi Siyosiy byuro va uning mahalliy tashkilotlari, ularning xatti-harakatlarini cheklash vakolatiga qaramay, tegishli partiya qo'mitalari uchun javobgardilar. Aslida CCDI markaziy rahbariyatdan tashqari barcha partiya tashkilotlarini tekshirish uchun tashkil etilgan.[5]

Siyosiy tarix

Dastlabki yillarda CCDI kuchli institut emas edi.[6] Garchi u partiya faxriylari va yuqori lavozimli mulozimlarning suiiste'mollariga e'tibor qaratgan bo'lsa-da, CCDI o'sha paytda kamdan-kam hollarda ushbu muammolarni o'rganish (yoki hal qilish) bilan qayd etilgan.[7] Matbuotda CCDI inspektorlarining ozgina zikrlari ularning muvaffaqiyatsizliklarini ta'kidladi.[8] Qo'llab-quvvatlashiga qaramay Mao Szedun va markaziy partiya rahbariyati, ko'pincha viloyatlarda o'z vakolatlarini bajara olmadi.[8] A People Daily muharrirlik, partiya inspektorlari "kurashdan voz kechdilar va katta to'siqlarga duch kelganlarida ... partiya intizomining qadr-qimmatini himoya qilishda davom eta olmaydilar".[8] Dan habardor Yan'anni to'g'rilash harakati yutuqlar va CCDI muvaffaqiyatsizliklari, partiya rahbariyati ommaviy safarbarlik va mafkuraviy kampaniyalardan foydalanib, 1950-yillar davomida partiyalarning korruptsiyasini engishdi.[8] Izidan Gao Gang –Rao Shushi ishi, CCDI o'rnini CCC egalladi.[9]

Keyingi yillarda CCC qudratli siyosiy kuchga aylangan bo'lsa-da, ammo 8-milliy kongress 1956 yilda uning inspektorlari o'z vakolatlarini suiiste'mol qilishlari va mahalliy partiya qo'mitalaridan mustaqil bo'lishlari to'g'risida ogohlantirildilar.[10] Davomida uning kuchi pasayib ketdi Oldinga sakrash, lekin CCC, Kotibiyat va Tashkilot bo'limi Buyuk sakrashdan so'ng korrupsiyaga qarshi kurashish va o'ngchilarga chiqarilgan hukmlarni bekor qilish uchun asosiy qurolga aylandi.[11] Ga qadar CCC o'zining yangi rolini o'ynadi Madaniy inqilob, 1966 yildan 1976 yilgacha davom etgan ijtimoiy-siyosiy harakat, bu tozalashlar ta'sirida bo'lgan (qisman uning yaqin aloqalari tufayli) Peng Zhen, Madaniy inqilob paytida tozalangan birinchi yuqori martabali amaldorlardan biri).[11] Da 9-milliy kongress 1969 yilda CCC bekor qilindi, partiya konstitutsiyasidan chiqarib tashlandi va o'rniga maxsus ishlar tashkilotlari (masalan Markaziy ishni tekshirish guruhi ) Mao davrida shakllangan va Kang Sheng.[11] Kongressda bekor qilinganiga qaramay, madaniy inqilob davrida CCCga ozgina tanqidlar qaratilgan edi;[12] CCC kotibining o'rinbosari bo'lsa ham Min Yifan tomonidan tanqid qilindi Qizil gvardiya, Madaniy inqilob paytida partiyadan mustaqil bo'lgan (ammo Maodan ilhomlangan) inqilobiy yoshlar harakati, ularning noroziligining aksariyati CCCga emas, balki uning mahalliy qo'mitalarida ishlashiga qaratildi.[12] Ichki partiya nazorati tizimi haqida gaplashish Maoning o'limi va hibsga olinmaguncha qayta tiklanmaydi To'rt kishilik to'da 1976 yilda.[11]

CCDI qayta tiklandi 11-milliy kongress 1977 yilda.[13] Uning uchta maqsadi bor edi: To'rtlik to'dasining ijtimoiy ta'sirini olib tashlash, rahbariyatning kadrlar siyosatini amalga oshirish va "despotik" mahalliy partiya kotiblarini olib tashlash va Madaniy inqilob paytida chiqarilgan kambag'al hukmlarni bekor qilish.[14] O'rtasida hokimiyat uchun kurash tufayli Den Syaoping va Xua Guofeng, boshqaruv tizimi 1977–1978 yillarda amalga oshirilmagan.[15] The 3-yalpi majlis ning 11-Markaziy qo'mita 1978 yil dekabrda 1949-1955 yillar nomi ostida CCC bekor qilinishidan oldingi vazifalari bilan bir xil bo'lgan yangi boshqaruv tizimini shakllantirdi.[16] 3-yalpi majlisdan so'ng CCDI o'zining 1-yalpi majlisini chaqirdi va sayladi Chen Yun Birinchi kotib,[17] Den Yingchao Ikkinchi kotib, Xu Yaobang Uchinchi kotib va Xuang Kecheng Doimiy kotib.[18][19] Biroq, bu odamlarning (va boshqalarning) saylanishi faqat ramziy ma'noga ega edi; yangi CCDI odatda umuman hech qachon nazorat ishlarida qatnashmagan odamlardan iborat edi va ularning aksariyati juda yosh deb hisoblanib, jiddiy qabul qilinmaydi.[20] CCDI o'zining 1-yalpi majlisida uchta asosiy maqsadni belgilab berdi: "partiya a'zolarining huquqlarini himoya qilish", tizimni ta'minlash va himoya qilish. jamoaviy etakchilik "shaxs tomonidan mehnat taqsimoti bilan" va umuman bir shaxsda hokimiyatning haddan tashqari konsentratsiyasiga qarshi turish.[16] Bu partiyadagi korruptsiya tendentsiyalariga qarshi kurashadi va individual shikoyatlarni ko'rib chiqadi.[16]

Vang tashkilotni CCDI kotibi lavozimi orqali 2012–17 yillarda boshqargan

Matbuot va CCDI korrupsiyaga qarshi kurashni ta'kidlagan bo'lsa-da, komissiya ko'plab "mahalliy despotlar" ga qarshi kuchsiz edi: asosan fiat tomonidan boshqariladigan rahbarlar.[21] 1980-yillarning boshlarida XI Markaziy qo'mita korrupsiyaga qarshi kurashish bo'yicha favqulodda choralar ko'rishga majbur bo'ldi.[22] Buzilgan mansabdorlarga qarshi kurashish o'rniga CCDIning mahalliy bo'linmalari oddiy xodimlarga e'tibor qaratdi.[23] Bu "chapchilar" (Madaniy inqilob davrida ilgari surilgan yoki uni qo'llab-quvvatlagan) va "o'ngchilar" (tarafdorlari) ga qarshi tashkiliy qurol edi. burjua demokratiyasi ).[24] Zaiflashgandan so'ng Chjao Ziyang Keyinchalik, CCDI quvvati ortdi Tiananmen maydonidagi 1989 yilgi norozilik namoyishlari Deng va uning qo'l ostida Tszyan Tsemin.[25]

Komissiyaning partiyaning va Xitoyning etakchi mavqeiga qaramay korrupsiyaga qarshi kurashish agentligi, uning rahbarlari o'z ishlarida jiddiy kamchiliklarga yo'l qo'yishdi.[26] CCDI kotibi Vey Sziansin go'yoki 5-yalpi majlis arafasida "iste'foga chiqishni taklif qildi 15-Markaziy qo'mita 2000 yilda komissiyaning ojizligiga qarshi norozilik bildirish uchun.[27] Uning vorisi Vu Guanjen xuddi shunday vaziyatga tushib qoldi, go'yo 2005 yil avgust oyida iste'foga chiqishga ariza bergan.[27] Garchi ularning vakolat muddati tugamaguncha na iste'foga chiqsalar ham, ular CCDIning qo'mitalardan mustaqilligini oshira olmadilar yoki oxiriga etkazishdi Markaziy kotibiyat uning faoliyatiga aralashish.[27]

2013 yil oxirida, Chjou Yongkang, sobiq a'zosi Siyosiy byuroning doimiy qo'mitasi (PSC) va Xitoyning xavfsizlik agentliklari rahbari uchun CCDI tomonidan tergov o'tkazildi hokimiyatni suiiste'mol qilish va korruptsiya, davlat ommaviy axborot vositalari 2014 yil iyulida e'lon qilgan qaror.[28] Chjou Xitoy Xalq Respublikasi tashkil etilganidan buyon korrupsiyada ayblanib sudlangan va sudlangan birinchi PSC a'zosi va eng yuqori martabali amaldor edi.[29] Uning tergovidan so'ng Chjou CPKdan chiqarildi.[30] 2015 yil 11 iyunda Chjou Ora sudi tomonidan poraxo'rlik, vakolatini suiiste'mol qilish va davlat sirlarini qasddan oshkor qilishda aybdor deb topildi. Tyantszin.[31] Chjou va uning oila a'zolari 129 million yuan (20 million dollardan ortiq) pora olgani aytilgan.[32] U umrbod qamoq jazosiga hukm qilindi.[32]

Olim Xueji Guoning so'zlariga ko'ra, "1992 yildan 2009 yilgacha Xitoy taxminan ikki million xodimga nisbatan intizomiy jazo choralarini qo'llagan".[33] CCDI shunga o'xshash raqamlarni keltirdi: "[B] 2003 yil iyulidan 2008 yil dekabrigacha bo'lgan davrda CCDI 852000 ta ishni ko'rib chiqdi va yopdi, natijada 881000 mansabdor shaxs intizomiy jazo oldi."[33] 2009 yilda CCDI 106626 nafar partiya a'zolari va mansabdor shaxslariga intizomiy jazo choralarini qo'lladi; 2010 yilda 146,517; 2011 yilda 142 893; 2012 yilda 160718, 2013 yilda esa 182000.[33] 2012 yildan 2017 yil oktyabrgacha 1,4 million kommunistik partiya a'zolariga nisbatan intizomiy jazo choralari boshlandi.[34] 2014 yil holatiga ko'ra, 31 CDI kotibidan beshtasi ayollardir: Huang Xiaowei, Xong Tsian, Chjan Syaolan, Ma Yongxia va Song Airong.[35] Chjan, 50 yoshida, hozirgi kunda CDI viloyat kotibi lavozimidagi eng yosh.[35]

Institutsional tarix

Tashkil etilishi, tugatilishi va qayta tiklanishi (1949-1980)

Xitoy boshqaruv tizimi Sovet nazorati institutlari tomonidan ilhomlantirildi, eng muhimi Partiya nazorati qo'mitasi (PCC).[17] Leninning so'zlariga ko'ra Sovet PCC partiyaning byurokratik kasalliklarini davolash uchun tashkil etilgan bo'lsa-da, u partiya kotiblari foydalanadigan vositaga aylandi.[36] CCDI tizimi Sovet hamkasbi bilan bir xil darajada kuchga ega emas edi, chunki Mao yomon xulq-atvorni cheklash uchun partiyaning intizomiy choralari o'rniga ommaviy safarbarlik va mafkuraviy kampaniyalarni ma'qul ko'rdi.[37] Sovet xayratini tashkiliy o'zini o'zi tuzatish bilan baham ko'rganlar ham Lyu Shaoqi va Dong Bivu, o'zlarining obsesyonlarini "ilmiy ma'muriyat" bilan bo'lishmagan.[17][2-eslatma]

Partiya uslubini tubdan takomillashtirishni amalga oshirish uchun eng muhim savol - bu partiyaning siyosiy intizomini saqlash va unga rioya qilishdir To'rt kardinal printsip, kommunistik mafkura bilan sotsialistik ma'naviy tsivilizatsiyani barpo etish uchun astoydil harakat qiling va butun partiyaning Markaziy qo'mita bilan siyosiy birdamligini kafolatlang. Barcha darajadagi DIClar buni o'zlarining ishlarining asosiy yo'nalishi sifatida qabul qilishlari kerak.

- 1982 yilda bo'lib o'tgan 12-Milliy Kongressdagi CCDI to'g'risidagi hisobot, bu komissiyaning Markaziy Qo'mitaning tashkiliy quroli sifatida pozitsiyasini ma'qullagan.

CCDI noqulay edi; yigirma ettita alohida protsedura rasmiyni tergovga berishdan oldin bajarilishi kerak edi.[8] Boshqa muammolar institutsional edi; masalan, komissiyada viloyat darajasidan past tashkilot yo'q edi.[8] CCDI muvaffaqiyatsizliklariga javoban,[40] The 1955 yilgi milliy konferentsiya CCCni tashkil etdi.[12] Delegatlar CCDI muammolari uning partiyalar qo'mitalaridan mustaqil bo'lmaganligi va bir darajadagi nazorat komissiyasi bilan yuqori darajadagi komissiyalar o'rtasida mazmunli hamkorlikning yo'qligi ekanligini ta'kidladilar.[12] Partiya qo'mitalarini qo'llab-quvvatlovchi institutsional muvozanat ba'zilarga rahbarlik qildi (masalan Gao Gang va Rao Shushi ) intizomni tekshirish bo'yicha mahalliy komissiyalarni (CDI) o'z vazifalarini bajarishdan manfaatdor bo'lmagan sodiq kishilar bilan to'ldirish.[12] Nazorat komissiyalari qo'mita qarorlari ustidan shikoyat qilish huquqiga ega edilar va o'z ishlari to'g'risida yuqori darajadagi nazorat komissiyasiga xabar berishlari shart edi.[12] CCDIdan farqli o'laroq, CCC viloyat darajasidan past bo'lgan tashkilotga ega edi.[41] Unga "quyi nazorat qo'mitalari tomonidan qarorlarni tekshirish, tasdiqlash va o'zgartirish" vakolati berildi, viloyat darajasida va undan pastroqdagi nazorat qo'mitalarining tarkibini tekshirish talab qilindi.[41] va o'zboshimchalik bilan ishonchsiz elementlarni tekshirishga qodir edi.[41] Obligatsiyalar qalbakilashtirilgan buyumlar bilan tuzilgan Nazorat vazirligi (MOS) va Oliy xalq prokuraturasi "tez sur'atlar bilan kengayib borayotgan partiya tashkiloti va tobora takomillashib borayotgan davlat byurokratiyasi" ustidan korruptsiyaga qarshi idoralar nazoratini kuchaytirish.[41]

Ushbu islohotlarning asosiy maqsadlari mahalliy boshqaruv qo'mitalaridan nazorat komissiyalarining mustaqilligini kuchaytirish edi[12] va Gao Gang-Rao Shushi ishi paytida tahdid qilingan markaz vakolatlarini himoya qilish.[41] Biroq, partiya rahbariyati bu fikrdan qaytdi; 8-milliy kongressda CCK va nazorat komissiyalarining avtonomiyasi qisqartirildi.[42] Kongress konservativ muhitda bo'lib o'tdi, rahbariyat barcha muassasalarni jamoaviy rahbarlikka chaqirdi; o'z vazifalarini bajarish uchun "maxsus huquqlarga" ega bo'lgan CCC va mahalliy nazorat komissiyalarining kontseptsiyasi kollegial qarorlar qabul qilish uchun zid edi.[43] CCC 9-Kongressda (Madaniy inqilob davrida) bekor qilindi va 11-Milliy Kongressda qayta tiklandi.[13] XI Milliy Kongress partiya konstitutsiyasiga "Partiya Markaziy Qo'mitasi, okrug va undan yuqori darajadagi mahalliy partiya qo'mitalari va polk darajasidagi armiya bo'linmalaridagi partiyalar qo'mitalari va undan yuqori intizomni tekshirish uchun komissiyalar tuzishi kerak" deb o'zgartirdi.[13] Tizim 1978 yil dekabrga qadar amalda bo'lgan va armiyada tegishli boshqaruv tizimi 1981 yilda Markaziy harbiy komissiyaning intizomni tekshirish komissiyasi sifatida tashkil etilgan.[19] CCDIning ahamiyati partiyaning nizomi bilan tartibga solingan, uning rahbari uning a'zosi bo'lishi kerak Siyosiy byuroning doimiy qo'mitasi.[44]

"Ikki tomonlama etakchilik" tizimi (1980–2002)

Lourens Sallivanning so'zlariga ko'ra, 1980 yillar davomida ba'zi kadrlar CCDI ning mustaqilligini muammoli deb hisoblashgan;[45] ular qo'mitaning hokimiyat uchun kurashlariga aralashmasdan, Markaziy qo'mitadan mustaqil bo'lishi kerak, deb ta'kidladilar.[45] Bunga CCDI rahbariyati qarshi chiqdi, Xuangning aytishicha, Markaziy Qo'mitaga sodiqlik korrupsiyaga qarshi kurashishdan ko'ra "muhimroq".[45] 1980-yillar boshidagi asosiy muammo CCDIning mahalliy partiya qo'mitalari bilan aloqasi edi.[46] Mahalliy qo'mitalar intizomni tekshirish bo'yicha komissiyani (CDI) o'z darajasida sayladilar, ammo yuqori darajadagi CDI taklif qilingan qo'mitani tasdiqlashi yoki rad qilishi mumkin.[46] Bu mahalliy CDIni CCDI oldida emas, balki uning partiya qo'mitasi oldida javobgar qildi.[46] Tizim tashkilotchilari xavfni bilgan bo'lsalar-da, CDIlar (markaziy rahbariyat bilan aloqasi orqali) ular tekshirishi kerak bo'lgan qo'mita tomonidan saylanganiga qaramay, o'zlariga berilgan vazifani bajara olishiga ishonishgan.[47] Ushbu institutsional anomaliya buzilgan (yoki "despotik") qo'mita a'zolari pozitsiyasini ta'minladi.[48]

Ba'zan biz [ya'ni intizomni tekshirish qo'mitalari] tergov uchun ish qo'zg'ashni xohlaymiz, ammo rahbarlar vaziyatning turli jihatlarini ko'rib chiqishadi va tergovga qarshi vaqtinchalik qaror qabul qilishadi .... Bir jihatdan tergov mantiqiy bo'lishi mumkin, ammo kattaroq masalalar masalasini bir muddat chetga surib qo'yish mantiqiy bo'lishi mumkin. Darhaqiqat, bu yanada yaxshi natijalarni berishi mumkin. Partiya qo'mitalari ... muammolarni bizdan ko'ra kengroq nuqtai nazardan ko'rib chiqishiga ishonchimiz komil bo'lishi kerak. Biz tergov qilmoqchi bo'lgan har qanday ishni tergov qilish kerak, deb o'ylashimiz bilan biz haddan tashqari ishonchga ega bo'lolmaymiz, chunki bu (korruptsiyaga qarshi kurashga) katta ustuvor vazifa belgilanmaganligi yoki tergovning to'xtatilishi. Biz xulosalarimizda shunchalik sodda bo'la olmaymiz. Xuddi shu narsa intizomiy jazo choralari to'g'risidagi qarorlarga ham tegishli. Ba'zi hollarda biz partiyadan chiqarib yuborish kerak deb o'ylaymiz, ammo partiya qo'mitasi buni muhokama qiladi va partiya ichidagi sinov muddati to'g'risida qaror qabul qiladi. Ular bizning tavsiyamizga amal qilishmaydi. Biz buni partiya qo'mitasi [korruptsiyaga qarshi kurashga] katta ustuvor vazifa bermayapti yoki jazoni tayinlashda haddan tashqari yumshoqlik deb aytolmaymiz. Axir bizning intizomni tekshirish qo'mitalari o'zlarining noxolisliklariga ega ekanligini tan olishimiz kerak.

—Vey Sziansin, 1992 yildan 2002 yilgacha CCDI kotibi, "ikki tomonlama etakchilik" partiya-qo'mita ustunligini anglatishini ta'kidlagan.[49]

Ushbu institutsional tuzilish tufayli CCDI o'z vakolatlarini bajarishi deyarli imkonsiz edi.[50] Etakchi mansabdorlarni tergov qilishga uringan bir necha marta, ko'pincha qasosni boshdan kechirgan.[50] Ushbu muammolar keng tarqalgan bo'lib, Uchinchi Kotibning aytishicha, "[CCDI] ishidagi [va ko'pincha] hayratga soladigan to'siqlar [ko'pincha yuz bergan]”.[50] Partiya rahbariyati ushbu muammolarni hal qilishga harakat qildi 12-milliy kongress, 1982 yilda CCDI yurisdiksiyasi va vakolatlarini kengaytirish orqali.[51] O'zgartirilgan partiya konstitutsiyasida CCDIning mas'uliyati "Partiya Konstitutsiyasi va boshqa muhim qoidalar va qoidalarni himoya qilish, partiyalar uslubini to'g'irlashda partiyalar qo'mitalariga yordam berish, partiyaning yo'nalishlari, tamoyillari, siyosatlari va qarorlarining bajarilishini tekshirish" ekanligi ta'kidlangan.[51] Komissiya partiya pravoslavligi, partiya tashkiloti, qoidalari va qoidalari, Markaziy qo'mita va demokratik markaziylik (Markaziy Qo'mitaga bo'ysunish deb ta'riflanadi).[39] Tuzatish mahalliy CDIlarga, agar ular o'zlarining darajasida qo'mita qarorini noto'g'ri deb hisoblasalar, "keyingi yuqori partiya qo'mitasiga murojaat qilishlari" mumkin.[52] 12-Milliy Kongress mahalliy CDIlarda "ikkilamchi etakchilik" ni joriy etdi; ular (va yuqori) darajadagi partiya qo'mitalari va yuqori darajadagi CDI oldida javobgardilar.[53] Har bir CDI doimiy komissiyani saylasa-da, 12-Milliy Kongress doimiy komissiya partiya qo'mitasi tomonidan tasdiqlanishi kerakligi to'g'risidagi nizomni saqlab qoldi.[53] Shuning uchun Milliy Kongress tomonidan saylangan CCDI (ilgari bo'lgani kabi Markaziy Qo'mita emas) Markaziy Qo'mitaga bo'ysundi.[54] Agar Markaziy Qo'mita a'zosi shubha qilingan bo'lsa, CCDI tergovni boshlash uchun Markaziy Qo'mitaga xabar berishi va (qaror qabul qilishi kerak).[54]

12-Milliy Kongressdan farqli o'laroq, 13-milliy kongress 1987 yilda CCDI quvvatini pasaytirdi.[25] Islohotchi bosh kotib Chjao Ziyang Xitoy huquqiy tizimiga aralashgan CCDI ni tugatishni va uning doirasini partiyaviy intizom masalalariga qisqartirishni xohladi.[25] Qurultoyda markaziy vazirliklar va partiya tashkilotlarida tashkil etilgan qirq to'qqizta CCDI intizom-inspeksiya guruhlari tugatildi (barcha tekshiruv guruhlarining 75 foizi) va CCDI boshlig'i Siyosiy Byuroning doimiy komissiyasidagi joyidan mahrum bo'ldi.[25] Keyinchalik Tiananmen maydonidagi namoyishlar Chjao Ziyangning islohotlari bekor qilindi va avvalgi CCDI tekshiruv guruhlari qayta tiklandi.[33] Komissiya kuchi oshirildi va CCDI "beshta taqiq" ni chiqardi; partiya a'zolari "(1) biznes yuritishi, (2) xo'jalik yurituvchi sub'ektda ishlashi, (3) aktsiyalar savdosi, (4) sovg'alar qabul qilishi yoki (5) dabdabali o'yin-kulgi uchun jamoat mablag'laridan foydalanishi" mumkin emas edi.[33] The 14-milliy kongress, 1992 yilda CCDI va mahalliy CDIning tergov vakolatlarini kuchaytirdi.[53] O'zgartirilgan partiya konstitutsiyasiga muvofiq, mahalliy CDIlar rasmiy tergov boshlanishidan oldin CDI darajasida mahalliy partiya qo'mitasi a'zolariga qarshi dastlabki tergovni boshlashi mumkin.[53] Agar to'liq tekshiruv o'tkazilishi kerak bo'lsa, mahalliy CDI yuqori darajadagi CDI va tegishli partiya qo'mitasidan rozilik olishi kerak edi.[53] 1995 yilda uning vakolatlari yanada oshirildi, har bir CDI veterinariya mansabdorlariga lavozimga tayinlanishidan oldin javobgarlikni berishdi.[53] The shuanggui tizim (pastga qarang ) 1994 yilda CCDI buyrug'i bilan tashkil etilgan;[55] u birinchi bo'lib 1994 yil 1 mayda kuchga kirgan "Partiya intizomini buzish holatlarini ko'rib chiqish to'g'risidagi nizom" ning 28-moddasida eslatib o'tilgan.[55]

Institut qurilishi (2002 yildan hozirgacha)

CCDI shtab-kvartirasi

CCDI yanada isloh qilindi 16-milliy kongress 2002 yilda; CCDI kotibi endi materikdagi barcha korrupsiyaga qarshi kurashish bo'yicha bosh koordinator bo'lib ishlagan, keyinchalik bu lavozim rahbar sifatida tanilgan Tekshirish ishlari bo'yicha Markaziy etakchi guruh.[56] Bu 2004 va 2005 yillarda "bilan kodlanganIchki nazoratni tartibga solish "(ISR), partiyaning ichki nazorat tizimini va partiyalar qo'mitalariga korrupsiyaga qarshi kurashish ishlarini tashkil etish va muvofiqlashtirishda yordam berishda DIClarning roli to'g'risidagi vaqtinchalik qoidalarni institutsionalizatsiya qilish.[56] Kongressda korrupsiyaga qarshi kurashda foydalanilgan terminologiya o'zgartirildi; "korruptsiyaga qarshi kurash" "kurashga" aylandi va oldini olish korruptsiya ".[56] The Xu Tszintao 16 dan davom etgan etakchilik18-milliy kongress, CCDI kuchi va ta'sirida o'sish kuzatildi, buni CCDI yalpi majlislarida PSC a'zolari ishtirokining ko'payishi aniq ko'rsatdi.[56]

Kotib muovini Vu Guanjen, CCDI o'zining birinchi markaziy tekshiruv guruhlarini 2003 yil avgustda tashkil qildi.[57] Vazirlar darajasidagi iste'fodagi amaldorlar boshchiligidagi va mahalliy partiya qo'mitalariga emas, balki CCDIga hisobot beradigan ushbu jamoalar,[57] tergovni boshlash, suhbatlar o'tkazish va tegishli hujjatlarni ko'rib chiqish huquqiga ega bo'ldilar.[57] Markaziy tekshiruv guruhining fikri mansabdor shaxsning intizomiy jazoga tortilganligini yoki yo'qligini aniqlashda muhim omil bo'lgan,[57] va jamoalar Shanxay partiyasi boshlig'ini (va siyosiy byuroning a'zosini) chiqarib yuborishda muhim rol o'ynagan. Chen Liangyu partiyadan korruptsiya sababli.[57]

Xu Szintao davrida ikki rahbarlik tizimi isloh qilindi.[58] Keyinchalik Shanxay pensiya mojarosi, Markaziy partiya rahbariyati to'rt kishining CDI rahbarlarini tayinladi to'g'ridan-to'g'ri boshqariladigan munitsipalitetlar (Pekin, Shanxay, Tyantszin va Chontsin) va CDI rahbarlari sifatida begonalarga afzallik berishni taklif qildilar.[59] 2009 yildan boshlab prefektura darajasidan past bo'lgan joylar har bir partiya tomonidan nazorat qilinadigan tashkilotlarda nazorat organi amaliyotini bekor qila boshladi.[60] Islohotlardan oldin ko'milgan partiya qo'mitasi yoki partiya guruhi bo'lgan har bir tashkilot (fuqarolik, partiya yoki hukumat) tegishli CDI uslubidagi bo'limga ega edi.[60] Islohotlar prefektura yoki tuman darajasidagi CDI homiyligida nazorat va nazorat manbalarini (shu jumladan, moliya va xodimlarni) birlashtirdi, bu o'z yurisdiksiyasidagi barcha partiyalar tomonidan nazorat qilinadigan organlarning va uning ostidagi tashkilotlarning "soyabon nazorat organi" ga aylandi.[60] Soyabon tashkilot CDI ustidan nazoratni yuklagan partiya tashkilotlari shtatlari ustidan nazoratni berdi,[60] CDI resurslaridan yanada samarali foydalanishga imkon berish va CDI xodimlarini tartibga solishi kerak bo'lgan partiya qo'mitasi faoliyatiga jalb qilish natijasida kelib chiqadigan manfaatlar to'qnashuvini kamaytirish.[60]

CCDI Bosh kotib rahbarligida navbatdagi islohotlarni o'tkazdi Si Tszinpin, 2012 yil 18-Milliy Kongressdan so'ng darhol saylangan.[60] Xi va CCDI kotibi Vang Qishan Partiyaning kundalik faoliyatidan CCDI mustaqilligini yanada institutsionalizatsiya qilib, uning funktsiyalarini takomillashtirish halollik bilan, insof bilan boshqaruv organi.[60] 2013 yil kuzida bo'lib o'tgan 18-Markaziy Qo'mitaning 3-plenumida Partiya "ikki tomonlama etakchilik" tizimini (CCDI ustidan) yanada aniqroq, protseduraga yo'naltirilgan va institutsional holga keltirish orqali kuchaytiramiz "deb e'lon qildi.[60] Amalda, bu mamlakat bo'ylab CDIlarning partiya apparatlaridan ajralib turishi va mahalliy CDIlarning deyarli barcha mohiyatan yuqori darajadagi CDIlarga mas'ul bo'lganligi to'g'risida rahbariyatning niyatini ko'rsatdi.[60] 2014 yildan boshlab, mamlakat bo'ylab CDI rahbarlari manfaatlar to'qnashuvini keltirib chiqarishi mumkin bo'lgan bir vaqtning o'zida ijro etuvchi lavozimlarni egallashga kirishdilar (masalan, CDI boshlig'i, shuningdek, mer o'rinbosari yoki bo'lim boshlig'i sifatida ishlaydi); CDI xodimlari ham o'zlarini "etakchi guruhlar" dan va shunga o'xshash siyosatni muvofiqlashtiruvchi va maslahat guruhlaridan chiqarishni boshladilar.[60] Ushbu o'zgarishlar CDI resurslarini "faqat intizomni ta'minlash ishlariga yo'naltirish" uchun bo'shatish uchun mo'ljallangan.[60]

18-Milliy Kongressdan beri CCDI bir nechta yangi tashkilotlar tuzdi,[61] to'rtta yangi intizom va inspeksiya idoralari.[61] 2013 yil 28 martda Markaziy Qo'mita CCDIda Targ'ibot va tashkiliy bo'limlarni tashkil etishga buyruq berdi, bu Markaziy Qo'mitadan tashqari markaziy tashkilotdagi birinchi bo'limlar.[61] Xitoylik olimning fikriga ko'ra Villi Lam, CCDI tashkiliy bo'limining tashkil etilishi "CCDI rahbariyati 1949 yildan buyon partiyaning kadrlar bilan bog'liq operatsiyalari uchun mas'ul bo'lgan CCP tashkiliy bo'limining belgilangan kanallaridan tashqari kadrlarni jalb qilishi mumkin" degan ma'noni anglatadi.[61]

2014 yilda CCDI Intizomiy tizim mansabdor shaxslarini nazorat qilish bo'yicha ichki idorani tashkil etdi.[62] Ofis, CCDI mansabdor shaxslarining ichki tekshiruvi, intizomni ta'minlash uchun mas'ul bo'lgan shaxslarning o'zlari qoidalar doirasida ishlashini ta'minlaydi[62] va barcha ma'muriy darajadagi CDI mansabdor shaxslari ustidan yurisdiktsiyaga ega.[62] CCDI intizomni buzgan CDI mansabdorlariga nisbatan "nol bag'rikenglik" niyatida va ular qoidalarni buzgan taqdirda ular "ommaviy axborot vositalarida nomlari bilan fosh etiladi".[62] O'sha yili CCDI to'g'ridan-to'g'ri markaziy qo'mitaga hisobot beradigan idoralarda (tashkilot va targ'ibot bo'limlari kabi) va Davlat kengashi tanalar.[63] "Komissiya organlari" deb nomlanuvchi ushbu idoralar to'g'ridan-to'g'ri CCDIga bo'ysunadi va ular joylashgan muassasalar uchun javobgar emas.[63]

Tashkilot

Markaziy daraja

CCDIning etakchilik tarkibi
Kotib (1)
Kotib muovini (ko'p)
Bosh kotib (1)
Doimiy komissiya (~ 20 a'zo)
To'liq komissiya (~ 130 a'zo)

Davomida birinchi kotib sifatida tanilgan kotib Chen Yun muddatli (1978-1987), CCDI rahbari.[44] Kotib, kotib o'rinbosari va bosh kotibni saylovlari milliy kongressdan so'ng darhol o'tkaziladigan 1-yalpi majlisda o'tkaziladi.[64] CCDI a-ning 1-yalpi majlisiga saylangan kotibni taklif qiladi markaziy qo'mita, ularni tasdiqlashi yoki rad qilishi mumkin.[64] CCDI kotibida bir qator saylangan o'rinbosarlar mavjud;[64] hozirda kotibning sakkiz o'rinbosari bor. 2003 yildan beri har bir CCDI kotibi bir vaqtning o'zida Tekshirish ishlari bo'yicha Markaziy etakchi guruh.[65]

1978 yildan beri barcha CCDI rahbarlari PSCga a'zo bo'lishdi,[66] bo'lsa-da Vey Sziansin 1997-2002 yillarda a'zo bo'lgan, ammo 1992-1997 yillarda emas.[66] 12-Milliy Kongress CCDI boshlig'i bilan bir vaqtda XTMda xizmat qilishini talab qildi, ammo bu Chjao Ziyang tomonidan 13-chi Milliy Kongressda 1987 yilda bekor qilindi.[25] Garchi Chjao Ziyangning aksariyat islohotlari bekor qilingan bo'lsa-da, XKK bilan bir vaqtda a'zolik qayta tiklanmaguncha 15-milliy kongress 1997 yilda.[66]

Doimiy qo'mita CCDI yalpi majlisga chaqirilmagan paytda eng yuqori organ hisoblanadi.[64] CCDIning 1-yalpi majlisi tomonidan saylangan, bu ish boshlash uchun Markaziy Qo'mitaning 1-yalpi majlisidan ma'qullashni talab qiladi.[64] Doimiy komissiya har bir yalpi majlisda CCDIga hisobot taqdim etadi;[67] ikkinchisi milliy darajadagi yagona tashkilotdir Butunxitoy xalq kongressi va yiliga kamida bitta yalpi majlis o'tkazadigan Markaziy qo'mita.[56] O'zining o'tmishi va kelgusi ishlarini muhokama qiladigan CCDI plenar sessiyalari odatda yanvar oyida bo'lib o'tadi.[56] The 18-doimiy komissiya 19 a'zosi bor, ulardan biri (Huang Xiaowei ) ayol.[68]

CCDIda 1000 ga yaqin kishi ishlaydi.[69] 1993 yilda uning ichki funktsiyalari MOS bilan birlashgandan beri u o'sdi 27 ta byuro va idoralar;[69] shulardan intizomni tekshirish va nazorat qilish idorasi, ishlarni ko'rib chiqish idorasi va aylanma inspektsiya ishlari bo'yicha byuro eng muhim hisoblanadi.[69] ODIS va uning o'nta bo'linmasi partiya intizomini buzganligi va partiya a'zolarining noqonuniy xatti-harakatlarini tekshirish uchun javobgardir.[69] O'nta bo'limning to'rttasi vazirning o'rinbosari darajasida va yuqorisidagi ishlarni tergov qiladi; qolgan oltitasini "viloyat hokimi, vitse-gubernator, Xalqning Butunxitoy Kongressining viloyat doimiy qo'mitalari raisi va raisining o'rinbosari, viloyatPolitik maslahat konferentsiyalari raisi va raisining o'rinbosarlari, shahar hokimlari va o'rinbosarlari darajasidagi amaldorlar" tekshirmoqda.[70] Bundan tashqari, o'n ikkita muassasa mavjud to'g'ridan-to'g'ri CCDIga bo'ysunadi.[69]

Quyi darajalar va tekshiruv guruhlari

Markaziy darajadan pastda intizomni tekshirish bo'yicha bir nechta komissiya (CDI) mavjud.[64] CDI tarkibini CDI undan yuqori darajadagi qarorga keltiradi va uning partiya qo'mitasi va undan yuqori bo'lgan qo'mita tomonidan tasdiqlanadi;[64] mahalliy darajada intizom komissiyalarini tuzish yuqori darajadagi partiya qo'mitasi tomonidan hal qilinadi.[64] Mahalliy CDIlarning asosiy vazifalari va majburiyatlari partiya a'zolarini o'z vazifalari va huquqlari bo'yicha tarbiyalash, partiya intizomini saqlash, partiya qarorlarini qo'llab-quvvatlash, partiya a'zolarining o'z vazifalarini partiya konstitutsiyasiga muvofiq amalga oshirishi, ishlarni ko'rib chiqish va korrupsiyani tergov qilishdir.[64] O'zining natijalari to'g'risida tegishli darajadagi partiya qo'mitasiga muntazam ravishda xabar berib turishi kutilmoqda.[64] Agar mahalliy partiya qo'mitasining a'zosi korrupsiyaga aloqador bo'lsa, mahalliy CDI tegishli darajadagi partiya qo'mitasidan va yuqoridagi darajadagi CDIdan to'liq tekshirishni tasdiqlashni so'rashi kerak.[64] 2014 yilgi islohotlardan oldin CDIlar o'z vazifalarini bajarishlari qiyin bo'lgan;[58] ular endi tegishli darajadagi partiya qo'mitasi kotibining roziligiga muhtoj bo'lmasalar ham, CDI mutasaddilari ko'pincha nazorat qilishlari kerak bo'lgan muassasalardagi hokimiyat lavozimlariga tayinlanganlar (yuqoriga qarang ).[58] 2004 yildagi islohotlar CDI ning partiya qo'mitasidan mustaqilligini oshirdi; ular ilgari tegishli darajadagi partiya qo'mitasi tomonidan saylangan, ammo 2004 yildan boshlab CDI a'zoligi yuqori darajadagi CDI tomonidan tanlangan.[71] Uchinchi yalpi majlisi 18-Markaziy qo'mita 2013 yilda yana CCDI tuzilishini isloh qildi, har bir CDI to'g'ridan-to'g'ri CCDI uchun javobgardir.[72]

O'chirish inspektsiyasi boshqarmasi mahalliy CDIlarga yordam berish uchun butun mamlakat bo'ylab inspektsiya guruhlarini yuboradi.[73] 2003 yilda beshta tekshiruv guruhi mavjud edi, 2013 yilga kelib ularning soni o'n ikkitaga etdi.[73] 2010 yilda CCDI tekshiruv guruhlarini yuborish huquqiga ega edi Xalq ozodlik armiyasi (PLA).[73] Shunga qaramay, uning institutsional dizaynida bir nechta zaif tomonlar mavjud, chunki KPK qoidalarining ayrim norasmiy jihatlari rasmiy protseduralar bilan raqobatlashadi (CCDI va uning quyi darajadagi organlari nazorat qilish vazifasi) gegemonlik uchun; misollar, Xuezhi Guo ta'kidlaganidek, "noaniq institutsional pozitsiyalar, vaqt o'tgan sayin tobora pasayib borayotgan ta'sirlar, homiy-klientelizmga nisbatan zaiflik yoki guansi tarmoqni quyi darajadagi va "ochiq" yoki "yashirin" tergov "dilemmasining.[73] CCDI va uning inspeksiya guruhlari barcha darajadagi partiya tashkilotlarini oddiy va intensiv tekshirishni boshlaydilar[73] and, in the eyes of many in the provinces, are a "tribunal of justice": handing down verdicts to the guilty and exonerating the innocent.[73]

Inspection teams are not empowered to initiate formal investigations, make arrests or mete out punishments.[74] If an inspection team gathers on wrongdoing and corruption in general, the information is passed on to either the Tashkilot bo'limi or the CCDI.[74] When an investigation is completed, they need to submit a report to the Central Leading Group for Inspection Work, to the region it inspected and the individuals which were the target of the investigation.[74] The report is then uploaded on the CCDI's website and made public.[74] The regulations which govern inspection team conduct states that they must "Learn from the reports from local party committees; Participate in party disciplinary meetings; Manage whistleblower letters, phone calls, and visits; Regarding issues of party members or officials; Organize forums to understand public opinions of local leaders; Communicate with individuals; Review relevant documents and records; Conduct surveys and evaluate the opinions of the public; Visit the local bureau or individual department; and Consult with other government departments to gain better understand[ing] of the issues.[74]

Work with other institutions

Markaziy harbiy komissiya

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: Markaziy harbiy komissiya (Xitoy) va Markaziy harbiy komissiyaning intizomni tekshirish komissiyasi

The military has its own discipline-enforcement body, known as the Markaziy harbiy komissiyaning intizomni tekshirish komissiyasi (CDICMC) and modelled on the CCDI.[75] The CDICMC has "dual responsibility" to the CCDI and the Markaziy harbiy komissiya,[75] and its membership is selected by the Central Military Commission.[75] The first military disciplinary organisation was established in 1955 and was dissolved during the Cultural Revolution.[75] The modern incarnation of the CDICMC was formed in January 1980 under the direction of the Central Committee of the Communist Party.[75] Since 1990 the CDICMC's work has largely been carried out by the PLA's General Political Department, the military's highest political body.[75] The head of the CDICMC is customarily also deputy chief of the General Political Department, and (since the 16th Party Congress in 2002) a concurrent Deputy Secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection.[75]

Occasionally, the CCDI has directly intervened in cases involving high-ranking officers of the PLA.[75] Direct CCDI involvement has only been cited in high-profile cases, such as Vice Admiral Wang Shouye in 2005 and Lieutenant General Gu Junshan 2012 yilda.[75] When the CDICMC completes such an investigation, the case is usually given to military prosecution authorities for harbiy sud.[75] Unlike CCDI cases (whose conclusions are generally announced in press releases), details of CDICMC cases are rarely publicly recorded.[75] The CDICMC will occasionally conduct an "initial investigation" of alleged wrongdoing by a military officer, then handing the case over to the CCDI for "further investigation".[75]

Ministry of Supervision

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: Ministry of Supervision

The Ministry of Supervision (MOS) was established by the Davlat kengashi in 1987 to supervise in "government departments, state organs and public officials, and maintaining administrative discipline."[76] Since its inception, the MOS' jurisdiction was unclear; most government personnel, as party officials, were under the purview of the CCDI.[76] Before 1987, the CCDI was responsible for issuing administrative sanctions to public officials;[76] since it enforced party discipline and the MOS enforced state law, in theory "the two agencies operated in separate spheres".[76] The reality was less clear-cut; most public servants were party members, and the MOS and CCDI customarily began separate investigations of the same person.[76] In these dual investigations, the CDIs (and sometimes the CCDI) claimed primary jurisdiction over cases involving important party figures and tried to prevent the MOS from doing its work.[76] To solve this problem, the MOS and the CCDI were effectively merged in 1993–1994;[77] although their organisational identities remained separate, the internal offices of the MOS merged with the CCDI.[77] Since then, the CCDI has conducted the work of the MOS; the Minister of Supervision customarily holds the concurrent post of Deputy Secretary of the CCDI,[78] and the organisations share a website.[79]

Duties and responsibilities

Inner-party supervision

The CCDI (and its local affiliates) enforces the inner-party supervision system.[80] Although the system's history dates back to the 1970s and 1980s, it was not formalised until the 2004 "Internal Supervision Regulation" (ISR).[81] The ISR reaffirmed the powers of the CCDI, institutionalised the central inspection teams and clearly separated the Party's decision-making institutions from its supervisory ones.[82] With the ISR the CPC issued a list of member responsibilities subject to oversight by the CCDI and its local affiliates.[83] Member supervision was not new; however, information on what was supervised (and explanations for why things were under supervision) was novel.[83] Every party member is subject to supervision, but the ISR emphasises that leaders would be its focus.[83] This was probably in reaction to the fact that no institutions except the central party leadership (including the local CDIs) had the amalda ability to supervise lower-level party institutions.[83]

The ISR defines three forms of inner-party supervision: top-to-bottom, bottom-to-top and peer-to-peer.[84] Of the three, bottom-to-top is the least institutionalised[85] and was presented as the moral – but not institutional – responsibility of ordinary party members.[85] The mechanism for lodging complaints against higher-level party officials or proposing their dismissal was unspecified.[85] According to Ting Gong, the main problem is that if an ordinary party member lodges a complaint or accuses an official of corruption, "there is no guarantee that personal petitions will be accommodated or even processed as they are subject to further investigation and the approval of higher-level authorities".[85]

The top-to-bottom system requires party committees at higher levels to supervise lower-level committees.[86] According to the ISR, the central party leadership should regularly send central inspection teams to regions, state organisations and state-owned enterprises.[84] The central inspection teams' structure was reformed by the ISR; before it, they were maxsus institutions in the fight against corruption.[85] The ISR introduced formal criteria for joining a central inspection team and empowered its investigative authority.[85]

Peer-to-peer supervision is defined as regular "demokratik hayot uchrashuvlari " and the duty of doimiy komissiyalar to report their work to the party committee to whom they are responsible.[87] The primary goal of peer-to-peer supervision is to strengthen party members' subjective responsibility by making them feel collectively responsible for the Party as a whole.[80] This system is supervised by the party committee and the CDI at the next higher level.[80]

Yurisdiktsiya

The jurisdiction of the party discipline inspection system mirrors that of the MOS, with the CCDI responsible for cases involving breaches of party discipline and state law by party members.[88] Like the MOS, the CCDI lacks judicial authority[88] and is limited to investigating allegations of corruption and breaches of party discipline.[88] Since the CCDI does not have the power to prosecute, it is supposed to transfer cases (after investigation) to the Oliy xalq prokuraturasi yoki Oliy xalq sudi.[88] Despite this, its formal jurisdiction is loosely defined.[88] The CDI's ability to begin investigations and administer party sanctions has often led to the slow transfer (or sometimes no transfer) of cases to the Supreme People's Procuratorate.[89]

According to Graham Young, the CCDI's "responsibilities deal with four types of offences: [w]ork mistakes, [p]olitical mistakes, [l]ine mistakes [and] [c]ounter-revolutionary actions".[90] Andrew Wederman wrote that by looking at the "offences based on annual reports by provincial DICs contained in provincial yearbooks", its responsibility includes 20 types of offences; "[a]rbitrary and dictatorial exercise of power, [a]narchism, [f]actionalism, [f]avouritism, [i]nsubordination, [h]eterodoxy (such as bourgeois spiritual pollution, leftism), [p]rivilege seeking, [n]epotism and use of Party authority to advance their families, friends and relatives, [b]ureaucratism, [a]dministrative inefficiency, [c]ommandism, [h]oarding, [p]etty corruption, [f]raud, [e]mbezzlement, [t]heft, [s]muggling, [b]ribery, [i]llegal acquisition of and dealing in foreign exchange [and] [w]asting and squandering public funds".[90] According to Jeffrey Becker, "CDIC handbooks and regulations typically list six general types of mistakes (cuowu); political, economic, organisational, dereliction of one's duty, opposition to the party's socialist morals, and violations of integrity laws and regulations."[91] Although the CCDI overlaps the MOS, it has more responsibilities since it is obligated to prevent breaches of party rules, norms and other non-criminal behaviour.[90] The party constitution vaguely defines the CCDI's jurisdiction:[92]

Resolutely implement the Party's basic line, principles, and policies ... correctly exercise the powers entrusted to them by the people, be honest and upright, work hard for the people, make themselves an example, carry forward the style of hard work and plain living, forge closer ties with the masses, uphold the Party's mass line, accept criticism and supervision by the masses, oppose bureaucratism, and oppose the unhealthy trend of abusing one's power for personal gain.[92]

Petition system, investigative procedures and Shuanggui

For a case to be investigated, a person needs to petition the CCDI.[93] Although the main petition office is the Complaints Office, petitions are usually sent to other offices and institutions (such as the Oliy xalq sudi, Oliy xalq prokuraturasi, Butunxitoy xalq kongressi and party leadership as high as the PSC) as well.[93] Petitions may also be filed on the CCDI website,[93] and the commission receives cases through the Office for Circuit Inspection Work (which sends inspection teams throughout the country).[93] In a case handled by former ODIS Third Division director and Case Hearing Office director Li Huiran, a petition was sent to all department heads in the ministry employing the petitioner, several offices of the CCDI and PSC members Tszyan Tsemin, Li Peng, Chju Rongji va Vey Sziansin.[93]

An investigation has eight steps: "preliminary evidence and complaint management, preliminary confirmation of disciplinary violations, approval for opening the case, investigation and evidence collection, case hearing, implementation of disciplinary sanctions, appeal by the disciplined official, and continued supervision and management of the case".[94] The first step begins with the receipt of a petition, which is formally accepted when the CCDI has proof (or suspicion) of wrongdoing.[94] This process depends on the position of the accused; if the person has a vice-ministerial or deputy-gubernatorial rank, the investigation must first be approved by the CCDI Standing Committee.[94] If approved, the CCDI Standing Committee will request permission from the PSC for a full investigation.[94] An investigation of a provincial party leader must be accepted by the Siyosiy byuro.[94] To investigate a member of the Politburo or the PSC, the full backing of the PSC and retired high-level leaders is required.[94] When a case is approved, the subject enters Shuanggui ("double designation") and must appear at a "designated location at a designated time." Davomida Shuanggui, the subject is questioned about specific disciplinary violations.[94] Uzunligi Shuanggui is unspecified, and the subject is not protected by the state legal system.[94] This system gives the CCDI precedence over the legal system in the investigation of party leaders.[94] According to Chinese media, Shuanggui was instituted to prevent a subject's protection by his patron or a network (guansi )[94] and scholars such as Ting Gong and Connie Meaney agree that guansi is a genuine threat to CCDI investigative teams.[95] The suspect is then subject to "off-site detention" "to prevent interference from 'local protectionism' and 'factionalism'" (guansi), preserving the investigation's integrity.[96]

The subject is detained in an unspecified location under a 24-hour suicide watch by a team of six to nine "accompanying protectors" (as they are officially called), working eight-hour shifts.[96] Shuanggui does not condone jismoniy jazo and the accused is, in theory, respectfully treated until proven guilty.[96] Despite this proscription of force, according to Flora Sapio it "can easily occur because all basic procedural guarantees are removed as soon as shuanggui boshlanadi ".[96] Bilan bog'liq muammolar Shuanggui, kabi forced confessions, have occurred with inadequately-trained officials[96] in areas controlled by local CDIs.[97]

Qoidalar

Party regulations and Party discipline are stricter than State laws; all levels' Party organisations and the broad Party members and cadres must not only be models of abiding by State laws, they must also put strict demands on themselves according to the even higher standards of Party regulations and Party discipline, they must strengthen their ideals and convictions, put the purpose of the Party into practice, and firmly struggle with acts violating law and discipline. Acts violating Party regulations and Party discipline must be dealt with severely, symptomatic and tendentious problems must be grasped early, when they are small, in order to prevent that small mistakes ferment into big mistakes, and violation of discipline becomes violation of the law.

- The 18th CPC Central Committee's "Decision Concerning Major Questions in Comprehensively Moving Governing the Country Forward According to the Law", published in 2014[98]

CDIs at every level have, as one of their most important duties, the authority to issue and interpret regulations.[99] In recent years the CCDI has issued several regulations on behalf of the central committee, including "Internal Supervision Regulation" in 2004; "Regulations on Inner-Party Supervision", "Provisions on the CCP's Disciplinary Penalties" and "Provisions About Establishing the Responsibility System for Party Construction and Clean Government" in 2005, and "Interim Stipulations: Leading Cadres' Integrity Report" in 2006.[100]

The importance of law in the struggle against corruption has been emphasised since the early 1980s.[101] Deng pointed out in 1980 that the anti-corruption effort was a political struggle which, to be successful, must be fought in an institutional environment.[101] At the 4th Plenary Session of the 15th CCDI in 2000, Jiang drew a similar conclusion: "The most important thing is to uphold and improve a system of institutions which can guarantee the Party's strong leadership and socialist prosperity, and make sure that the system is functioning by means of laws, regulations, policies and education."[102] Despite this, until the 16th National Congress the CPC's anti-corruption system was based on campaign-style events rather than formal procedures (partially due to the 1940s Yan'anni to'g'rilash harakati and its legacy).[102] The idea that campaigns – not institutions – were the best weapon against corruption predominated under Deng,[102] and is best seen in the establishment of the Central Party Rectification Steering Committee 1980 yillar davomida.[102] This was the CPC central leadership's preferred way to combat corruption, since its enforcement depended largely on the leadership.[102] However, the sharp increase in corrupt activities during the 1990s led the Party to change course.[102]

Under Wei Jianxing, the 15th CCDI reviewed an estimated 1,600 corruption-related party regulations and documents in the run-up to the 16th National Congress; of these, an estimated 1,100 were still considered viable.[103] During this period, it published "Plan for Building Honest Morals and Controlling Corruption from 2004 to 2007" and the six-volume "Complete Regulations on Building Honest Morals and Controlling Corruption Within the Party" in an effort to institutionalise the Party's anti-corruption system.[103] To formalise its procedures, the 16th CCDI Standing Committee passed regulations requiring all local CDIs to combat corruption with lawful methods.[103] Signaling their serious intent, the CCDI, the CPC's Organisation Department, the MOS and the Davlat aktivlarini nazorat qilish va boshqarish komissiyasi issued joint "Regulations on Honestly Conducting Business by Leaders of the State-Run Enterprises" in 2005.[103] According to CPC analyst Shao Daosheng, "The pace of institutional anti-corruption [development] by the CCP has been unprecedented."[104]

Shuningdek qarang

Izohlar

  1. ^ In English, the name of the body has been translated as "Central Discipline Inspection Commission" (CDIC).
  2. ^ Ga binoan Viktor Afanasyev, a leading official in the Sovet Ittifoqi Kommunistik partiyasi, scientific administration means "The systematically exercised, conscious and purposeful influence by man on the social system as a whole or on its separate aspects ... on the basis of knowledge and use of the objective laws of socialism and its progressive trends, in order to ensure its effective functioning and development."[38]

Adabiyotlar

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