Duglas Xeyg, birinchi graf Xayg - Douglas Haig, 1st Earl Haig - Wikipedia
Graf Xeyg | |
|---|---|
 Feldmarshal Lord Xeyg | |
| Taxallus (lar) | "Maydon ustasi"[1] "Somme qassobi"[2] "Qassob" Xeyg[3] |
| Tug'ilgan | 19 iyun 1861 yil Sharlot maydoni, Edinburg, Shotlandiya |
| O'ldi | 1928 yil 29-yanvar (66 yosh) 21 shahzoda darvozasi, London, Angliya |
| Sadoqat | Birlashgan Qirollik |
| Xizmat / | Britaniya armiyasi |
| Xizmat qilgan yillari | 1884–1920 |
| Rank | Feldmarshal |
| Buyruqlar bajarildi | Britaniya ekspeditsiya kuchlari (1915–19) Birinchi armiya (1914–15) Men korpus (1914) Aldershot qo'mondoni (1912–14) Hindistondagi Bosh shtab boshlig'i (1909–12) 17-Lancers (1901–03) 3-otliqlar brigadasi (1900) |
| Janglar / urushlar | Mahdistlar urushi Ikkinchi Boer urushi Birinchi jahon urushi |
| Mukofotlar | Qushqo'nmas ordeni ritsari Vanna ordeni buyuk ritsari "Buyuk xizmatlari uchun" ordeni a'zosi Qirollik Viktoriya ordeni Buyuk Xoch Hind imperiyasi ordeni ritsar qo'mondoni Yuborishlarda eslatib o'tilgan To'liq ro'yxat |
Feldmarshal Duglas Xeyg, birinchi graf Xayg, KT, GCB, OM, GCVO, KCIE (/heɪɡ/; 1861 yil 19-iyun - 1928 yil 29-yanvar) katta yoshli edi ofitser ning Britaniya armiyasi. Davomida Birinchi jahon urushi, u buyruq berdi Britaniya ekspeditsiya kuchlari (BEF) da G'arbiy front 1915 yil oxiridan urush oxirigacha. U qo'mondon edi Somme jangi, Arras jangi, Uchinchi Ypres jangi (Passchendaele), nemis Spring Offensive va final Yuz kunlik tajovuz.[4][5][6]
Urushdan keyingi bevosita yillarda u obro'-e'tiborini qozongan bo'lsa-da, dafn marosimi milliy motam kuniga aylangan bo'lsa-da, Xeyg 1960-yillardan boshlab Birinchi Jahon urushi davrida uning rahbarligi tanqidiga aylandi.[7][8][9] Uning qo'mondonligi ostida o'tgan ikki million ingliz talofati uchun unga "Qassob Xeyg" laqabini berishdi.[7] The Kanada urushi muzeyi sharhlar, "Uning epik, ammo Sommdagi qimmatbaho hujumlari (1916) va Passchendaele (1917) Birinchi jahon urushidagi qirg'in va befoyda bilan deyarli sinonimga aylandi. "[10] Boshqa tomondan, ba'zi tarixchilar Yuz kunlik tajovuz 1918 yil - boshchiligidagi qo'shma ittifoq harakati Foch Bu urushni tugatdi, xususan, Britaniyaning unga qo'shgan hissasi, Britaniya harbiy tarixida erishilgan eng buyuk g'alabalardan biri bo'ldi.[4][5][6]
General-mayor Ser Jon Devidson, Xeygning biograflaridan biri Xeygning etakchiligini maqtagan va 1980-yillardan beri ko'plab tarixchilar Xeygning nomi saqlanib kelinayotgan jamoat nafratiga to'liq loyiq emasligini ta'kidlashmoqda. Qo'mondonni yomon ko'rganlar uning qo'mondonligidagi kuchlar tomonidan yangi taktika va texnologiyalarni qabul qilinishini anglay olmadilar, bu Britaniya kuchlari tomonidan muhim rol o'ynadi. ittifoqdosh 1918 yildagi g'alaba va bu katta talofatlar o'sha paytdagi taktik va strategik voqelikning natijasi edi.[4][5][6][11][12][13]
Hayotning boshlang'ich davri
Xeyg bir uyda tug'ilgan Sharlot maydoni, Edinburg, (lekin pochta manzili bilan Umid ko'chasi, 19, janubiy-g'arbiy tomonda joylashgan ko'cha; plaket mavjud).[14] Uning otasi Jon Richard Xeyg - ichkilikboz - oilaning boshlig'i bo'lsa ham, "savdo-sotiq" bilan shug'ullangan Xeyg va Xeyg viski distillash, uning daromadi yiliga 10 000 funt (2018 yilda 1 million 160 ming funt) bo'lgan, bu o'sha paytda juda katta miqdor.[15] Uning onasi Reychel (Styuartfildlik Xyu Vaychning qizi),[16] og'ir ahvolga tushib qolgan janjalli oiladan edi.[17] Reychelning amakivachchasi Violet Veitch dramaturg, bastakor va ijrochining onasi edi Noël qo'rqoq.[18] Oilaviy uy edi Xeyg uyi yilda Shamollar, Fife.[19]
Xeyg ta'limi 1869 yilda Klifton bankidagi janob Bateson maktabida pansionat sifatida boshlangan, Sent-Endryus. Keyinchalik 1869 yilda u ishga o'tdi Edinburg kolleji maktabi, so'ngra 1871 yilda Orwell uyiga, tayyorgarlik maktabida Warwickshire. Keyin u ishtirok etdi Klifton kolleji.[20][21] Xeygning ikkala ota-onasi ham o'n sakkiz yoshida vafot etdi.[22]
Akasi bilan Qo'shma Shtatlar bo'ylab sayohatdan so'ng, Xeyg siyosiy siyosat, qadimgi tarix va frantsuz adabiyotini o'qidi Brasenoz kolleji, Oksford, 1880-1883. U ko'p vaqtini ijtimoiy muloqotga bag'ishladi - u a'zosi edi Bulingdon klubi - va ot sporti. U Oksforddagi eng yaxshi otliqlardan biri edi va tezda yo'lga tushdi Universitet polosi jamoasi.[23] Bakalavr paytida u a Mason Legin-dagi 91-sonli Elgin lojasida Leven, Fayf, Masonlikning birinchi va ikkinchi darajalarini olish.[24] 1920 yilda Eglinton grafligi Xeygni masonik rivojlanishini yakunlashga undadi va u uchinchi darajani olish uchun o'z uyiga qaytdi,[24] keyinchalik xizmat qiladi Ibodatli ustoz 1925 yildan 1926 yilgacha bo'lgan uy-joy.[25] U ofitser bo'ldi Shotlandiyaning katta uyi.[24]
U Oksforddagi so'nggi imtihonini topshirgan bo'lsa-da (Sandxerstga abituriyentlar uchun talab), u ilmiy darajaga ega emas edi, chunki u kasallik tufayli muddat yashash joyini qoldirib ketgan va agar u uzoqroq tursa, u yoshdan katta bo'lar edi chegarasi (23) da ofitserlar tayyorlashni boshlash Sandhurstdagi Qirollik harbiy kolleji U 1884 yil yanvar oyida o'qishga kirgan. Universitetda bo'lganligi sababli, Xeyg Sandxurstdagi sinfining aksariyat qismidan ancha kattaroq edi. U katta ofitser edi, taqdirlandi Anson qilichi va birinchi navbatda xizmatga yarasha tartibda o'tdi.[26] U sifatida topshirildi leytenant ichiga 7-chi (Qirolichaning o'ziga tegishli) gussarlar 1885 yil 7-fevralda.[27]
Karyera
Kichik ofitser
Harbiy faoliyatining boshida Xeyg Angliya termasida AQSh bo'ylab gastrol safarlarida o'ynagan (1886 yil avgust). U umr bo'yi polo ixlosmandi bo'lib qoladi va 1914 yil may oyida Xurlingem polos qo'mitasi qayta tashkil etilganidan 1922 yilgacha rais bo'lib ishlaydi. Shuningdek, u armiya polos qo'mitasining prezidenti va Hindiston polosi assotsiatsiyasining asoschisi bo'ladi.[28][29]
Keyin Xeyg Hindistondagi chet el xizmatini ko'rdi (1886 yil noyabrda yuborildi), u erda u polk tayinlandi yordamchi 1888 yilda.[30] U intizomiy narsadir,[31] shuningdek, ma'muriy mahorati va so'nggi mashg'ulotlarni tahlil qilish bilan boshliqlarini hayratga soldi. U lavozimga ko'tarildi kapitan 1891 yil 23-yanvarda.[32]
Xeyg 1892 yil iyun oyida Xamberdagi Stafford kollejiga kirish imtihoniga tayyorgarlik ko'rish uchun Hindistonni tark etdi va u 1893 yil iyun oyida o'tirdi. U eng yaxshi 28 nomzodga kiritilgan bo'lsa ham (imtihon bilan berilgan joylar soni) unga joy berilmadi chunki u matematikaning majburiy qog'ozini ariza topshirgan edi. U bu muvaffaqiyatsizlikni umrining oxirigacha yashirdi[33] va keyinchalik (taxminan 1910) talab sifatida matematik qog'ozni tashlashni tavsiya qildi.[34] General-adyutant ser Redvers Buller nomzodi ko'rsatilgan to'rtta joydan birini Xeygga berishni rad etdi rangli ko'rlik, Xeygning ko'rishini nemis okulisti tekshirganiga qaramay va Xeygning turli xil yuqori lavozimli ofitserlarning yorqin ko'rsatmalariga qaramay, ularning ba'zilari Xeyg va uning singlisi tomonidan lobbichilik qildilar. Buller piyoda ofitserga joy berish uchun asos (rang ko'rligi, matematikadan imtihon) izlayotgani haqida taxmin qilingan.[35]
Xeyg qisqa vaqt ichida Hindistonga qaytib keldi (u Franeyadagi otliq askarlarning Troyendagi manevrlari to'g'risida qirq varaqlik ma'ruza yozish uchun vaqt ajratib) 1892 yilda o'zi qo'mondonlik qilgan otryadning ikkinchi qo'mondoni sifatida qaytib keldi va keyin Buyuk Britaniyaga qaytib keldi. Lager yordamchisi otliqlar bosh inspektori ser Keyt Freyzerga.[36] Freyzer Xeygning Kadrlar kollejiga o'qishga kirishini istaganlardan biri edi va u nihoyat 1894 yil oxirida nomzod qilib ko'rsatildi, bu istiqbolli nomzodlar uchun odatiy odat edi. O'z o'rnini egallashni kutayotib, u Germaniyaga otliqlar manevrlari to'g'risida xabar berish uchun bordi va shuningdek, shtab ofitseri bo'lib xizmat qildi. Polkovnik Jon Fransuz (u bilan 1891 yil noyabrda uchrashgan, frantsuz 19 gussarlarning qo'mondoni bo'lgan) manevralar paytida. Keyingi yigirma besh yil ichida frantsuzlar va Xeyglarning martabalari birlashtirilishi kerak edi va Xeyg frantsuzlarga 1896 yilda chop etilgan otliq burg'ulash kitobini yozishda yordam berdi.[14]
Xeyg kirdi Xodimlar kolleji, Kamberli 1896 yilda u o'zining tengdoshlari guruhi bilan mashhur bo'lmagan. Masalan, ular tanladilar Allenbi kabi Drag Huntning ustasi, Xeyg yaxshi chavandoz bo'lishiga qaramay.[37] Xeyg Bosh o'qituvchi podpolkovnik GFR Xendersonni hayratga soldi va 1897 yilda tark etdi. Ba'zi yozuvchilar (masalan, Travers 1987) Kambellini eskirib qolgan o'quv dasturi uchun tanqid qildilar, chunki u Xeygga doktrinani singdirganligi sababli ta'sir ko'rsatdi. asl mutafakkirga qaraganda. Xeygga g'alaba jangda asosiy dushman qo'shinini mag'lub etishdan kelib chiqishi kerak, deb o'rgatgan Napoleon urushi, eskirganlik ("eskirgan kurash") shunchaki jang maydonida g'alaba qozonish uchun zaxira majburiyatlarini bajarishga kirishish edi; ushbu fikrning izlarini Loos va Sommda ko'rish mumkin. Axloqiy va harakatchanlikka va boshqalarga katta ahamiyat berildi Murat ortidan otliqlarni ta'qib qilish Napoleon "s 1806 yilgi Yena kampaniyasi. Garchi Amerika fuqarolar urushi o'rganildi, urg'u berildi Stounuoll Jekson mobil Shenandoah vodiysidagi kampaniya, bu urushning ko'proq eskirganligi haqida emas.[38]
Mahdistlar urushi, 1898 yil
Yanvar oyi boshlarida Xeyg tanlab olindi Evelin Vud (hozirgi paytda general-adyutant) kollej bitiruvchilarining so'nggi uchta talabalaridan biri sifatida Kitchener kampaniyasi uchun Mahdistlar urushi ichida Soudan.[39] U Kitchenerni kuzatib turish uchun tanlangan bo'lishi mumkin, chunki Vud uni unga ochiqchasiga va o'ziga ishonib yozishni taklif qilgan. Xeyg boshliqlarini (xususiy ravishda) tanqid qilish uchun ozgina rag'batlantirishga muhtoj edi - ayniqsa, Kitchenerning diktatorlik odatlarini tanqid qildi.[40] Kitchenerning kuchi Angliya-Misr edi va Xeyg rasmiy ravishda qo'shilishga majbur bo'ldi Misr armiyasi, aksariyat ofitserlari inglizlar edi. U Misr otliqlar otryadini tayyorlash va unga buyruq berishni rejalashtirgan edi, ammo bu sodir bo'lmadi, chunki Kitchener yaqin orada jangovar buyruq almashinishini xohlamadi.[41] Ko'pgina ingliz zobitlaridan farqli o'laroq, Xeyg misrliklar to'g'ri tayyorgarlik va rahbarlik qilsalar yaxshi askarlar orttirishiga ishongan.[42] Hali ham rasmiy pozitsiyasiz, ammo otliq askarlarga hamrohlik qilgan Xeyg o'zining birinchi harakatini Atbaraning janubidagi to'qnashuvda ko'rdi (21 mart). Vudga o'zaro to'qnashuv haqida bergan xabarida Xeyg ingliz pulemyotlari etishmasligi haqida fikr bildirdi. Keyinchalik pulemyotlardan foydalanishni optimallashtira olmaganligi uchun tanqid qilingan bo'lsa-da, Xeyg maxsus safarga bordi Enfild o'rganish Maksim qurol, va kampaniya davomida uning qiymatini sharhladi.[43]
To'rt kundan keyin u brevtning ofitseri bo'ldi Podpolkovnik Broadwood otliqlar brigadasi. Xeyg o'zining ikkinchi harakati - Nuxeyla jangi (6 aprel) da o'zini ajratib ko'rsatdi - u erda eskadronlarning orqani himoya qilish uchun qayta joylashishini nazorat qildi va keyin qanot hujumini boshladi, chunki Broadwood oldingi chiziqda band edi. U hozir bo'lgan Atbara jangi (8 aprel), shundan so'ng u Kitchenerni darvishlarni ham qanotga olmasdan frontal hujum uyushtirganligi uchun tanqid qildi.[44] Atbaradan so'ng, Kitchenerga qo'shimcha kuchlar berildi va Xeyg o'z qo'mondonligini qabul qildi. Omdurman (jang paytida zaxirada, keyin shaharga qanotli yurishda). U lavozimga ko'tarildi breket katta 1898 yil 15-noyabrda.[45]
Ikkinchi Bur urushi, 1899-1902 yillar
Xeyg Buyuk Britaniyaga urush idorasida ishlashni umid qilib qaytib keldi, ammo uning o'rniga (1899 yil may) brigada mayori etib tayinlandi. 1-otliqlar brigadasi Aldershotda.[46]
Yaqinda Xeyg brigada qo'mondoni Jon Frantsiyaga Janubiy Afrikadagi tog'-kon kontseptsiyalaridagi zararlarini qoplash uchun 2500 funt sterling (foizlar bilan rasmiy shartnomada) qarz bergan edi. Kredit frantsuzlarga o'z komissiyasini saqlab qolishga imkon berdi.[47] Xeyg 1899 yil 26-iyunda asosiy mayor darajasiga ko'tarildi.[48]Tez orada Xeyg general-adyutant yordamchisining o'rinbosari etib tayinlandi (1899 yil sentyabr)[49] va keyin general-adyutant yordamchisi (ya'ni bosh shtab ofitseri) frantsuz brigadasi tarkibiga yuborilganida, Boer urushi.[50] U frantsuzlarning birinchi jangida, Elandslaagte (18 oktyabr, Ladismit yaqinida) da qatnashgan. Frantsuz va Xeygga ketishni buyurdilar Ladismit to'rt oylik qamal boshlanganda, Buyuk Britaniyadan kelgan yangi otliqlar diviziyasini o'z zimmasiga oldi. Ikki kishi Ladysmithni tark etish uchun so'nggi poezdda (1899 yil 2-noyabr) dushmanning o'tidan o'tayotganda yotib qochib qutulishdi.[51]
Sudanda bo'lgani kabi, Xeyg ham dushman mahbuslari bilan bo'lgan intervyularga asoslanib, artilleriya ahamiyatiga shubha bilan qarashni davom ettirdi.[52]
Keyin General-mayor Frantsuzcha Kolesberg Keyp koloniyasini himoya qilish bo'yicha operatsiyalar, Frederik Roberts Bosh qo'mondon sifatida yangi kelgan, o'zining himoyachi polkovnikini tayinladi Erroll grafligi, frantsuzlarning noroziliklari sababli, otliqlar diviziyasi general-adyutantining yordamchisi lavozimiga, va'da qilingan Xayg (va mahalliy podpolkovnik unvonini) uning o'rinbosari sifatida. Otliqlar urushning ushbu bosqichida etakchi rol o'ynagan, shu jumladan Kimberlining relyefi (1900 yil 15-fevral), unda inglizlarning ajoyib otliq zaryadlari namoyish etilgan Klip Drift. Xeygga qisqacha (1900 yil 21-fevral) 3-otliqlar brigadasi qo'mondonligi berildi, so'ngra Erroll boshqa ishga ko'chirilgandan so'ng AAGni otliqlar diviziyasiga topshirdi. Frantsiya bo'limi qo'lga olishda ishtirok etdi Bloemfontein (1900 yil 13 mart) va undan keyin Pretoriya (1900 yil 5 iyun). Xeyg Robertsni otlar (charchash va to'yib ovqatlanmaslik) va erkaklar (tifo) yo'qotishlari uchun alohida tanqid qildi va uni "ahmoq qariya" deb o'ylardi.[53]
Roberts an'anaviy urushda g'alaba qozonganidan so'ng, Kitchener partizan urushiga o'tgan boersga qarshi kurashda mas'ul bo'lib qoldi. Otliqlar diviziyasi tarqatib yuborildi (1900 yil noyabr) va frantsuzlar, Xayg hali ham uning shtab boshlig'i bo'lib, Yoxannesburg hududida politsiya ishlarini olib boruvchi qurolli kuchlarga rahbarlik qildilar, keyinchalik Bur rahbarini qo'lga olishga harakat qildilar. nam Bloemfontein atrofida. 1901 yil yanvar oyida Xeygga 2500 kishilik ustun berildi mahalliy daraja general-brigadasi, Keyp Koloniyasini qo'riqlayotgan va komendant Kritzingerni ta'qib qilayotgan. O'sha paytdagi odatiy siyosat singari, Xeygning harakatlari orasida taniqli inglizlarning kuyib ketgan er siyosatining bir qismi sifatida fermer xo'jaliklarini yoqish (uy-joylar, ekinlar va chorvachilik ham bor edi), shuningdek, Bur ayollari va bolalarini kontsentratsion lagerlarga yig'ish.[54] Urush davomida Xeygning singlisi Henrietta Evelin Vudni akasi uchun urush tugagandan so'ng o'ziga tegishli otliq polkni boshqarishi uchun lobbichilik qilgan. Frantsuz, ehtimol, qimmatbaho yordamchidan ajralishni istamagan, Herbert Lourensni 17-lanserlarning bo'sh qo'mondonligiga tavsiya qilgan, ammo Roberts, endi Buyuk Britaniyaga qaytib kelgan bosh qo'mondon, uni bekor qildi va Xayga berdi (1901 yil may). O'sha paytda 17-chi Lancers Janubiy Afrikada bo'lganligi sababli, Xeyg bu buyruqni o'z ustuni bilan birlashtira oldi.[55]
Urush yaqinlashganda, Xeyg Boer etakchisini topishi va kuzatib borishi kerak edi Jan Kristiya Smuts Vereeningingdagi tinchlik muzokaralariga. Xeyg edi jo'natmalarda aytib o'tilgan uning xizmati uchun to'rt marta Janubiy Afrika (shu jumladan, 1900 yil 31 martda Lord Roberts tomonidan,[56] va Lord Kitchener tomonidan 1902 yil 23-iyunda[57]) va tayinlangan a Vanna ordeni sherigi (CB) 1900 yil noyabrda.[58] Shuningdek, u moddiy darajaga ko'tarildi podpolkovnik 1901 yil 17-iyulda.[59]
Urush tugaganidan keyin Xeyg ketdi Keyptaun SSdagi 17-lanserlarning 540 zobiti va odamlari bilan Nemis 1902 yil sentyabr oyi oxirida.[60] Polk Janubiy Afrikada qolishi kerak edi, lekin oxir-oqibat uyga rejalashtirilganidan tezroq qaytib keldi va oktyabr oyi oxirida Sautgemptonga etib keldi. Edinburg.[60] Xeyg tayinlandi Lager yordamchisi ga Qirol Edvard VII 1902 yil oktyabr oyida Janubiy Afrikaning faxriylar ro'yxatida polkovnikning qisqa unvoni berilgan (shu sababli quyi darajaga qaytish o'rniga ushbu darajani saqlab qolgan),[61] 1904 yilgacha ADC bo'lib qoldi.
Kavaleriya bosh inspektori, Hindiston
Xeyg qo'mondon sifatida davom etdi 17-Lancers 1903 yilgacha Edinburgda joylashgan. Keyin u tayinlandi Bosh inspektor otliqlar Britaniya Hindistoni (u otliq brigada qo'mondonligini afzal ko'rgan bo'lar edi Aldershot, frantsuzcha hozir bo'lgan joyda Bosh ofitser qo'mondonligi (GOC)), lekin avvalgi amaldagi prezident o'z muddatini tugatmaguncha birinchi bo'lib Edinburgdagi garnizon navbatchiligida bir yil sarf qilishi kerak edi).[62]
Xeygning jangovar xizmati uni kechiktirdi, ammo tezda ko'tarildi: 1904 yilga kelib, o'ttiz etti yoshgacha kapitan bo'lib, u eng yoshga aylandi. general-mayor ichida Britaniya armiyasi shu vaqtda. U hozir bo'lgan Ravalpindi paradi 1905 yil hurmat qilmoq Shahzoda va Uels malikasining Hindistonga tashrifi. Bu vaqtda Buyuk Britaniyalik generallarning katta kuchlari otliqlar hali ham qilich va nayza bilan zaryad qilishni o'rgatish kerakmi (frantsuz va Xeygning fikri bo'yicha), shuningdek, otlarni harakatchanlik uchun ishlatish kerakmi degan savolga javob berildi. otish qurollari bilan otdan tushirish. Hozir Britaniya armiyasining bosh qo'mondoni bo'lgan Lord Roberts, Kitchenerni ogohlantirdi (hozir Bosh qo'mondon, Hindiston ) bu masalada "Xeyg bilan juda qat'iy" bo'lish (agar Mitserni ko'p o'tmay, 1904 yildan boshlab, uning o'rinbosari Lord Kerzon bilan janjali tufayli chalg'itib yuborgan bo'lsa) va Xeyg "aqlli, qobiliyatli odam" deb yozgan edi. Ser Jon Frantsiyaga katta ta'sir ko'rsatgan.[63]
Nikoh va bolalar
Hindistondan ta'tilda bo'lganida, Xeyg 1905 yil 11-iyulda bo'ronli uchrashgandan so'ng Doroti Mod Vivianga (1879-1939) uylandi (u uni birinchi marta Xerlingemda polo o'ynab yurganida, bundan ikki yil oldin ko'rgan). U qizi edi Xussi Krepsi Vivian va Louisa Duff.[64]:562
Er-xotinning to'rt farzandi bor edi:
- Aleksandra Henrietta Louisa Haig[65] (9 mart 1907 - 1997); Birinchi marta kontr-admiral bilan turmush qurgan Klarens Dinsmor Xovard-Jonson, u bilan uch farzandi bo'lgan. 1954 yilda tarixchi bilan ikkinchi marta turmushga chiqdi Xyu Trevor-Roper, keyinchalik Glantondan Baron Dakre yaratildi.
- Viktoriya Doris Reychel Xeyg (7 noyabr 1908 - 1993). Uylangan polkovnik Klod Endryu Montagu Duglas Skott 1929 yil 10-avgustda u bilan ikki farzand ko'rgan (1951 yil ajrashgan)[64]:562
- Jorj Aleksandr Evgeniy Duglas Xeyg (1918 yil 15 mart - 2009 yil 10 iyul)
- Lady Irene Violet Freesia Janet Augustia Haig (1919 yil 7 oktyabr - 2001); xotini Gavin Astor
Xeyg 1905 yilda o'z ta'tilidan urush idorasida ishlash uchun lobbi uchun foydalangan, ammo bu taklif rad etilgan H. O. Arnold-Forster The Urush bo'yicha davlat kotibi juda ochiqchasiga qirol ta'siriga tayanib.[66]
Urush idorasi
Bur urushi Britaniyaning bosh shtab va zamonaviy zaxira armiyasiga ega emasligini fosh qildi. Yangi Liberal hukumatda (1905 yil dekabr), Richard Xoldeyn, Urush bo'yicha davlat kotibi, amalda bo'lgan Konservativ hukumat tomonidan printsipial ravishda qabul qilingan Esher tavsiyalarini amalga oshirdi. 1906 yil avgustda Xeyg Bosh shtabdagi harbiy tayyorgarlik bo'yicha direktor etib tayinlandi Urush idorasi.[67] Keyinchalik Xeldene Xeygning "birinchi darajali umumiy shtat fikri" va "bebaho maslahat bergani" haqida yozgan[68] Keyinchalik Xeyg o'z jo'natmalarining bir qismini 1915 yilda Germaniyani qo'llab-quvvatlaganlik uchun iddao qilinganligi sababli ishdan bo'shatilgan Xaldeynga bag'ishlaydi. Garchi ikkala shaxs keyinchalik islohotlar Buyuk Britaniyani qit'a urushiga tayyorlash uchun qilingan deb da'vo qilsalar ham, ular qit'a miqyosidagi armiyani yaratmadi va ular byudjet doirasida kichik professional armiyani tashkil qildilar, deyishga to'g'ri keladi, chunki lord Robertsning saylovoldi kampaniyasiga qaramay siyosiy jihatdan harbiy xizmatga chaqirish imkonsiz edi.[69]
Islohotlar militsiya, yeomaniya va ko'ngillilarni yangisiga aylantirdi Hududiy kuch. Xeyg eskirgan fikr deb bilgan narsalarga toqat qilmaydigan va begonalar bilan muzokaralar olib borishda yaxshi bo'lmagan.[70] Militsiya (aslida oddiy armiyadan kattaroq, ko'plab ijtimoiy ahamiyatga ega zobitlar bilan) oxirgi bo'lib kelishib oldilar va Parlament Qonuni bilan Maxsus rezervga aylantirilishi kerak edi. Xeyg 900 ming kishidan iborat zaxiraga ega bo'lishni xohlagan edi, ammo Xeylden 300 ming kishining hayotiga to'g'ri keldi.[71]
Xeyg ma'muriy mahorat va mashg'ulotlar va tekshiruvlarni tashkil qilish mahoratini 1907 yilda 120 ming kishidan iborat ekspeditsiya kuchlarini (6 ta piyoda diviziyasi va 1 otliq - 1914 yilda Frantsiyaga yuboriladigan kuch) tashkil etishda yaxshiroq qo'llagan. Haldane Xeyg yaqin bo'lganidek Lord Robertsning maslahatiga zid ravishda (endi Bosh qo'mondon sifatida iste'foga chiqqan) otliqlar uchun kamroq, artilleriya uchun yuqori ustuvorlikni ta'minlashga qodir edi, chunki uning qarashlari endi unchalik ma'qul kelmadi, chunki uning harbiy xizmatga chaqirish kampaniyasi Xaldeyni qiyinlashtirdi. Xaygning artilleriya mashqlarini boshqargan vaqtidagi yozuvlari texnik masalalarga (maqsad, masofa, aniqlik va boshqalar) unchalik qiziqmaydi.[72]
1907 yil noyabrda Xeyg yon tomonga xodimlarning vazifalari bo'yicha direktoriga ko'chirildi.[73] U qo'mondonlardan o'zlariga tayinlangan xodimlarni (patronaj bo'yicha o'zlarini tanlash o'rniga) olishni talab qildi va shuningdek, yangi Hududiy armiyaga xodimlar zobitlarini tayinladi. U keyinchalik "Ikkinchi jahon urushida BEFni kengaytirishda juda foydali bo'lgan" Dala xizmatiga oid qoidalar "ning nashr etilishini nazorat qildi, garchi u hali ham otliq askarlarni qilich va nayza bilan zaryad qilish va otdan tushirish bilan kurashish muhimligini ta'kidladi. Ayni paytda u "Otliq tadqiqotlar" ("Xaygning hayratga soluvchi biografi" Jeyms Marshall-Kornuoll nomli alohida asarini ham tugatayotgan edi. Keyinchalik u "payg'ambarlar orasida emas" deb yozgan edi.[74]) va otliq mashqlarga ko'p vaqt ajratish.[75] Shuningdek, u Imperator Bosh shtabini tuzishda ishtirok etgan (katta koloniyalarda Bosh shtabning mahalliy bo'limlari bo'lishi kerak edi, ular tarkibida o'qitilgan xodimlar zobitlari bo'lgan), bu uchun uning ishi Xaldey tomonidan yuqori baholangan.[76]
Bosh shtab boshlig'i, Hindiston
1909 yilga kelib, Xaldey va Xeygga Angliya-Germaniya urushi boshlanib ketgandek tuyuldi va Xeyg avvaliga tayinlashni qabul qilishni istamadi. Hindistondagi Bosh shtab boshlig'i.[77] U xodimlar vazifalari bo'yicha direktor lavozimini o'zining sodiq izdoshi Brigada generali Kiggellga (keyinchalik BEF shtabining boshlig'i) topshirdi, unga har ikki haftada "maslahat" bilan yozdi. Urush idorasida ishi uchun ritsar bo'lgan Xeyg ko'tarildi general-leytenant 1910 yil noyabrda.[78] Hindistonda u Hindiston Bosh shtabini yirik Imperial Bosh shtab tarkibida rivojlantirishni va hind qo'shinlarini bo'lajak Evropa urushiga jo'natishni tashkil qilishni umid qilgan edi. U Hindiston armiyasini urush boshlanganda Evropaga jo'natish uchun safarbar qilishni rejalashtirgan rejaga Vitseroy veto qo'ydi. Lord Hardinge. Agar to'qnashuv boshlanganda Hindiston korpusi G'arbiy frontda xizmat qilsa va hind qo'shinlari Yaqin Sharqning nisbatan kichik tarkibida ham foydalanilgan.[79]
Aldershot
Xeyg 1911 yil dekabrida Hindistonni tark etdi va 1912 yil mart oyida Aldershot qo'mondonligini (1 va 2-bo'lim va 1-otliq brigada) qo'mondonlik qiladigan bosh ofitser lavozimiga tayinlandi.[80]
In 1912 yilgi armiya manevralari u qat'iyat bilan kaltaklandi Ser Jeyms Grierson Griersonning havo razvedkasidan yuqori darajada foydalanganligi sababli uning foydasiga stavkalarga ega bo'lishiga qaramay. Kechki ovqatdan keyin Xeyg o'zining tayyorlagan matnidan voz kechdi va garchi uning so'zlari "yaxshi qabul qilindi" deb yozgan bo'lsa-da, Xartislar ularning "tushunarsiz va chidab bo'lmas darajada sust" ekanliklarini va tashrif buyurgan mehmonlar uxlab qolishganini yozdilar. Xeygning notiqlik mahoratining pastligi, manevralar islohot qilingan armiyani samarali ko'rsatgan deb o'ylardi.[81]
Birinchi jahon urushi
1914
Urushning tarqalishi
Davomida Curragh isyoni (1914 yil mart) Xeyg shtab boshlig'iga ehtiyot bo'lishga chaqirdi Jon Gou, kimning akasi Hubert Gou (u holda otliqlar brigadiri, keyinroq Jahon urushidagi GOC Beshinchi armiyasi) Ulstermenni yarim mustaqil Irlandiyaga majburlash o'rniga iste'foga chiqishga tahdid qilar edi. Xeyg armiyaning vazifasi tinchlikni saqlash ekanligini ta'kidlab, zobitlarini siyosatga aralashmaslikka chaqirdi. Ser Jon Frens ofitserlardan Ulsterni majburlash talab qilinmasligiga va'da berishda xatoga yo'l qo'yib, CIGS lavozimidan ketishga majbur bo'ldi; Xeyg Hubert Gughning printsipial pozitsiyasini hurmat qilgan, ammo frantsuzcha o'zini siyosiy vosita sifatida ishlatishga yo'l qo'ygan deb bilgan H. H. Asquit.[82]
1914 yil avgustda urush boshlangandan so'ng, Xeyg feldmarshal ser Jon frantsuz tomonidan boshqariladigan Britaniya ekspeditsiya kuchlarini (BEF) tashkil etishga yordam berdi. Rejalashtirilganidek, Xeygning Aldershot buyrug'i tuzildi Men korpus. Xeyldenga yozgan maktubida (4 avgust) Xeyg urush bir necha oy bo'lmasa, bir necha yil davom etishini bashorat qilgan; Xeyg Xeldanening urush idorasiga qaytishini xohlagan (Asquit Curragh ishi paytida Sleyli iste'foga chiqqandan beri ish olib borgan - bu Kitchenerga berilgan) va BEFni Fransiyaga hududiy armiya safarbar qilinmaguncha va yuborilgunga qadar kechiktirmoqchi edi.[83]
Xeyg Urush kengashida qatnashdi (5-avgust), unda Belgiya chegarasi yaqinidagi Maubeuge shahrida Frantsiyani oldinga safarbar qilish o'ta xavfli ekanligi to'g'risida qaror qabul qilindi, chunki Buyuk Britaniyaning safarbarligi Frantsiya va Germaniyadan uch kun orqada qoldi (ya'ni BEF qanday tashkil topgan bo'lsa, nemislar tomonidan bosib olinishi). Boshqa hech qanday favqulodda vaziyat rejalari yo'q edi - Xeyg va Kitchener BEFni qarshi hujumga o'tish uchun yaxshiroq joylashishini taklif qilishdi Amiens. Ser Jon Frantsiya qo'nishni taklif qildi Antverpen tomonidan veto qo'yilgan Uinston Cherchill chunki Qirollik floti xavfsiz o'tishni kafolatlay olmadi. Tanqidiy biograf yozishicha, Xeyg "ko'plab hamkasblariga qaraganda aniqroq".[84]
Uning ko'p tanqid qilingan xotiralarida 1914, Keyinchalik frantsuzlar Xeyg Xeydanning o'sha paytda Haldanega yozganlarini hisobga olib, BEFni yuborishni keyinga qoldirishni istaganini da'vo qildi. Xeyg bu da'vodan juda g'azablanib, kabinet kotibidan so'radi Moris Xanki frantsuz tilidagi "noaniqliklar" ni tuzatish uchun. Shu bilan birga Xeyg o'z davrini, shu bilan birga o'zini yaxshiroq va frantsuzni kambag'al ko'rinishda ko'rsatish uchun qayta yozdi. Avgust oyi boshidagi qo'lyozma kundaligi saqlanib qolmadi, ammo uning yo'q qilinganligi to'g'risida ijobiy dalillar yo'q; va shuni ta'kidladiki, hozirgacha mavjud bo'lgan nusxa diktantdan yoki hozirda yo'qolgan yozuvlardan tayyorlangan bo'lishi mumkin.[85] Xankining yig'ilish haqidagi qaydlarida Xeyg kichikroq kuchlarni kechiktirishni yoki jo'natishni taklif qilgani, ammo agar Frantsiya mag'lub bo'lish xavfi tug'ilsa yoki Frantsiya ularni xohlasa (u buni amalga oshirgan bo'lsa) kuchlarni yuborishga tayyor ekanligi qayd etilgan. Xeyg urush bir necha yil davom etishini va BEF tarkibidan chiqarilgan ofitserlar va NKOlar tomonidan o'qitilgan million kishilik armiya zarurligini bashorat qildi.[84]
Xeyg tayinlangan edi yordamchi ga Qirol Jorj V 1914 yil fevralda.[86] Aldershotda o'tkazilgan qirollik tekshiruvi paytida (11 avgust) Xeyg qirolga frantsuzlarning mo''tadilligi va harbiy bilimlarining tengligi to'g'risida "jiddiy shubha" bildirgan. Keyinchalik u bu shubhalar Boer urushiga qaytgan deb da'vo qildi, ammo keyinchalik bu bezakning elementi bor edi; Xeyg (Kitchener, Roberts va boshqalarni tanqid qilgan) aslida Bur urushi paytida frantsuz tilini maqtagan va uning 1911 yilda CIGS etib tayinlanishini mamnuniyat bilan kutib olgan.[87]
Monsga Marnega
Xeyg Gavrga o'tib ketdi.[88] 14 avgust kuni BEF Frantsiyaga tushdi va Belgiyaga o'tdi, u erda frantsuzlar generalning chap tomonida joylashgan Lanrezakniki Frantsiya beshinchi armiyasi da Sharlerua. Xeyg ser Jon Frans tomonidan g'azablandi (ta'sirlangan Genri Uilson Ardennesdan frantsuz ittifoqiga bo'lgan ishonchini kuchaytirishga), u faqat Monsdagi BEF oldida uchta nemis korpusi bilan shug'ullangan va Bryusseldan g'arbiy tomon oqayotgan nemis kuchlarining ingliz chap tomonidagi qurshovga tahdid qilganligi to'g'risida razvedka ma'lumotlarini e'tiborsiz qoldirgan. Garchi II korpus Germaniyaning hujumiga qarshi kurashgan Mons 23 avgustda (inglizlarning nemislar bilan birinchi uchrashuvi) Lanzerak ularning o'ng qanotini ham fosh qilib chekinishga buyruq berganidan keyin BEF chekinishga majbur bo'ldi.[89]
I va II korpuslarning chekinishi, chunki alohida o'tkazilishi kerak edi Oddiy o'rmon. Ikki korpus uchrashishi kerak edi Le Cateau lekin men Xeyg boshchiligidagi Korpusni to'xtatdim Landrecies, ikki korpus o'rtasida katta bo'shliqni qoldirib. Germaniya qo'shinlari bilan Landrecies-da o'z korpusining to'qnashuviga Xeygning munosabati (Xeyg o'z xodimlarini ko'chaga olib chiqqan, revolverlar tortib, "jonimizni sotamiz" deb va'da bergan) frantsuz tiliga mubolag'a bilan hisobot yuborishiga sabab bo'lgan, bu frantsuzlarning vahimaga tushishiga sabab bo'lgan. . Ertasi kuni 26 avgust, Horas Smit-Dorrien "s II korpus dushmanni Le Cateau jangi, bu Xeyg tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanmagan. Ushbu jang nemis armiyasining yurishini sekinlashtirdi. Biroq, tanqidiy biograf Landrecies-dagi "vahima momenti" dan juda ko'p narsa qilinganligini va 13 kun davomida 200 millik (320 km) chekinish "barqaror va vakolatli shaxsga hurmat" deb yozadi. rahbarligi "Xeyg va Smit-Dorrien.[90]
25 avgustda frantsuz qo'mondoni Jozef Joffre uning kuchlariga chekinishni buyurdi Marne, bu esa BEFni yana chekinishga majbur qildi. Xeyg frantsuzlarning qo'li baland xatti-harakatlaridan g'azablandi, ular Angliya foydalanishi uchun va'da bergan yo'llarni egallab oldi va Britaniyaning o'ng qanotini qoplashni va'da qilmadi. U frantsuzlarning ishonchsizligi va jangovar qobiliyatining yo'qligi haqida shikoyat qildi, bu shikoyatni keyingi to'rt yil ichida saqlab qoladi. U xotiniga yozishicha, inglizlar Antverpendan mustaqil ravishda faoliyat yuritishini xohlardi, bu taklifni u "beparvo" deb rad etgan, ser Jon Frantsiya buni 4 avgust kuni Urush Kengashida aytgan edi.[91]
Chekinish ser Jon Frantsiyani o'z ittifoqchilarining vakolatlarini shubha ostiga qo'yishiga olib keldi va natijada yanada qat'iyatsizlik paydo bo'ldi va uning janubidagi BEFni olib tashlash to'g'risidagi qaroriga sabab bo'ldi. Sena. 1 sentyabrda Lord Kitchener aralashib, frantsuz tiliga tashrif buyurdi va unga yana jangga kirish va Joffre kuchlari bilan muvofiqlashtirishni buyurdi. Himoya qilish uchun jang Parij 5 sentyabrda boshlanib, nomi bilan tanilgan birinchi Marna jangi. Xeyg o'z korpusida dam olishni xohlagan edi, ammo buyruq berilganda hujumni qayta boshlashdan xursand edi. U qo'l ostidagilarni, shu jumladan Ivor Makseni, "jangovar ruh" ga ega emas deb o'ylaganda haydadi. Ser Jon Frants Xeygning korpusiga rahbarlik qilganini maqtagan bo'lsa-da, Xeyg Monsgacha bo'lgan frantsuzning o'ziga bo'lgan ishonchi va undan keyin haddan tashqari ehtiyotkorlik bilan alohida xo'rlik qildi.[92]
Ipres jangi
Britaniyalik va frantsuz generallari o'rtasida ikki hafta davom etgan ishqalanishdan keyin taklif qilinganidan 15-oktabrdan kechroq, Xayg I korpusi Flandriyadagi Ypresga ko'chirildi. "Dengizga poyga ".[93] Germaniyaning shimoliy qanoti kuchsiz degan fikrda Xeyg yurishni buyurdi Gent, Brugge va Courtrai G'arbiy Belgiyada, ammo Germaniyaning yangi shtabi boshlig'i Falkenxayn buning aksini qilib, ittifoqchilarning shimoliy qanotini aylantirmoqchi edi. Men korpus yangi boshlangan nemis qo'shinlari tomonidan g'arb tomon yo'naltirilgan yo'nalishda oldinga siljidi va natija shunday bo'ldi Ipres jangi. 250 ta og'ir qurol bilan jihozlangan nemis kuchlari (urushning dastlabki bosqichi uchun juda ko'p sonli) I korpusdan ikkitadan oshib ketdi va muvaffaqiyatga yaqinlashdi. Bir payt Xeyg oq otiga minib, Gelevelt atrofida chekinayotgan odamlarini rag'batlantirish uchun minib qo'ydi, garchi bu voqea shaharni yangi egallab olgan bo'lsa ham batalyon ning Yirtqichlar Xeyg minishdan oldin.[94] Xeyg bu jangda o'z obro'sini mustahkamladi va Ypres keyingi yillarda ramziy asos bo'lib qoldi. Xeygga, shuningdek, nemislar muvaffaqiyat qozonish arafasida turgan paytda hujumlarini to'xtatib qo'yganliklari ta'sir ko'rsatdi va u muvaffaqiyat qozonish ehtimoli bor ekan, hujumlarni ushlab turish zarurligini uqtirdi.[95]
Ikki o'n kunlik shiddatli janglardan so'ng, I korpus 12-noyabrgacha 18000 kishidan 3000 ta'sirchan kuchigacha qisqartirildi.[96] Olti kun davomida ingliz va frantsuz generallari o'rtasida tortishuvlardan so'ng, I Korpus frantsuz qo'shinlari tomonidan engillashtirildi; Xeyg Genri Uilsonning fransuzparast hamdardliklaridan juda shubhali edi.[97] Ipresdagi birinchi jangda muvaffaqiyat qozonganidan so'ng, yuragidagi yukni yumshatish uchun vrach tomonidan dam olishga buyurilgan frantsuzlar Xeygni zudlik bilan generalga ko'tarilishni tavsiya qildilar. Xeyg Frantsiyani nomidan Londonga (23-noyabr) tashrif buyurdi, Kitchener bilan BEFni kengaytirish va uni ikkita armiyaga aylantirish rejasi to'g'risida maslahatlashdi.[98]
Bu paytda, Germaniya Lodzda ruslar tomonidan mag'lubiyatga uchraganidan va G'arbiy frontga hujum qilishning qiyinchiliklari hali qadrlanmaganidan keyin urush tugaydi deb o'ylar edilar. Smit-Dorrienning II korpusining Messines-Vitsxetaga (14-15 dekabr) muvaffaqiyatsiz hujumi GHQ xodimlarining kambag'al ishi uchun ayblandi va 18 dekabrda Xeyg Frantsiya bilan uchrashdi, u BEF shtabi boshlig'i Myurreyni ishdan bo'shatmoqchi ekanligini aytdi. saylovoldi kampaniyasi davomida qoniqarsiz bo'lgan va uning o'rinbosari Genri Uilsonni targ'ib qilgan. Xeyg Uilson frantsuzparast bo'lishdan tashqari, "harbiy bilimga ega emas" deb o'ylardi va chorak-usta generalni tavsiya qildi "Uulli" Robertson vakansiya uchun. Bu, shuningdek, Lord Kitchenerning fikri edi, shuning uchun Robertson ushbu lavozimni egalladi.[99] Xeyg lavozimidan ko'tarildi umumiy 1914 yil 16-noyabrda.[100]
1915
Bahorgi huquqbuzarliklar
Frantsuz singari, Xeyg ham Shimoliy dengiz qirg'og'i bo'ylab Ostend va Zeebrugge ammo Joffre inglizlarning bunday mustaqil harakat qilishini istamadi.[101] Yaqinda Germaniya Sharqiy jabhaga sakkizta piyoda diviziyasini yubordi, o'n ikkita yangi ko'tarilgan diviziya bilan, g'arbdagi aniq kuchlarini Birinchi Iprdagi 106 bo'linishdan 98 ga qisqartirdilar, shuning uchun frantsuzlar va Joffre urush g'alaba qozonadi deb o'ylashdi. yozda, Artois va Shampan shahridagi frantsuzlarning hujumi, inglizlarning hujumi bilan birga bo'lishi kerakligi haqida kelishib oldi Noyve-Shapelle Dekabr oyida Messinesda muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchraganidan so'ng, Xeyg Smit-Dorriyendan ko'proq ishonganligi sababli uni olib borishi kerak edi. Neuve Shapelle-da Xeyg va uning bo'ysunuvchisi tezda bombardimon qilishni xohladi Genri Ravlinson (GOC IV Corps), uzoqroq va uslubiy. Chig'anoqlarning etishmasligi faqat o'ttiz besh daqiqali bombardimon qilish mumkinligini anglatar edi, ammo hujumning kichik jabhasi unga muvaffaqiyat qozonish uchun konsentratsiya berdi.[102]
Xeyg samolyotlarning imkoniyatlariga katta qiziqish bildirdi va uchrashdi Katta xandaq ning Qirollik uchar korpusi (16 fevral) fotografik havo razvedkasini tashkil qilish va nemis chiziqlari xaritasi olingan; samolyotlar ham artilleriyani aniqlash uchun ishlatila boshlandi - Mors tomonidan Britaniya akkumulyatorlariga signal berish - dushman qo'shinlarining harakatlarini kuzatish va nemislarning orqa qismlarini bombardimon qilish.[103] To'rt bo'linma hujum qildi Noyve Shapelle jangi 10 martda 1600 yard (1500 m) chuqurlikka kirib bordi, ammo keyingi kunlarda hech qanday yutuqlarga erishilmadi, chunki nemislar qo'shimcha kuchlarni jalb qila olishdi. Yo'qotishlar har ikki tomonda 12000 atrofida edi.[102] Keyinchalik rasmiy tarixda Neuve Shapelle frantsuzlarga ingliz qo'shinlarining hujum qobiliyatini ko'rsatishi kerakligi va bu nemislar safi birinchi marta buzilganligi haqida da'vo qilingan.[104] Ravlinson birinchi kundan keyin hujumni tugatmoqchi edi va Xeyg zaxirani tezroq bajarish kerak deb o'ylardi. Ravlinsonning taklifiga binoan Xeyg general-mayor Djois Devisni (GOC 8-divizioni) ishdan bo'shatishga yaqin keldi, chunki Devis Ravlinsonning buyrug'iga amal qilgani aniqlangunga qadar; Xeyg Ravlinsonga tanbeh berdi, ammo uni ishdan bo'shatish uchun juda qadrli deb o'ylardi. This may have made Rawlinson reluctant to stand up to Haig thereafter.[105]
French and Joffre still expected victory by July. Whilst the Germans attacked Smith-Dorrien at the Second Battle of Ypres (April), new Allied offensives were planned by the French at Vimy and by Haig at Aubers Ridge (9 May). It was believed on the British side that the lessons of Neuve Chapelle had been learned – reserves were ready to exploit and mortars were ready to support attackers who had advanced beyond artillery cover – and that this time success would be complete not partial. The attack was less successful than Neuve Chapelle as the forty-minute bombardment (only 516 field guns and 121 heavy guns) was over a wider front and against stronger defences; Haig was still focussed on winning a decisive victory by capturing key ground, rather than amassing firepower to inflict maximum damage on the Germans.[106][107] Attacks (at Festubert, 15–25 May) as a diversion, gained 1,100 yards (1,000 m) over a front of 4,400 yards (4,000 m), with 16,000 British casualties to around 6,600 German losses.[108] Sir John French was satisfied that the attacks had served to take pressure off the French at their request but Haig still felt that German reserves were being exhausted, bringing victory nearer.[109]
Lack of shells at these offensives bilan birga edi Admiral Fisher 's resignation over the failed Dardanel kampaniyasi, a cause of the fall of the Liberal Government (19 May). Haig did not approve of the Nortliff press attacks on Kitchener, whom he thought a powerful military voice against the folly of civilians like Churchill (despite the fact that Kitchener had played a role in planning the Gallipoli expedition and was an opponent of the strong General Staff which Haig wanted to see). French had been leaking information about the shell shortage to Charles à Court Repington ning The Times, whom Haig detested and which he likened to "carrying on with a whore" (possibly a deliberately chosen analogy in view of French's womanising). French also communicated with Conservative leaders and to Devid Lloyd Jorj who now became Minister of Munitions in the new coalition government.[110]
Haig was asked by Clive Wigram (one of the King's press staff) to smooth relations between French and Kitchener. At Robertson's suggestion, Haig received Kitchener at his HQ (8 July – despite French's attempt to block the meeting), where they shared their concerns about French. The two men met again in London (14 July), whilst Haig was receiving his GCB (awarded on French's recommendation after Neuve Chapelle) from the King, who also complained to him about French. Over lunch with the King and Kitchener, Haig remarked that the best time to sack French would have been after the retreat to the Marne; it was agreed that the men would correspond in confidence and in response to the King's joke that this was inviting Haig to "sneak" like a schoolboy, Kitchener replied that "we are past schoolboy's age".[111]
Haig had long thought French petty, jealous, unbalanced ("like a bottle of soda water … incapable of thinking … and coming to a reasoned decision"), overly quick to meddle in party politics and easily manipulated by Henry Wilson.[112] Haig was increasingly irritated by French's changes of orders and mercurial changes of mood as to the length of the war, which French now expected to last into 1916.[113] Haig still thought Germany might collapse by November, although at the same time he was sending a memo to the War Office recommending that the BEF, now numbering 25 divisions, be equipped with the maximum number of heavy guns, ready for a huge decisive battle, 36 divisions strong in 1916.[114]
Bo'shashishlar
The war was not going well – besides the failure at Cape Helles (landing 25 April), Bolgariya had joined the Central Powers (Serbiya was soon overrun) and Italian attacks on the Isonzo had made negligible progress. Allied attacks in the west were needed to take pressure off the Russians, who were being flung out of Poland (after the Fall of Warsaw, 5 August). The original plan was to attack in July. At Joffre's insistence the offensive was planned next to the French Tenth Army at Loos.[115]
Haig inspected the Bo'shashishlar area (24 June) and expressed dissatisfaction with the ground; slag heaps and pit head towers which made good observation points for the Germans. French later did the same and agreed. French and Haig would have preferred to renew the attack at Aubers Ridge. Joffre was not pleased and called another conference (11 July) to urge a British attack on Loos.[116] Haig pushed for Aubers Ridge again (22 July) – French at first agreed until dissuaded by Foch (29 July), who felt that only a British attack at Loos would pull in enough German reserves to allow the French to take Vimy Ridge. French wrote to Joffre saying he was willing to go along with these plans for the sake of Anglo-French cooperation, but then wrote to Joffre again (10 August) suggesting an artillery bombardment with only limited British infantry attacks. This was not what Joffre wanted. Kitchener, who had been invited to tour the French Army (16–19 August) listened sympathetically to Joffre's suggestion that in future Joffre should set the size, dates and objectives of British offensives, although he only agreed for the Loos attack for the moment. Kitchener met with Haig first and then with French. It is unclear exactly why Kitchener and then Haig agreed to go along with Joffre's wishes – possibly the disastrous plight of the Russians, but it may be that a promise that poison gas could be used may have persuaded Haig. Having got their own way, the French then postponed the attack as they picked new attacking ground in Champagne and arranged for extra shelling at Vimy, in both cases because of the very reasons – German-held villages and other obstructions – to which the British generals had objected.[117]
Only 850 guns (110 of them heavy) were available, too few for concentrated bombardment over a frontage far wider than at Neuve Chapelle (in 1915 the Germans had 10,500 guns of which 3,350 were heavy, whilst the British had only around 1,500, not to mention the shortage of ammunition[118]). There was also argument over the placement of the reserve, XI korpus (Haking) with the 21-chi va 24-bo'lim (inexperienced Yangi armiya divisions), which Haig wanted close to the front. Despite not originally wanting the offensive, Haig had persuaded himself that decisive victory was possible, and it may be that French wanted to keep control of the reserve to stop them being thrown into battle needlessly.[119] French tried in vain to forbid Haig to discuss his plans with Kitchener (on the grounds that Kitchener might leak them to politicians). Battle began (25 September) after Haig ordered the release of xlorli gaz (he had an aide, Alan Fletcher, light a cigarette to test the wind).[120]
The attack failed in the north against the Hohenzollern Redoubt but broke through the German first line in the centre (Loos and Hill 70). The reserves were tired after night marches, to reach the front in secrecy and were not available until 2 pm, but were thrown into battle without success on the second day, although it is not clear that they would have accomplished much if available on the first day, as Haig had wanted.[121]
Haig replaces French
The reserves now became a stick with which to beat French, who by now was talking of making peace before "England was ruined". Haig wrote a detailed letter to Kitchener (29 Sep) claiming "complete" [sic ] success on the first day and complaining that the reserves had not been placed as close to the front as agreed (this turned out to be untrue) and that French had not released control of them when requested (he had but delays in communications and traffic control had meant that they were not available until 2 pm). French protested that time for the commitment of reserves had been on the second day; when told of this by Robertson (2 Oct) Haig thought this evidence of French's "unreasoning brain". Haig strengthened his case by reports that captured enemy officers had been astonished at the British failure to exploit the attack and by complaining about the government's foot-dragging at introducing conscription and the commitment of troops to sideshows like Salonika and Suvla Bay (6 August), at a time when the Germans were calling up their 1918 Class early.[122]
The failure of Loos was debated in the British press. Kitchener demanded a report (6 October) and Lord Haldane (a former Cabinet Minister) was sent to France to interview French and Haig.[123] French in turn demanded a report from Haig, in particular his claim to have penetrated the German lines (16 Oct). Haig claimed in his diary that a proposal that he be sent to report on the Gallipoli bridgehead, was shelved because of the imminence of French's removal. Lord Stamfordham, the King's Secretary, telephoned Robertson to ask his opinion of French and Robertson conferred with Haig – who was pushing for Robertson to be appointed Chief of the Imperial General Staff – before giving his opinion. The King also discussed the matter with Haig over dinner on a visit to the front (24 October). Haig again told him that French should have been sacked in August 1914. Four days later the King, whilst inspecting troops, was injured when thrown by one of Haig's horses and had to be evacuated to England on a stretcher, which caused Haig some embarrassment. French was reduced to having his orders releasing the reserves published in The Times (2 November), along with an article by Repington blaming Haig. Haig demanded a correction of French's "inaccuracies" about the availability of the reserve, whereupon French ordered Haig to cease all correspondence on this matter, although he offered to let Haig see the covering letter he was sending to London in his report but French's fate was sealed. Haig met with the Prime Minister, H. H. Asquit on 23 November and Bonar qonuni (Conservative Leader) the next day. Rumours were rife that French was to be sacked, another reason given for sacking him, was that his shortcomings would become more pronounced with the expansion of the BEF, which would number sixty divisions within two years.[124] Matters had been delayed as Kitchener was away on an inspection tour of the Mediterranean and French was sick in bed. Kitchener returned to London (3 Dec) and at a meeting with Haig that day, told him that he was to recommend to Asquith that Haig replace French.[125]
Haig's appointment as Commander-in-Chief BEF was announced on 10 December and almost simultaneously Robertson became Chief of the Imperial General Staff in London, reporting directly to the Cabinet rather than to the War Secretary. Haig and Robertson hoped that this would be the start of a new and more professional management of the war. Monro was promoted to GOC First Army in Haig's place, not Rawlinson whom Haig would have preferred and for reasons of seniority Haig was forced to accept the weak-willed Launcelot Kiggell, not Butler as chief of staff BEF in succession to Robertson.[126] Haig and French, who seemed ill and short of breath, had a final handover meeting (18 December, the day before the formal change of command), at which Haig agreed that Churchill – recently resigned from the Cabinet and vetoed from command of a brigade – should be given command of a battalion.[127]
1916
Prelude to the Somme
For the first time (2 January) Haig attended church service with George Duncan, who was to have great influence over him. Haig saw himself as God's servant and was keen to have clergymen sent out whose sermons would remind the men that the war dead were martyrs in a just cause.[128]
Robertson and Kitchener (who thought that an offensive starting in March, could bring decisive victory by August and peace by November) wanted to concentrate on the Western Front, unlike many in the Cabinet who preferred Salonika or Mesopotamia. Haig and Robertson were aware that Britain would have to take on more of the offensive burden, as France was beginning to run out of men (and perhaps could not last more than another year at the same level of effort) but thought that the Germans might retreat in the west to shorten their line, so they could concentrate on beating the Russians, who unlike France and Britain might accept a compromise peace. Haig thought that the Germans had already had plenty of "wearing out", that a decisive victory was possible in 1916 and urged Robertson (9 Jan) to recruit more cavalry. Haig's preference was to regain control of the Belgian coast by attacking in Flanders, to bring the coast and the naval bases at Bruges, Zeebrugge and Ostend (a view also held by the Cabinet and Admiralty since 1914) into Allied hands and where the Germans would also suffer great loss if they were reluctant to retreat.[129][130]
Lloyd George visited Haig at GHQ and afterwards wrote to Haig, to say that he had been impressed by his "grip" and by the "trained thought of a great soldier". Subsequent relations between the two men were not to be so cordial. Haig thought Lloyd George "shifty and unreliable".[131] Haig and Kiggell met Joffre and his chief of staff de Castelnau at Chantilly (14 February). Haig thought that politicians and the public might misunderstand a long period of attrition and thought that only a fortnight of "wearing out", not three months as Joffre had originally wanted, would be needed before the decisive offensive. Arguments continued over the British taking over more front line from the French.[132] Haig had thought that the German troops reported near Verdun were a feint prior to an attack on the British but the Verdun tajovuzkor began on 21 February.[133]
In March 1916 GHQ was moved from Sankt-Omer ga Monreuil, Pas-de-Kale, the town was close to ports and endowed with a well-developed infrastructure in the form of a military academy. For his residence Haig commandeered Beaurepaire House which was a few kilometres SE of Montreuil.[134]
Haig decided that Verdun had "worn down" the Germans enough and that a decisive victory was possible at once. The Cabinet were less optimistic and Kitchener (like Rawlinson) was also somewhat doubtful and would have preferred smaller and purely attritional attacks but sided with Robertson in telling the Cabinet that the Somme offensive should go ahead. Haig attended a Cabinet meeting in London (15 April) where the politicians were more concerned with the political crisis over the introduction of conscription, which could bring down the government and Haig recorded that Asquith attended the meeting dressed for golf and clearly keen to get away for the weekend.[135]
The French had already insisted on an Anglo-French attack at the Somme, where British and French troops were adjacent, to relieve the pressure on the French Army at Verdun, although the French component of the attack was gradually reduced as reinforcements went to Verdun. Haig wanted to delay until 15 August, to allow for more training and more artillery to be available. When told of this Joffre shouted at Haig that "the French Army would cease to exist" and had to be calmed down with "liberal doses of 1840 brandy". The British refused to agree to French demands for a joint Anglo-French offensive from the Salonika bridgehead. Eventually, perhaps influenced by reports of French troop disturbances at Verdun, Haig agreed to attack on 29 June (later put back until 1 July). This was just in time, as it later turned out that Petain at Verdun was warning the French government that the "game was up" unless the British attacked.[136]
The government was concerned at the volume of shipping space being used for fodder and wanted to cut the number of cavalry divisions. Haig opposed this, believing that cavalry would still be needed to exploit the imminent victory. The Cabinet were mistaken, as most of the fodder was for the horses, donkeys and mules which the BEF used to move supplies and heavy equipment. Discussing this matter with the King, who thought the war would last until the end of 1917, Haig told him that Germany would collapse by the end of 1916.[137] This round of planning ended with a sharp exchange of letters with the Cabinet, Haig rebuked them for interfering in military matters and declared that "I am responsible for the efficiency of the Armies in France". Lloyd George thought Haig's letter "perfectly insolent" and that the government "had the right to investigate any matter connected with the war that they pleased".[138]
From 1 July to 18 November 1916, Haig directed the British portion of the Somme jangi. The French wanted Haig to persist with the offensive and insisted throughout the battle, even after the French went on the offensive at Verdun in October 1916. Although too much shrapnel was used in the initial bombardment for 1 July, Haig was not entirely to blame for this – as early as Jan 1915 Haig had been impressed by evidence of the effectiveness of high explosive shells and had demanded as many of them as possible from van Donop (Head of Ordnance in Britain).[139]
1917
On 1 January 1917, Haig was made a feldmarshal.[140] The King (George V) wrote him a handwritten note ending: "I hope you will look upon this as a New Year's gift from myself and the country".[141] Lloyd George, who had become Bosh Vazir in December 1916, infuriated Haig and Robertson by placing the BEF under the command of the new French Commander-in-Chief Robert Nivelle, at a stormy conference at Calais. The failure of the Nivelle Offensive in April 1917 (which Haig had been required to support with a British offensive by the Uchinchidan va First Armies at Arras) and the subsequent French mutiny and political crisis, discredited Lloyd George's plans for Anglo-French co-operation for the time being. During the second half of 1917, Haig conducted an Passchendaele-da tajovuzkor (the Third Battle of Ypres). Haig hoped to break through and liberate the North Sea coast of Belgium from which German U-Boats were operating, provided that there was assistance from the French, support from Britain and that Russia stayed in the war.[142]
The Admiralty, led by John Jellicoe, believed that the U-Boat threat could jeopardise Britain's ability to continue fighting into 1918. Another objective was to commit German resources to Belgian Flanders, away from the Aisne sector in France, where the French mutiny had been worst, in order to give the French Army time to recover.[142] In addition to his immediate objectives, Haig was also worried that the Rossiya inqilobi would result in Russia and Germany making peace and forming an alliance. If this happened the million or so German troops located on the Sharqiy front would be transferred to the west by late 1917 or early 1918. If this occurred, a decisive victory would be much more difficult to obtain.[143]
The Third Battle of Ypres caused the British far fewer casualties than the Battle of the Somme and the substantial success of the occupation of the ridges around Ypres, the first stage of the offensive strategy and inflicted comparable losses on the Germans, who were far less capable of replacing losses and which contributed to their defeat in 1918. When he asked the Kanada korpusi qo'mondon, Artur Kurri, to capture Passchendaele Ridge during the final month of the battle, Currie flatly replied "It's suicidal. I will not waste 16,000 good soldiers on such a hopeless objective" and then did as he was told.[144]
Kambrai
By the end of 1917, Lloyd George felt able to assert authority over the generals and at the end of the year was able to sack the Birinchi dengiz lord Admiral Jellicoe. Over the objections of Haig and Robertson, an inter-Allied Supreme War Council was set up. En route to a meeting in Paris to discuss this (1 November), Lloyd George told Wilson, Smuts and Hankey that he was toying with the idea of sending Haig to command the British and French forces in Italy.[145] At the meeting (4 November), Lloyd George accused Haig of encouraging press attacks on him. Haig was making similar complaints about Lloyd George, whom he privately compared to the Germans accusing the Allies of atrocities, of which they were guilty. Haig volunteered to write to J. A. Spender, pro-Asquith editor of the Vestminster gazetasi but Lloyd George begged him not to. Haig wrote "I gave LG a good talking-to on several of the questions that he raised, and felt I got the best of the arguments", a view which does not reflect the later reputations of Haig and Lloyd George.[145]
At the Versailles meeting, when the Supreme War Council was inaugurated (11 November), Lloyd George attributed the success of the Central Powers to unity and scoffed at recent Allied "victories", saying he wished "it had not been necessary to win so many of them". His speech angered several leading politicians, Carson repudiated it and Derby assured Haig of his backing. Haig thought that Lloyd George's political position was weak and he would not last another six weeks (this was a false prediction, although Lloyd George did not have full freedom of action in a coalition government, his personal drive and appeal to certain sections of the public made him indispensable as Prime Minister).[146] Haig and Petain objected to a common command, arguing that coalitions work better when one power is dominant, which was no longer the case, now that British military power had increased relative to that of France.[147]
Lloyd George got his wish to send British forces to Italy, after the Italian defeat at Caporetto in November. Plumer was moved to Italy with five divisions and heavy artillery, which made renewal of the Ypres offensive impossible.[148] Haig knew that manpower was scarce in the BEF and at home and wrote to Robertson (28 October) that an offensive at Cambrai would stem the flow of reinforcements to Italy;[149] Robertson delayed the despatch of two divisions.[150]
Plans for a III Corps attack at Cambrai had been proposed as far back as May. Haig had informed the War Office (5 June) that "events have proved the utility of Tanks" and had initially (18 July) approved preparations as a deception measure from Passchendaele and approved the operation more formally (13 October) as the First Battle of Passchendaele was being fought.[151] The plan was to trap German troops between the River Sensee and Canal du Nord, with the cavalry to seize the St Quentin Canal crossings, then exploit north-east. The first day objective was the high ground around Bourlon Wood and Haig was to review progress after 48 hours.[152]
The Third Army attacked at Cambrai (6.20 am on 20 November) with six infantry and five cavalry divisions, 1,000 guns (using a surprise predicted barrage rather than a preliminary bombardment) and nine tank battalions of 496 tanks (325 combat, 98 support) on unbroken ground, an area held by two German divisions.[151] On the first day the British penetrated 5 miles (8.0 km) on a 6 miles (9.7 km) front with only 4,000 casualties, limited on the first day by blown bridges and the shortness of the November day. The 51st (Highland) Division was held up at Flesquieres village, which fell the following day. Haig's intelligence chief Brigadier-General Charteris, told him that the Germans would not be able to reinforce for 48 hours and James Marshall-Cornwall, then a junior intelligence officer, later an admiring biographer of Haig, alleged that Charteris refused to have reported fresh German divisions shown on the situation map as he did not want to weaken Haig's resolution.[153]
Haig visited the battlefield (21 November), inspecting the fighting at Bourlon Wood through his binoculars. He thought the attacks "feeble and uncoordinated" and was disappointed at the lack of grip by corps and division commanders and encountering 1st Cavalry Division, which had been ordered to fall back, resisted the temptation to countermand the order. At around 9 pm he decided to continue the attack on Bourlon Wood, a decision which has been much criticised but which made good military sense at the time and was supported by Byng, although the political need for a clear victory may also have been a factor.[154] The offensive continued but with diminishing returns. Bourlon Wood fell on 23 November but German counter-attacks had begun. Haig arrived at a Third Army planning meeting (26 November) and ordered further attacks the following day but then had to bow to Byng deciding to go onto the defensive, having achieved a salient 4 miles (6.4 km) deep and 9 miles (14 km) wide. Haig complained that the lack of an extra two divisions had prevented a breakthrough, a view described by one biographer as "self-deception, pure and simple".[155]
Some of the gains (after the church bells had been rung in England in celebration) were retaken after 30 November, when the Germans made their first counter-offensive against the British since 1914, using new Shturmtruppen taktika. GHQ intelligence had failed to piece together warnings, especially those from 55th Division. British casualties had mounted to over 40,000 by 3 December, with German losses somewhat less.[153] Baker-Carr, commanding 1st Tank Brigade, later claimed that Kiggell had proposed cutting the number of tank battalions by 50 percent, as Cambrai was "a splendid show but not one that can ever be repeated". This was not Haig's view. One biographer argues that the initial success at Cambrai helped to save Haig's job but another view is that the ultimate disappointment did more damage to Haig's political credibility than Passchendaele.[156][157]
Aftermath of Cambrai
Reviewing recent operations at an Army Commanders Conference on 7 December at Doullens, Haig commented how six months earlier, before Messines, the British had expected offensives from Russia, Italy and France and had instead been left carrying the burden.[158] Lloyd George (6 December) was particularly angry at the embarrassing Cambrai reverse, at the hands of "a few" German divisions, after Haig had insisted for the last two years that his offensives were weakening them. When told of this, Haig wrote to Robertson that Lloyd George should either sack him or else cease his "carping criticism". Haig's support amongst the Army, the public and many politicians made this impossible and a plan that Haig be "promoted" to a sinecure, as generalissimo of British forces (similar to what had been done to Joffre at the end of 1916) was scotched when Lord Derby threatened resignation.[159] Asked to provide a statement to the House of Commons, Haig quoted Byng's telephone report to GHQ that the counter-attack had been "in no sense a surprise" (in fact this was contradicted by evidence from GHQ) and attributed the German success to "one cause and one alone … lack of training on the part of junior officers and NCOs and men", a verdict supported by the court of enquiry which, at Derby's instigation, Haig ordered, although the enquiry also criticised "higher commanders" for failing to enforce defensive doctrine. There were also enquiries by a War Office Committee and by General Smuts on behalf of the War Cabinet.[160]
In a later report to Robertson (24 Dec) Haig accepted the blame, stating that the troops had been tired as a result of the attack on Bourlon Wood which he had ordered.[157] Esher had warned Haig (28 October) that Rawlinson was criticising Charteris (known as "the Principal Boy"), and reported that he had told Rawlinson that Charteris had "no influence" over Haig and his information had never let him down. Derby warned Haig (7 December) to sack Charteris, as the War Cabinet and General Staff were displeased at his exaggerated claims of German weakness.[156] Haig took responsibility and defended Charteris.[161] After the battle, the press baron Lord Northcliffe reduced his support of Haig. He had recently been offended on a visit to GHQ, when Haig had been too busy to pay much attention to him. A Times editorial "A Case for Inquiry" (12 Dec) criticised Charteris for his "fatuous estimates" of German losses and morale and called for the sacking of "every blunderer" at GHQ. Haig assumed Lloyd George had inspired the article.[162]
Northcliffe also warned Haig's aide Filipp Sassun that changes were required: "Sir Douglas is regarded with affection in the army, but everywhere people remark that he is surrounded by incompetents".[163] Haig was required to dismiss Charteris. Robertson had arrived at Haig's Headquarters with orders (signed by Derby) for his dismissal in his pocket, in case Haig refused to do as he was asked. Haig claimed to his wife (14 December) that Charteris' work had been excellent but he felt he had to sack him because he had "upset so many people". A common criticism is that Haig only accepted intelligence from Charteris (who told him what he wanted to hear) and did not cross-check it with other intelligence.[164]
1918
Siyosiy manevralar
Over lunch at Dauning ko'chasi, 10-uy with Derby and Lloyd George in January (Derby bet a sceptical Lloyd George 100 cigars to 100 cigarettes that the war would be over by the following year), Haig predicted that the war would end within a year because of the "internal state of Germany". Charteris' final intelligence report had deduced that Germany was bringing 32 divisions, ten per month, from the moribund Eastern Front, so the most likely time for a German Offensive was in late March (a correct prediction).[165] Bonar Law asked Haig what he would do if he were a German general: Haig replied that a German offensive would be a "gambler's throw" as Germany had only a million men as reserves and the balance of manpower would shift in favour of the Allies in August (this prediction was also correct) and that if he were a German general he would launch only limited offensives, although he did warn that the German generals might try to keep the civilians out of power by launching an attack to knock out France. Haig left the War Cabinet with the impression that he thought the Germans would launch small attacks on the scale of Cambrai.[166]
Haig also recommended that the British should keep the initiative and draw in German reserves by renewing the offensive around Ypres, a proposal which did not meet with political approval, and besides the logistical infrastructure was not available for a breakout from the Ypres salient.[167][168] By now Haig's 1917 offensives were being criticised in the press (Lovat Fraser wrote a highly critical article in Northcliffe's Daily Mail on 21 January) and in Parliament, where J.C. Wedgwood MP openly demanded a change of command.[158][169]
The purge of Haig's staff continued, with the removal of Maxwell (Quartermaster-General) and Lt-Gen Launcelot Kiggell as BEF Chief of Staff. It is possible that Derby was covering Haig's back, advising him to ask for Herbert Lawrence as the new CGS, not General Butler. Lawrence was a much stronger character than Kiggell and having made money in business and having no plans to stay in the Army after the War, was not beholden to Haig. In time the two men made a good team.[170] If Derby had covered Haig's back, Haig was not grateful, likening Derby to "a feather pillow which bears the mark of the last person who sat on him".[171]
In January the Cabinet Minister Jan Christiaan Smuts and the Cabinet Secretary Maurice Hankey, whom Lloyd George had contemplated appointing to Kiggell's job, were sent to France to take discreet soundings among the Army Commanders to see whether any of them were willing to replace Haig – none of them were. Faqatgina imkoniyat bor edi Klod Yoqub, GOC II Corps. Xanki ingliz generallari orasida hech kim muhim nemis hujumi deb o'ylamagan degan fikrni shakllantirdi.[172]
At the Supreme War Council at Versailles (29 January) Haig and Petain complained of shortage of troops, but Haig's political credibility was so low that Hankey wrote that they "made asses of themselves". It was agreed that an Allied General Reserve be set up, under Foch with Henry Wilson as his deputy; Haig was reluctant to hand over divisions to the General Reserve. Haig argued against a common command, claiming that it would be "unconstitutional" for him to take orders from a foreign general, and that he did not have the reserves to spare (worrying that they would be shipped off to Turkey[173] but thinking the proposal would take time to become operational) and suggested to Klemenso (who was suspicious of Foch's ambition to become generalissimo) that he might resign. Milner thought Haig's stance "desperately stupid", although Haig had a point that control of reserves by a committee was not necessarily sensible.[174] Clemenceau attacked Lloyd George's wish to make offensives against Turkey a top priority.[175]
Lloyd George now had his showdown with Robertson. He proposed that the CIGS be reduced to his pre-1915 powers (i.e. reporting to the Secretary of State for War, not direct to the Cabinet) and that the British military representative at the Supreme War Council in Versailles be Deputy CIGS and a member of the Army Council (i.e. empowered to issue orders to Haig). U Robertsonga vakolatlarini qisqartirgan holda CIGS sifatida qolishni yoki boshqa variantda Versaldagi CIGS o'rinbosariga tushishni qabul qilishni taklif qildi - har holda, Lloyd Jorj endi uni qaror qabul qilish doirasidan chiqarib yuborishi mumkin edi. Derby summoned Haig to London, expecting him to support him in backing Robertson. In a private meeting with Lloyd George, Haig agreed with Robertson's position that the CIGS should himself be the delegate to Versailles, or else that the Versailles delegate be clearly subordinate to the CIGS to preserve unity of command. However, he accepted that the War Cabinet must ultimately make the decision, and according to Lloyd George "put up no fight for Robertson" and was contemptuous of Derby's threats to resign – he persuaded him not to do so after Robertson was pushed out. Haig thought Robertson (who had begun his military career as a private) egotistical, coarse, power-crazed and not "a gentleman" and was unhappy at the way Robertson had allowed divisions to be diverted to other fronts, even though Robertson had in fact fought to keep such diversions to a minimum. Henry Wilson now became CIGS, with Rawlinson as British military representative at Versailles.[176] Although Haig had been suspicious of Henry Wilson, they gradually established a warily respectful relationship, and interactions were socially more smooth than they had been with Robertson.[177]
German Michael offensive
1918 yil mart oyiga qadar Germaniyaning G'arbiy front qo'shinlari Sharqiy frontdan qo'shinlarni ozod qilish bilan deyarli 200 ta diviziya kuchiga ega bo'ldi. With a German offensive clearly imminent, at a meeting in London (14 March), Lloyd George and Bonar Law accused Haig of having said that there would not be a major German offensive (which was not actually what he had said – he had said it would be "a gambler's throw") but agreed to shelve the General Reserve for the time being until enough American troops had arrived.[178]
Shu payt Xeyg o'zining oldingi armiyasida 52 ta bo'linmani, yana 8 ta GHQ zaxirasida va 3 ta otliq bo'linmani bor edi. British troops were tired and weakened, and British divisions had been cut in size from 12 battalions to 9.[179] Allied intelligence did not fall for German deceptions that they might attack in Italy or the Balkans, but thought that the main attack might fall in the Cambrai-St Quentin (Third Army) sector.[180]
Haig privately thought the Guards Division "our only reliable reserve".[181]He has been criticised for writing (2 March) that he "was only afraid that the Enemy would find our front so very strong that he will hesitate to commit his Army to the attack with the almost certainty of losing very heavily", but this in fact referred to the First, Third and Fourth (formerly Second, now renumbered, at Ypres) Army fronts which he had spent a week inspecting, and which were well-defended – Smuts and Hankey had come to the same conclusion in January. Haig thought the Canadians "really fine disciplined soldiers now and so smart and clean" compared to the Australians.[181]
Haig inspected Fifth Army (7–9 March) and noted widespread concerns, which he shared, at lack of reserves – he released one division from Flanders to Fifth Army and deployed another, under GHQ control, to the rear of Fifth Army. As late as 17 March Cox, who had replaced Charteris as Intelligence Chief, predicted that the German Offensive was not yet immediately imminent; Xeyg hali ham Germaniyada generallar va siyosatchilar o'rtasida hokimiyat uchun kurash (aslida generallar juda ko'p nazorat ostida bo'lgan) hujum bo'lgan yoki yo'qligini aniqlaydi deb ishongan. 20 martga qadar nemis xandaq minomyotlari joylashtirilganligi haqida qochqinlar xabar berishdi va ingliz artilleriyasi buzilib ketayotgan olovni boshladi.[182]
Germany launched an attack, "Michael" (21 March 1918), with 76 divisions and 7,000 guns, a force larger than the entire BEF (German divisions were somewhat smaller than British) and enjoying superiority of 5:1 over the 12 divisions of Hubert Gough's Fifth Army, which were spread thinly over line recently taken over from the French.[183] Haig was initially calm on 21 March, as owing to the communications of the time GHQ was "an information vacuum" where news often took over a day to reach him, and spent much of the day entertaining foreign dignitaries including the US War Secretary. Third Army retreated as planned from the Flesquieres Salient, freeing up a division. On three-quarters of the 50-mile front attacked, British troops fought hard and the Germans failed to reach their first day objectives.[184] However, lacking reserves Gough had to retreat behind the Crozat Canal. 22 March saw Fifth Army retreat to the Somme; Haig still anticipated further German attacks in Champagne or Arras. The Germans did not initially realise the importance of Amiens as an objective.[179]
Haig did not speak to or visit Gough until 23 March. That day Haig arranged for reserves to be sent down from Flanders. Beshinchi armiyaga ularning shimolida Uchinchi armiya va janubida frantsuzlar bilan aloqani saqlab qolish uchun rasmiy buyruqlar berildi.[185] After initial optimism, Tim Travers has written of "panic" setting in amongst senior officers like Herbert Lawrence and Tavish Davidson at GHQ on 23 March,[186] and there is evidence that a retreat towards the Channel Ports may have been considered.[187]
Doullens
Haig had a GHQ Reserve which was massed in the north, 72 hours' march away, to protect the Channel Ports. The French Commander-in-Chief, Pétain and Haig met on 23 March (4pm), and Petain stressed the need for Gough's Fifth Army to keep in touch with Pelle's French V Corps on its right. Petain agreed to place two French armies under Fayolle as a reserve in the Somme valley, but could not agree to Haig's request to send 20 French divisions to Amiens because of the risk of a German attack around Champagne.[188] O'zaro shubha ostida - frantsuz ofitseri Petainning 22 va 23 mart kunlari inglizlar Kanal portlarida orqaga chekinishidan qo'rqishini kuchaytirganini qayd etdi - Peteyn Parijni ustuvor vazifa sifatida yoritishga va "iloji bo'lsa" inglizlar bilan aloqani davom ettirishga buyruq berayotgan edi.[189]
24 March was "probably the most traumatic day (Haig) had endured since" First Ypres in 1914. Half of BEF supplies came into Le Havre, Rouen and Dieppe and passed by train through Amiens, making it a major choke point.[190] Qishni rejalashtirish, BEF janubi-g'arbiy tomonga chekinadimi yoki Xeyg qo'shinlari o'zlarining ta'minotining boshqa yarmini tortib olgan Kanal portlari (Kale, Bulonne, Dyunkerk) atrofida "orol" tashkil etadimi degan savolni ochiq qoldirdi. 21 martdan bir necha kun o'tgach, portlarda chekinishga qaror qilinmagan ko'rinadi.[191] Xeyg kichikroq ofitserlar oldida o'zini tutdi.[192]
This is one of the occasions where doubt has been cast on the authenticity of Haig's diary. Keyg uchrashuvning Xeygning o'z qo'li bilan yozgan kundaligi (Dyuri, 24 mart soat 23.00). Yozilgan kundalik, ehtimol aprel oyida tayyorlangan eslatmalarga asoslanib - Peynni "deyarli muvozanatsiz va eng xavotirli" deb ta'riflaydi, chunki Parijdagi "har qanday narxda Parijni qoplash" buyrug'i berilgan Vazirlar Mahkamasi yig'ilishida qatnashganidan keyin,[193] u Britaniyaning o'ng qanotini ochiq holda qoldirib, Parijga chekinishga tahdid qildi. Tim Traversning ta'kidlashicha, Petain yig'ilishda Parijdan faqatgina Xeyg Kanal portlarida chekingan taqdirdagina orqaga chekinishini aytgan va general-mayor Klayv uchrashuvdan Peteyn Xeyg aloqani uzmasligidan qoniqish bilan kelgani haqida xabar bergan. Urushdan keyin Xeyg Peteyn bilan xat almashishda u Parijda chekinishga buyruq berganini yoki Xeygni qo'rqitishi mumkinligi bilan rad etganini inkor qildi, bu eslash Herbert Lourens qo'llab-quvvatlaganga o'xshaydi.[194] Xeyg va Lourens, Peteyn bilan uchrashuvdan GHQga uzoq yo'lda, shunchaki uning niyatini noto'g'ri tushungan bo'lishi mumkin va Xeygning ushbu davrdagi kundalik daftaridagi har qanday xato xatolar, agar noto'g'ri eslashlar bo'lsa, halol bo'lgan deb taxmin qilingan.[186]
Yozilgan kundaligida, Xeyg, shuningdek, tungi soat 3 da qaytib kelganida Uilsonga (CIGS) va Milnerga (urush kotibi - Xeygning xatosi, chunki Milner aprel oyigacha bu lavozimni egallamaganligi sababli) Frantsiyaga etib borish va uni ta'minlash uchun telegraf yuborganini aytdi. ittifoqdosh Generalissimo sifatida "Foch yoki jang qiladigan boshqa qat'iy general" tayinlanishi.[193] Telegramda hech qanday yozuv yo'q, Milner va Uilsonlar o'sha paytda Frantsiyaga yo'l olishgan edi.[195] Uilsonning kundaligida, Xeyg 24 mart kuni soat 19.00 yoki 20.00 da, Peteyn bilan uchrashuvdan oldin va Xeygning Uchinchi armiyaga kechki tashrifidan so'ng unga qo'ng'iroq qilgani, unda u armiyani shimolidagi Birinchi Armiya bilan har qanday aloqada bo'lishni buyurgani haqida yozilgan. .[188] Travers shuni taxmin qiladiki, Xeyg Beshinchi armiyani ham, frantsuzlar bilan aloqani ham bu vaqtda o'chirib tashlagan, u Genri Uilsonni Frantsiyaga Kanal portlaridagi chekinishni muhokama qilish uchun chaqirgan va u Amiensdagi 20 frantsuz diviziyasining saqlanib qolmasligini xohlagan. frantsuzlar bilan bog'lanish, ammo inglizlarning chekinishini qoplash yoki ehtimol qarshi hujumga o'tish uchun.[196]
Veygand orqali yuborilgan Xeygning 25 martdagi maktubida, BEF "Kanal portlarini qoplash" orqaga qaytayotganida, Frantsiyaning 20 ta diviziyasini janubiy Britaniya qanotini qoplash uchun so'radi.[197] Maktub noaniq bo'lib, portlarga "chekinish" haqida aniq aytilmagan. Sheffild uchinchi armiyaga buyruqlar orqaga chekinish uchun kashfiyotchi emas, balki "maqsadga erishish vositasi" edi, deb aytadi, agar kerak bo'lsa, nemis hujumchilarining shimoliy qanotiga qarshi hujum uchun buyruqlarni ko'rsatib,[186] Va shuningdek, GHQ favqulodda vaziyat rejalarini ko'rib chiqish majburiyatiga ega bo'lsa-da, 1940 yildan farqli o'laroq, evakuatsiya hech qachon mumkin emas edi.[198]
Uilsonning 25 mart kuni (soat 11.00) bo'lib o'tgan uchrashuv daftarida Xeyg "sigir" deb ta'riflangan va agar frantsuzlar ko'proq yordam yubormasalar, BEF kaltaklangan va "har qanday sharoitda sulh tuzganimiz ma'qul". Uilson, Xeyg Peteynni ittifoqdosh generalissimo etib tayinlashni taklif qildi (bu Xeygning keyinchalik Peteyn inglizlarga yordam berishni xohlamayapti degan da'vosiga mos kelmaydi) va u Feygni Xeygning e'tirozlari yuzasidan taklif qildi.[196] Peteyn 21 mart kuni kechqurun 3 frantsuz diviziyasini yuborgan edi[190] Genri Uilsonning Peteyn bilan ikki tomonlama kelishuvga tayanib "juda sovuq xayriya" qilishi haqidagi ogohlantirishlarini tasdiqlagan 20 nafar Xeyg emas, balki inglizlarga yordam berish.[173]
Doullens konferentsiyasida (26 mart) Xeyg tayinlanishni qabul qildi Foch barcha millat zaxiralarini o'zi xohlagan joyda muvofiqlashtirish. Xeyg o'zining yozgan kundaligida Foxning tayinlanishi uchun katta miqdordagi kreditni talab qilgan va Klemensoning unga berishni xohlaganidan ko'ra Peteyn ustidan keng vakolatlarga ega bo'lishini talab qilgan. Biroq, Xeyg kundaligining yozilgan versiyasi, to'liqroq bo'lishiga qaramay, qo'lda yozilgan asl nusxaga zid kelmaydi va Xeyg o'zini psixologik jihatdan frantsuz yuqori lavozimini qabul qilish zarurati bilan yarashtirishi kerak edi, aks holda shunchaki bug 'chiqarib yuborish va qidirish kerak edi o'zini munosib his qilgan kreditni berish uchun.[197] Dullensda Buyuk Britaniya hukumati vakili bo'lgan Milner Klemensoning Petainning so'nggi harakatlaridan norozi ekanligini qayd etdi, ammo o'zi Xeygni Foch tayinlanishiga rozi bo'lganligini da'vo qildi; Xeygning rasmiy tarjimai holi Duff Kuper Xeygga kredit berdi, ammo fikr bir vaqtning o'zida bir nechta ishtirokchilarda paydo bo'lganligini izohladi.[199] Uilson o'sha kuni kechqurun Dullendan keyin Xeyg "10 yoshga yosh" bo'lib tuyulganini yozdi.[196]
Arras yaqinidagi nemislar hujumidan so'ng ("Mars", 9 nemis diviziyasi, 28 mart[200]) kaltaklandi, 29 va 31 mart kunlari orasida nemislar Amyensni itarishdi. Kanadalik brigada aktsiyada qatnashdi Moruil Vud. 4 aprel kuni (Amiensning sharqida joylashgan Villers-Bretonneux) va Uchinchi armiya frontidagi hujumlar Buyuk Britaniya va Avstraliya kuchlari tomonidan kaltaklandi, garchi favqulodda vaziyat rejalari hali ham Amiens tushib qolsa, Ruan va Le Gavrni qamrab olishga tayyor edi.[201]
Nemis Jorjeti hujumkor
Uch hafta oldin bugun dushman ellik millik frontda bizga qarshi dahshatli hujumlarini boshladi. Uning maqsadi bizni frantsuzlardan ajratish, Kanal portlarini olish va Britaniya armiyasini yo'q qilishdir. Jangga 106 bo'linishni tashlashga va inson hayotidagi eng beparvo qurbonlikka dosh berishga qaramay, u hali ham o'zining oldiga uncha ilgarilamagan Maqsadlar Biz bunga qo'shinlarimizning qat'iyatli jangovarligi va fidoyiligi tufayli qarzdormiz. So'zlar eng qiyin sharoitlarda armiyamizning barcha saflari tomonidan ko'rsatilayotgan ajoyib qarshilikka bo'lgan hayratimni ifoda etolmayapti, hozirda ko'pchiligimiz charchaganmiz. Men ularga G'alaba eng uzoq vaqt yordam beradigan tomonga tegishli deb aytgan bo'lardim. Frantsiya armiyasi tez va katta kuch bilan bizni qo'llab-quvvatlamoqda, bu bilan kurashishdan boshqa ilojimiz yo'q. Har qanday lavozimni oxirgi odamga etkazish kerak: pensiya bo'lmasligi kerak. Devorga suyanib, o'z ishimiz adolatiga ishongan holda har birimiz oxirigacha kurashishimiz kerak. Bizning uylarimiz xavfsizligi va insoniyat erkinligi har birimizning ushbu muhim daqiqada qanday tutishimizga bog'liq.
(Imzolangan) D. Xayg F.M. Frantsiyadagi Buyuk Britaniya armiyasining bosh qo'mondoni, 11 aprel.Lloyd Jorj Xeygdan Go'fni ishdan bo'shatishni talab qildi va Xeyg istamaganida, unga Derbi (4 aprel) tomonidan bu haqda to'g'ridan-to'g'ri buyruq berildi.[183] Xeyg Kavani vakansiyaga tavsiya qildi (u Ravlinsonga ketdi) va iste'foga chiqishni taklif qildi. Lloyd Jorj Xeygning iste'fosini qabul qilmoqchi bo'ldi va "Xeygdan qutulish maqsadga muvofiqligi" ni muhokama qilish uchun (8 aprel) chaqirilgan Harbiy Vazirlar Mahkamasining yig'ilishidagi taklifini o'qib eshittirmoqchi bo'ldi, ammo boshqa vazirlar va Genri Uilson bu aniq narsa yo'q deb o'ylashdi. voris (Xanki yagona imkoniyat "Xaygning o'zi kabi ahmoq" Plumer deb o'ylagan).[198] GHQda Xeyg tez orada Robertson, Uilson foydasiga ishdan bo'shatilishi haqida mish-mishlar tarqaldi (u Xeyg'ni ishdan bo'shatish uchun asosiy harakatni amalga oshirgan bo'lishi mumkin)[202]), yoki ehtimol Plumer, Byng yoki Allenby.[203]
Nemislarning ikkinchi yirik hujumi paytida "Jorjetta" Flandriyada (9 aprel) o'zining mashhur buyrug'ini chiqardi (11 aprel), uning odamlari "Bizning devorimiz orqasida va bizning ishimiz adolatiga ishonish" bilan kurashni davom ettirishlari kerak edi. "uylarimiz xavfsizligi va inson erkinligi" ni himoya qilish[204] Yaqinda Britaniyaning propagandasi Rossiyaga nisbatan qo'yilgan qattiq shartlar haqida to'xtalgandan so'ng, ikkinchisi haqiqiy tashvish Brest-Litovsk.[205] Xuddi "Maykl" Xambning o'tgan yillardagi hujumlari evaziga g'alaba qozongan Kambrai va Somme jang maydonlarini bosib o'tgani kabi, bu ham Ypresning o'zi bo'lmasa ham Passchendaelni yutib yubordi. Hujum "shimolning amyenlari" bo'lgan Hazebroukga tahdid qildi, bu orqali temir yo'l kanallari etkazib berildi, chunki kanal portlari xavf ostida bo'lgan va Plumerning ikkinchi armiyasi to'xtatilgan bo'lishi mumkin edi.[206]
Foch avvalroq Flandriyaga 4 frantsuz diviziyasini yuborishdan bosh tortgan edi, ammo endi Buyuk Britaniya kuchlarini bo'shatib, Somr sektoriga Maystrning o'ninchi frantsuz armiyasini qayta joylashtirdi.[206] Bovada (3 aprel) Foxga "strategik yo'nalish" vakolati berildi, garchi uning vakolatlari hali ham buyruqbozlik emas, balki ishontirishga asoslangan edi[200] va unga generalissimo unvoni berildi (u "bosh qo'mondon" ni afzal ko'rgan bo'lar edi) (14 aprel) unga hali ham frantsuz zaxiralarini chiqarishni istamagan Peteyndan ko'proq ta'sir o'tkazish uchun. Oxir-oqibat, yil oxirida Peteyn shunchaki Foch qo'mondonligi ostiga olinadi, garchi Xeyg va Persing o'z hukumatlariga murojaat qilish huquqini saqlab qolishgan. Yangilangan hujum paytida (17 aprel) Foch inglizlarning Birinchi Ypresdagi jasoratiga e'tibor qaratdi va strategik zahirani saqlab qolish uchun frantsuzcha qo'shimcha kuchlarni yuborishdan bosh tortdi. 24-aprel kuni Amiens yaqinidagi Villers-Bretonneuxda Germaniyaning birinchi tankdan tankga qarshi jangini muvaffaqiyatsiz davom ettirdi. Xeyg Fochning frantsuz zaxiralarini bo'shatish uchun ingliz bo'linmalarini frantsuz sektoriga ko'chirish haqidagi iltimosiga shubha bilan qaradi va bu frantsuz va ingliz qo'shinlarining "doimiy Amalgami" ga olib kelishi mumkinligidan xavotirda edi. Milner rozi bo'ldi, ammo 27 aprel kuni bo'lib o'tgan yig'ilishda nizo yumshatildi va Buyuk Britaniyaning IX korpusi frantsuz sektoriga ko'chib o'tdi.[207] 30 aprelda Lyudendorf Flandriya hujumini to'xtatdi.[208]
Garchi ba'zi amerika bo'linmalari hozirda ingliz qo'shinlari bilan xizmat qilayotgan bo'lsa-da, Xeyg AQSh kuchlarini (1 may) ittifoqchilar bo'linmalariga qo'shishdan bosh tortgani uchun Persingni "o'ta qaysar va ahmoq" deb o'ylardi (uning ingliz qo'shinlarini frantsuz bilan birlashtirishni istamaganligi sababli kinoyali shikoyat) .[207] Abbevillda (2 may) yangi hujum sodir bo'lgan taqdirda ingliz kuchlari kerak bo'lsa janubga chekinishi va frantsuzlar bilan aloqani uzish o'rniga kanal portlaridan voz kechishi to'g'risida kelishib olindi. Favqulodda vaziyatlar rejalari (11-may) tuzilgan, ammo ular hech qachon bajarilishi aniq emas edi.[209]
1918 yil mart oyidagi qarama-qarshilik siyosiy qarama-qarshiliklarning ob'ekti bo'ldi. Repington bu "armiya tarixidagi eng yomon mag'lubiyat" deb yozgan. Bonar qonuni jamoatchilik palatasi munozarasida (23 aprel) Xeyg va Peteyn ingliz chizig'ini uzaytirishga rozilik berganligini da'vo qildi, bu 1918 yil yanvar oyida Oliy urush kengashi Xeyg va Peteyn kelishganidan uzoqroq muddatni uzaytirishga buyruq bergani kabi haqiqat emas edi. 1917 yil dekabrda o'zaro, faqat tafsilotlarni tartibga solish uchun ularni qoldirdi.[210] Lloyd Jorjni ayblashdi Moris munozarasi 1918 yil 9-mayda Jamoatchilik palatasida, uch kun oldin Morisning jamoatchilik ayblovidan keyin) Xaygga hujumni boshlashni qiyinlashtirish uchun Buyuk Britaniyada qo'shin to'plaganlikda ayblandi. Lloyd Jorj Xeygning kuchlari 1918 yil boshida bir yil avvalgi (1,5 million kishi) kuchliroq (1,5 million kishi) bo'lganiga qaraganda kuchliroq (1,75 million kishi), deb da'vo qilish bilan jamoatlar palatasini chalg'itdi - aslida bu o'sish 335 ming kishining ko'payishi natijasida yuzaga keldi. ishchilar soni (Xitoy, Hindular va qora tanli Janubiy Afrikaliklar) va Xeyg jangovar piyodalarga (630 ming kishi, bir yil avvalgi 900 mingdan pastga) ega bo'lib, old tomonning uzoqroq qismini ushlab turishgan (Xeygning qolgan odamlari tank, havo va artilleriya ekipajlari va avvalambor moddiy-texnik jihatdan yaxshi bo'lar edi) yordamchi xodimlar).[211] Xeyg Morisning tashvishlarini jamoatchilikka etkazishda qarshilik ko'rsatgan, ammo Lloyd Jorj qanday qilib "qarsak bilan nutq" bilan ilmoqdan tushganidan hafsalasi pir bo'lgan.[212] Moris Xeygni ishdan bo'shatishdan qutqarganiga ishongan.[213]
Nemis Bluecher hujumi
Bahorning oxiriga kelib, BEF 300 mingdan ziyod qurbonlarni qabul qildi. Batalyonlarni Yaqin Sharqdan olib kelish kerak edi. Xeyg may oyida o'z kuchlarini aylanib chiqish uchun vaqt sarfladi.[214] Xeygning rafiqasi (11 may) uni uyga olib kelish to'g'risida mish-mishlar tarqaldi Bosh qo'mondon, uy kuchlari; Uilson Xeygning mish-mishlarini rad etganida, Xeyg (20-may) "hali hech kim tanlanmagan!" uni almashtirish.[215]
27 maydan boshlab Germaniyaning Aisne ("Blyuzer") ga qarshi frantsuzlarga qarshi uchinchi yirik hujumi Hamilton-Gordonning "Maykl" va "Jorjet" ga qo'shilgandan keyin u erga qayta tiklash uchun yuborilgan IX Britaniya korpusini mag'lub etdi. Versaldagi konferentsiyada (1 iyun) Xeyg o'rtasida ishqalanish yuzaga keldi, u nemislar uning sektoriga yana hujum qilishidan xavotirda edi (razvedka ma'lumotlariga ko'ra La-Bassee yaqinida nemis kasalxonalarining qo'shimcha joylari mavjud) - bu haqiqatan ham nemis rejasi edi, ammo tajovuzkor "Xagen" so'zi bir necha bor qoldirilgan va hech qachon amalga oshirilmagan - va Fox, inglizlar tomonidan o'qitilgan AQSh bo'linmalarini frantsuz bo'linmalarini ozod qilish uchun o'z sektoriga ko'chirilishini talab qilgan (uning jangovarlik qobiliyati Xeyg shaxsiy tahqirlangan) - Foch. shuningdek, Lloyd Jorjni Buyuk Britaniyadagi ingliz qo'shinlarini ushlab turganlikda aybladi. Foch frantsuz kuchlarini Flandriyadan tushirgan, ammo Parijdagi yig'ilishda Foxning Britaniya zahiralarini janubga ko'chirishni talab qilganligi (7 iyun) haqida ko'proq tortishuvlar bo'lgan.[216] Xeyg, agar Fox juda ko'p ingliz qo'shinlarini talab qilayotganini sezsa, Britaniya hukumatiga murojaat qilish bilan tahdid qildi,[213] Shunday qilib, Xeyg va Fox tez-tez uchrashib turishlari kerakligi to'g'risida kelishib olindi va vaqt o'tishi bilan ular yaxshi ishbilarmonlik munosabatlarini rivojlantirdilar (garchi GHQ-dagi janglar u Boche, Foch va Loyjorjlar "[200]).
9 iyun kuni nemislar "Gnayzenau" hujumini boshlaganlarida, "blyuzer" ni g'arbga qarab kengaytirildi. Lloyd Jorj va Milner Britaniyaning to'rtta bo'linmasini harakatga keltirishda Foxni har tomonlama qo'llab-quvvatladilar.[217] Ular Xeygga o'zini hozircha Foxga bo'ysunuvchi deb bilishi kerakligini va endi uni ishdan bo'shatishdan manfaatdor emasliklarini aytishdi (bu haqiqatga to'g'ri kelmagan bo'lishi mumkin - avgust oyining oxirlarida, Amiens jangi arafasida Lloyd Jorj bo'lishi mumkin) Xeyg bilan almashtirishga harakat qilmoqda Kavan[218]).
Nemislarning yana bir hujumi yaqinlashganda, Herbert Lourensdan (12-13 iyul - Xeyg Angliyada ta'tilda bo'lgan) 8 ta bo'linmani yuborishni so'radi - u faqat 2 ta (XXII korpus) yubordi. Xeyg, bu 1-iyuldagi Parij va Somme hududlarini qamrab oladigan birinchi o'ringa qo'yilgan kelishuvni buzgan deb o'ylagan. Uilson urush kabinetiga murojaat qildi (15 iyulning kichik soatlarida) Xeygga ingliz chizig'ini ushlab turish to'g'risida "o'z qarorini qabul qiling". Xeyg ular Foxning g'alabasi uchun munosib bo'lishlarini, ammo agar Britaniya kuchlariga falokat tushsa, uni ishdan bo'shatishlari mumkin deb o'ylardi.[217] Germaniyaning "Tinchlik hujumi" shu kuni Raysda frantsuzlarga qarshi boshlandi. Xeyg oxir-oqibat frantsuzlar XXII korpusdan "ekspluatatsiya qilish uchun" foydalanishlari mumkinligiga rozi bo'lishdi.[219]
Olamning burilishi va yuz kun
"Tinchlik hujumi" zarlarning nemislarning so'nggi tashlashi bo'lib chiqdi. "Xagen" nihoyat bekor qilindi va iyul va avgust oylarida ittifoqchilar tomonidan nemislar mag'lubiyatga uchradi Marnadagi ikkinchi jang va Ravlinsonning to'rtinchi armiyasi tomonidan (Buyuk Britaniyaning Avstraliya va Kanada korpusi) tomonidan Amiens. Ikkinchi g'alaba, havo va artilleriya ustunligidan bahramand bo'lib, 500 dan ortiq tanklardan foydalangan holda,[220] general tomonidan tasvirlangan Erix Lyudendorff nemis qo'shinlarining ommaviy taslim bo'lishidan keyin "Germaniya armiyasining qora kuni" sifatida. 11 avgustda Xeyg, Marshal Fochning xohishlariga zid ravishda, Amiens hujumini to'xtatishni talab qildi (yangi nemis qo'shinlarini charchagan ittifoqchilar bilan artilleriya qopqog'ining ko'p qismidan oshib ketgan) va Byngning uchinchi armiyasi tomonidan yangi hujumni boshladi. 21 avgust kuni Skarp va Antik o'rtasida. 1916 va 1917 yillardagi avvalgi hujumlarida bo'lgani kabi, Xeyg ham bo'ysunuvchilarini ulkan maqsadlarni ko'zlashga undagan, bu holda Albertdan Bapomagacha bo'lgan yo'nalish va bu safar avvalgi yillarga qaraganda ko'proq muvaffaqiyat bilan va hukumat kutganidan ham ko'proq: 21 avgust Xeygga qurol-yarog 'vaziri Uinston Cherchill tashrif buyurdi va u hukumat 1919 yil iyul oyida urushda g'alaba qozonishi kerak bo'lgan yangi uskunalar (tanklar, qurollar, yangi zaharli gazlar va boshqalar) tayyorlanayotganini aytdi.[221] 10 sentyabrda Xeyg Londonga qisqa tashrif bilan kelib, urush o'sha yili tugashi mumkinligini ta'kidladi va lord Milnerdan (urush bo'yicha davlat kotibi) mavjud bo'lgan barcha erkaklar va transport vositalarini yuborishni iltimos qildi.[222] Keyinchalik Milner Uilson bilan o'z shubhasi va Xeygning "boshqa Passchendaele" ga kirishidan xavotiri bilan o'rtoqlashdi.[223]
Xeygning qo'shinlari katta muvaffaqiyatlarga erishishda davom etishdi, ammo ular tomon harakatlana boshlaganlarida Hindenburg liniyasi Xayg CIGS Genri Uilsondan (31 avgust) go'yoki "shaxsiy" telegrammani qabul qilib, ushbu istehkomlarga bostirib kirishda ortiqcha yo'qotishlarga yo'l qo'ymaslik kerakligini ogohlantirgan. Xeyg, urush idorasi unga hujum qilishni taqiqlamayotganini, ammo agar hujum muvaffaqiyatsiz tugasa, uni ishdan bo'shatishi mumkinligini taxmin qilar ekan, Uilsonni "baxtsiz lot" ekanliklarini aytdi (Uilson hukumat Buyuk Britaniyada o'z qo'shinlarini saqlab qolish zarurligidan xavotirda deb javob berdi, chunki a politsiya ish tashlashi ) va endi nemislarga hujum qilish, ularga qayta to'planish va konsolidatsiya qilish uchun vaqt berishdan ko'ra arzonroq bo'lishini yozgan.[222] Uchinchi va to'rtinchi qo'shinlar Xindenburg chizig'iga etib borganlarida (18-sentyabr) Xeyg Uilsondan "siz taniqli general bo'lishingiz kerak" degan tabrik yozuvini oldi va u u emasligini aytdi (chunki bu Repington bilan xayrixoh bo'lishni anglatardi). Northcliffe Press), ammo "bizda juda qobiliyatli generallar bor". Milner GHQga tashrif buyurib, 1919 yilda ishchi kuchi mavjud bo'lmasligini ogohlantirdi.[223]
Hozirda Xeyg qancha vaqtdan beri to'g'ridan-to'g'ri operativ boshqaruvni ushlab turgani borasida ba'zi tortishuvlar mavjud, xususan Tim Travers o'zining armiya qo'mondonlariga (Plumer, Byng, Xorn, Birdvud va Ravlinson) juda erkin qo'l berishiga yo'l qo'ydi, shu bilan birga Ferdinand Foch Dastlab roli zaxiralarni maslahat berish va joylashtirish bilan bog'liq bo'lgan strategiya ustidan tobora ko'proq ta'sir o'tkazayotgan edi. Fey Plumerning ikkinchi armiyasi Belgiya qiroli tomonidan boshqariladigan armiya guruhi tarkibida qolishini, shuning uchun frantsuzlar va belgiyaliklar Bryusselni ozod qilish uchun o'zlarining xizmatlarini olishlari kerakligini ta'kidlaganlaridan Xeyg g'azablandi.[224]
Germaniya birinchi marta 28 sentyabr kuni Xindenburg chizig'ining eng kuchli nuqtasi - Sent-Kventin / Kambraga kirib borishi va Bolgariyaning deyarli bir vaqtning o'zida kapitulyatsiya qilinganidan keyin sulh tuzishni talab qildi.[225] va munozaralar bir oy davomida 11-noyabr kuni sulhga qadar davom etdi. Xeyg mo''tadillikni talab qilib, Germaniyadan faqat Belgiya va Elzas-Lotaringiyadan voz kechishni so'rashni taklif qildi va razvedka ma'lumotlarida Germaniya armiyasi hali ham "mag'lubiyatdan yiroq" degan gumon qilinishini ogohlantirdi (uning Germaniyani talaffuz qilishga tayyorligi sababli istehzo bilan qilingan da'vo o'tgan yillardagi mag'lubiyat chegarasi) va sharmandali so'zlar militaristlarning javobiga olib kelishi mumkin. 21-oktabr kuni bo'lib o'tgan muzokaralar majmuasidan so'ng Xeyg qat'iy ittifoqchi Uilsonni urushni u erga chaqiruv olib kelib janubiy Irlandiyani bo'ysundirish uchun bahona qilib uzaytirishni xohlaganlikda gumon qildi.[226] Oxir oqibat Avstriya-Vengriyaning qulashi siyosatchilarni qat'iyroq shartlarni talab qilishga undaydi (garchi Foch yoki Persingga qaraganda unchalik qattiq bo'lmagan bo'lsa ham) va Germaniyadan ham Reyndan evakuatsiya qilinishi talab qilingan.[224] Ammo, Germaniya sulh bitimining qat'iy shartlarini qabul qilgach, Xeyg tinchlik shartnomasida Germaniyani mustaqil davlatlarga bo'linishni taklif qildi.[227]
Xeyg qo'mondonligidagi kuchlar, jumladan Monashning Avstraliya korpusi va Kurrining Kanadadagi korpusi ajoyib natijalarga erishdi: Frantsiya, Amerika va Belgiya qo'shinlari 18 700 iyul va urush oxirigacha bo'lgan davrda 196,700 harbiy asir va 3775 ta nemis qurollarini qo'lga kiritdilar. Frantsuzlardan kichikroq armiyaga ega bo'lgan kuchlar Germaniya armiyasining asosiy qismini jalb qilib, 188700 mahbusni va 2840 qurolni qo'lga oldilar - bu mahbuslarning yarmiga yaqini ingliz otliqlari tomonidan qo'lga olindi. Ushbu davrda Britaniyaning kunlik qurbonlari darajasi (kuniga 3645) Somme (2950) yoki Passchendaele (2121) ga qaraganda og'irroq edi (ammo Arras emas: qisqa muddat ichida 4070),[228] chunki Britaniya kuchlari bitta hujum orqali aylantirish o'rniga, chiziq bo'ylab hujum qilishdi.[229] Harbiy tarixchi, Gari Sheffild, buni shunday deb nomlangan Yuz kunlik tajovuz, "Britaniya tarixidagi eng buyuk harbiy g'alaba".[5]
Birinchi jahon urushi davrida qatl etish
Bosh qo'mondon sifatida Xeygning vazifalaridan biri - Fild tomonidan birinchi marta o'limga hukm qilingan Britaniya va Hamdo'stlik askarlari (lekin avstraliyaliklar emas - bular Avstraliya general-gubernatoriga topshirilgan) o'lim orderlariga so'nggi imzo qo'yish edi. Harbiy sudning umumiy sudi. Garchi kitob bo'lsa-da Tongga otish Kechirim kampaniyasini boshlagan (1983) Xaygni faqat javobgarlikka tortish "juda noto'g'ri" deb aytadi, chunki u sud jarayonining bir qismi bo'lgan, chunki 1990 yillarning oxirlarida Xeyg keng jamoatchilik uchun oshkoralik tufayli yaxshi tanilgan bo'lishi mumkin bu uning shafqatsiz intizomchi bo'lishini nazarda tutgan - bu zamondoshlarning fikri emas edi.[230] Barcha teatrlarda o'limga mahkum etilgan 3080 kishidan[231] 346 kishi qatl etildi, 266 kishi (77%) qochib ketganligi uchun, 37 kishi qotillik uchun (ehtimol o'sha paytda fuqarolik qonunlariga binoan osib o'ldirilgan bo'lar edi) va 18 kishi qo'rqoqlik uchun.[232] Qatl qilinganlarning 250 dan ortig'i Xeyg Bosh qo'mondon bo'lgan paytda amalga oshirilgan, ammo faqat qatl qilingan erkaklarning yozuvlari omon qolgan, shuning uchun erkaklar nima uchun qaytarib olinganligi haqida izoh berish qiyin.[233]
Birinchi jahon urushi davrida armiya stomatologiyasini targ'ib qilish
Urush paytida Xeyg azob chekdi tish og'rig'i va parijlik stomatologga yuborildi. Binobarin, bir necha oy ichida Britaniya armiyasi o'nlab stomatologlarni yolladi va urush oxiriga kelib ularning soni 831 kishini tashkil qildi. Qirollik armiyasining stomatologik korpusi 1921 yilda.[234]
Keyinchalik hayot
Jangovar harakatlar tugagandan so'ng, Lloyd Jorj 1-dekabr kuni Marshal Fochni tantanali ziyofat uyushtirdi; Xeygdan Genri Uilson bilan beshinchi vagonda sayohat qilishni so'rashdi, ammo uni ziyofatga taklif qilishmadi. Bu shafqatsizlik va yaqinda ovozlarni yutib olishga urinish ekanligini his qilish Umumiy saylov, Xeyg koalitsiyaga ovoz berish uchun Lloyd Jorjni yoqtirmasligini yutgan bo'lsa-da, umuman qatnashishdan bosh tortdi.[235] 1918 yil noyabrda Xeyg Lloyd Jorjning vizantiya haqidagi taklifini qisman, chunki u yana bir shafqatsiz deb hisoblagan edi, chunki uning oldingi ser Jon Frantsiyaga BEF qo'mondonligidan chetlatilgandan keyin shu daraja berilgan edi va qisman savdolashishdan bosh tortganidan foydalangan. Genri Uilson xayriya mablag'lari bilan ta'minlanganini aytgan demobilizatsiya qilingan askarlarga davlat tomonidan yaxshiroq moliyaviy yordam berish uchun.[236] Qirol tomonidan lobbichilik qilinganiga qaramay, Xeyg ushlab turdi,[237] Lloyd Jorj 1919 yil mart oyida yaqinda ishdan bo'shatilgan pensiya vazirini ayblab, orqaga qaytguncha. Haig yaratildi Graf Xeyg, Berkik okrugidagi Bemersayd shahridan Viscount Dawick va Baron Haig, parlamentning har ikkala palatasi tomonidan minnatdorchilik va 100000 funt sterling (uning kotibi) Filipp Sassun unga katta tengdoshiga mos uslubda yashashini ta'minlash uchun 250 ming funt so'ragan edi).[227][238]
1919 yil yanvarda qo'shinlar o'rtasida tartibsizliklar boshlandi Calais, ta'tildan qaytgan erkaklar to'liq armiya tartib-intizomiga qaytishi kutilayotgandek va ish bilan boradigan asosiy ishchilar (ko'pincha oxirgi bo'lib harbiy xizmatga jalb qilinganlar), Xeygning maslahatiga zid ravishda, demobilizatsiya uchun ustuvor ahamiyatga ega edilar. Xeyg maslahatlarini qabul qildi Uinston Cherchill, Urush bo'yicha davlat kotibi, etakchilarni otish huquqidan foydalanish mantiqiy emas edi.[239] 1919 yillarning aksariyat qismida Xeyg Bosh qo'mondon bo'lib xizmat qilgan Buyuk Britaniya, General Strike kabi asosiy pozitsiya ehtimolga o'xshardi.[240] Xeyg bu ishda past darajadagi obro'ga ega edi va armiyani oddiy politsiya uchun foydalanmaslik uchun zaxirada saqlashni talab qildi.[241] Uning harbiy faoliyati 1920 yil yanvarida nihoyasiga yetdi. Lord Xeyg o'zining "Xat jo'natmalari" ni 1922 yilda nashr etilishini tashkil qildi Umumiy saylov oxir-oqibat uning dushmani Lloyd Jorj bog'liq bo'lmagan sabablarga ko'ra quvib chiqarilgan bo'lsa-da.[242]
Xizmatdan nafaqaga chiqqanidan so'ng, Lord Xeyg umrining qolgan qismini sobiq harbiy xizmatchilarning farovonligini ta'minlashga bag'ishladi, ko'plab ma'ruzalar qildi (bu unga osonlikcha kelmadi) va barcha xatlarga o'z qo'li bilan javob berdi.[243] Xeyg tashkilotlarning birlashishini talab qilib, ofitserlar uchun alohida tashkilot taklifini bekor qildi Britaniya legioni 1921 yil iyun oyida tashkil etilgan. U 1921 yilda Janubiy Afrikada, 1924 yilda Nyufaundlendda va 1925 yilda Kanadada bo'lgan (u vafot etganda Avstraliya va Yangi Zelandiyaga tashriflar rejalashtirilgan edi) sobiq harbiylarning manfaatlarini himoya qilish uchun. U o'rnatishda muhim rol o'ynagan Xeyg jamg'armasi sobiq harbiy xizmatchilarga moddiy yordam uchun va Xeyg uylari ularning to'g'ri joylashishini ta'minlash uchun xayriya; ikkalasi ham yaratilganidan ko'p yillar o'tib yordam berishda davom etmoqda.[243]
Golfni sevadigan Xeyg kapitan edi Sent-Endryus qirollik va qadimiy golf klubi, 1920 yildan 1921 yilgacha.[244] U o'limigacha Britaniya legionining prezidenti bo'lib, 1921 yildan to vafotigacha Birlashgan Xizmatlar Jamg'armasi raisi bo'lgan.[245]
Lord Xeyg nafaqaga chiqqanidan keyin Britaniya armiyasi bilan aloqalarni saqlab qoldi; u edi faxriy polkovnik ning 17/21-chi qaroqchilar (1912 yildan 17-lanserlarning faxriy polkovnigi bo'lgan), London Shotlandiya va Shohning Shotlandiya chegarachilari.[246] Qirol ot soqchilari,[247] U ham edi Lord Rektor va keyinroq Sent-Endryus universiteti kansleri.[248]
O'lim
Xeyg 21 shahzoda darvozasida vafot etdi, London, a yurak xuruji 1928 yil 29-yanvarda 66 yoshda va 3 fevralda chuqur dafn marosimi o'tkazildi.[249][250] "Ko'plab odamlar ko'chalarda saf tortishdi ... xizmatni chaqirishganda minglab odamlarni oxirgi qurbonlikka yuborgan, ammo urushda kiyingan askarlari ularni eng haqiqiy himoyachisi va do'sti sifatida sevgan boshliqni hurmat qilish uchun keldilar."[249] Qurol tashiydigan qurol Noma'lum jangchi qabriga va faol xizmatda bo'lib, Birinchi Jahon urushida birinchi ingliz otishni o'rgangan qurolni ko'targan, feldmarshalning jasadini Sankt-Kolumbaning cherkovi, Pont-strit, London, qaerda u davlat yotgan bo'lsa, to Vestminster abbatligi. Uchta qirol knyazlari qurol-yarog 'ortidan ergashdilar, pallachilar esa ikkitadan iborat edilar Frantsiya marshallari (Fox va Pétain).[249] Kortejga sekin yurishda beshta faxriy qorovul hamrohlik qildi, orqaga qarab qo'llari va bo'g'iq davullari bilan: Britaniya qurolli kuchlarining har bir filialidan ikki zobit va ellikta boshqa safdoshlar (Qirollik floti, Irlandiya gvardiyasi, va Qirollik havo kuchlari ); birinchi frantsuz armiyasi korpusining ellik kishisi; va Belgiya Grenadiyerlar polkidan 16 kishi.[249] Abbeydagi xizmatdan so'ng, jasadni kuzatib borish uchun kortej yana shakllandi Vaterloo stantsiyasi Edinburgga sayohat uchun, u erda uch kun davlatda yotgan Sent-Giles sobori.[249]
Keyinchalik Xeygning jasadi ko'milgan Dryburg Abbey Shotlandiya chegaralarida qabrga standart toshlar uslubida oddiy tosh lavha bilan belgi qo'yilgan Imperial urush qabrlari komissiyasi Birinchi jahon urushida inglizlarning harbiy yo'qotishlariga berilgan.[251]
The Graf Xayg yodgorligi, otliq haykal Uaytxoll parlament tomonidan buyurtma qilingan va tomonidan haykaltaroshlik qilingan Alfred Frank Xardiman, ba'zi tortishuvlarni keltirib chiqardi va 1937 yilda Sulh kuni oldidan oshkor qilinmadi.[252]
Obro'-e'tibor
Urushdan keyingi fikr
Urushdan keyin Xeyg amerikalik tomonidan maqtandi Umumiy Jon J. Pershing, Xeyg "urushda g'olib bo'lgan odam" deb ta'kidlagan.[253] U g'olib qo'shinning etakchisi sifatida ham jamoat oldida maqtovga sazovor bo'ldi. 1928 yilda uning dafn marosimi juda katta davlat tantanasi edi. Ammo, vafotidan so'ng u buyruq chiqargani uchun tobora ko'proq tanqid qilinmoqda, bu uning qo'mondonligidagi ingliz qo'shinlarining haddan tashqari ko'p talofatlariga olib keldi G'arbiy front, unga pul ishlash taxallus "Somme qassobi".[9]
Xeygni tanqid qilish siyosatchilarning xotiralarida uchragan. Uinston Cherchill Jahon inqirozi Xeygning hayoti davomida yozilgan edi, chunki Kambreyda bo'lgani kabi, tanklardan ko'proq foydalanish dushmanning pulemyot olovini "jasur odamlarning ko'kragi" bilan to'sib qo'yishning alternativasi bo'lishi mumkin edi.[256][257]
Xeyg Cherchillga o'zining kundaliklaridan ko'chirmalar yubordi va Cherchill tuzatishlar kiritishga tayyor bo'lgan qoralamalarga izoh berdi. Cherchill Xeygga (1926 yil 20-noyabr) u "bizning Loos, Somme va Passchendaeldagi hujum siyosatimizga ishonchli va ochiq qarshilik ko'rsatganini" aytdi. U Sommani "qirg'inni xushchaqchaqlik qiladigan, bu [ittifoqchilarning] qo'shinlarini nemislarga nisbatan kuchsizlanib, boshlangandan ko'ra zaiflashtirgan" deb o'ylardi.[258] Xeyg bu qarashlarni "eng yaramaydi" deb o'ylardi, ammo 1918 yil avgust va sentyabr oylarida qabul qilingan qarorlar urushning noyabrda tugashiga sabab bo'lgan deb ta'kidlagan bo'lsa-da, uning buyrug'iga oid tanqidlarni qabul qilishga tayyor edi.[259]
Cherchill, shuningdek, 1918 yil avgustigacha Ittifoqning hujumlari "ular kabi halokatli" bo'lganiga qaramay, ishchi kuchi etishmasligi sababli ellik yoshdagi odamlarni chaqirishni talab qilgan bo'lsa-da, "Xeyg va Fox oxir-oqibat oqlandi" va Yuz kun "kelajak avlodlarning hayratini qo'zg'atadi".[260] Cherchill (1926 yil 23-noyabr) tan oldi Lord Beaverbrook, uni Xeygni maqtashga tayyor deb o'ylagan "urushni keyingi o'rganish meni o'sha paytdagiga qaraganda Xeyg haqida yaxshiroq o'ylashga majbur qildi. Uning o'rnini egallaydigan hech kim yo'qligi aniq. "[259][261]
Cherchillning Xeyg haqidagi inshosi Buyuk zamondoshlar Xeyg vafotidan keyin yozilgan, bir oz ko'proq tanqidiy bo'lib, hukumat 1920 yildan keyin Xeygga ish taklif qilishni rad etganligi, G'arbiy frontga haddan tashqari (Cherchill nazarida) urg'u bergani va haqiqatan ham buyuk generallar egalik qilgan "dahshatli daho" ga ega emasligini ta'kidladi. tarix; u "tanklarga juda do'stona" edi, deb yozgan Cherchill, lekin ularni o'zi ixtiro qilish g'oyasini hech qachon o'ylamagan bo'lar edi.[262]
Lloyd Jorj kamroq musht tortdi Urush xotiralari, 1936 yilda Xeyg vafot etganida va Lloyd Jorj endi asosiy siyosiy o'yinchi bo'lmaganida nashr etilgan. 89-bobda u Xeygning yaqinda chop etilgan kundaliklariga (aniq "puxta tahrirlangan") sharmanda qildi Duff Cooper ) Xeygni "o'z vazifasiga intellektual va mo''tadil jihatdan tengsiz" va "ikkinchi darajali" (Foch bilan taqqoslaganda, 2014 y.) deb ta'riflagan bo'lsa-da, "o'z kasbi uchun o'rtacha ko'rsatkichdan yuqori - ehtimol aqlda emas, balki sanoatda ko'proq". U o'zining "bunday ulkan pozitsiyani egallash qobiliyatiga ishonchsizligini" Xeygning hatto G'arbiy frontni ham aniq anglay olmasligi (uni " Bohemiyaning ko'r-ko'rona qiroli da Qo'rqinchli "), boshqa jabhalar ehtiyojlari va uning muloyim" janoblar "bilan o'ralganini, yaxshi maslahatchilarni tanlashni afzal ko'rganligini hisobga olib, uning qobiliyatsizligi u yoqda tursin. Shuningdek, u Xeygni buyuk qo'mondonning shaxsiy magnetizmi yo'qligi, uning hiyla-nayranglari uchun tanqid qildi salafiy Ser Jon frantsuz, 1918 yil martidagi mag'lubiyat uchun Hubert Goughni gunohkor echkiga tayyorligi (garchi u aslida uni himoya qilgan bo'lsa va alternativa, ehtimol Xeygning o'zi ishdan bo'shatilgan bo'lishi mumkin edi) va keyinchalik Foxni Lloyd Jorj tomonidan ittifoqchi generalissimo etib tayinlanishini qabul qilganligi haqidagi da'volari. Xeyg qarshi chiqqan deb da'vo qildi. Boshqa bir safar u Xeygni "zo'r - botinkasining tepasiga qadar" deb ta'riflagan deyishadi.[263] Lloyd Jorjning tarjimai holi Jon Grigg (2002) o'zining vitriolini Passchendaele Offensive-ni to'xtatishga aralashmaganligi uchun vijdonan aybdor deb topdi. Lloyd Jorj "o'zini oqlamoqchi" bo'lgan "qichqiriq zahari" ni yozgan Jon Terreyn, shuningdek, Nivell ishi tufayli siyosatchilar va askarlar o'rtasidagi ishonchni qanday yo'q qilgani haqida "hushsiz aralashish" ni topdi (buning iloji yo'q edi Robertson Passchendaele jangi borasidagi xavotirlarini Bosh vazir bilan o'rtoqlashish uchun) va xotiralarni "Kale shahridagi xatti-harakati kabi eskirgan hujjat" deb atadi.[264]
B.H. Liddel Xart Birinchi jahon urushi paytida yaralangan harbiy tarixchi muxlisdan shubhalanuvchidan tortinmas tanqidchiga aylandi. U kundaligida shunday deb yozgan edi:
[Xeyg] yuksak egoizmga ega bo'lgan va g'ayrioddiy odam edi - u o'zining haddan tashqari ambitsiyasiga binoan yuz minglab odamlarni qurbon qildi. O'zining sodiq yordamchilariga ham, o'zi xizmat qilgan Hukumatga ham xiyonat qilgan odam. Faqat axloqsiz emas, balki jinoyatchi bo'lgan hiyla-nayrang bilan o'z maqsadiga erishgan odam.[265]
Boshqa tarixchilar
Xeygning himoyachilaridan biri harbiy tarixchi edi Jon Terrain, Xeygning biografiyasini nashr etgan (Bilimli askar) 1963 yilda Xeyg kalibrdagi "Buyuk kapitan" sifatida tasvirlangan Marlboro gersogi yoki Vellington gersogi. Terreyn, Xeygning 1918 yildagi "Yakuniy jo'natmasidan" o'z ishorani olgan holda, Xeyg qo'shinlar yuzaga kelgan vaziyatni hisobga olgan holda mumkin bo'lgan yagona strategiyani amalga oshirganligini ta'kidladi: nemis armiyasini yiqitadigan va eskirib qolgan holat coup de grâce 1918 yil. Gari Sheffildning ta'kidlashicha, Terrenning Xeyg haqidagi dalillariga qirq yil davomida juda ko'p hujum qilingan bo'lsa ham, Terrenning tezisi "hali buzilmagan".[4]
Avstraliya tarixchisi Les Carlyon Haig piyodalar hujumlarini qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun etarli miqdordagi artilleriyadan to'g'ri foydalanishga moslasha olmagan bo'lsa-da va odatda bunday ta'limot ilmi harbiy nazariyada juda ko'p o'rin egallaganiga shubha bilan qaragan bo'lsa-da, u mukammal korpuslar va dala qo'mondonlarini to'liq qo'llab-quvvatladi. Gerbert Plumer, Artur Kurri va Jon Monash, bu tushunchalarni eng yaxshi tushunadigan va amalga oshiradigan ko'rinadi, ayniqsa, keyinchalik urushda. Kabi ko'proq shubhali qo'mondonlarni qo'llab-quvvatlaganligi uchun Karlyon javob berishi mumkin bo'lgan ishni yozgan Yan Xemilton, Aylmer Xanter-Veston va Hubert Gou.[266]
Taktik ishlanmalar
Tanqidchilar yoqadi Alan Klark and Gerard De Groot argued that Haig failed to appreciate the critical science of artillery or supporting arms and that he was "unimaginative", although de Groot added that he has had the misfortune to be judged by the standards of a later age, in which the cause of Britain and her Empire were no longer thought worthy of such bloodshed.[267] Pol Fussell, a literary historian, wrote in The Great War and Modern Memory bu,
although one doesn't want to be too hard on Haig ... who has been well calumniated already ... it must be said that it now appears that one thing the war was testing was the usefulness of the earnest Scottish character in a situation demanding the military equivalent of wit and invention. Haig had none. He was stubborn, self-righteous, inflexible, intolerant—especially of the French—and quite humourless ... Indeed, one powerful legacy of Haig's performance is the conviction among the imaginative and intelligent today of the unredeemable defectiveness of all civil and military leaders. Haig could be said to have established the paradigm.[268]
Harbiy tarixchi John Bourne wrote that this was not the case. Haig, although not familiar with technological advances, encouraged their use. He also rejected claims that Haig was a traditionalist and focused only on cavalry tactics.[269] Cavalry represented less than three percent of the BEF in France by September 1916, whilst the British were the most mechanised force in the world by 1918, supported by the world's largest air force. The Tank korpusi was the world's first such force and some 22,000 men served in it during the war. The Qirollik artilleriyasi grew by 520 percent and the engineers who implemented birlashtirilgan qo'llar tactics grew by 2,212 percent. Bourne wrote that this hardly demonstrates a lack of imagination.[270] Other historians, notably Jon Kigan, refused to accept that the British Army underwent a "learning curve" of any sort; despite this example, Bourne wrote that there "is little disagreement among scholars about the nature of the military transformation".[271] Popular "media opinion" had failed to grasp that under Haig, the British Army adopted a very modern style of war in 1918, something that was very different from 1914, 1916 and 1917.[272]
There is no consensus on the speed of a learning curve. Tim Travers wrote that there was no one "villain" but the pre-war regular army. Travers blamed the management of early campaigns on the ethos of the pre-war officer corps, which was based on privilege, with a hierarchy intent on self-preservation and maintaining individual reputations. As a consequence the army was poorly positioned to adapt quickly. Travers wrote that initiative was discouraged, making advancement in a learning curve slow and that the ethos of the army was pro-human and anti-technological. The offensive spirit of the infantry, quality of the soldier, rapid rifle-fire and the idea of the soldier being the most important aspect of the battlefield prevailed. Ning darslari Rus-yapon urushi and the power of artillery were ignored, which caused costly tactical mistakes in the first half of the war. The tactics that Haig pursued (a breakthrough battle deep into enemy territory) were beyond the mobility and range of artillery, which contributed to operational failures and heavy losses. Travers also criticised Haig va enemy commanders for (in Travers' opinion) seeing battle as perfectly organised and something that could be planned perfectly, ignoring the concept of urush tumani and confusion in battle. Travers wrote that top-down command became impossible in the chaos of battle and lower levels of command were relied upon. Owing to the lack of attention at this level in the early years of the war, a command vacuum was created in which GHQ became a spectator.[273]
Bourne considered this to be too harsh. Haig belonged to the lower officer corps of the pre-war army, yet he progressed along with other commanders of the Edwardian era from battalion, brigade, division and corps command, to the army group and commanders-in-chief of the First World War. The advances in operational methods, technology and tactical doctrine were implemented by these officers, Haig among them. Bourne also wrote that it was difficult to reconcile the commanders of 1918 with the dogma-ridden, unprofessional, unreflecting institution depicted by Tim Travers, who did not take into account the year 1918, when the officer corps succeeded in integrating infantry, artillery, armour and aircraft in a war-winning operational method, a process which began on the Somme in 1916 and which would have been impossible, had these Edwardian officers been hostile to change in operational methodology and technological terms.[274][275]
Biographers Robin Prior and Trevor Wilson, writing in the Oksford milliy biografiyasining lug'ati (2004) state that:
- As a result of his determination to accomplish great victories Haig too often disregarded key factors such as weather, and the condition of the battlefield, placed his objectives beyond the range which his artillery could cover and incorporated in his schemes a role for cavalry which this arm was helpless to accomplish. These shortcomings, it needs to be stressed, were not at all peculiar to Haig. ... But the outcome, too often, was British operations directed towards unrealizable objectives and persisted in long after they had ceased to serve any worthwhile purpose. The consequence was excessive loss of British lives, insubstantial accomplishment, and waning morale.[276]
Zarar ko'rgan narsalar
Haig has been criticised for the high casualties in British offensives, but it has been argued by historians like John Terraine that this was largely a function of the size of the battles, as British forces engaged the main body of the German Army on the Western Front after 1916.[277] Although total deaths in the Ikkinchi jahon urushi were far higher than in the First, British deaths were lower, because Britain fought mainly peripheral campaigns in the Mediterranean, for much of the Ikkinchi jahon urushi, involving relatively few British troops, while most of the land fighting took place between Germany and the SSSR (the Soviets suffered roughly as many dead in the Second World War, not including civilians, as every country in the First World War combined).[228][278] When British forces engaged in Normandy in 1944, total losses were fewer than on the Somme in 1916, as Normandy was around half the length and less than half the size but casualties per unit per week were broadly similar.[279] David French wrote that British daily loss rates at Normandy, in which divisions lost up to three quarters of their infantry, were similar to those of Passchendaele in 1917, while average battalion casualty rates in 1944–45 (100 men per week) were similar to those of the First World War.[280]
John Terraine wrote:
It is important, when we feel our emotions rightly swelling over the losses of 1914–18, to remember that in 1939–45 the world losses were probably over four times as many ... the British task was entirely different, which is why the (British) loss of life was so different: about 350,000 in 1939–45 and about 750,000 (British deaths, 1 million including the Empire) in 1914–18 ... – ... The casualty statistics of the Great War ... tell us ... virtually nothing about the quality of ... British generals. The statistics show that ... the British losses in great battles were generally about the same as anyone else's.
He also wrote that British perceptions were coloured by the terrible losses of 1916 yil 1-iyul (57,000 casualties) but that it should also be remembered that the British never suffered anything like the losses of 1916 yil iyun, when the Austro-Hungarian Army had 280,000 casualties in a week, or of 1914 yil avgust when the French Army lost 211,000 in 16 days, or of March and April 1918 when the Germans lost nearly 350,000 in six weeks (8,600 per day), or 1915 when Russia suffered 2 million casualties in a year.[281]
Total British First World War deaths seemed especially severe as they fell among certain groups such as Pals Battalions (volunteers who enlisted together and were allowed to serve together – and were often killed together) or the alleged "Lost Generation" of public school and university educated junior officers. British deaths, although heavy compared to other British wars, were only around half those of France or Germany as a proportion of the population.[282]
Yozuvlarni soxtalashtirish da'vo qilingan
Denis Winter in his book "Haig's Command", wrote that Haig protected his reputation by falsifying his diary, to mislead historians as to his thoughts and intentions. Sheffield and Bourne wrote that all three versions of Haig's diary (the handwritten original, the carbon copy thereof, to which he sometimes made amendments and the version typed up by Lady Haig) have been available in the Shotlandiya milliy kutubxonasi since March 1961.[283] Barring a few disputes over contentious meetings, such as the War Council of early August 1914 and the Doullens konferentsiyasi of March 1918, "the overall authenticity of Haig's diary is, however, not in doubt", not least because of the frequency with which its contents have been used to criticise him and because the facts do not appear to have been distorted, to fit a retrospective interpretation of the war, such as that contained in the "Final Despatch" of 21 March 1919, in which Haig claimed to have delivered final victory, after several years of "wearing-out" (attrition).[284] Dr John Bourne wrote that (given the low regard in which Haig had come to be held by the general public) "Winter's perceived conspiracy would appear to be one of the least successful in history. The falsification of his diary seems equally inept, given the frequency with which its contents are held against the author's competence, integrity and humanity, not least by Winter himself."[285] Bourne and Bond wrote that the critics of Haig tend to ignore the fact that the war was won in 1918.[286]
Winter also wrote that Haig and the British Government had conspired with the Official Historian, Brigadier J. E. Edmonds, to show Haig in a better light in the Rasmiy tarix. These claims were rejected by a number of British and Australian historians, including Robin Prior and Correlli Barnett. Barnett's comments were supported by John Hussey and Dr. Jeffrey Grey of the University of New South Wales, who wrote that
A check of the documents cited in the Heyes papers, collected for [the Australian Official Historian] C. E. W. Bean in London in the 1920s, and in the correspondence between Bean and the British Official Historian, Sir James Edmonds, not only fails to substantiate Winter's claims but reinforces still further Barnett's criticisms of (Winter's) capacity as a researcher ... includ(ing) ... misidentification of documents, misquotation of documents, the running together of passages from different documents ... and misdating of material..(including) misdat(ing) a letter by seventeen years ... to support his conspiracy case against Edmonds.[287]
Donald Cameron Watt found Winter
curiously ignorant of the by-no-means secret grounds on which the Cabinet Office, or rather its secretary, Lord Hankey, initiated a series of official histories of the first world war and the terms which were binding on the authors commissioned to write them.[288]
Winter wrote that Edmonds did not canvass the opinion of veterans, which was untrue – some volumes were sent to 1,000 or more officers for their comments, as well as being checked against unit diaries down to battalion level – in some cases entire chapters were rewritten (or in the case of Passchendaele, the volume was rewritten several times in the 1940s, during disputes about the roles of Haig and Hubert Gough, who was still alive). Winter quoted, out of context, Edmonds' advice to his researchers to write a draft narrative first, then invite interviewees to comment over lunch: Andrew Green, in his study of the Official History, wrote that this was done deliberately, for memories to be jogged by the draft narrative and that senior officers were more likely to be frank if approached informally.[289] Winter doubted that Haig had passed out of Sandhurst top of his year or been awarded the Anson Sword but this was refuted by S. J. Anglim,[290] who consulted the Sandhurst records.[291]
Xayg ommaviy madaniyatda
Haig appeared as himself in the films Under Four Flags (1918) va Xotira (1927).
Jurnalistika va ommaviy tarix
Haig has commonly been portrayed as an inept commander who exhibited callous disregard for the lives of his soldiers, repeatedly ordering tens of thousands of them to supposedly useless deaths, during battles such as the Battle of Passchendaele (31 July – 10 November 1917). Sometimes the criticism is more against the generation of British generals which he is deemed to represent, a view aired by writers such as John Laffin (British Butchers and Bunglers of World War One) and John Mosier (Myth of the Great War). Alan Clark's book Eshaklar (1961) led to the popularisation of the controversial phrase 'eshaklar boshchiligidagi sherlar ', which was used to describe British generalship. Clark attributed this remark to the German generals Maks Xofman and Erich Ludendorff but later admitted that he lied.[292] A critical biographer finds "no evidence of widespread contempt for Haig; the claim that ordinary soldiers universally thought him a butcher does not accord with their continued willingness to fight".[293]
Drama va adabiyot
Haig was played by Ser Jon Mills 1969 yilda filmda, Oh! Qanday yoqimli urush, in which much of the dialogue is taken from Clark's Eshaklar. He is portrayed as being indifferent to the fate of the troops under his command, his goal being to wear the Germans down even at the cost of enormous losses and to prevail, since the Allies will have the last 10,000 men left. Gary Sheffield notes that although the film said more about 1960s attitudes than it did about the war, it helped to shape popular memory of the war, being "much quoted, alluded to and parodied".[294]
1989 yilda BBC komediya seriallari Blekadder to'rtinchi bor, Haig, played by Jefri Palmer, makes an appearance in the final episode. Referring to the limited gains made during the 1915–1917 offensives, Blackadder says: "Haig is about to make yet another gargantuan effort to move his drinks cabinet six inches closer to Berlin ". Haig is also portrayed sweeping up model soldiers from a large map with a dustpan and brush, and tossing them casually over his shoulder.[295]
In the 1985 Australian television mini-series Anzaklar, Haig was played by actor Noel Trevarthen and the series included scenes featuring meetings between Haig and prominent Australian journalist Keyt Merdok, otasi News Corp. Bosh direktor va rais Rupert Merdok. Haig was portrayed as a cold and aloof man who was sceptical about the fighting abilities of the Australian and New Zealand troops arriving on the Western Front in 1916 and aggravated by the conduct of the Australians behind the lines. The series also portrayed British Prime Minister Lloyd George having a strong dislike of Haig and wishing to see him removed from command in 1917.[296]
Hurmat
The following table shows the honours awarded to Haig:
Faxriy darajalar
Haig received many faxriy darajalar from universities, including:
- Faxriy darajalar
| Mamlakat | Sana | Maktab | Darajasi |
|---|---|---|---|
 Shotlandiya | 1919 | Edinburg universiteti | Yuridik fanlari doktori (LL.D)[321] |
| Shotlandiya | 1919 yil 11-iyul | Aberdin universiteti | [322] |
| Shotlandiya | 1919 yil 8-may | Glazgo universiteti | Yuridik fanlari doktori (LL.D)[323][324] |
 Angliya | 1919 yil 25-iyun | Oksford universiteti | Fuqarolik huquqi doktori (DCL)[325] |
| Angliya | 1920 | Lids universiteti | Yuridik fanlari doktori (LL.D)[326] |
Shahar erkinligi
- Britaniya imperiyasi
15 May 1919: Dandi[327]
1919 yil 16-iyun: London[328]- 1919 yil 25-iyun: Oksford[329]
- 1919 yil 16 oktyabr: "Vulverxempton"[330]
- 1920 yil 23 yanvar: Lids[331]
- 1922 yil 14-oktyabr: Stirling[332]
- Sana noma'lum: Glazgo[333]
Meros
The Argentine football club "Atletiko" klubi Duglas Xeyg, founded in 1918, is named after Haig.[334] In the early 1920s, several years before his death, a new road of kengash uylari yilda Kates Xill, Dadli, Vorsestershire (hozir G'arbiy Midlend ) was named Haig Road in honour of Haig.[335] 1920 yil avgust oyida Buyuk Markaziy temir yo'l gave the name Graf Xeyg ularning yangi qurilgan biriga 4-6-0 ekspres yo'lovchi lokomotivlari, yo'q. 1166 of 9P sinf (LNER sinf B3). It carried the name until October 1943.[336][337] In 1921, Ash Lane in Sautport, Mersisayd and the football ground of "Sautport" that was situated there, were both renamed as Xeyq xiyoboni uning sharafiga.[338] Earl Haig o'rta maktabi yilda Toronto was also named after Haig.[339] Bir turi cottage tulip, "Marshal Haig" with purple flowers, is also named after him.[340] The Yuz Xeyg, a cadastral unit in the Australian state of South Australia was named after Haig in 1918.[341]
In Singapore, there is also a road named Haig Road in Katong uning nomi bilan atalgan.[342]
Shuningdek qarang
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...whose name is a strange homage to Sir Douglas Haig...
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The ground was renamed Haig Avenue (after Earl Haig) in 1921
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... The original school was built in honour of Field Marshal Douglas Haig, 1st Earl Haig (1861–1928)
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The road is named after Douglas Haig, 1st Earl Bemersyde, the commander-in-chief of the British Expeditionary Force in France from 1915 to 1918.
Manbalar
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Qo'shimcha o'qish
Biografik bo'lmagan
- Dixon, Dr. Norman (1994). On the Psychology of Military Incompetence. Pimlico Location=London. ISBN 978-0712658898.
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Biografiyalar
- Arthur, Sir George (1928). Lord Xeyg. Uilyam Xaynemann. OCLC 1822378.
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Tashqi havolalar
- Works by or about Douglas Haig, 1st Earl Haig da Internet arxivi
- Hansard 1803–2005: Earl Xeygning parlamentdagi hissalari
- Liddell Xart harbiy arxivlar markazi. (2006 yil 30 martda qabul qilingan.)
- Duglas Xeyg, 1-graf Xayg (1861–1928), feldmarshal: 41 portretda sitter (Milliy portret galereyasi)
- Bob Bushavi Xeyg va otliqlar Birinchi jahon urushini o'rganish markazi jurnali
- GALASHELLAR URUShI XOTIRASI (1925) (Shotlandiya Milliy kutubxonasidan Feldmarshal Erl Xeygning arxiv filmi: SHOTTIYA SCREN ARXIVI)
- Shotlandiya ekranida (Graf Xayg Piblzning urush yodgorligini ochib beradi (1922) - arxiv filmi va o'quv manbalari)
- Xeygning Yangi Zelandiya diviziyasi haqidagi kitob uchun imzosi
- Europeana to'plamlari 1914–1918 Evropa kutubxonalaridan 425,000 Birinchi jahon urushi buyumlarini, shu jumladan Xeygning "Kun tartibi" va boshqa qo'lyozmalar, Xeygga oid rasmiy hujjatlar va fotosuratlarni onlayn ravishda taqdim etadi.
- Duglas Xeyg, 1-Graf Xeyg haqidagi gazetalar ichida 20-asr matbuot arxivi ning ZBW
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