Bonar qonuni - Bonar Law
Bonar qonuni | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Buyuk Britaniyaning Bosh vaziri | |
| Ofisda 1922 yil 23 oktyabr - 1923 yil 20 may | |
| Monarx | Jorj V |
| Oldingi | Devid Lloyd Jorj |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Stenli Bolduin |
| Jamoalar palatasi rahbari | |
| Ofisda 1922 yil 23 oktyabr - 1923 yil 20 may | |
| Oldingi | Ostin Chemberlen |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Stenli Bolduin |
| Ofisda 1916 yil 10 dekabr - 1921 yil 23 mart | |
| Bosh Vazir | Devid Lloyd Jorj |
| Oldingi | H. H. Asquit |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Ostin Chemberlen |
| Konservativ partiyaning etakchisi | |
| Ofisda 1922 yil 23 oktyabr - 1923 yil 28 may | |
| Oldingi | Ostin Chemberlen |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Stenli Bolduin |
| Ofisda 1911 yil 13 noyabr - 1921 yil 21 mart | |
| Oldingi | Artur Balfour |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Ostin Chemberlen |
| Lord Privy Seal | |
| Ofisda 1919 yil 10 yanvar - 1921 yil 1 aprel | |
| Bosh Vazir | Devid Lloyd Jorj |
| Oldingi | Krouford grafligi |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Ostin Chemberlen |
| Bosh vazirning kansleri | |
| Ofisda 1916 yil 10 dekabr - 1919 yil 10 yanvar | |
| Bosh Vazir | Devid Lloyd Jorj |
| Oldingi | Reginald McKenna |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Ostin Chemberlen |
| Mustamlakalar bo'yicha davlat kotibi | |
| Ofisda 1915 yil 25 may - 1916 yil 10 dekabr | |
| Bosh Vazir | H. H. Asquit Devid Lloyd Jorj |
| Oldingi | Lyuis Vernon Xarkurt |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Valter Long |
| Muxolifat lideri | |
| Ofisda 1911 yil 13 noyabr - 1915 yil 25 may | |
| Bosh Vazir | H. H. Asquit |
| Oldingi | Artur Balfour |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Ser Edvard Karson[a] |
| Savdo kengashining parlament kotibi | |
| Ofisda 1902 yil 11-iyul - 1905 yil 5-dekabr | |
| Bosh Vazir | Artur Balfour |
| Oldingi | Dadli grafi |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Xadson Kerli |
| Parlament a'zosi uchun Glazgo Markaziy | |
| Ofisda 1918 yil 15 dekabr - 1923 yil 30 oktyabr | |
| Oldingi | John Mackintosh MacLeod |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Uilyam Aleksandr |
| Parlament a'zosi uchun Yuklash | |
| Ofisda 1911 yil 28 mart - 1918 yil 15 dekabr | |
| Oldingi | Tomas Maylz Sendi |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Tomas Royden |
| Parlament a'zosi uchun Dulvich | |
| Ofisda 1906 yil 16 may - 1910 yil 20 dekabr | |
| Oldingi | Frederik Rezerford Xarris |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Ser Frederik Xoll |
| Parlament a'zosi uchun Glazgo Blackfriars | |
| Ofisda 1900 yil 25 oktyabr - 1906 yil 13 yanvar | |
| Oldingi | Andrew Dryburgh Provand |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Jorj Nikoll Barns |
| Shaxsiy ma'lumotlar | |
| Tug'ilgan | Endryu Bonar qonuni 16 sentyabr 1858 yil Kingston, Nyu-Brunsvik koloniyasi (hozir Rexton, Nyu-Brunsvik, Kanada) |
| O'ldi | 1923 yil 30-oktyabr (65 yosh) Kensington, London, Angliya |
| Dam olish joyi | Vestminster abbatligi |
| Millati | Inglizlar |
| Siyosiy partiya | Konservativ |
| Boshqa siyosiy bog'liqliklar | Unionist |
| Turmush o'rtoqlar | Enni Robli (m. 1891; vafot etdi1909) |
| Bolalar | 6, shu jumladan Richard |
| Kasb | Temir savdogar |
| Imzo |  |
| a. ^ 1915 yil 25 maydan 1915 yil 19 oktyabrgacha bo'sh vakolatxona | |
Endryu Bonar qonuni (/ˈbɒnarˈlɔː/;[1] 16 sentyabr 1858 - 30 oktyabr 1923) ingliz edi Konservativ bo'lib xizmat qilgan siyosatchi Buyuk Britaniyaning Bosh vaziri 1922 yildan 1923 yilgacha.
Qonun Britaniya mustamlakasida tug'ilgan Nyu-Brunsvik (hozirda Kanada provinsiyasi), Britaniya orollari tashqarisida tug'ilgan birinchi Britaniya bosh vaziri. U edi Shotlandiya va Ulster Shotlandiya kelib chiqishi va 1870 yilda Shotlandiyaga ko'chib o'tdi. U o'n olti yoshdagi maktabni tark etib, temir sanoatida ishladi va o'ttiz yoshida boy odamga aylandi. U kirdi Jamiyat palatasi da 1900 yilgi umumiy saylovlar, oldingi darajadagi siyosatchi uchun nisbatan kechroq bo'lgan va kichik vazirga aylangan, Savdo kengashining parlament kotibi, 1902 yilda. Qonun soya kabinetiga oppozitsiya bilan qo'shildi 1906 yilgi umumiy saylovlar. 1911 yilda u a Maxfiy maslahatchi va bo'sh partiyaning rahbarligini qo'llab-quvvatladi. Hech qachon kabinetda ishlamaganiga qaramay, keyin uchinchi o'rinni egallaganiga qaramay Valter Long va Ostin Chemberlen, Qonun etakchiga aylandi, chunki partiyaning ikkiga bo'linishi partiyani ikkiga bo'linish xavfi tug'dirish o'rniga orqaga chekindi.
Sifatida Konservativ partiyaning etakchisi va oppozitsiya etakchisi, qonun uning e'tiborini foydasiga qaratdi tarif islohoti va qarshi Irlandiyalik uy qoidalari. Uning saylovoldi tashviqoti burilishga yordam berdi Liberal o'tishga urinishlar Uchinchi uy qoidalari to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi uch yillik kurashga oxir-oqibat boshlanishi bilan to'xtatildi Birinchi jahon urushi, oltita viloyatning maqomi to'g'risida juda ko'p tortishuvlar bilan Olster keyinroq bo'ladi Shimoliy Irlandiya, ulardan to'rttasi asosan protestantlar edi.
Qonun birinchi bo'lib Vazirlar Mahkamasining ofisini egallagan Mustamlakalar bo'yicha davlat kotibi yilda H. H. Asquit koalitsiya hukumati (1915 yil may - 1916 yil dekabr). Asquit hokimiyatdan tushganidan keyin u hukumat tuzishdan bosh tortdi, o'rniga xizmat qildi Bosh vazirning kansleri yilda Devid Lloyd Jorj koalitsiya hukumati. U 1921 yil boshida sog'lig'i yomonligi sababli iste'foga chiqdi. 1922 yil oktyabrda Lloyd Jorjning koalitsiyasi konservatorlarga yoqmayotgani sababli, u matbuotga xat yozib, hukumatni faqat iliq qo'llab-quvvatladi Chanak ustidan qilingan harakatlar. Keyin Konservativ deputatlar koalitsiyani tugatish uchun ovoz berishdi, u yana Partiya rahbari va bu safar Bosh vazir bo'ldi. Bonar qonuni aniq ko'pchilikni qo'lga kiritdi 1922 yilgi umumiy saylov va uning qisqa muddatli bosh vazirligi Buyuk Britaniyaning urush uchun bergan qarzlari bo'yicha AQSh bilan muzokaralarni ko'rdi. Tomoq saratoni bilan og'ir kasal bo'lgan Law 1923 yil may oyida iste'foga chiqdi va shu yilning oxirida vafot etdi. U yigirmanchi asrning eng qisqa muddatli bosh vaziri bo'lgan (211 kun ishlagan) va ba'zan uni "noma'lum bosh vazir" deb atashadi.
Dastlabki hayot va ta'lim
U 1858 yil 16-sentyabrda Kingstonda tug'ilgan (hozir Rexton ), Nyu-Brunsvik, Eliza Kidston qonuniga va vazir Reverend Jeyms Qonuniga Shotlandiyaning bepul cherkovi bilan Shotlandiya va Irland (asosan Ulster Shotlandiya ) ajdodlar.[2] Uning tug'ilishi paytida Nyu-Brunsvik hali ham alohida mustamlaka edi Kanada konfederatsiyasi 1867 yilgacha sodir bo'lmagan.[2]
Aslida onasi unga ism qo'yishni xohlagan Robert Murray M'Cheyne, va'zgo'y u juda hayratga tushdi, lekin uning akasi allaqachon Robert deb nomlangani sababli, u o'rniga Muhtaram nomini oldi Endryu Bonar, M'Cheyne biografisi. Uning hayoti davomida uni har doim oilasi va yaqin do'stlari Bonar (sharaf bilan qofiya) bilan chaqirishgan, hech qachon Endryu. Dastlab u o'z ismini A.B deb imzolagan. Qonun, o'ttiz yoshida A. Bonar qonuniga o'tdi va uni jamoatchilik ham Bonar qonuni deb atashdi.[3]
Jeyms Lou bir necha izolyatsiya qilingan shaharchalarning vaziri bo'lib, ular orasida ot, qayiq va piyoda sayohat qilishlari kerak edi. Oilaviy daromadni to'ldirish uchun u kichik fermani sotib oldi Richibukto daryosi Bonar yordam bergan, uning ukalari Robert, Uilyam va Jon va singlisi Meri bilan birga.[3] Mahalliy qishloq maktabida o'qish,[4] Qonun uning o'qishida yaxshi natijalarga erishdi va bu erda u eng yaxshi xotirasi bilan ajralib turardi.[5] 1861 yilda Eliza Law vafot etganidan keyin uning singlisi Janet Nyu-Brunsvikka uyidan yo'l oldi Shotlandiya Qonun bolalariga qarash. 1870 yilda Jeyms Lou qayta turmushga chiqqach, uning yangi rafiqasi Janetning vazifalarini o'z zimmasiga oldi va Janet Shotlandiyaga uyiga qaytishga qaror qildi. U Bonar qonuni o'zi bilan birga yurishni taklif qildi, chunki Kidston oilasi qonunlarga qaraganda boyroq va yaxshi bog'langan va Bonar imtiyozli tarbiyaga ega bo'lar edi.[6] Jeyms ham, Bonar ham buni qabul qilishdi va Bonar Janet bilan ketib, hech qachon Kingstonga qaytmasdi.[7]
Qonun Janetning uyida yashadi Helensburg, yaqin Glazgo. Uning akalari Charlz, Richard va Uilyam oilaviy savdo bankida sherik bo'lishgan Kidston & Sons Va ulardan faqat bittasi turmush qurganligi sababli (va merosxo'r chiqarmaganligi sababli) Qonun firmani meros qilib olishi yoki hech bo'lmaganda yoshi ulug 'bo'lganida uni boshqarishda rol o'ynashi odatda qabul qilingan.[8] Kingstondan kelgan zahoti, Law ishtirok eta boshladi Gilbertfild uyi maktabi,[9] a tayyorlov maktabi yilda Xemilton.[10] 1873 yilda, o'n to'rt yoshda, u ko'chib o'tdi Glazgo o'rta maktabi Bu erda u o'zining yaxshi xotirasi bilan yunon, nemis va frantsuz tillarida ustun bo'lgan tillarga qobiliyatini namoyish etdi.[8] Ushbu davrda u birinchi bo'lib o'ynashni boshladi shaxmat - u Helensburg va Glazgo o'rtasida poezdda boshqa yo'lovchilarni o'yinlarga chorlab, taxta olib yurar edi. Oxir-oqibat u juda yaxshi havaskor o'yinchiga aylandi va xalqaro miqyosda taniqli shaxmat ustalari bilan bellashdi.[11] Yaxshi akademik ko'rsatkichlariga qaramay, Glazgoda u universitetga qaraganda biznesga yaxshiroq moslashgani ayon bo'ldi va o'n olti yoshida, Law maktabni tark etib, Kidston & Sons kompaniyasining xodimi bo'ldi.[8]
Biznes martaba
Kidston & Sons-da, Law u erda ishbilarmon sifatida yaxshi xizmat qiladigan "tijorat ta'limi" olishini tushunib, nominal ish haqi oldi.[12] 1885 yilda aka-uka Kidston nafaqaga chiqishga qaror qildi va firmani bu bilan birlashtirishga rozi bo'ldi Clydesdale banki.[13]
Birlashish qonunni ishsiz va yomon martaba istiqbollari bilan qoldirishi mumkin edi, ammo nafaqaga chiqqan birodarlar unga ish topdilar Uilyam Jeks, deputatlik faoliyatini boshlagan temir savdogar.[14] Birodarlar Kidston Jeksning firmasida sheriklik sotib olish uchun qonunga pul berishdi va Jeksning o'zi endi kompaniyada faol ishtirok etmayotganligi sababli, qonun samarali boshqaruvchi sherikga aylandi.[15] Uzoq soatlab ishlagan (va uning xodimlarining ham shunday qilishlarini talab qilgan), Law firmani Glasgviya va Shotlandiya bozorlaridagi eng foydali temir savdogarlardan biriga aylantirdi.[15]
Ushbu davr mobaynida Qonun "o'zini o'zi takomillashtiruvchi" bo'ldi; Universitetda rasmiy ma'lumotga ega emasligiga qaramay, u o'zining ma'ruzalarida qatnashib, o'z aql-idrokini sinab ko'rishga intildi Glazgo universiteti va Glazgo Parlament Debatlari Assotsiatsiyasiga qo'shilish,[14] bu imkon qadar iloji boricha aniqroq joylashtirilgan Buyuk Britaniya parlamenti va shubhasiz, Qonunga siyosiy maydonda unga juda yaxshi xizmat qilgan mahoratini oshirishda yordam berdi.[16]
U o'ttiz yoshga to'lganida, Qonun o'zini muvaffaqiyatli ishbilarmon sifatida ko'rsatdi va bo'sh ish bilan shug'ullanishga vaqt topdi. U g'ayratli bo'lib qoldi Shaxmat Endryu Xarli "avvalgi kunlarda Glazgo klubida mashg'ulotlarda erishgan birinchi darajali havaskor darajasiga tegadigan kuchli futbolchi" deb atagan futbolchi.[17] Qonun parlamentdagi munozaralar assotsiatsiyasi bilan ham ish olib bordi golf, tennis va yurish.[18] 1888 yilda u Kidston uyidan ko'chib o'tdi va Seabankda o'z uyini qurdi, singlisi Meri (ilgari Kanadadan kelgan) uy bekasi sifatida ishladi.[iqtibos kerak ]
1890 yilda Qonun Glasvagiya savdogari Xarrington Roblining 24 yoshli qizi Enni Pitkarn Robli bilan uchrashdi.[19] Ular tezda sevib qolishdi va 1891 yil 24 martda turmush qurishdi. Qonunning rafiqasi haqida ko'p narsa ma'lum emas, chunki uning ko'pgina xatlari yo'qolgan. Ma'lumki, u Glazgoda ham, Londonda ham juda yoqdi va uning o'limi 1909 yilda Lovga qattiq zarba berdi; nisbatan yoshligi va gullab-yashnagan martabasiga qaramay, u hech qachon qayta turmushga chiqmagan.[19] Er-xotinning olti farzandi bor: Jeyms Kidston (1893-1917), Izabel Xarrington (1895-1969), Charlz Jon (1897-1917), Harrington (1899-1958), Richard Kidston (1901-1980) va Ketrin Edit (1905-1992).
Leytenant bo'lgan ikkinchi o'g'li Charli Shohning Shotlandiya chegarachilari, da o'ldirilgan G'azoning ikkinchi jangi 1917 yil aprel oyida.[20] Kapitan bo'lgan katta o'g'li Jeyms Royal Fusiliers, 1917 yil 21-sentabrda urib o'ldirildi va o'lim Qonuni avvalgidan ham ko'proq melankoli va tushkunlikka aylantirdi.[21] Kenja o'g'li Richard keyinchalik konservativ deputat va vazir bo'lib ishlagan. Izabel uylandi Ser Frederik Sayks (Birinchi Jahon Urushining dastlabki yillarida u bir muncha vaqt avstraliyalik urush muxbiriga unashtirilgan edi Keyt Merdok )[22] va Ketrin, birinchi navbatda, Kent Kolvelga va ancha keyin, 1961 yilda, turmushga chiqdi 1-baron Archibald.[12]
Siyosatga kirish
1897 yilda Qonundan "bo'lishni" so'rashdi Konservativ partiya deputatlikka nomzod Glazgo Bridgeton. Ko'p o'tmay, unga boshqa joy taklif qilindi, bu joy Glazgo Blackfriars va Hutchesontown, u Glazgo Bridgeton o'rniga olgan.[23] Blackfriars yuqori istiqbolga ega bo'lgan o'rindiq emas edi; ishchilar sinfining maydoni, u qaytib keldi Liberal partiya 1884 yilda tashkil etilganidan beri deputatlar va amaldagi prezident, Endryu Provand, juda mashhur edi.[23] Saylov 1902 yilgacha o'tkazilmasa ham, voqealar Ikkinchi Boer urushi konservativ hukumatni chaqirishga majbur qildi 1900 yilgi umumiy saylov, keyinchalik xaki saylovlari.[24] Kampaniya ikkala tomon uchun ham yoqimsiz edi, urushga qarshi va urushni qo'llab-quvvatlovchilar qattiq kurash olib bordilar, ammo Qonun o'zining notiqligi va zukkoligi bilan ajralib turardi. Natijalar 4 oktyabrda chiqqach, Qonun Parlamentga 1000 kishilik ko'pchilik bilan qaytarildi va Provandning 381 ko'pchiligini bekor qildi.[25] U darhol Jaks va Kompaniyadagi faol ishini tugatdi (garchi u direktorligini saqlab qolgan bo'lsa ham) va Londonga ko'chib o'tdi.[26]
Qonun dastlab Glazgo temir bozorining tez sur'atiga nisbatan parlamentning tezligi sustligidan xafa bo'ldi,[26] va Ostin Chemberlen uning Chemberlenga aytgan so'zlarini esladi: "Men kabi jamoat uyiga kira olgan erkaklar uchun parlament faoliyatiga moslashish juda yaxshi edi, lekin agar u jamoalar palatasi nima ekanligini bilganida, u hech qachon kirmagan bo'lar edi" ushbu bosqichda ".[27] Tez orada u sabr qilishni o'rgandi va 1901 yil 18-fevralda o'zining birinchi nutqini qildi. Boer urushi qarshi deputatlariga javob, shu jumladan Devid Lloyd Jorj, Qonun uning ajoyib xotirasidan foydalanib, bo'limlarni keltirdi Xansard oldingi muxolifat nutqlarini o'z ichiga olgan oppozitsiyaga qaytib, hozirda ular qoralagan siyosatni qo'llab-quvvatlagan va maqtagan.[26] Garchi atigi o'n besh daqiqa davom etsa ham, qizlarning chiqishlari kabi olomon yoki press-pleer emas F. Smit yoki Uinston Cherchill, bu Konservativ partiya rahbarlari e'tiborini tortdi.[28][29]
Tarif islohoti
Qonunning o'z belgisini qo'yishi uchun imkoniyat nashr etilgan tarif islohoti. Xarajatlarini qoplash uchun Ikkinchi Boer urushi, Lord Solsberi "s Bosh vazirning kansleri (Maykl Xiks plyaji ) import soliqlarini joriy etishni taklif qildi yoki tariflar Britaniyaga kelgan xorijiy metall, un va donga. Bunday tariflar ilgari Britaniyada mavjud bo'lgan, ammo ularning oxirgisi 1870-yillarda bekor qilinganligi sababli erkin savdo harakat. Endi import qilingan makkajo'xori uchun boj joriy etildi.[30] Muammo "portlovchi" bo'lib qoldi,[30] Britaniya siyosiy dunyosiga bo'linish va Solsberi nafaqaga chiqqanidan keyin ham jiyani tomonidan Bosh vazir lavozimiga tayinlanganidan keyin ham davom etdi, Artur Balfour.
Qonun bundan foydalandi, 1902 yil 22-aprelda o'zining birinchi yirik nutqini o'tkazdi, unda u umumiy tarifni keraksiz deb hisoblasa-da, imperatorlik bojxona ittifoqi (bu o'rniga Buyuk Britaniya imperiyasi tashqarisidagi mahsulotlarga tariflarni o'rnatadi). Buyuk Britaniyadan tashqari har bir millat yaxshi fikr edi, ayniqsa, (Germaniya) va AQSh kabi boshqa davlatlar tobora yuqori tariflarga ega edi.[31] O'zining biznes tajribasidan foydalangan holda, u "ishonchli" ishni amalga oshirdi, chunki liberallar ta'kidlaganidek, tariflar yashash narxining oshishiga olib kelganligi to'g'risida hech qanday dalil yo'q edi. Yana uning xotirasi yaxshi foydalanishga kirishdi - qachon Uilyam Xarkurt qonunni noto'g'ri talqin qilganlikda aybladi, qonun aniq joy bera oldi Xansard qaerda Harcourtning nutqi topilishi kerak edi.[31]
Qonunning biznes masalalarida isbotlangan tajribasi va hukumatning iqtisodiy vakili sifatidagi mahorati natijasida Balfur unga quyidagi lavozimni taklif qildi: Savdo kengashining parlament kotibi u o'z hukumatini tuzganda, qonun qabul qilgan,[32] va u rasmiy ravishda 1902 yil 11-avgustda tayinlangan.[33][34]
Parlament kotibi sifatida uning vazifasi yordam berish edi Savdo kengashi prezidenti, Jerald Balfour. O'sha paytda tarif islohoti boshchiligidagi nizolar paydo bo'ldi Mustamlakachi kotib Jozef Chemberlen, erkin savdoga qarshi "urush e'lon qilgan" va Vazirlar Mahkamasini imperiyani yangi makkajo'xori bojidan ozod qilish kerakligiga ishontirgan qizg'in tarif islohotchisi.[32] 1903 yilda Janubiy Afrikada nutq safari bilan qaytib kelganidan keyin, Chemberlen yangi qazib olish kansleri (C.T. Ritchi ) o'rniga uning byudjetida Xiks Bichning makkajo'xori bojini butunlay bekor qildi.[32] Bundan g'azablangan Chemberlen 15 may kuni Birmingem munitsipalitet zalida hukumatning ruxsatisiz nutq so'zlab, imperiya iqtisodiyotini himoya qiladigan, Britaniya imperiyasini bitta siyosiy vujudga keltiradigan va ularga boshqa dunyo bilan raqobatlashishga imkon beradigan imperiya miqyosidagi tariflar tizimini muhokama qildi. kuchlar.[35]
Nutq va uning g'oyalari ikkiga bo'lingan Konservativ partiya va uning koalitsiyasining ittifoqchisi Liberal Unionist partiyasi ikki qanotga - the Bepul oziq-ovqat mahsulotlari, kim qo'llab-quvvatladi erkin savdo va Chemberlenning tarif islohotlarini qo'llab-quvvatlagan tarif islohotchilari. Qonun - bu maxsus tarif islohotchisi edi, ammo Chemberlen Buyuk Britaniya uchun yangi oltin asrni orzu qilgan bo'lsa, qonun ishsizlikni kamaytirish kabi oddiy va amaliy maqsadlarga e'tibor qaratdi.[35] L.S. Ameri Qonunga ko'ra, tariflarni isloh qilish dasturi "savdo-sotiq ko'rsatkichlari bilan bog'liq bo'lib, bu savdo va shunchaki iqtisodiy omil bo'lgan milliy va imperatorlik siyosatini kengaytirish va mustahkamlash siyosati emas".[35] Keyt Laybourn Tariflarni isloh qilishga Qonunning qiziqishini nafaqat uning vakili bo'lgan ishbilarmonlik amaliyoti bilan, balki tug'ilgan joyi tufayli "uni Jozef Chemberlen tarafdorlari bo'lgan imperatorlik tariflari bo'yicha imtiyozlari jalb qilgani" bilan izohlaydi.[36] Blekfriarda qonunni tuzuvchilar tariflarni isloh qilishdan haddan tashqari g'ayratli edilar - o'sha paytda Glazgo erkin savdodan foyda ko'rgan kambag'al hudud edi.[35]
Parlamentda Qonun tariflarni isloh qilish uchun juda qattiq harakat qildi, muntazam ravishda jamoatlar palatasida nutq so'zladi va afsonaviy munozarachilarni mag'lub etdi. Uinston Cherchill, Charlz Dilke va H. H. Asquit, avvalgi Uy kotibi va keyinchalik Bosh vazir.[37] Uning o'sha paytdagi nutqlari aniqligi va sog'lom fikrlari bilan mashhur edi; Ser Ian Malkom u "aloqadorlarni tushunarli ko'rinishga keltirdi", deb aytdi va L.S. Amerining ta'kidlashicha, uning dalillari "mohir perçinchining bolg'asiga o'xshaydi, har bir zarba boshning mixiga uriladi".[37] Konservatorlar ichida konsensusni yaratishga qaratilgan Qonunning sa'y-harakatlariga qaramay, Balfur partiyasining ikki tomonini ushlab tura olmadi va 1905 yil dekabrida bosh vazir lavozimidan ketdi va liberallarga hukumat tuzishga imkon berdi.[37]
Qarama-qarshilikda
Yangi Bosh vazir Liberal Genri Kempbell-Bannerman, darhol parlamentni tarqatib yubordi. Kuchli tashviqot va tashrif buyurganiga qaramay Artur Balfour, Keyingi paytda qonun o'z o'rnini yo'qotdi umumiy saylov.[38] Hammasi bo'lib Konservativ partiya va Liberal Unionistlar 245 o'rindan mahrum bo'lib, ularga parlamentning atigi 157 a'zosi qoldi, aksariyati tarif islohotchilari.[39] Yo'qotilganiga qaramay, Qonun hozirgi bosqichda konservatorlar uchun shunday boylik bo'lganki, uni parlamentga qaytarish uchun zudlik bilan harakat qilingan. Pensiya Frederik Rezerford Xarris, Xavfsiz konservativ o'rindiq uchun deputat Dulvich, unga imkoniyat taklif qildi.[40] Keyinchalik qonun Parlamentga qaytarildi qo'shimcha saylov, konservativ ko'pchilikni 1,279 ga oshirdi.[39]
Partiya 1906 yil iyul oyida, uning yetmish yilligini nishonlaganidan ikki kun o'tgach, Jozef Chemberlen qon tomirini oldi va jamoat hayotidan nafaqaga chiqishga majbur bo'ldi.[41] U o'g'li tomonidan tarif islohotchilarining etakchisi bo'ldi Ostin Chemberlen kabi oldingi tajribaga qaramay Bosh vazirning kansleri va tarif islohotiga bo'lgan ishtiyoq Qonundek mahoratli notiq edi.[42] Natijada, Qonun Balfurning Shadow kabinetiga tariflarni isloh qilishning asosiy vakili sifatida qo'shildi.[42] 1909 yil 31-oktabrda Qonunning rafiqasi vafoti uni siyosiy ishiga nafaqat ish sifatida, balki yolg'izlikni engish strategiyasi sifatida ko'rib, yanada qattiqroq ishlashga undadi.[42]
Xalq byudjeti va Lordlar palatasi
Kempbell-Bannerman 1908 yil aprel oyida Bosh vazir lavozimidan iste'foga chiqdi va uning o'rnini egalladi H. H. Asquit.[43] 1909 yilda u va uning Bosh vazirning kansleri Devid Lloyd Jorj tanishtirdi Xalq byudjeti, boylikni qayta taqsimlash va ijtimoiy islohot dasturlarini moliyalashtirish uchun to'g'ridan-to'g'ri va bilvosita soliqlarni ko'paytirish orqali.[44] Parlament konvensiyasida moliyaviy va byudjet qonun loyihalari tomonidan e'tiroz bildirilmaydi Lordlar palatasi, ammo bu holatda asosan konservativ lordlar konstitutsiyaviy inqirozni yo'lga qo'yib, qonunni 30 aprelda rad etishdi.[44]
Liberallar uchun umumiy saylovlar tayinlandi 1910 yil yanvar Va Law o'tgan oylarning ko'pini Dulvichdagi o'rni xavfsizligiga ishonch hosil qilib, boshqa konservativ nomzodlar va deputatlar uchun mamlakat bo'ylab va pastga saylov kampaniyasini o'tkazdi. U 2,418 kishining ko'pchiligini oldi.[45] Umumiy natija ko'proq chalkashib ketdi: konservatorlar 116 o'ringa ega bo'lib, ularning umumiy sonini 273 ga etkazishdi, ammo bu Liberal kongressdan hali ham kam edi va osilgan parlament, chunki ikkalasida ham ko'pchilik o'rindiqlar bo'lmagan (the Irlandiya parlament partiyasi, Mehnat partiyasi va Irlandiya uchun hamma narsa jami 120 dan ortiq o'rinlarni egallagan).[45] Liberallar Irlandiya Parlament partiyasi ko'magi bilan o'z lavozimlarida qolishdi. Byudjet jamoalar palatasidan ikkinchi marta o'tdi va hozirda saylov mandatiga ega bo'lganidek - keyinchalik Lordlar palatasi bo'linmasdan tasdiqlandi.[45]
Biroq, Byudjet bilan bog'liq inqiroz uzoq vaqtdan beri konstitutsiyaviy savolni ta'kidladi: Lordlar palatasi jamoatlar palatasi tomonidan qabul qilingan qonun loyihalarini bekor qila oladimi? Liberal hukumat 1910 yil fevral oyida Lordlar palatasi tomonidan moliya qonunlariga veto qo'yishga to'sqinlik qiladigan va ularni parlamentning uch sessiyasida jamoalar tomonidan qabul qilingan har qanday qonun loyihasini qabul qilishga majbur qiladigan qonun loyihasini taqdim etdi.[45]
Bunga darhol Unionistlar qarshi chiqdilar va har ikki tomon ham keyingi bir necha oy davomida qonun loyihasi bo'yicha kurash olib bordi. Konservatorlar rahbarlik qildilar Artur Balfour va Lord Lansdowne Lordlar palatasidagi konservatorlarni boshqargan, qonun esa doimiy ravishda tariflarni isloh qilish muammosiga e'tibor qaratgan.[45] Taraqqiyotning etishmasligi ba'zi bir katta konservatorlarni tarif islohotlarini butunlay bekor qilish yaxshi fikr ekanligiga ishontirdi. Tarif islohoti "[Konservativ partiyaning] birinchi konstruktiv ishi" ekanligini va uni yo'q qilish "partiyani yuqoridan pastgacha bo'linishini" muvaffaqiyatli muhokama qilib, qonun bilan kelishmadi.[46]
Ushbu muvaffaqiyat bilan Qonun Lordlar palatasi atrofidagi konstitutsiyaviy inqirozga qaytdi. O'lim Edvard VII 1910 yil 6-mayda yirik siyosiy partiyalar rahbarlarini "Xudo sulhida" yashirincha uchrashib, Lordlarni muhokama qilishga undadi. Uchrashuvlar deyarli butunlay sir tutilgan: partiya vakillaridan tashqari, faqat odamlar bilgan F. Smit, J.L.Garvin, Edvard Karson va qonun.[47] Guruh taxminan yigirma marta uchrashdi Bukingem saroyi tomonidan namoyish etilgan konservatorlar bilan 1910 yil iyun va noyabr oylari orasida Artur Balfour, Lord Kavdor, Lord Lansdowne va Ostin Chemberlen.[46] Tomonidan konferentsiyada taqdim etilgan taklif Devid Lloyd Jorj edi a koalitsion hukumat ikkala yirik partiyaning a'zolari bilan Vazirlar Mahkamasida va shu bilan bog'liq dastur Uy qoidalari, Yomon qonun islohotlar, imperatorlik qayta tashkil etilishi va ehtimol tarif islohotlari.[47] Home Rule taklifi Birlashgan Qirollikni federatsiyaga aylantiradi va Shotlandiya, Irlandiya va Angliya uchun "Barcha turdagi uy qoidalari" mavjud. Uels.[47] Oxir-oqibat rejalar barbod bo'ldi: Balfur 2-noyabr kuni Lloyd Jorjga taklif natija bermasligini aytdi va bir necha kundan keyin konferentsiya tarqatib yuborildi.[47]
1910 yil dekabrda umumiy saylovlar
Keyinchalik siyosiy konsensus o'rnatilmaganligi bilan 1910 yil yanvarda umumiy saylovlar, Liberallar ikkinchi umumiy saylovni tayinladilar dekabrda. Konservativ rahbariyat mashhurlikning yaxshi sinovi deb qaror qildi tarif islohoti Dastur taniqli tarif islohotchisining bahsli o'rinda saylanishi uchun bo'lishi kerak edi.[48] Ular Qonunni asosiy nomzod deb hisoblashdi va bir oy davomida munozaradan so'ng u g'oyadan zavqlanib ehtiyotkorlik bilan rozi bo'ldi, ammo mag'lubiyatning Partiyaga ta'siridan xavotirda edi.[48] Nomzod sifatida qonun tanlandi Manchester Shimoliy G'arbiy va ularning manifestida tariflarni isloh qilish siyosati qanchalik kuchli bo'lishi kerakligi to'g'risida partiyaviy munozaralarga kirishdi.[49] Qonun shaxsan oziq-ovqat mahsulotlari uchun bojlarni olib tashlash kerak, deb hisoblagan Aleksandr Acland-Hood, Edvard Karson va boshqalar Konstitutsiyaviy klub 1910 yil 8-noyabrda ular kelishuvga erisha olmadilar va oziq-ovqat bojlarini qo'shish yoki chiqarib tashlash g'oyasi partiyani ajratib turadigan narsa bo'lib qolaverdi.[49]
Konstitutsiyaviy muzokaralar davomida konservatorlar, agar lordlarning vetosi olib tashlansa, Irlandiyada uy boshqarmasiga faqat Buyuk Britaniyada o'tkaziladigan referendum orqali ma'qullangan taqdirdagina ruxsat berilishini talab qildilar. Bunga javoban Lord Kriv, Lordlardagi Liberal Lider, buni istehzo bilan taklif qildi tarif islohoti - import qilinadigan oziq-ovqat mahsulotlariga narxlar oshishi ehtimoli tufayli shubhali ommaboplik siyosati ham referendumga qo'yilishi kerak. Artur Balfour endi 10000 olomonga e'lon qilindi Qirollik Albert Xoll yaqinlashib kelayotgan saylovlardan so'ng Konservativ Hukumat haqiqatan ham tarif islohotini referendumga taklif qiladi, buni u "Bonar qonunining taklifi" yoki "Referendum va'dasi" deb ta'riflagan.[50] Bu taklif Balfurga taklif qilgan o'nlab konservatorlardan boshqa biron bir Qonundan boshqa narsa emas edi va uning izohi shunchaki "pulni o'tkazib yuborish" va g'azabdan qochishga urinish edi. Ostin Chemberlen, kim o'zi yoki partiyasi bilan maslahatlashmasdan shunday e'lon qilinganidan g'azablandi.[50] Qonun Balfurga xat yozib, referenduma boy konservatorlarni jalb qilishini taklif qilgan bo'lsa-da, u "deklaratsiya [ishchilar sinfi] bilan hech qanday foyda keltirmaydi va eng yaxshi ishchilarning g'ayratini susaytirishi mumkin" deb aytgan.[51]
Parlament 28-noyabrda tarqatib yuborildi, saylov bo'lib o'tdi va ovoz berish 19-dekabrga qadar tugadi.[51] Konservativ va Liberal partiyalar kuch jihatidan teng edi va Irlandiya millatchilarining doimiy qo'llab-quvvatlashi bilan Liberal partiya hukumatda qoldi. Qonun uning Manchester Shimoliy G'arbiy qismidagi kampaniyasini karerasidagi eng qiyin deb atadi; uning raqibi Jorj Kemp urushda qatnashgan urush qahramoni edi Ikkinchi Boer urushi va tariflarni isloh qilish bilan kelishmovchiligi sababli Liberal partiyaga qo'shilgan sobiq konservator.[52]
Oxir oqibat Qonun ozgina yutqazdi, Kempning 5559 ovoziga 5114 ovoz berildi, ammo saylovlar uni "haqiqiy [konservativ] qahramon" ga aylantirdi va keyinchalik u mag'lubiyat "partiyada yuz g'alabadan ko'ra ko'proq narsa qildi" dedi.[53] 1911 yilda Konservativ partiyaning uni parlamentdan tashqarida bo'lishiga imkoni bo'lmaganligi sababli, qonun saylandi qo'shimcha saylov ning xavfsiz konservativ o'rindig'i uchun Yuklash.[53] U qisqa vaqt ichida islohot uchun liberal takliflar Lordlar palatasi sifatida qabul qilingan Parlament to'g'risidagi qonun 1911, ushbu bahsni tugatish.[54]
Konservativ partiyaning etakchisi
Yoqilgan toj kiydirish ning Jorj V 1911 yil 22 iyunda Qonun a Maxfiy maslahatchi Bosh vazirning tavsiyasi bilan H. H. Asquit va Artur Balfour.[55] Bu uning Konservatorlar partiyasida katta va muhim ekanligidan dalolat edi.[55] Balfur tobora ommalashib ketayotgan edi Konservativ partiyaning etakchisi 1906 yilgi umumiy saylovlardan beri; tarif islohotchilari uning etakchiligini saylovdagi yo'qotishlarining sababi deb bildilar va Balfurning tarif islohotlari fraktsiyasining g'ayratini jilovlashga urinishlari "bepul oziq-ovqat mahsulotlari" ni chetlashtirdi.[56] Balfur partiyani qayta tashkil etish bo'yicha barcha takliflardan boshchiligidagi katta konservatorlar yig'ilishigacha rad etdi Lord Solsberi keyin 1910 yil dekabrda saylovlarda mag'lubiyat partiya tuzilishini qayta ko'rib chiqishni talab qilgan ultimatum e'lon qildi.[57]
Lordlar palatasi masalasidagi mag'lubiyat Konservativ partiyaning boshchiligidagi qanotiga aylandi Genri Peyj Kroft va uning Reveille harakati, Balfourga qarshi.[57] Leo Maksse o'z gazetasida Balfour Must Go kampaniyasini boshladi Milliy sharh va 1911 yil iyulga qadar Balfur iste'foga chiqishni o'ylar edi.[58] Qonunning o'zi Balfur rahbariyati bilan hech qanday muammoga duch kelmagan va Edvard Karson bilan birga uni qo'llab-quvvatlashni qayta tiklashga harakat qilgan.[59] 1911 yil noyabrga kelib Balfurning iste'foga chiqishi mumkinligi qabul qilindi, etakchilik uchun asosiy raqobatchilar Law, Carson edi. Valter Long va Ostin Chemberlen.[59] Saylov boshlanganda, Long va Chemberlen oldinga chiqdi; Chemberlen ko'plab tarif islohotchilarining qo'llab-quvvatlashiga buyruq berdi va Irlandiyalik ittifoqchilarni uzoq vaqt qo'llab-quvvatladi.[59] Karson darhol turmasligini e'lon qildi va oxir-oqibat Lof 7 noyabrda Balfur iste'foga chiqarilishidan bir kun oldin Liderga nomzodini qo'yishini e'lon qildi.[60]
Saylov boshida qonun 270 parlament a'zolaridan 40 nafardan ko'prog'ini qo'llab-quvvatladi; qolgan 230 ta Long va Chemberlen o'rtasida bo'lingan. Long o'zining eng ko'p deputatlarga ega bo'lishiga ishongan bo'lsa-da, uni qo'llab-quvvatlash asosan qo'llab-quvvatlandi backbenchers va qamchilar va frontbencherlarning aksariyati Chamberlainni afzal ko'rishdi.[60]
Long va Chemberlen deyarli bo'yinbo'yi bilan ular 9-noyabr kuni yig'ilishni chaqirishdi, bu esa chiqishdan chiqish imkoniyatini muhokama qilishdi. Chemberlen, agar Long xuddi shunday yo'l tutgan deb hisoblasa, agar bu kuchli imkoniyatga ega bo'lsa, uni olib qo'yishini taklif qildi. O'zining zaif sog'lig'i unga partiya etakchiligidagi stressni boshdan kechirishga imkon bermasligidan xavotirda bo'lgan Uzoq.[61] Ikkalasi ham 10-noyabrda o'z saflaridan voz kechdi va 13-noyabr kuni 232 nafar deputat yig'ilgan Karlton klubi, va Qonun Long va Chemberlen tomonidan rahbar sifatida nomzod qilingan. Deputatlarning bir ovozdan qo'llab-quvvatlashi bilan Qonun hech qachon kabinetda o'tirmaganiga qaramay, Konservativ partiyaning etakchisiga aylandi.[62] Qonunning biografi Robert Bleyk o'zining konservatorlarni etakchi kanadalik-shotlandiyalik biznesmen sifatida boshqarish uchun g'ayrioddiy tanlov bo'lganligini yozdi "Qadimgi Angliya partiyasi, Anglikan cherkovi partiyasi va mamlakat sviri partiyasining rahbari". keng maydonlar va merosxo'r unvonlari "[63]
Rahbar sifatida Qonun avval "partiya mashinasini yoshartirdi", yangi, yoshroq va mashhurroq qamchilar va kotiblarni tanlab, ko'tarib chiqdi. F. Smit va Lord Robert Sesil Soya kabinetiga va partiyani qayta tashkil etish uchun o'z ishbilarmonligidan foydalangan holda, natijada matbuot va mahalliy bo'linmalar bilan aloqalar yaxshilanib, keyingi umumiy saylovlar uchun 671 ming funt sterling miqdorida "urush qutisi" ko'tarildi: oldingi saylovlarda mavjud bo'lganidan deyarli ikki baravar ko'p bitta.[64]
1912 yil 12 fevralda u nihoyat ikki ittifoqchi partiyalarni (konservatorlar va liberal ittifoqchilar) birlashtirib, nomaqbul nomlangan konservativ va liberal-ittifoqchi tashkilotlarning milliy ittifoqchilar uyushmasiga birlashtirdi. Shundan keyin hammasi "Unionistlar" deb nomlanib, ratifikatsiya qilingangacha Angliya-Irlandiya shartnomasi 1922 yilda, undan keyin ular yana konservatorlar bo'lishdi (garchi "Unionist" nomi Shotlandiya va Shimoliy Irlandiyada ishlatishda davom etdi).[65]
Parlamentda Qonun "yangi uslub" deb nomlangan nutqni qattiq va ayblovli ritorikalar bilan joriy etdi va shu kungacha Britaniya siyosatida hukmronlik qilmoqda.[66] Bu "ustalik bilan jodugarligi" bilan tanilgan Artur Balfurga qarshi peshtaxta edi, chunki partiya ularga jangchiga o'xshash figurani kerak deb hisoblar edi. Qonun, ayniqsa, uning qattiqqo'lligidan zavqlanmadi va 1912 yil fevralda bo'lib o'tgan parlamentning davlat ochilishida to'g'ridan-to'g'ri kechirim so'radi Asquith uning kelgusi nutqi uchun: "Men o'zimni juda yomon ko'rsatsam kerak, deb qo'rqaman, janob Askit, ushbu mashg'ulot. Sizni tushunasiz degan umiddaman".[67] Lourning "jangchi qiroli" figurasi bo'linib ketgan konservatorlarni bir tanaga birlashtirishga yordam berdi, u esa u rahbar edi.[68]
Ijtimoiy siyosat
Konservatorlarning etakchisi bo'lgan davrda partiyaning ijtimoiy siyosati eng murakkab va kelishish qiyin bo'lgan. Lider sifatida ochilish nutqida u partiya printsipial asoslardan biri bo'lishini va aksincha reaktsioner bo'lmasligini, aksincha qurollariga yopishib, qat'iy siyosat yuritilishini aytdi.[69] Shunga qaramay u ketdi ayollarning saylov huquqi yolg'iz, partiyani umidsiz qoldirib, "bu savolda qancha kam qatnashsak, shuncha yaxshi" deb aytdi.[70] Ijtimoiy islohotlar nuqtai nazaridan (kambag'allar va ishchilar sinfining ahvolini yaxshilash to'g'risidagi qonunchilik) qonun ham g'ayritabiiy edi, chunki bu hudud liberal maydon bo'lib, ular muvaffaqiyatli raqobatlasha olmaydilar.[70] Uning so'roviga javobi Lord Balkarres chunki ijtimoiy dastur shunchaki "[Liberal partiya] o'z siyosatini oldindan shakllantirishdan bosh tortganligi sababli, biz ham birdek ozod bo'lishimiz kerak edi".[71] Uning jalb qilinishdan bosh tortishi, aslida uning ko'pchiligini ijtimoiy islohotlarga qiziqmaydigan konservativ deputatlar ustidan tutishini kuchaytirgan bo'lishi mumkin.[71]
Uning rahbari sifatida birinchi jamoat nutqida Qirollik Albert Xoll 1912 yil 26-yanvarda u o'zining eng katta tashvishlarini sanab o'tdi: topshirmaganligi uchun Liberal hukumatga qarshi hujum Uy qoidalari referendumga; tarif islohoti; va konservativlarning Ulster Unionistlarini "uy qoidalari" to'g'risidagi adolatsiz qonun loyihasi "oyoq osti qilishiga" yo'l qo'ymaslik.[72] Ham tarif islohoti, ham Ulster o'zining siyosiy ishida ustunlik qildi Ostin Chemberlen bu qonun "menga bir marta u faqat ikki narsaga astoydil g'amxo'rlik qilayotganini aytdi: tarif islohoti va Olster; qolganlari o'yinning faqat bir qismi edi".[72]
Ko'proq tarif islohoti
Partiyasi a'zolari bilan qo'shimcha tekshiruvdan so'ng, Qonun o'zining dastlabki e'tiqodlarini o'zgartirdi tarif islohoti va oziq-ovqat mahsulotlari uchun bojlarni o'z ichiga olgan to'liq to'plamni qabul qildi. 1912 yil 29 fevralda butun konservativ parlament organi (ya'ni deputatlar ham, tengdoshlar ham) Lansdaun uyida uchrashdilar. Lord Lansdowne kafedra.[73] Lansdauning ta'kidlashicha, elektorat konservativ partiyani afzal ko'rishi mumkin, agar ular tariflarni isloh qilish rejasidan oziq-ovqat bojlarini tushirsa, bu ularni vijdonan ayblash uchun ochib beradi ".poltroonery ".[73] Qonun Lansdauning argumentini ma'qullab, oziq-ovqat bojlaridan qochishga urinishlar partiyaning ichki kurashiga olib kelishi va faqat liberallarga yordam berishi mumkinligini va Kanada iqtisodiy jihatdan eng muhim mustamlaka ekanligini ta'kidladi.[iqtibos kerak ] va oziq-ovqat mahsulotlarining yirik eksportchisi, Buyuk Britaniyaning oziq-ovqat bojlarini qo'llab-quvvatlashisiz tariflarga hech qachon rozi bo'lmaydi.[73]
Lord Solsberi, oziq-ovqat bojlariga qarshi bo'lgan, bir necha hafta o'tgach, Qonunga maktub yozib, referendum uchun oziq-ovqat mahsulotlarini tarif islohotidan ajratishni taklif qildi. Agar saylovchilarga oziq-ovqat vazifalari yoqsa, ular butun paketga ovoz berishardi; agar bo'lmasa, ular majbur emas edi.[74] Qonun buni samarali amalga oshirishning iloji yo'qligi va mudofaa va ijtimoiy dasturlarning harajatlari oshib borishi bilan zarur kapitalni jalb qilish uchun keng qamrovli tarif islohotlaridan tashqari iloji yo'qligini ta'kidlab javob berdi. Uning ta'kidlashicha, tariflarni isloh qilish bo'yicha barcha paketlarni taklif qilmaslik Konservativ partiyani o'rtada ikkiga bo'linib, tariflarni isloh qilish fraktsiyasini xafa qiladi va agar bunday bo'linish yuz bersa, "men rahbar sifatida davom eta olmayman".[74]
Qonun tashrifi sababli "Referendum garovi" tarif islohotini bekor qilishni keyinga qoldirdi Robert Borden, yangi saylanganlar Konservativ Kanada bosh vaziri, Londonga 1912 yil iyulga rejalashtirilgan.[74] Borden bilan kelishganda, qonun uni imperatorlik tariflarini isloh qilish zarurligi to'g'risida bayonot berishga rozilik berishga majbur qildi, o'zaro kelishuvlarni va'da qildi va Londonning tarif islohotiga rozi bo'lmasligi Kanadaning "chidamsiz bosimga" olib kelishini aytdi. boshqa millat bilan shartnoma, eng aniq AQSh.[75]
Qonun noyabr oyidagi partiya konferentsiyasi Referendum garovining bekor qilinishini e'lon qilish uchun eng yaxshi vaqt deb qaror qildi va Lord Lansdowne buni amalga oshirishi kerak, chunki u garov berilganda Lordlar palatasida rahbar bo'lgan va uning obro'si nisbatan past bo'lganligi sababli dastlabki tarif islohoti bahslari paytida.[76] Konferentsiya ochilganda Britaniya siyosiy dunyosi qizg'in edi; 12-noyabr kuni muxolifat "Boshqaruv qoidalari to'g'risida" gi Qonuniga tuzatish kiritish bilan hukumatni deyarli mag'lubiyatga uchratdi va ertasi kuni kechqurun muxolifatning isterik hayqiriqlari ostida, Asquith oldingi ovoz berishni bekor qilish taklifini kiritishga harakat qildi. Kunning oxirida deputatlar ariza topshirganidek Uinston Cherchill va g'azab bilan oppozitsiyani haqorat qila boshladi Ronald Makneyl nusxasini uloqtirdi Uyning doimiy buyurtmalari Cherchillda uning boshiga urdi.[76] Qonun voqealarni qoralashdan bosh tortdi va ko'rinib turibdiki, u ularni tashkil qilishda hech qanday rol o'ynamagan bor edi partiyasi qamchilar tomonidan rejalashtirilgan. Partiya rahbari sifatida u, ehtimol u faol ishtirok etmasa ham, rejalardan xabardor edi.[76]
Konferentsiya 1912 yil 14-noyabrda ochilgan Lord Farquhar, darhol Lord Lansdowneni tanishtirdi.[77] Lansdaun referendum hukumatini Boshqaruvni referendumga taqdim eta olmaganligi sababli, tarif islohoti ham berilishi haqidagi taklif bekor va bekor ekanligini aytib, Referendum Garovini bekor qildi. Lansdauning so'zlariga ko'ra, Unionistlar o'z vazifalarini boshlaganlarida "buni o'zlari bilgan holda tariflar bilan shug'ullanish uchun erkin qo'l bilan qilishadi".[77] Keyin qonun gapira boshladi va Lansdauga tarif islohotlari to'g'risida gapirishga ruxsat berish to'g'risidagi kelishuviga binoan, buni "Lord Lansdaundan tushgan har bir so'zga qo'shilaman" deganida faqat qisqacha aytib o'tdi.[77] U buning o'rniga ittifoqchilar hokimiyat tepasiga kelganida bir nechta liberal siyosatni bekor qilishni va'da qildi, shu jumladan Uels cherkovi, er solig'i va Irlandiyada uy qoidalari. Olomon Louning nutqidan "o'zlarini xirillatdi".[77]
Biroq, anjumanlar zalidan tashqarida bo'lgan partiyaning reaktsiyasi ijobiy emas. Law had not consulted the local constituency branches about his plan, and several important constituency leaders led by Archibald Salvidge va Lord Derbi planned for a meeting of the Lancashire party, the centre of discontent, on 21 December.[78] Law was preoccupied with the problem of Irish Home Rule and was unable to give the discontent his full attention. He continued to believe that his approach to the problem of tariff reform was the correct one, and wrote to John Strachey on 16 November saying that "it was a case of a choice of two evils, and all that one could do was to take the lesser of the two, and that I am sure we have done".[78] Gapirish Edvard Karson, F. Smit, Ostin Chemberlen va Lord Balcarres in December after two weeks of receiving negative letters from party members about the change, Law outlined that he would not be averse to a return to the previous policy considering the negative feelings from the party, but felt that this would require the resignation of both himself and Lansdowne.[78]
Law again wrote to Strachey saying that he continued to feel this policy was the correct one, and only regretted that the issue was splitting the party at a time when unity was needed to fight the Uy qoidalari muammo.[78] At the meeting of the Lancashire party the group under Derby condemned Law's actions and called for a three-week party recess before deciding what to do about the repeal of the Referendum Pledge.[79] This was an obvious ultimatum to Law, giving him a three-week period to change his mind.[79] Law believed that Derby was "unprincipled and treacherous", particularly since he then circulated a questionnaire among Lancashire party members with leading questions such as "do you think the abandonment of the referendum will do harm?"[79] Law met the Lancashire party on 2 January 1913 and ordered that they must replace any food tariff based resolutions with a vote of confidence in him as a leader, and that any alternative would result in his resignation.[80]
After a chance meeting at which Edward Carson learnt of Law and Lansdowne's acceptance of possible resignation, he was spurred to ask Edward Goulding to beg Law and Lansdowne to compromise over the policy and remain as leaders.[81] The compromise, known as the January Memorial, was agreed by Carson, Jeyms Kreyg, Law and Lansdowne at Law's house between 6–8 January 1913, affirming the support of the signatories for Law and his policies, and noting that his resignation was not wanted.[82]
Within two days 231 of the 280 Conservative MPs had signed it; 27 frontbenchers had not been invited, neither had five who were not in London, seven who were ill, the Speaker and a few others who could not be found – only eight MPs actively refused to sign.[82] Law's official response took the form of an open letter published on 13 January 1913, in which Law offered a compromise that food duties would not be placed before Parliament to vote on until after a second, approving election took place.[83]
Irlandiyalik uy qoidalari
The Yanvar va Dekabr elections in 1910 destroyed the large Liberal majority, meaning they relied on the Irlandiyalik millatchilar to maintain a government.[84] As a result, they were forced to consider Uy qoidalari, and with the passing of the Parlament to'g'risidagi qonun 1911 which replaced the Lords' veto with a two-year power of delay on most issues, the Conservative Party became aware that unless they could dissolve Parliament or sabotage the Home Rule Bill, introduced in 1912, it would most likely become law by 1914.[84]
As the child of an Ulster family who had spent much time in the area (his father had moved back there several years after Law moved to Scotland), Law believed the gap between Ulster Unionism and Irish Nationalism could never be crossed. Despite this he said little about Home Rule until the passing of the Parliament Act in 1911, calling it the "Home Rule in Disguise Act" and saying it was an attempt to change parliamentary procedures so as to allow Home Rule "through the back door".[85]
After the act's passage, he made a speech in the Commons saying if the Liberals wished to pass a Home Rule Bill they should submit it to the electorate by calling a general election. His elevation to the konservativ partiyaning rahbarligi allowed him a platform to voice his opinion to the public, and his speeches (culminating with the January 1912 speech at the Qirollik Albert Xoll ) were centred on Home Rule as much as they were around tariff reform.[85] In contrast to Balfour's "milk and water" opposition to Home Rule, Law presented a "fire and blood" opposition to Home Rule that at times seemed to suggest that he was willing to contemplate a civil war to stop Home Rule.[86] Law stated he would not stop "from any action...we think necessary to defeat one of the most ignoble conspiracies...ever formed against the liberties of free-born men."[86] As the Conservative Party was badly divided by the tariff issue, Law had decided to make opposition for Home Rule his signature issue as the best way of unifying the Conservative Party.[86] Right form the start, Law presented his anti-Home Rule stance more in terms of protecting Protestant majority Ulster from being ruled by a Parliament in Dublin that would be dominated by Catholics than in terms of preserving the Union, much to the chagrin of many Unionists.[86]
Law was supported by Edward Carson, leader of the Ulster Unionists.[85] Although Law sympathised with the Ulster Unionists politically he did not agree with the religious intolerance shown to Catholics.[85] The passions unleashed by the Home Rule debate frequently threatened to get out of hand. In January 1912, when Uinston Cherchill planned to deliver a speech in favour of Home Rule in at the Ulster Hall in Belfast, the Ulster Unionist Council (UUC) threatened to use violence if necessary to stop Churchill from speaking.[87] The legal scholar A. V. Dicey, himself an opponent of Home Rule, wrote in a letter to Law that the threats of violence were "the worst mistake" that undermined "the whole moral strength" of the Unionist movement.[87] But as Carson admitted in a letter to Law, the situation in Belfast was beyond his control as many UUC members were also members of the Loyal Orange Order, and the prospect of Churchill's visit to Belfast had angered so many of his followers that he felt he had to threaten violence as the best possible way of stopping the planned speech instead of leaving it to his followers who might otherwise riot.[87] As it was, Churchill agreed to cancel his speech in response to warnings that the police would not be able to guarantee his security.[87] Besides for his concerns about the violence, Dicey was also worried about the way in which Law was more interested about stopping Home Rule from being imposed on Ulster, instead of all of Ireland, which seemed to imply he was willing to accept the partition of Ireland.[87] Many Irish Unionists outside of Ulster felt abandoned by Law, who seemed to care only about Ulster.[88]
Uchinchi uy qoidalari to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi
The 1912 session of Parliament opened on 14 February with a stated intent by the Liberal partiya ichida Qirolning nutqi to introduce a new Home Rule Bill.[89] The bill was to be introduced on 11 April, and four days before that Law travelled to Ulster for a tour of the area. The pinnacle of this was a meeting on 9 April in the grounds of the Qirollik qishloq xo'jaligi jamiyati near Balmoral (an area of Belfast), attended by seventy Unionist MPs, the Butun Irlandiya and topped by "perhaps the largest Union Jek ever made" – 48 feet by 25 feet on a flagpole 90 feet high.[90]
At the meeting both Law and Carson swore to the crowd that "never under any circumstances will we submit to Home Rule".[90] However, the Parliament Act and the government majority made such a victory against the Bill unlikely unless the government could be brought down or Parliament dissolved.[91] A second problem was that not all Unionists opposed Home Rule to the same degree; some hardcore Unionists would oppose any attempt at Home Rule, others thought it inevitable that the Bill would pass and were simply trying to get the best deal possible for Ulster. The spectre of civil war was also raised – the Ulstermen began to form paramilitary groups such as the Ulster ko'ngillilari, and there was a strong possibility that if it came to fighting the British Army would have to be sent in to support the underfunded and understaffed Qirollik Irlandiya konstabulary.[91]
The argument of Law and the Unionists between 1912 and 1914 was based on three complaints. Firstly, Ulster would never accept forced Home Rule, and made up a quarter of Ireland; if the Liberals wanted to force this issue, military force would be the only way. Law thundered that "Do you plan to hurl the full majesty and power of the law, supported on the bayonets of the British Army, against a million Ulstermen marching under the Union Flag and singing 'God Save The King'? Would the Army hold? Would the British people – would the Crown – stand for such a slaughter?".[92] A second complaint was that the government had so far refused to submit it to a general election, as Law had been suggesting since 1910. Law warned that "you will not carry this Bill without submitting it to the people of this country, and, if you make the attempt, you will succeed only in breaking our Parliamentary machine".[92] The third complaint was that the Liberals had still not honoured the preamble of the Parlament to'g'risidagi qonun 1911, which promised "to substitute for the House of Lords as it at present exists a Second Chamber constituted on a popular instead of a hereditary basis".[93] The Unionist argument was that the Liberals were trying to make a massive constitutional change while the constitution was suspended.[93] In May 1912, Law was told by the Conservative whip Lord Balcarres that outside of Ireland "the electors are apathetic" about Home Rule, suggesting that he should de-emphasis the topic.[94]
In July 1912 Asquith travelled to Dublin (the first sitting Prime Minister to do so in over a century) to make a speech, ridiculing Unionist demands for a referendum on the issue via an election and calling their campaign "purely destructive in its objects, anarchic and chaotic in its methods".[95] In response the Unionists had a meeting on 27 July at Blenxaym saroyi, tug'ilgan joyi Uinston Cherchill, one of Asquith's ministers.[95] More than 13,000 people attended, including over 40 peers. In Law's speech he said "I said so to [the Liberals] and I say so now, with the full sense of the responsibility which attaches to my position, that if the attempt be made under present conditions, I can imagine no length of resistance to which Ulster will go, in which I shall not be ready to support them, and in which they will not be supported by the overwhelming majority of the British people".[96] Law added that if Asquith continued with the Home Rule bill, the government would be "lighting the fires of civil war".[94] This speech was more known and criticised than any others; it implied both he and the British people would support the Ulstermen in anything, including armed rebellion.[96]
Despite the conflict and fierce resistance, the Bill continued its passage through Parliament. It moved to its second reading on 9 June, and the Committee stage on 11 June, where it became fraught in controversy after a young Liberal named Tomas Agar-Robartes proposed an amendment excluding four of the Ulster counties (Londonderry, Down, Antrim & Armagh) from the Irish Parliament.[97] This put Law in a delicate situation, since he had previously said that he would support a system allowing each county to remain "outside the Irish Parliament", at the same time saying that he would not support any amendment that didn't have Ulster's full co-operation.[97] If he accepted the amendment, he would be seen as abandoning the Irish Unionists, but on the other hand if the amendment was carried it might disrupt the government by causing a split between the Liberals and Irish Nationalists, bringing down the government and thus forcing an election.[98]
If Unionists wished to win the ensuing election they would have to show they were willing to compromise. In the end the amendment failed, but with the Liberal majority reduced by 40, and when a compromise amendment was proposed by another Liberal MP the government Whips were forced to trawl for votes. Law saw this as a victory, as it highlighted the split in the government.[98] Edvard Karson tabled another amendment on 1 January 1913 which would exclude all nine Ulster counties, more to test government resolve than anything else. While it failed, it allowed the Unionists to portray themselves as the party of compromise and the Liberals as stubborn and recalcitrant.[98]
The Unionists in Ulster were committed to independence from any Irish Home Rule. They secretly authorised a Commission of Five to write a constitution for "a provisional Government of Ulster... to come into operation on the day of the passage of any Home Rule Bill, to remain in force until Ulster shall again resume unimpaired citizenship in the United Kingdom".[99]
On 28 September 1912, Carson led 237,638 of his followers in signing a Tantanali Liga va Ahd saying that Ulster would refuse to recognise the authority of any Parliament of Ireland arising from Home Rule.[99] The "Ulster Covenant" as the Solemn League and Covenant was popularly called recalled the National Covenant signed by the Scots in 1638 to resist King Charles I who was viewed by Scots Presbyterians as a crypto-Catholic, and was widely seen as a sectarian document that promoted a "Protestant crusade".[100] The Conservative MP Alfred Cripps wrote in a letter to Law that English Catholics like himself were opposed to Home Rule, but he was troubled by the way that Law seemed to be using the issue as "an occasion to attack their religion."[100] In his reply of 7 October 1912, Law wrote he was opposed to religious bigotry and claimed that as far he could tell that no "responsible" Unionist leader in Ireland had attacked the Roman Catholic Church.[100] In fact, the Conservative MP Lord Xyu Sesil had in the summer of 1912 given anti-Home Rule speeches in Ireland where he shouted "To Hell with the Pope!", and was not censured by Law.[100] When Parliament resumed in October after the summer recess, the Home Rule Bill was passed by the Commons. As expected, the House of Lords rejected it 326 to 69, and under the provisions of the Parliament Act it could only be passed if it was passed twice more by the Commons in successive Parliaments.[101] In December 1912, the chairmen of the Conservative Party, Artur Steel-Maitland, wrote to Law that the Home Rule issue did not command much attention in England, and asked that he move away from the topic which he asserted was damaging the image of the Conservatives.[102]
Second passage
The end of 1912 saw the end of a year of political struggle for Law. As well as the problem of Home Rule, there were internal party struggles; supporters of the Church of England or military reform lambasted Law for not paying attention to their causes, and tariff reformers argued with him over his previous compromise on food duties. Despite this, most Conservatives realised that as a fighting leader, Law could not be bettered.[103] The results of by-elections throughout 1913 continued to favour them, but progress on the Home Rule Bill was less encouraging; on 7 July it was again passed by the Commons, and again rejected by the Lords on 15 July.[104] In response, the UUC created a paramilitary group, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), to fight against the British government if necessary to stop Home Rule.[105] The Conservative peer, Lord Hythe, wrote to Law to suggest the Conservatives needed to present a constructive alternative to Home Rule and he had the "duty to tell these Ulstermen" that there was no need for the UVF.[105] Another Tory peer, Lord Sailsbury, wrote to Law that as much as he was opposed to Home Rule that: "I cannot support political lawlessness and I shall either disenfranchise myself or vote Liberal...rather than encourage armed resistance in Ulster."[105] Lord Balcarres wrote to Law that much of the Conservative caucus were "deeply confused and uncertain" and the "policies of reckless defiance" were unpopular with the party membership in England.[105] Balcarres wrote he was "...much alarmed lest some sporadicoutbreak by Orangemen should...alienate English sympathies."[106] Lord Lansdowne advised Law to be "extremely careful in our relations with Carson and his friends" and find a way of stopping F. E. Smit ’s "habit of expressing rather violent sentiments in the guise of messages from the Unionist party."[106] Balfour wrote to Law that he had "much misgiving upon the general loosening of the ordinary ties of social obligation...I do most strongly feel that nothing can be more demoralising to a society than that some of its...most loyal members should deliberately organise themselves for the purpose of offering...armed resistance to persons...representing lawful authority."[106]
During the debate on the Home Rule bill, Carson submitted an amendment that would exclude the 9 counties of Ulster from the jurisdiction of the proposed Parliament that would govern from Dublin, which was defeated by the Liberal MPs.[107] However, Carson's amendment which would lead to the partition of Ireland caused much alarm with Irish Unionists outside of Ulster and led many to write letters from Law seeking assurances that he would not abandon them for the sake of saving Ulster from Home Rule.[108] Carson told Law that he favoured a compromise under which Home Rule would be granted to southern Ireland, but not Ulster, and at the same time some sort of home rule be granted to Wales and Scotland as well.[108] Law himself in a letter to a friend stated that the British public was "so sick of the whole Irish question" that the majority would probably agree to a compromise of a Home Rule for Ireland sans Ulster.[108]
Parliament rose for the summer recess on 15 August, and Law and the Unionists spent the summer trying to convince Qirol to voice an opinion on the issue. Their first suggestion was that he should withhold the Royal Assent on it, something that horrified Law's constitutional law adviser A.V. Dicey. The second was more reasonable – they argued that the Liberals had put the King in an impossible position by asking him to ratify a bill that would infuriate half of the population.[104] His only option was to write a memo to Asquith saying this and requesting that the problem of home rule be put to the electorate via a general election. After thinking on this, the King agreed, and handed a note to Asquith on 11 August requesting either an election or an all-party conference.[104]
Asquith responded with two notes, the first countering the Unionist claim that it would be acceptable for the King to dismiss Parliament or withhold assent of the Bill to force an election, and the second arguing that a Home Rule election would not prove anything, since a Unionist victory would only be due to other problems and scandals and would not assure supporters of the current government that Home Rule was truly opposed.[104]
Qirol Jorj pressed for a compromise, summoning various political leaders to Balmoral qal'asi individually for talks. Law arrived on 13 September and again pointed out to the king his belief that if the Government continued to refuse an election fought over Home Rule and instead forced it on Ulster, the Ulstermen would not accept it and any attempts to enforce it would not be obeyed by the British Army.[109]
By early October the King was pressuring the British political world for an all-party conference. Fending this off, Law instead met with senior party members to discuss developments. Qonun, Balfur, Smit va Uzoq discussed the matter, all except Long favouring a compromise with the Liberals.[110] Long represented the anti-Home Rule elements in Southern Ireland, and from this moment onwards Southern and Northern attitudes towards Home Rule began to diverge.[110] Law then met with Edvard Karson, and afterwards expressed the opinion that "the men of Ulster do desire a settlement on the basis of leaving Ulster out, and Carson thinks such an arrangement could be carried out without any serious attack from the Unionists in the South".[110]
On 8 October Asquith wrote to Law suggesting an informal meeting of the two party leaders, which Law accepted.[111] Ikki uchrashdi Cherkli sudi, the home of Law's ally Sir Max Aitken MP (later Lord Beaverbrook), 14 oktyabr kuni.[112] The meeting lasted an hour, and Law told Asquith that he would continue to try to have Parliament dissolved, and that in any ensuing election the Unionists would accept the result even if it went against them.[113] Law later expressed his fear to Lansdowne that Asquith would persuade the Irish Nationalists to accept Home Rule with the exclusion of four Ulster counties with Protestant/unionist majorities.[113] Carson would not accept this, requiring six of nine ulster counties to be excluded (i.e., four with unionist majorities plus two majority nationalist, leaving the three Ulster counties with large nationalist majorities, leading to an overall unionist majority in the six); such a move might split the Unionists.[113] Law knew that Asquith was unlikely to consent to a general election, since he would almost certainly lose it, and that any attempt to pass the Home Rule Bill "without reference to the electorate" would lead to civil disturbance.[114] As such, Asquith was stuck "between a rock and a hard place" and was sure to negotiate.[114]
Asquith and Law met for a second private meeting on 6 November,[115] at which Asquith raised three possibilities. The first, suggested by Ser Edvard Grey, consisted of "Home Rule within Home Rule" – Home Rule covering Ulster, but with partial autonomy for Ulster.[116] The second was that Ulster would be excluded from Home Rule for a number of years before becoming part of it, and the third was that Ulster would be excluded from Home Rule for as long as it liked, with the opportunity of joining when it wished. Law made it clear to Asquith that the first two options were unacceptable, but the third might be accepted in some circles.[116]
The leaders then discussed the geographical definition of the area to be excluded from Home Rule; Ulster formally consists of nine counties, of which only four had a clear unionist majority, three a clear nationalist majority and two a small nationalist majority – however, overall a practical problem was that the nine counties of Ulster were majority nationalist. Carson always referred to nine counties of Ulster, but Law told Asquith that if an appropriate settlement could be made with a smaller number, Carson "would see his people and probably, though I could not give any promise to that effect, try to induce them to accept it".[116]
The third meeting was on 10 December and Law, raging because Asquith had not yet presented a concrete way to exclude Ulster, made little progress.[117] Law brushed aside Asquith's suggestions and insisted that only the exclusion of Ulster was worth considering.[118] He later wrote that "My feeling, however, is that Asquith has no hope whatsoever of making such an arrangement and that his present idea is simply to let things drift in the meantime.. I do not understand why he took the trouble of seeing me at all. The only explanation I can give is that I think he is in a funk about the whole position and thought that meeting me might keep the thing open at least".[118]
With the failure of these talks, Law accepted that a compromise was unlikely, and from January 1914 he returned to the position that the Unionists were "opposed utterly to Home Rule".[119] The campaign was sufficient to bring the noted organiser Lord Milner back into politics to support the Unionists, and he immediately asked L.S. Ameri yozmoq a Britaniya shartnomasi saying that the signers would, if the Home Rule Bill passed, "feel justified in taking or supporting any action that may be effective to prevent it being put into operation, and more particularly to prevent the armed forces of the Crown being used to deprive the people of Ulster of their rights as citizens of the United Kingdom".[120] The Covenant was announced at a massive rally in Hyde Park on 4 April 1914, with hundreds of thousands assembling to hear Milner, Long and Carson speak. By the middle of the summer Long claimed more than 2,000,000 people had signed the Covenant.[120]
Law's critics, including Jorj Dangerfild, condemned his actions in assuring the Ulster Unionists of Conservative Party support in their armed resistance to Home Rule, as unconstitutional, verging on promoting a civil war.[121] Law's supporters argued that he was acting constitutionally by forcing the Liberal government into calling the election it had been avoiding, to obtain a mandate for their reforms.[122]
Army (Annual) Act
Law was not directly involved in the British Covenant campaign as he was focusing on a practical way to defeat the Home Rule Bill. His first attempt was via the Army (Annual) Act, something that "violated a basic and ancient principle of the constitution".[123] Every year since the Shonli inqilob, the Act had fixed the maximum number of soldiers in the British Army; rejecting it would technically make the British Army an illegal institution.[124]
Lord Selborne had written to Law in 1912 to point out that vetoing or significantly amending the Act in the House of Lords would force the government to resign, and such a course of action was also suggested by others in 1913–14.[124] Law believed that subjecting Ulstermen to a Dublin-based government they did not recognise was itself constitutionally damaging, and that amending the Army (Annual) Act to prevent the use of force in Ulster (he never suggested vetoing it) would not violate the constitution any more than the actions the government had already undertaken.[124]
By 12 March he had established that, should the Home Rule Bill be passed under the Parlament to'g'risidagi qonun 1911, the Army (Annual) Act should be amended in the Lords to stipulate that the Army could not "be used in Ulster to prevent or interfere with any step which may thereafter be taken in Ulster to organise resistance to the enforcement of the Home Rule Act in Ulster nor to suppress any such resistance until and unless the present Parliament has been dissolved and a period of three months shall have lapsed after the meeting of a new Parliament".[124] The Shadow Cabinet consulted legal experts, who agreed wholeheartedly with Law's suggestion.[124] Although several members expressed dissent, the Shadow Cabinet decided "provisionally to agree to amendment of army act. but to leave details and decisions as to the moment of acting to Lansdowne and Law".[125] In the end no amendment to the Army Act was offered, though; many backbenchers and party loyalists became agitated by the scheme and wrote to him that it was unacceptable – Yan Malkom, a fanatical Ulster supporter, told Law that amending the Army Act would drive him out of the Party.[125]
Birinchi jahon urushi
On 30 July 1914, on the eve of the Birinchi jahon urushi, Law met with Asquith and agreed to temporarily suspend the issue of Home Rule to avoid domestic discontent during wartime. By the following day both leaders had convinced their parties to agree to this move. On 3 August, Law promised openly in Commons that his Conservative Party would give "unhesitating support' to the government's war policy. On 4 August, Germany rejected British demands for a withdrawal from Belgium, and Britain declared war.[126]
Over the coming months, the Liberal, Labour and Conservative whips worked out a truce suspending confrontational politics until either 1 January 1915 or until the end of the War. On 4 August both Asquith and Law made speeches together at the Middlesex Guildhall, and uncomfortably socialised with each other's parties. On 6 August, the Conservatives learnt that Asquith planned to put the Home Rule Bill on the statute books; Law wrote an angry letter to Asquith, the response of which was that Asquith could either pass the bill immediately, suspending it for the duration of the conflict, or make it law with a six-month delay and with a three-year exclusion for Ulster. Law responded with a speech in the Commons, saying that "the Government have treated us abominably... but we are in the middle of a great struggle. Until that struggle [is] over, so far as we are concerned, in everything connected with it there would be no parties, there would openly be a nation. In regard to this debate I have made protest as well as I could, but when I have finished we shall take no further part in the discussion". The entire Party then left the Commons silently, and although a strong protest (Asquith later admitted that "it was unique in my or I think anybody's experience") the bill was still passed, although with a suspension for the duration of the War.[127]
The Conservatives soon began to get annoyed that they were unable to criticise the Government, and took this into Parliament; rather than criticising policy, they would attack individual ministers, including the Lord Kantsler (who they considered "far too enamoured of German culture") and the Uy kotibi, who was "too tender to aliens".[128] By Christmas 1914 they were anxious about the war; it was not, in their opinion, going well, and yet they were restricted to serving on committees and making recruitment speeches. At about the same time, Law and Devid Lloyd Jorj met to discuss the possibility of a coalition government. Law was supportive of the idea in some ways, seeing it as a probability that "a coalition government would come in time".[129]
Koalitsion hukumat
Background and information
The crisis which forced a coalition was twofold; birinchi navbatda 1915 yilgi Shell inqirozi, and then the resignation of Lord Fisher, Birinchi dengiz lord. The Shell Crisis was a shortage of artillery shells on the Western Front. It indicated a failure to fully organise British industry.[130] Asquith tried to ward off the criticism the day before the debate, praising his government's efforts and saying that "I do not believe that any army has ever either entered upon a campaign or been maintained during a campaign with better or more adequate equipment". The Conservatives, whose sources of information included officers such as Ser Jon frantsuz, were not put off, and instead became furious.[131]
Over the next few days the Conservative backbenchers threatened to break the truce and mount an attack on the government over the munitions situation. Law forced them to back down on 12 May, but on the 14th an article appeared in The Times blaming the British failure at the Aubers Ridge jangi on the lack of munitions. This again stirred up the backbenchers, who were only just kept in line. The Shadow Cabinet took a similar line; things could not go on as they were. The crisis was only halted with the resignation of Lord Fisher. Fisher had opposed Uinston Cherchill ustidan Gelibolu kampaniyasi, and felt that he could not continue in government if the two would be in conflict. Law knew that this would push the Conservative back bench over the edge, and met with Devid Lloyd Jorj on 17 May to discuss Fisher's resignation. Lloyd George decided that "the only way to preserve a united front was to arrange for more complete cooperation between parties in the direction of the War".[132] Lloyd George reported the meeting to Asquith, who agreed that a coalition was inescapable. He and Law agreed to form a coalition government.[133]
Law's next job, therefore, was to assist the Liberal Party in creating a new government. In their discussions on 17 May, both Law and Lloyd George had agreed that Lord Kitchener should not remain in the War Office, and removing him became top priority. Unfortunately the press began a campaign supporting Kitchener on 21 May, and the popular feeling that this raised convinced Law, Lloyd George and Asquith that Kitchener could not be removed. To keep him and at the same time remove the munitions supply from his grasp to prevent a repeat of the "shells crisis" the O'q-dorilar vazirligi was created, with Lloyd George becoming Minister of Munitions.[134]
Law eventually accepted the post of Mustamlakachi kotib, an unimportant post in wartime; Asquith had made it clear that he would not allow a Conservative minister to head the Exchequer, and that with Kitchener (whom he considered a Conservative) in the War Office, he would not allow another Conservative to hold a similarly important position. Fearing for the integrity of the coalition, Law accepted this position.[135] Outside of Law's position, other Conservatives also gained positions in the new administration; Artur Balfour bo'ldi Admirallikning birinchi lordidir, Ostin Chemberlen bo'ldi Hindiston bo'yicha davlat kotibi va Edvard Karson bo'ldi Bosh prokuror.[136]
Mustamlakachi kotib
During Law's time as Colonial Secretary, the three main issues were the question of manpower for the Britaniya armiyasi, the crisis in Ireland and the Dardanel kampaniyasi. Dardanelles took priority, as seen by Asquith's restructuring of his War Council into a Dardanelles Committee. Members included Kitchener, Law, Churchill, Lloyd George and Lansdowne, with the make-up divided between political parties to defuse tension and provide criticism of policy. The main discussion was on the possibility of reinforcing the forces already landed, something Law disagreed with. With Asquith and the Army in support, however, he felt that he was ill-equipped to combat the proposal. Five more divisions were landed, but faced heavy casualties for little gain. As a result, Law led a strong resistance to the idea at the next Committee meeting on 18 August. The idea only avoided being scrapped thanks to the French promise to send forces in early September, and the arguing became an immense strain on the government.[137]
Law entered the coalition government as Mustamlakachi kotib in May 1915, his first Cabinet post, and, following the resignation of Prime Minister and Liberal Party leader Asquith in December 1916, was invited by King Jorj V to form a government, but he deferred to Lloyd Jorj, Secretary of State for War and former Minister of Munitions, who he believed was better placed to lead a coalition ministry. He served in Lloyd George's War Cabinet, first as Bosh vazirning kansleri va Jamoalar palatasi rahbari.[iqtibos kerak ]
While Chancellor, he raised the marka boji on cheques from one penny to twopence in 1918. His promotion reflected the great mutual trust between the two leaders and made for a well co-ordinated political partnership; their coalition was re-elected by a landslide following the Armistice. Law's two eldest sons were both killed whilst fighting in the war. In the 1918 General Election, Law returned to Glasgow and was elected as member for Glazgo Markaziy.[iqtibos kerak ]
Post-war and Prime Minister
 | Ushbu bo'lim uchun qo'shimcha iqtiboslar kerak tekshirish. (2016 yil mart) (Ushbu shablon xabarini qanday va qachon olib tashlashni bilib oling) |
At war's end, Law gave up the Exchequer for the less demanding sinecure ofisi Lord Privy Seal, but remained Leader of the Commons. In 1921, ill health forced his resignation as Conservative leader and Leader of the Commons in favour of Ostin Chemberlen. His departure weakened the hardliners in the cabinet who were opposed to negotiating with the Irlandiya respublika armiyasi, va Angliya-Irlandiya urushi ended in the summer.[iqtibos kerak ]
By 1921–22 the coalition had become embroiled in an air of moral and financial corruption (e.g. the sale of honours).[138] Besides the recent Irish Treaty and Edvin Montagu 's moves towards greater self-government uchun Hindiston, both of which dismayed rank-and-file Conservative opinion, the government's willingness to intervene against the Bolshevik regime in Russia also seemed out of step with the new and more pacifist mood.[iqtibos kerak ] A sharp slump in 1921 and a wave of strikes in the coal and railway industries also added to the government's unpopularity, as did the apparent failure of the Genuya konferentsiyasi, which ended in an apparent rapprochement between Germany and Soviet Russia. In other words, it was no longer the case that Lloyd George was an electoral asset to the Conservative Party.[138]
Lloyd George, Birkenhead and Uinston Cherchill (still distrusted by many Conservatives) wished to use armed force against kurka (the Chanak inqirozi ), but had to back down when offered support only by Yangi Zelandiya va Nyufaundlend, and not Canada, Australia or South Africa; Law wrote to The Times supporting the government but stating that Britain could not "act as the policeman for the world".[139][140]
A meeting at the Carlton Club, Conservative backbenchers, led by the President of the Board of Trade Stenli Bolduin and influenced by the recent Newport by-election which was won from the Liberals by a Conservative, voted to end the Lloyd George Coalition and fight the next election as an independent party. Austen Chamberlain resigned as Party Leader, Lloyd George resigned as Prime Minister and Law took both jobs on 23 October 1922.[141]
Many leading Conservatives (e.g. Birkenhead, Artur Balfour, Austen Chamberlain, Robert Horne) were not members of the new Cabinet, which Birkenhead contemptuously referred to as "the Second Eleven".[142][143] Garchi koalitsiya konservatorlari soni o'ttizdan oshmagan bo'lsa-da, ular kelajakdagi koalitsiya hukumatida xuddi shu o'lchamdagi Peelite guruhi hukmronlik qilgani kabi hukmronlik qilishga umid qilishdi. 1852–1855 yillardagi koalitsiya hukumati - o'sha paytda juda ko'p ishlatilgan o'xshashlik.[144]
Parlament darhol tarqatib yuborildi va a Umumiy saylov kelib chiqdi. Ikki konservativ fraktsiyadan tashqari Mehnat partiyasi birinchi marta yirik milliy partiya sifatida kurashdilar va saylovdan keyin haqiqatan ham asosiy oppozitsiyaga aylandilar; Liberallar hanuzgacha Asquit va Lloyd Jorj fraksiyalariga bo'lingan, ko'plab Lloyd Jorj Liberallar hanuzgacha konservativ nomzodlar (shu jumladan, Cherchill Dandi shunga qaramay). Chalkash siyosiy maydonga qaramay, konservatorlar qulay ko'pchilik bilan qayta saylandi.[145]
Konservativ partiyaning keksa xazinachisi, Lord Farquhar, Lloyd Jorjga (u bosh vazirlik davrida katta miqdordagi mablag'ni to'plagan, asosan sharaflar sotilishidan) konservativ partiyaga mo'ljallangan har qanday pulni o'tkazgan. Koalitsiya konservatorlari, shuningdek, Farquxordan Konservativ partiyaning pullarini olishga umid qilishdi. Bonar Law nima bo'lganini to'g'ri tushuntirish uchun Farquharni ham "gaga" deb topdi va uni ishdan bo'shatdi.[146]
Qonunning qisqa hukumatiga soliq soladigan savollardan biri ittifoqdoshlar o'rtasidagi urush qarzlari edi. Angliya AQShga qarzdor edi va o'z navbatida Frantsiya, Italiya va boshqa ittifoqdosh davlatlar tomonidan to'rt barobar ko'p qarzdor edi, garchi Lloyd Jorj hukumati davrida Balfur Angliya boshqa ittifoqchilardan talab qilinadigan miqdordan ko'proq pul yig'maslikka va'da bergan edi. AQShni to'lash; qarzni qaytarish qiyin edi, chunki savdo (chet el valyutasini topish uchun eksport kerak edi) urushgacha bo'lgan darajaga qaytmadi.
AQShga sayohat qilishda tajribasiz Stenli Bolduin Bosh vazirning kansleri, Britaniya hukumati mumkin deb o'ylagan 25 million funtni emas, balki AQShga yiliga 40 million funt sterlingni to'lashga rozi bo'ldi va qaytib kelgach, kemasi to'xtaganida matbuotga bitimni e'lon qildi. Sautgempton, Vazirlar Mahkamasi buni ko'rib chiqish imkoniyatiga ega bo'lmasdan oldin.[147] Qonun iste'foga chiqishni o'ylardi va yuqori lavozimli vazirlar bu haqda gaplashgandan so'ng, noma'lum maktubda uning his-tuyg'ularini to'kdi The Times.[148]
Istefo va o'lim
Tez orada qonun terminal bilan aniqlandi tomoq saratoni va endi jismonan parlamentda nutq so'zlay olmay, 1923 yil 20-mayda iste'foga chiqdi. Jorj V mish-mishlarga ko'ra, Qonun afzal ko'rgan Bolduinga yuborilgan Lord Curzon. Ammo Qonun Shohga hech qanday maslahat bermadi.[149] Qonun o'sha yili Londonda 65 yoshida vafot etdi. Uning dafn marosimi bo'lib o'tdi Vestminster abbatligi qaerda keyinchalik uning kullari aralashtirilgan. Uning mol-mulki 35 736 funt sterlingga baholandi (2020 yilga kelib taxminan 2,100 000 funt sterling).[150]
Bonar qonuni 20-asrning eng qisqa muddatli bosh vaziri bo'lgan. U ko'pincha "noma'lum Bosh vazir" deb nomlanadi, chunki bu sarlavha tarjimai holi tufayli emas Robert Bleyk; bu nom Asquitning Bonar Louning dafn marosimida, ular noma'lum bosh vazirni noma'lum askar maqbarasi yoniga dafn etishgani haqidagi so'zlaridan kelib chiqadi. Janob Stiven Runciman u hayoti davomida barcha Britaniya Bosh vazirlarini taniganligini aytgan, "Bonar Law" dan tashqari, uni "hech kim bilmagan".[iqtibos kerak ]
Belediyesindeki kichik bir qishloq (birlashtirilmagan qishloq) Stirling-Ravdon, Ontario, Kanada, Britaniya Bosh vaziri nomi bilan Bonarlav deb nomlangan. U "Katta buloqlar" va keyin "Bellvyu" nomi bilan mashhur bo'lgan. The Bonar Law Memorial High School Bonar Law tug'ilgan joyida, Rexton, Nyu-Brunsvik, Kanada ham uning sharafiga nomlangan.
Bonar qonunining hukumati, 1922 yil oktyabr - 1923 yil may
- Bonar qonuni - Bosh vazir va Jamoalar palatasi rahbari
- Lord Cave – Lord Kantsler
- Lord Solsberi – Lord Kengashning Prezidenti va Lankaster knyazligi
- Stenli Bolduin – Bosh vazirning kansleri
- Uilyam Klayv Bridjeman – Ichki ishlar vazirligi davlat kotibi
- Lord Kedlstondan – Tashqi ishlar bo'yicha davlat kotibi va Lordlar palatasining rahbari
- Devonshir gersogi – Mustamlakalar bo'yicha davlat kotibi
- Lord Derbi – Urush bo'yicha davlat kotibi
- Lord Peel – Hindiston bo'yicha davlat kotibi
- Lord Novar – Shotlandiya kotibi
- Leo Amery – Admirallikning birinchi lordidir
- Ser Filipp Lloyd-Grem – Savdo kengashi prezidenti
- Ser Robert Sanders – Qishloq xo'jaligi va baliq xo'jaligi vaziri
- Edvard Vud – Ta'lim kengashi prezidenti
- Ser Montague Barlow – Mehnat vaziri
- Ser Artur Griffit-Boskaven – Sog'liqni saqlash vaziri
O'zgarishlar
- 1923 yil aprel - Griffit-Boskaven joyidan mahrum bo'lganidan so'ng Sog'liqni saqlash vaziri lavozimidan iste'foga chiqdi va uning o'rnini egalladi Nevill Chemberlen.
Madaniy tasvirlar
Adabiyotlar
- ^ "Bonar qonuni - ta'rifi, rasmlari, talaffuzi va ishlatilishiga oid yozuvlar. Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary on OxfordLearnersDictionaries.com". Oksford universiteti matbuoti. Olingan 21 may 2015.
- ^ a b R.J.Q. Adams (1999) p. 3
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 4
- ^ Laybourn (2001) p. 37
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 5
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 6
- ^ Sforza (1969) p. 193
- ^ a b v Adams (1999) p. 7
- ^ Birkenhead (1977) p. 1
- ^ Teylor (2007) p. 6
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 9
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 293
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 12
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p.10
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 13
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 11
- ^ Edvard Vinter, Endryu Bonar qonuni va shaxmat, Shaxmat bo'yicha eslatmalar. Qabul qilingan 21 aprel 2010 yil.
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 16
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 17
- ^ Teylor (2007) p. 11
- ^ Teylor (2007) p.12
- ^ The Independent, "Keyt Merdok: Yangi kitob Rupert Merdokning otasi Gallipolini va media sulolasining tug'ilishini tekshiradi", 2015 yil 20 oktyabr. Qabul qilingan 7 oktyabr 2017 yil
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 18
- ^ Adams (1999) p.19
- ^ The Times 1900 yil 5-oktabr, 8-bet
- ^ a b v Adams (1999) p. 20
- ^ Teylor (2007) s.8
- ^ Adams (1999) 21-bet
- ^ Sforza (1969) s.194
- ^ a b Adams (1999) 22-bet
- ^ a b Adams (1999) s.23
- ^ a b v Adams (1999) s.24
- ^ "Janob Balfurning vazirligi - tayinlashlarning to'liq ro'yxati". The Times (36842). London. 9 avgust 1902. p. 5.
- ^ Teylor (2007) p. 9
- ^ a b v d Adams (1999) 25-bet
- ^ Laybourn (2001) s.38
- ^ a b v Adams (1999) s.26
- ^ Adams (1999) s.27
- ^ a b Adams (1999) s.28
- ^ Birkenhead (1977) p. 4
- ^ Adams (1999) p.30
- ^ a b v Adams (1999) s.31
- ^ Adams (1999) p.37
- ^ a b Adams (1999) s.38
- ^ a b v d e Adams (1999) s.39
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p.40
- ^ a b v d Adams (1999) s.41
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 42
- ^ a b Adams (1999) 43-bet
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p.43-4
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p.45
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 46
- ^ a b Adams (1999) 47-bet
- ^ Adams (1999) 48-bet
- ^ a b Adams (1999) 49-bet
- ^ Adams (1999) 54-bet
- ^ a b Adams (1999) s.55
- ^ Adams (1999) 56-bet
- ^ a b v Adams (1999) s.57
- ^ a b Adams (1999) s.59
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 63
- ^ Adams (1999) 64-bet
- ^ Bleyk (1955) p. 86.
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 67
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 68
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 61
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 73
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 72
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 70
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 74
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p.75
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 76
- ^ a b v Adams (1999) s.79
- ^ a b v Adams (1999) 80-bet
- ^ Adams (1999) s.81
- ^ a b v Adams (1999) p. 82
- ^ a b v d Adams (1999) s.83
- ^ a b v d Adams (1999) 84-bet
- ^ a b v Adams (1999) p. 86
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 87
- ^ Adams (1999) s.89
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 90
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 91
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 99
- ^ a b v d Adams (1999) p. 98
- ^ a b v d Kennedi (2007) s.575.
- ^ a b v d e Kennedi (2007) s.577.
- ^ Kennedi (2007) s.578.
- ^ Adams (1999) p.102
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 103
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p.104
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p.105
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 106
- ^ a b Kennedi (2007) s.579
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p.107
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 109
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p.111
- ^ a b v Adams (1999) p. 112
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 113
- ^ a b v d Kennedi (2007) s.580
- ^ Adams (1999) p.116
- ^ Kennedi (2007) s.581
- ^ Adams (1999) p.118
- ^ a b v d Adams (1999) s.124
- ^ a b v d Kennedi (2007) s.581.
- ^ a b v Kennedi (2007) s.583.
- ^ Kennedi (2007) s.583-584.
- ^ a b v Kennedi (2007) s.584.
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 126
- ^ a b v Adams (1999) p. 129
- ^ Adams (1999) p.132
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 133
- ^ a b v Adams (1999) p. 134
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 136
- ^ Kendle (1992) p. 80
- ^ a b v Adams (1999) p. 137
- ^ Kendle (1992) p. 82
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 141
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 145
- ^ a b Adams (1999) p. 146
- ^ Jorj Dangerfild, Liberal Angliyaning g'alati o'limi (Nyu-York: Smit va Xaas, 1935)
- ^ Stiven Evans, "1912-21 yillardagi konservatorlar va ittifoqchilikning qayta ta'rifi", Yigirmanchi asr Britaniya tarixi (1998) 9 №1, 1-27 betlar.
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 147
- ^ a b v d e Adams (1999) p.149
- ^ a b Adams (1999) 150-bet
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 171
- ^ Adams (1999) 172-74 betlar
- ^ Adams (1999) p.175
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 178
- ^ Devid frantsuz, "1915 yil may oyida" qobiq inqirozi "ning harbiy kelib chiqishi". Strategik tadqiqotlar jurnali 2.2 (1979): 192–205.
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 180
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 184
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 185
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 187
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 188
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 189
- ^ Adams (1999) p. 196
- ^ a b Beaverbrook 1963 yil
- ^ Beaverbrook 1963 yil, 164-9-betlar
- ^ Bonar qonuni (1922 yil 7 oktyabr). "Janob Bonar Qonuni tomonidan Yaqin Sharqning talaffuzi" Biz yolg'iz harakat qila olmaymiz "Janob Bonar Qonundan Frantsiya oldidagi tanlov". Yozishmalar. The Times (43156). London. col F, p. 11.
- ^ Beaverbrook 1963 yil, 200-2 bet
- ^ To'p, Styuart (2013). "Vazirlar". Partiya portreti: Britaniyadagi konservativ partiya 1918-1945 yillar. Oksford universiteti matbuoti. p. 415. ISBN 9780199667987.
- ^ Beaverbrook 1963 yil, p. 216
- ^ Beaverbrook 1963 yil, 209-214 betlar
- ^ Beaverbrook 1963 yil, p. 222
- ^ Beaverbrook 1963 yil, 203-4 betlar
- ^ Beaverbrook 1963 yil, p. 231
- ^ Uyalaman, Liaquat: Moliya lordlari, p. 144; ISBN 978-0-14-311680-6
- ^ Alan Klark, Hikoyalar: konservatorlar va millat davlati 1922-1997 (Vaydenfeld va Nikolson, 1998), p. 25; ISBN 0-7538-0765-3
- ^ Buyuk Britaniya Chakana narxlar indeksi inflyatsiya ko'rsatkichlari ma'lumotlarga asoslanadi Klark, Gregori (2017). "1209 yilgacha Buyuk Britaniyaning yillik RPI va o'rtacha daromadi (yangi seriya)". Qiymat. Olingan 2 fevral 2020.
Bibliografiya
- Adams, R. J. Q. (1999). Bonar qonuni. Jon Myurrey. ISBN 0-7195-5422-5.
- Adams, R. J. Q. "" Endryu Bonar qonuni va Asquit koalitsiyasining qulashi: 1916 yil dekabrdagi kabinet inqirozi " Kanada tarixi jurnali (1997) 32 # 2 bet 185-200 onlayn
- Lord Beaverbrook (1963). Lloyd Jorjning pasayishi va qulashi. London: Kollinz.
- Birkenxed, Frederik E. (1977). Zamonaviy shaxslar. Ayer nashriyoti. ISBN 0-8369-0061-8.
- Bleyk, Robert. Noma'lum bosh vazir: Endryu Bonar Qonunning hayoti va davri, 1858–1923 (London: Eyre va Spottisvud, 1955) onlayn
- Charmli, Jon. Konservativ siyosat tarixi, 1900–1996 London: Makmillan, 1996)
- Klark, Alan. Hikoyalar: konservatorlar va millat davlati, 1922-1997, (London: Vaydenfeld va Nikolson, 1998)
- Eccleshall, Robert (1998). Buyuk Britaniya bosh vazirlarining biografik lug'ati. Yo'nalish. ISBN 0-415-10830-6.
- Ensor, Robert (1936). Angliya 1870 - 1914 yillar. Clarendon Press. OCLC 400389. qarz olish uchun onlayn ravishda bepul
- Kendle, Jon (1992). Valter Long, Irlandiya va ittifoq, 1905–1920. McGill-Queen's Press. ISBN 0-7735-0908-9.
- Kennedi, Tomas (2007 yil iyul). "Muammoli voqealar: partiyaning Ulster siyosatiga qarshi kelishmovchilik va chalkashlik, 1910-1914". Britaniya tadqiqotlari jurnali. 43 (3): 575–593.
- Laybourn, Keyt (2001). Britaniya siyosiy rahbarlari: biografik lug'at. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 1-57607-043-3.
- Makintosh, Jon Pitkarn (1981). Britaniya Vazirlar Mahkamasi (3-nashr). Teylor va Frensis. ISBN 0-416-31380-9.
- Malkom, Yan Zakari (1977). Bo'sh taxtlar. Ayer nashriyoti. ISBN 0-8369-0672-1.
- Movat, Charlz Loch (1978). Urushlar orasidagi Angliya: 1918–1940 (2-nashr). Teylor va Frensis. ISBN 0-416-29510-X. qarz olish uchun onlayn ravishda bepul
- Pugh, Martin (1974). "Asquit, Bonar qonuni va birinchi koalitsiya". Tarixiy jurnal. 17 (4): 813–836. doi:10.1017 / S0018246X00007925. ISSN 0018-246X.
- Raymond, E. T. (2007). Tsenzurasiz mashhurlar. Kitoblar o'qish. ISBN 978-1-4067-7397-2.
- Sforza, Karlo (1969). Zamonaviy Evropaning ishlab chiqaruvchilari: portretlar va shaxsiy taassurotlar va esdaliklar. Ayer nashriyoti. ISBN 0-8369-1064-8.
- Smit, Jeremi (1993). "Bluff, Bluster and Brinkmanship: Endryu Bonar qonuni va uchinchi uy qoidalari to'g'risidagi qonun". Tarixiy jurnal. 36 (1): 161–178. doi:10.1017 / S0018246X00016150. ISSN 0018-246X.
- Teylor, Endryu (2006). Bonar qonuni. Haus Publishing. ISBN 1-904950-59-0.
- Teylor, A. J. P. (1965). Ingliz tarixi 1914–1945. Clarendon Press. OCLC 174762876.
- Tyorner, Jon (1988). Buyuk Britaniya va Birinchi Jahon urushi. Yo'nalish. ISBN 0-04-445109-1.
Tashqi havolalar
- Hansard 1803–2005: Parlamentdagi hissalari Endryu Bonar Qonuni
- Endryu Bonar qonuni haqida ko'proq ma'lumot Dauning Strit veb-saytida.
- Bonar qonun hujjatlari Buyuk Britaniya parlament arxivida
- Bonar qonunining fotosurati bilan 1903 yil tasvirlangan maqola
- Styuart to'pi: Bonar qonuni, Endryu, ichida: 1914-1918-yillar. Birinchi jahon urushi xalqaro ensiklopediyasi.
- Endryu Bonar qonunining portretlari da Milliy portret galereyasi, London
- "Bonar qonuni bilan bog'liq arxiv materiallari". Buyuk Britaniya milliy arxivlari.
- Bonar qonuni haqidagi gazetalar ichida 20-asr matbuot arxivi ning ZBW
- Parlament arxivlari, Bonar qonun hujjatlari
Turkum
Konservatizm portali