H. H. Asquit - H. H. Asquith
Oksford grafligi va Asquit | |
|---|---|
 | |
| Buyuk Britaniyaning Bosh vaziri | |
| Ofisda 1908 yil 8 aprel - 1916 yil 5 dekabr | |
| Monarx | |
| Oldingi | Genri Kempbell-Bannerman |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Devid Lloyd Jorj |
| Muxolifat lideri | |
| Ofisda 1920 yil 12 fevral - 1922 yil 21 noyabr | |
| Monarx | Jorj V |
| Bosh Vazir | |
| Oldingi | Donald Maklin |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Ramsay Makdonald |
| Ofisda 1916 yil 6-dekabr - 1918 yil 14-dekabr | |
| Monarx | Jorj V |
| Bosh Vazir | Devid Lloyd Jorj |
| Oldingi | Ser Edvard Karson |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Donald Maklin |
| Liberal partiyaning etakchisi | |
| Ofisda 1908 yil 30 aprel - 1926 yil 14 oktyabr | |
| Oldingi | Ser Genri Kempbell-Bannerman |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Devid Lloyd Jorj |
| Urush bo'yicha davlat kotibi | |
| Ofisda 1914 yil 30 mart - 1914 yil 5 avgust | |
| Monarx | Jorj V |
| Bosh Vazir | O'zi |
| Oldingi | J. E. B. Sely |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Earl Kitchener |
| Bosh vazirning kansleri | |
| Ofisda 1905 yil 10-dekabr - 1908 yil 12-aprel | |
| Monarx | Edvard VII |
| Bosh Vazir | Ser Genri Kempbell-Bannerman |
| Oldingi | Ostin Chemberlen |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Devid Lloyd Jorj |
| Uy kotibi | |
| Ofisda 1892 yil 18-avgust - 1895 yil 25-iyun | |
| Monarx | Viktoriya |
| Bosh Vazir | |
| Oldingi | Genri Metyus |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Metyu Uayt Ridli |
| Lordlar palatasi a'zosi Lord Temporal | |
| Ofisda 1925 yil 10 fevral - 1928 yil 15 fevral Graf Oksford va Asquit | |
| Oldingi | Tenglik yaratildi |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Julian Edvard Jorj Asquit |
| Parlament a'zosi uchun Paisli | |
| Ofisda 1920 yil 12 fevral - 1924 yil 29 oktyabr | |
| Oldingi | Jon Makkallum |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Edvard Mitchell |
| Parlament a'zosi uchun East Fife | |
| Ofisda 1886 yil 27-iyul - 1918 yil 14-dekabr | |
| Oldingi | Jon Boyd Kinnear |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Aleksandr Sprot |
| Shaxsiy ma'lumotlar | |
| Tug'ilgan | Gerbert Asquit 1852 yil 12-sentyabr Morley, Yorkshirning G'arbiy Riding, Angliya |
| O'ldi | 1928 yil 15-fevral (75 yosh) Satton Kurten, Berkshir, Angliya |
| Dam olish joyi | Barcha avliyolar cherkovi, Satton Kurteney |
| Siyosiy partiya | Liberal |
| Turmush o'rtoqlar |
|
| Bolalar | 10, shu jumladan Raymond, Gerbert, Artur, binafsha, Kiril, Yelizaveta va Entoni |
| Ta'lim | London shahridagi maktab |
| Olma mater | |
| Kasb | Advokat |
| Imzo |  |
Herbert Genri Asquit, Oksford va Asquitning birinchi grafligi, KG, Kompyuter, KC, FRS (1852 yil 12-sentyabr - 1928 yil 15-fevral), odatda ma'lum H. H. Asquit, Britaniya davlat arbobi edi va Liberal bo'lib xizmat qilgan siyosatchi Buyuk Britaniyaning Bosh vaziri 1908 yildan 1916 yilgacha. U ko'pchilik liberal hukumatni boshqargan so'nggi bosh vazir bo'lgan va u loyihani ishlab chiqishda va o'tishda markaziy rol o'ynagan. asosiy liberal qonunchilik va quvvatining pasayishi Lordlar palatasi. 1914 yil avgustda Asquit oldi Birinchi Jahon urushida Buyuk Britaniya va Britaniya imperiyasi. 1915 yilda uning hukumati qurol-yarog 'etishmasligi va qurollarning muvaffaqiyatsizligi uchun qattiq hujumga uchradi Gelibolu kampaniyasi. U a koalitsion hukumat boshqa partiyalar bilan, ammo tanqidchilarni qondira olmadi. Natijada, u 1916 yil dekabrda iste'foga chiqishga majbur bo'ldi va u hech qachon hokimiyatni qayta tiklay olmadi.
Ishtirok etgandan keyin Balliol kolleji, Oksford, u muvaffaqiyatli bo'ldi advokat. 1886 yilda u Liberal nomzod edi East Fife, u o'ttiz yildan ortiq vaqt davomida egallab turgan joy. 1892 yilda u tayinlandi Uy kotibi yilda Gladstounning to'rtinchi xizmati, Liberallar yutqazmaguncha lavozimda qolgan 1895 yilgi saylov. Asquitdan keyingi oppozitsiyaning o'n yilligida partiyaning asosiy vakili bo'ldi va liberallar hokimiyatni qayta qo'lga kiritgandan keyin Ser Genri Kempbell-Bannerman 1905 yilda Asquit nomi berilgan Bosh vazirning kansleri. 1908 yilda Asquit uning o'rniga bosh vazir lavozimini egalladi. Liberallar islohot dasturini ilgari surishga qat'iy qaror qildilar. Bunga to'sqinlik qilgan Lordlar palatasi, rad etgan Xalq byudjeti 1909 yil. Ayni paytda Janubiy Afrika qonuni 1909 yil o'tdi. Asquith chaqirdi 1910 yil yanvar oyidagi saylov va Liberallar g'alaba qozondi, ammo a ga kamaytirildi ozchilik hukumati. Ikkinchisidan keyin 1910 yil dekabrdagi umumiy saylovlar u o'tishni qo'lga kiritdi Parlament to'g'risidagi qonun 1911, uch marta ketma-ket sessiyalarda jamoalar tomonidan qabul qilingan qonun loyihasini Lordlardan qat'iy nazar qabul qilinishiga imkon beradi. Asquith muomalada unchalik muvaffaqiyatli bo'lmagan Irlandiyalik uy qoidalari. Takroriy inqirozlarga olib keldi qurol ishlatish fuqarolar urushiga qarshi kurashish va zo'ravonlik.
Germaniya Belgiyani bosib olishiga javoban Angliya Germaniyaga urush e'lon qilganida, Irlandiyaga va ayollarning saylov huquqlariga oid yuqori darajadagi ichki mojarolar to'xtatildi. Asquit dinamik etakchidan ko'ra ko'proq qo'mita raisi edi. U milliy safarbarlikni nazorat qildi; ning yuborilishi Britaniya ekspeditsiya kuchlari G'arbiy frontga, ommaviy armiyani yaratish va mamlakatning urush maqsadlarini qo'llab-quvvatlashga mo'ljallangan sanoat strategiyasini ishlab chiqish. Urush boshi berk ko'chib ketdi va etakchilikni yaxshilash talabi ko'tarildi. U a tashkil etishga majbur bo'ldi 1915 yil boshida Konservatorlar va Leyboristlar bilan koalitsiya. U strategiya, harbiy xizmatga chaqirish va moliyalashtirish borasida o'z qarorsizligi tufayli zaiflashdi.[1] 1916 yil dekabrda Lloyd Jorj uning o'rniga bosh vazir lavozimini egalladi. Ular ashaddiy dushmanga aylanishdi va tez pasayib borayotgan Liberal partiyani boshqarish uchun kurashdilar. Zamonaviyni yaratishda uning roli Britaniya farovonligi davlati (1906–1911) nishonlandi, ammo uning urush rahbari sifatida va 1914 yildan keyin partiya rahbari sifatida zaif tomonlari tarixchilar tomonidan ta'kidlandi.
Dastlabki hayoti va martaba: 1852-1908
Oila
Asquith yilda tug'ilgan Morley, ichida Yorkshirning G'arbiy Riding, Jozef Dikson Asquitning kichik o'g'li (1825–1860) va uning rafiqasi Emili, nee Willans (1828–1888). Er-xotinning uchta qizi ham bor edi, ulardan faqat bittasi go'dakligidan omon qoldi.[2][3][a] Asquitlar qadimgi Yorkshir oilasi bo'lib, uzoq umr ko'rishgan nomuvofiq an'ana.[b] Ajdod Jozef Asquit pro-dagi ishtiroki uchun qamoqqa tashlangani, Asquit bilan birgalikda oilaviy mag'rurlik masalasi edi.Dumaloq bosh Farnley Wood Plot 1664 yil.[4]
Ikkala Asquitning ota-onasi Yorkshire jun savdosi bilan bog'liq oilalardan bo'lgan. Dikson Asquit otasi asos solgan Gillroyd tegirmon kompaniyasini meros qilib oldi. Emilining otasi Uilyam Uilyans muvaffaqiyatli ishlagan jun bilan savdo qilish biznes "Xaddersfild". Ikkala oila ham o'rta sinf edi, Jamoatchi va siyosiy jihatdan radikal. Dikson yumshoq odam edi, o'stirilgan va o'g'lining so'zlari bilan aytganda, biznes karerasi uchun "kesilmagan".[2] U "yigitlar uchun Muqaddas Kitob darslarini o'tkazgan yuqori xarakterli odam" deb ta'riflangan.[5] Emili sog'lig'i doimiy ravishda yomonlashgan, ammo kuchli xarakterga ega va o'g'illariga ta'sirchan ta'sir ko'rsatgan.[6]
Bolalik va maktabda o'qish
Kichkina kunlarida uni oila ichida Gerbert ("Berti" bolaligida) deb atashgan, ammo ikkinchi xotini uni Genri deb atashgan. Uning tarjimai holi Stiven Koss uning tarjimai holining birinchi bobi "Gerbertdan Genriga qadar" deb nomlanib, yuqoridagi ijtimoiy harakatchanlik va uning ikkinchi turmushi bilan Yorkshire nonconformist ildizlaridan voz kechishini nazarda tutgan. Biroq, jamoat oldida uni doimo faqat deb atashgan H. H. Asquit. "Bir necha yirik milliy arboblar bo'lgan, ularning nasroniy ismlari jamoatchilikka unchalik tanish bo'lmagan", - deydi biograf Roy Jenkins.[2] U va uning akasi 1860 yilgacha, ota-onalari tomonidan uyda ta'lim olishgan, Dixon Asquith to'satdan vafot etgan. Uilyam Uillans oilani boshqarishni o'z zimmasiga oldi, ularni o'z uyiga yaqin uyga ko'chirdi va o'g'il bolalar uchun maktabni tashkil qildi.[7] Bir yildan so'ng Xaddersfild kolleji ular sifatida yuborilgan pansionatlar ga Fulneck maktabi, a Moraviya cherkovi maktab yaqinida Lids. 1863 yilda Uilyam Uilyans vafot etdi va oila Emilining ukasi Jon Uilyansning qaramog'ida qoldi. Bolalar u bilan Londonda yashash uchun ketishdi; u ishbilarmonlik sababli 1864 yilda Yorkshirga qaytib kelganida, ular Londonda qolishdi va turli xil oilalarda yashashdi. Biograf Naomi Levinning yozishicha, Asvitit butun bolaligida "etim kabi muomala qilingan".[8] Amakisining ketishi Asquitning vatani Yorkshir bilan aloqalarini uzib yubordi va u o'zini keyinchalik "londonlik" deb ta'rifladi.[9] Boshqa biograf, H. C. G. Metyu, Asquitning shimoliy nokonformistik kelib chiqishi unga ta'sir o'tkazishda davom etganligini yozadi: "Bu unga antirestemitizmga asoslangan ma'lumotni berdi, hayoti boshqa jihatlaridan metropolitanizmga uzoq vaqt singib ketgan odam uchun muhim edi."[10]
Bolalar yuborildi London shahridagi maktab bolalar kabi. Maktab direktori ostida Rev E. A. Abbott taniqli mumtoz olim Asquit ajoyib o'quvchiga aylandi. Keyinchalik u o'zining eski direktori oldida har qanday yashovchidan ko'ra chuqurroq majburiyatlar borligini aytdi;[11] Ebbott bolaning o'sishi uchun kreditni rad etdi: "Menda hech qachon menga kamroq va o'zining tabiiy qobiliyatiga qarzdor bo'lgan o'quvchim bo'lmagan".[11][12] Asquith ustunlik qildi klassiklar va ingliz tili, sportga unchalik qiziqmasdi Gildxol kutubxonasi va notiqlik san'atiga mahliyo bo'ldi. U jamoat galereyasiga tashrif buyurdi Jamiyat palatasi, taniqli voizlarning usullarini o'rganib chiqdi va maktabdagi munozarali jamiyatda o'z mahoratini oshirdi.[13] Ebbott shogirdining nutqlarining aniqligi va ravshanligi haqida ta'kidladi, bu fazilatlar Asquitit butun umri davomida nishonlandi.[14][15] Keyinchalik Asquit maktab o'quvchisi bo'lganida beshta qotilning jasadlari tashqarida osilgan holda qolganini ko'rganini esladi Newgate.[16]
Oksford
1869 yil noyabrda Asquit g'olib bo'ldi klassik stipendiya da Balliol kolleji, Oksford, keyingi oktyabrda ko'tarilish. Kollejning obro'si allaqachon baland bo'lib, yaqinda saylangan Ustoz davrida ko'tarilib boraverdi, Benjamin Jovett. U kollej standartlarini, uning magistrantlari keyinchalik Askquit "kuchsiz ustunlikning osoyishta ongi" deb atagan narsalar bilan bo'lishadigan darajada ko'tarishga intildi.[17] Asquith Jowettga qoyil qolgan bo'lsa-da, unga ko'proq ta'sir ko'rsatgan T. H. Green, Uaytning axloqiy falsafa professori. Falsafaning mavhum tomoni dunyoqarashi doimo amaliy bo'lgan Asquitni unchalik jalb qilmadi, ammo Grinning ilg'or liberal siyosiy qarashlari unga yoqdi.[10]
Asquitning universitetdagi martabasi - biografining so'zlari bilan aytganda, "shov-shuvsiz holda hayratlanarli" bo'lgan. Roy Jenkins. O'qishni osonlikcha anglash unga munozara uchun yoqtirish uchun etarli vaqt qoldirdi. Universitetda birinchi oyda u nutq so'zladi Oksford ittifoqi. Uning rasmiy biograflari, J. A. Spender va Kiril Asquit, Oksforddagi birinchi oylarida "pravoslav liberal nuqtai nazarini qo'llab-quvvatlagan holda, boshqalar bilan bir qatorda, ning bekor qilish Angliya cherkovi va unga aralashmaslik Frantsiya-Prussiya urushi ".[18] U ba'zan o'z zamondoshi Balliolga qarshi bahslashardi Alfred Milner, garchi o'shanda liberal allaqachon ingliz imperializmining himoyachisi bo'lgan.[19] U 1872 yilda Ittifoqning xazinachisi etib saylangan, ammo prezidentlikdagi birinchi urinishida mag'lubiyatga uchragan.[20] Davomida 1874 yil yanvar va fevral oylarida o'tkazilgan umumiy saylovlar u qarshi chiqdi Lord Randolf Cherchill yaqinda hali taniqli siyosatchi bo'lmagan Woodstock.[21] Oxir oqibat u bo'ldi Ittifoq prezidenti yilda Uchbirlik muddati 1874, uning bakalavriatdagi oxirgi muddati.[22][23]
Asquith edi proksime kirish (ikkinchi o'rin) Hertford mukofoti uchun yana 1872 yilda proksime kirish 1873 yilda Irlandiya mukofoti uchun va yana 1874 yilda Irlandiya uchun shu munosabat bilan shu qadar yaqinlashdiki, imtihonchilar unga maxsus kitob mukofotini topshirdilar. Biroq, u Kreyven stipendiyasini qo'lga kiritdi va biograflari "oson" deb ta'riflagan narsani tugatdi. birinchi navbatda ikki baravar yilda Mods va Greats.[24] Bitirgandan so'ng u mukofotga saylandi do'stlik Balliol.[25]
Dastlabki kasbiy martaba
Naomi Levin, 1991 yil tarjimai holida[26]
1874 yilda bitirgandan so'ng, Asquith bir necha oy murabbiylik qildi Viskont Limington, 18 yoshli o'g'li va merosxo'ri Portsmut grafligi. U aristokratik qishloq uyi tajribasini ma'qul ko'rdi.[27][28] Unga nomuvofiq liberal an'analarning keskin tomonlari, uning kuchli tomonlari kamroq yoqdi mo''tadil harakat. U o'zini "men tarbiyalangan puritanizm" dan qutulganimdan faxrlanar edi.[29] Bu davrda boshlangan mayin sharob va spirtli ichimliklarga bo'lgan mehri oxir-oqibat hushyorlikni keltirib chiqardi "Squiffy ".[30]
Oksfordga qaytib, Asquith etti yillik do'stligining birinchi yilini shu erda istiqomat qildi. Ammo u martaba bilan shug'ullanishni istamadi don; siyosiy shuhratparast, ammo aql-idrokka ega bo'lmagan yigitlar uchun an'anaviy yo'l qonun orqali amalga oshirildi. [28] Hali Oksfordda Asquit allaqachon kirib kelgan edi Linkolnning mehmonxonasi sifatida o'qitmoq advokat va 1875 yilda u a o'quvchi ostida Charlz Bouen.[31] U edi barga chaqirdi 1876 yil iyun oyida.[32]
Jenkins "o'ta ettita oriq yil" deb atagan narsalarga ergashdi.[31] Asquith yana ikkita kichik advokatlar bilan yuridik amaliyotni tashkil etdi. Advokatlar bilan shaxsiy aloqalari bo'lmaganligi sababli, u ozgina qabul qildi qisqacha ma'lumotlar.[c] Uning yo'liga kelganlar u mulozamat bilan bahslashdi, lekin u yuridik savdoning hiyla-nayranglarini o'rganishga juda favqulodda edi: "u konstitutsiyaviy ravishda aqlli tuman yasashga qodir emas edi ... va u odatiy patterni tarqatish uchun o'ziga ustun kela olmadi".[33] U pul etishmasligi bilan uning turmush qurishini to'xtatishiga yo'l qo'ymadi. Uning kelini Xelen Kelsall Melland (1854–1891) Manchesterdagi shifokor Frederik Mellandning qizi edi. U va Asquit onasining do'stlari orqali uchrashgan.[33] Ikkalasi bir necha yil sevishgan, ammo 1877 yilgachagina, Asquith otasining roziligini so'rab, ularning nikohiga rozi bo'lgan. Asquitning cheklangan daromadiga qaramay - deyarli bardan hech narsa va uning do'stligidan oz miqdordagi stipendiya - Melland yigitning imkoniyatlari to'g'risida so'rov o'tkazgandan so'ng rozi bo'ldi. Xelen yiliga bir necha yuz funt sterling miqdorida shaxsiy daromadga ega edi va er-xotin kamtarona sharoitda yashashdi Xempstid. Ularning beshta farzandi bor edi:
- Raymond Asquith (1878 yil 6-noyabr - 1916 yil 15-sentyabr), kim turmushga chiqdi Katarin Xorner (qizi Ser Jon Xorner ) 1907 yil 25-iyulda. Ularning uchta farzandi bor edi.
- Gerbert Asquit (1881 yil 11 mart - 1947 yil 5 avgust), Lady Sintia Charterisga uylangan (qizi Ugo Richard Charteris, Vemisning 11-grafligi va 7-mart grafligi ) 1910 yil 28 iyulda. Ularning uchta farzandi bor edi.
- Artur Asquit (1883 yil 24-aprel - 1939 yil 25-avgust), Betti Konstans Mannersga (qizi Jon Manners-Satton, 3-baron xulq-atvori ) 1918 yil 30 aprelda. Ularning to'rt qizlari bor edi.
- Binafsha Asquit (1887 yil 15 aprel - 1969 yil 19 fevral), 1915 yil 30 noyabrda ser Mauris Bonham Karterga uylandi. Ularning to'rtta farzandi bor edi.
- Kiril Asquit, Bishopstoundan Baron Asquit (1890 yil 5-fevral - 1954 yil 24-avgust),[10] 1918 yil 12 fevralda Anne Pollok (ser Adrian Donald Uayld Pollokning qizi) bilan turmush qurgan. Ularning to'rt farzandi bor edi.
1876-1884 yillarda Asquit muntazam ravishda yozish orqali o'z daromadini to'ldirdi Tomoshabin, o'sha paytda keng liberal qarashga ega edi. Metyu, Asquitning jurnal uchun yozgan maqolalari uning yosh yigitlik davridagi siyosiy qarashlariga yaxshi baho berganligini ta'kidlaydi. U qat'iyatli radikal edi, lekin o'ta chap qanot qarashlariga unchalik ishonmagan Toryizm. Liberallar o'rtasida bahs-munozaralarga sabab bo'lgan mavzular orasida ingliz imperializmi, Buyuk Britaniya va Irlandiyaning birlashishi va ayollarning saylov huquqi bor edi. Asquith imperiyaning kuchli, garchi jingoistik bo'lmagan tarafdori edi va dastlabki ogohlantirishdan keyin Irlandiya uchun uy hukmronligini qo'llab-quvvatladi. U o'zining siyosiy karerasining aksariyat qismida ayollar uchun ovoz berishga qarshi edi.[d] Partiya manfaati elementi ham mavjud edi: Asquit ayollar uchun berilgan ovozlar nomutanosib foyda keltiradi deb hisoblar edi Konservatorlar. 1832 yildan 1931 yilgacha franchayzing muddatini uzaytirish bo'yicha 2001 yilda olib borilgan tadqiqotda Bob Uitfild Asquitning saylovga ta'siri haqidagi taxminlari to'g'ri bo'lgan degan xulosaga keldi.[34] Uning ishidan tashqari Tomoshabin, u sifatida saqlanib qoldi rahbar yozuvchi tomonidan Iqtisodchi, kechki sinflarda o'qitgan va imtihon hujjatlarini belgilagan.[35]
Advokatlik lavozimidagi Asquitning faoliyati 1883 yilda rivojlana boshladi R. S. Rayt uni o'z xonalariga qo'shilishga taklif qildi Ichki ma'bad. Rayt G'aznachilikning kichik maslahatchisi bo'lib, ko'pincha " Bosh prokuror "s shayton ",[36] uning vazifasiga vazirlar va hukumat idoralariga huquqiy maslahat berish kiradi.[36] Raytda ishlashda Asquitning birinchi ishlaridan biri bosh vazir uchun memorandum tayyorlash edi, W. E. Gladstone, ortidan parlament qasamyodining maqomi to'g'risida Bradlaugh ishi. Ham Gladstone, ham Bosh prokuror, Ser Genri Jeyms, taassurot qoldirdi. Bu Asquithning obro'sini oshirdi, garchi uning moliyaviy ahvolini sezilarli darajada oshirmasa ham. U Raytga muntazam ravishda ko'rsatma bergan va endi Asquitga ko'rsatma berishni boshlagan advokatlar bilan yangi aloqalari ancha pullik edi.[37]
Parlament a'zosi va qirolichaning maslahatchisi
1886 yil iyun oyida Liberal partiyasi bilan savolga bo'linish bilan Irlandiyalik uy qoidalari, Gladstone chaqirdi umumiy saylov.[38] Oxirgi daqiqada bo'sh joy mavjud edi East Fife, qaerda o'tirgan Liberal a'zosi, Jon Boyd Kinnear, uning mahalliy Liberal uyushmasi tomonidan Irlandiyadagi Boshqaruv qoidalariga qarshi ovoz bergani uchun bekor qilingan. Richard Xoldeyn, Asquitning yaqin do'sti va ayni paytda kurash olib boradigan yosh advokat yaqin atrofda Liberal deputat bo'lgan Haddingtonshir beri saylov okrugi 1885 yil dekabr. U Kinnearning o'rnini egallab, Asquithning nomini ilgari surdi va ovoz berishdan atigi o'n kun oldin mahalliy liberallarning ovoz berishida Asquit rasmiy ravishda nomzod qilib ko'rsatildi.[39] Konservatorlar Asquitga qarshi bo'lgan Kinnearni qo'llab-quvvatlab, bu o'ringa qarshi kurashmadilar Liberal Unionist. Asquith 2863 ovoz bilan Kinnearning 2489 ovoziga qarshi saylandi.[40]
Liberallar 1886 yilgi saylovda mag'lubiyatga uchradi va Asquit jamoat palatasiga muxolifatning orqa tomoni sifatida qo'shildi. U konservatorlar ma'muriyatining Irlandiyadagi jinoyatlar to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasiga alohida ustuvor ahamiyat berish taklifiga qarshi chiqqan birinchi nutqini 1887 yil martgacha kutdi.[41][42] Deputatlik faoliyatini boshlaganidanoq, Asquit boshqa deputatlarni o'zining avtoritetligi va ifoda etishining ravshanligi bilan hayratga soldi.[43] 1892 yilgacha davom etgan ushbu parlamentning qolgan qismida Asquit vaqti-vaqti bilan, lekin samarali ravishda, asosan Irlandiya masalalari bo'yicha nutq so'zladi.[44][45]
Asquitning yuridik amaliyoti gullab-yashnagan va uning ko'p vaqtini olgan. 1880-yillarning oxirlarida Entoni Umid, keyinchalik roman yozuvchisi bo'lish uchun bardan voz kechgan, uning shogirdi bo'lgan. Takroriylik va talabchanlik "talabchanligi" tufayli sudyalar oldida munozara Asquitni yoqtirmasdi, ammo sudyada yoki apellyatsiya sudlari oldida fuqarolik qonunchiligining nozik nuqtalarini bahslashishda ustun edi.[46] Mijozlari odatda yirik korxonalar bo'lgan ushbu holatlar ajoyib, ammo moddiy jihatdan foydali bo'lgan.[47]
Vaqti-vaqti bilan Asquith shov-shuvli jinoyat ishlarida paydo bo'ldi. 1887 va 1888 yillarda u radikal liberal deputatni himoya qildi, Kannxem Grem, politsiyachilarni buzishga urinishganda ularga tajovuz qilganlikda ayblangan namoyish yilda Trafalgar maydoni.[48] Keyinchalik Grem kichikroq ayblov bilan sudlangan noqonuniy yig'ilish.[49] Jenkins "kamroq liberal sabab" deb atagan narsada, Asquit sud jarayonida prokuraturaga kelgan Genri Vizetelly "odobsiz tuxmatlar" ni nashr etish uchun - ingliz tilidagi birinchi versiyasi Zola romanlari Nana, Pot-Buil va La Terre Asquith sudda "hozirgacha nashr etilgan uchta axloqsiz kitob" deb ta'riflagan.[50]
Asquitning yuridik faoliyati 1889 yilda kichik maslahatchi etib tayinlanganda katta va kutilmagan o'sishga erishdi Ser Charlz Rassel da Parnell tergov komissiyasi. Komissiya zararli bayonotlar natijasida tuzilgan edi The Times, soxta xatlar asosida, Irlandiyalik deputat Charlz Stuart Parnell Dublinning roziligini bildirgan edi Feniks Parkidagi qotillik. Qachon menejeri The Times, J. C. Makdonald, charchaganini his qilib, Rasselni so'roq qilish uchun chaqirgan, so'roq o'tkazishni so'ragan Asquitni hayratda qoldirgan.[51] Asquitning so'roqlari ostida, soxtalashtirishlarni haqiqiy deb qabul qilishda, hech qanday tekshiruv o'tkazmasdan, Makdonald, Jenkinsning iborasi bilan aytganda, "jinoiy jihatdan beparvo bo'lmaganda, bolalarga xos bo'lgan ishonch bilan" o'zini tutgani aniq bo'ldi.[52] Manchester Guardian Asquithning so'roq qilish paytida Makdonald "tushuntirmoqchi bo'lib, yarim shakllangan o'nlab iboralarni chayqab tashladi va hech birini tugatmadi" deb xabar berdi.[53] Parnellga qo'yilgan ayblovlar yolg'on ekanligini ko'rsatdi, The Times to'liq kechirim so'rashga majbur bo'lgan va Asquithning obro'si ta'minlangan.[54][55] Bir yil ichida u barning yuqori darajasiga ko'tarildi, Qirolichaning maslahatchisi.[56]
Asquit 1890-yillarning boshlarida ikkita muhim holatda paydo bo'ldi. U shov-shuvli rollarda samarali past rol o'ynadi Tranbi Kroftni tuhmat qilish sud (1891), da'vogarning tuhmat qilinmaganligini ko'rsatishga yordam beradi. U mag'lubiyat tomonida edi Carlill v Carbolic Smoke Ball Co. (1892), kompaniyaning e'lon qilingan va'dalarini bajarishga majbur bo'lganligini aniqlagan ingliz shartnomasi to'g'risidagi sud ishi.[57][58]
Beva ayol va vazirlar vaziri
1891 yil sentyabrda Xelen Asquit vafot etdi tifo isitmasi oila Shotlandiyada ta'tilda bo'lganida bir necha kunlik kasallikdan so'ng.[59] Asquith uy sotib oldi Surrey va enaga va boshqa uy xodimlarini yollagan. U Hampstead mulkini sotdi va kvartirani oldi Tog' ko'chasi, Mayfair, u ish haftasida yashagan.[60]
The 1892 yil iyuldagi umumiy saylovlar Irlandiyalik millatchi deputatlar tomonidan vaqti-vaqti bilan qo'llab-quvvatlanib, Gladston va Liberallarni o'z lavozimlariga qaytarishdi. O'shanda atigi 39 yoshda bo'lgan va hech qachon kichik vazir bo'lib ishlamagan Asquit ushbu lavozimni qabul qildi Uy kotibi, Vazirlar Mahkamasining yuqori lavozimi. Konservatorlar va liberal ittifoqchilar umumiy ravishda liberallar sonidan ko'p bo'lib, Lordlar palatasidagi doimiy ittifoqchilar ko'pchiligi bilan birgalikda hukumatning islohot choralarini amalga oshirish imkoniyatlarini cheklashdi. Asquith qonun loyihasi uchun ko'pchilikni ta'minlay olmadi bekor qilish The Uels cherkovi va boshqasi ishda jarohatlangan ishchilarni himoya qilish uchun, lekin u qobiliyatli va adolatli vazir sifatida obro'sini oshirdi.[10]
1893 yilda Asquith Magistratlarning so'roviga javob berdi Ueykfild tog'-kon ish tashlashini politsiya kuchaytirish uchun maydon. Asquith 400 metropoliten politsiyachisini yubordi. Ikki fuqaro o'ldirilganidan keyin Tukli tosh askarlar olomonga qarata o't ochganda, Asquit bir muddat jamoat yig'ilishlarida noroziliklarga duch kelgan. U: "Nega 92-yilda Featherstone-da konchilarni o'ldirdingiz?" "Bu 92 emas, 93 yil edi" deyish bilan.[61]
1894 yil mart oyida Gladston nafaqaga chiqqanida, Qirolicha Viktoriya ni tanladi Tashqi ishlar vaziri, Lord Rozberi, yangi bosh vazir sifatida. Asquit, Rozberini boshqa mumkin bo'lgan nomzoddan afzal deb bildi Bosh vazirning kansleri, Ser Uilyam Xarkurt, u o'zini anti-imperialist deb bilgan - "Kichik angliyaliklar "Va juda abraziv.[62] 1895 yilda hukumat qulaguniga qadar Asquit Ichki ishlar vazirligida qoldi.[10]
Asquith bilar edi Margot Tennant Xotinining o'limidan bir oz oldin va beva bo'lgan yillarida unga tobora ko'proq qo'shilib bordi. 1894 yil 10-mayda ular turmushga chiqdilar Sent-Jorj, Gannover maydoni. Asquit kuyovga aylandi Ser Charlz Tennant, 1-baronet. Margot ko'p jihatdan Asquitning birinchi xotiniga qarama-qarshi edi, u xushchaqchaq, g'ayrioddiy, g'ayrioddiy va fikrga ega edi.[63] Asquithning ko'plab do'stlari va hamkasblarining shubhalariga qaramay, nikoh muvaffaqiyatli bo'ldi. Margot o'gay farzandlari bilan, ba'zida bo'ron bilan, agar u va Asquitning o'zlarining beshta farzandi bor edi, ulardan faqat ikkitasi go'dakligidan omon qoldi.[63]
- Entoni Asquit (1902 yil 9-noyabr - 1968 yil 21-fevral)
- Elizabeth Asquith (1897 yil 26 fevral - 1945 yil 7 aprel), u 1919 yil 30 aprelda shahzoda Antuan Bibeskoga uylandi. Ularning bitta qizi bor edi.
Ishdan tashqarida, 1895-1905 yillar
The 1895 yil iyuldagi umumiy saylovlar liberallar uchun halokatli edi, va ostida konservatorlar Lord Solsberi 152 ko'pchilik ovozini qo'lga kiritdi. Hukumat lavozimisiz Asquit o'z vaqtini siyosat va advokatura o'rtasida taqsimladi.[e] Jenkinsning ta'kidlashicha, bu davrda Asquit yulduz bo'lsa-da, sezilarli darajada daromad olgan va hech qachon yomonroq bo'lmagan va ko'pincha ish haqiga qaraganda ancha yuqori maosh olgan.[64] Metyu keyingi yillarda QC sifatida uning daromadi yiliga 5000 funt sterlingdan 10 000 funtgacha bo'lganligini yozdi (2015 yilgi narxlarda 500 000 funtdan 1 000 000 funtgacha).[10][65] Haldanening so'zlariga ko'ra, 1905 yilda hukumatga qaytib kelganda, Askit uchun harakat qilish uchun 10 ming funt sterlingdan voz kechishi kerak edi. Misr xedivei.[66] Keyinchalik Margot (1920 yillarda, ular pul etishmayotganida) barda qolganida yiliga 50 ming funt ishlab topishi mumkin edi, deb da'vo qilgan.[67]
Liberal partiya, bir-biriga nafratlangan rahbariyat - Harkord jamoalarda va Lordlarda Rozberi - yana fraksiya bo'linmalariga duch keldi. Rozberi 1896 yil oktyabrda iste'foga chiqdi va 1898 yil dekabrda Harkurt uni ta'qib qildi.[68][69] Liberallar etakchisiga aylanish uchun nomzodni qabul qilish uchun Asquit kuchli bosimga duch keldi, ammo oppozitsiya etakchisi lavozimi to'la vaqtli bo'lsa ham, keyinchalik maoshsiz edi va u advokat sifatida o'z daromadidan voz kechishga qodir emas edi. U va boshqalar avvalgisidan ustun keldi Urush bo'yicha davlat kotibi, Ser Genri Kempbell-Bannerman postni qabul qilish.[70]
Davomida Boer urushi Liberal fikr 1899-1902 yillarda pro-imperializm va "Kichik Angliya" yo'nalishlari bo'yicha bo'linib, Kempbell-Bannerman partiya birligini saqlashga intildi. Asquit o'z rahbariga qaraganda va partiyadagi ko'plarga qaraganda konservativ hukumatni uning harakati uchun tanqid qilishga unchalik moyil bo'lmagan, ammo u urushni keraksiz chalg'itish deb hisoblagan.[10] Jozef Chemberlen, sobiq Liberal vazir, hozirda konservatorlarning ittifoqchisi bo'lgan tariflar Britaniya sanoatini arzonroq xorijiy raqobatdan himoya qilish. Asquithning an'anaviy Liberal targ'iboti erkin savdo siyosatlar Chemberlenning takliflarini 20-asrning dastlabki yillarida Britaniya siyosatidagi asosiy savolga aylantirishga yordam berdi. Metyu nazarida "Asquitning sud-tibbiyot mahorati Chemberlenning argumentlaridagi kamchiliklarni va o'zaro qarama-qarshiliklarni tezda fosh qildi".[10] Savol konservatorlarni ikkiga ajratdi, liberallar esa "zarur oziq-ovqat mahsulotlari" bayrog'i ostida hukumat tarkibida import qilinadigan zarur narsalarga soliq solish bilan hisoblanganlarga qarshi birlashdilar.[71]
Nazoratchi kantsler, 1905-1908
Solsberining Bosh vazir lavozimidagi konservativ vakili, Artur Balfour, 1905 yil dekabrda iste'foga chiqdi, ammo parlamentni tarqatib yuborish va umumiy saylovlarni o'tkazishga intilmadi.[f] Qirol Edvard VII Kempbell-Bannermanni ozchilik hukumatini tuzishga taklif qildi. Asquit va uning yaqin siyosiy ittifoqchilari Xoldeyn va Ser Edvard Grey uni Lordlar palatasida bosh vazir bo'lish uchun taniqli bosh vazir bo'lish uchun tengdoshligini olishga majbur qildi va partiyaning imperatorlik qanotiga jamoalar palatasida katta ustunlikni berdi. Kempbell-Bannerman ularning blufini chaqirdi va ko'chib o'tishni rad etdi.[72][73] Asquit mablag 'kansleri etib tayinlandi. U ushbu lavozimda ikki yildan ko'proq vaqt ishlagan va uchta byudjetni joriy qilgan.[74][75]
Ishga kirishganidan bir oy o'tgach, Kempbell-Bannerman qo'ng'iroq qildi umumiy saylov, unda liberallar 132 ning aksariyat ko'pchiligiga ega bo'lishdi.[76] Biroq, Asquitning birinchi byudjeti, 1906 yilda, avvalgisidan meros qilib olgan yillik daromad va xarajatlar rejalari bilan cheklangan. Ostin Chemberlen. Chemberlen byudjetdan ortiqcha byudjetga ega bo'lgan yagona daromad spirtli ichimliklar sotishdan olinadigan boj edi.[g][77] Balansli byudjet va kelajakdagi davlat xarajatlarini real baholash bilan Asquith o'zining ikkinchi va uchinchi byudjetlarida kambag'allarga boylik va farovonlik ta'minotini cheklangan ravishda taqsimlash uchun asos yaratishga muvaffaq bo'ldi. Dastlab G'aznachilik xodimlari tomonidan daromad solig'ining o'zgaruvchan stavkasini yuqori daromadli kishilarga nisbatan yuqori stavkalarni belgilashga to'sqinlik qilib, u huzurida qo'mita tuzdi. Ser Charlz Dilke bu nafaqat o'zgaruvchan daromad solig'i stavkalarini, balki a super soliq yiliga 5000 funtdan ortiq daromadlar to'g'risida. Asquit, shuningdek, olingan va olinmagan daromadlar o'rtasidagi farqni kiritdi, ikkinchisiga yuqori stavka bo'yicha soliq soldi. U ko'paygan daromadlarni keksa yoshdagi pensiyalarni moliyalashtirishga sarflagan, bu birinchi marta Britaniya hukumati tomonidan ta'minlangan. Tanlab olinadigan soliqlarni kamaytirish, masalan, shakar kabi, kambag'allarga foyda keltirishga qaratilgan edi.[78]
Asquit 1908 yilgi byudjetni rejalashtirgan, ammo uni jamoatlarga taqdim qilgan paytgacha u endi kantsler bo'lmadi. Kempbell-Bannermanning salomatligi qariyb bir yildan beri yomon ahvolda edi. Bir qator yurak xurujlaridan so'ng u o'limidan uch hafta oldin, 1908 yil 3-aprelda iste'foga chiqdi.[79] Asquit tabiiy voris sifatida hamma tomonidan qabul qilindi.[80] Dam olish paytida bo'lgan qirol Edvard Biarritz, Frantsiyaga qayiq poezdida borgan Asquitga yuborilgan va qo'llarini o'pdi bosh vazir sifatida Hotel du Palais, Biarritz 8 aprelda.[81]
Tinchlik davrida bosh vazir: 1908–1914
Uchrashuvlar va kabinet
Asquith Biarritzdan qaytib kelgach, uning liberallarga rahbarligi partiyaning yig'ilishi tomonidan tasdiqlangan (birinchi marta bu bosh vazir uchun qilingan).[10] U kabinetni almashtirishni boshladi. Lloyd Jorj Asquitning o'rniga kansler lavozimiga tayinlandi. Uinston Cherchill Lloyd Jorj o'rnini egalladi Savdo kengashi prezidenti, yosh bo'lishiga qaramay (33 yoshda) va u borligiga qaramay kabinetga kirish polni kesib o'tdi faqat to'rt yil oldin Liberal bo'lish.[82]
Asquit Kempbell-Bannermanning bir qator vazirlar vazirlarini lavozimidan tushirgan yoki ishdan bo'shatgan. Lord Tvidmut, Admirallikning birinchi lordidir, nominal lavozimiga tushirildi Lord Kengashning Prezidenti. Lord Elgin mustamlaka idorasidan haydaldi va Portsmut grafligi (Asquit o'qitgan) ham urush idorasida kotib sifatida ishlagan. Ishdan bo'shatilishining keskinligi qattiq his-tuyg'ularni keltirib chiqardi; Elgin Tvidmutga shunday deb yozgan edi: "Men hattoki bosh vazir ham janoblar orasida keng tarqalgan usullarni hisobga olishi mumkin deb o'ylayman ... Menimcha, hatto uy xizmatchisi ham yaxshiroq ogohlantirish oladi".[h][83]
Tarixchi Kemeron Hazlexurst "yangi odamlar eskilar bilan birga kuchli jamoani yaratdilar" deb yozgan.[84] Vazirlar Mahkamasi tanlovi partiyadagi raqobatdosh fraksiyalarni muvozanatlashtirdi; Lloyd Jorj va Cherchillning tayinlanishi radikallarni qondirdi, xirillagan unsur esa ma'qullandi Reginald McKenna Birinchi lord sifatida tayinlanish.[10]
Bosh vazir bo'sh vaqtlarda
"Tez ishlaydigan fakultet" ga ega,[85] Asquitda bo'sh vaqt o'tkazish uchun ancha vaqt bor edi. O'qish[86] klassikalar, she'riyat va ingliz adabiyotining keng doirasi uning ko'p vaqtini sarf qildi. Yozishmalar ham shunday bo'ldi; Asquith telefonni qattiq yoqtirmasdi, u juda ko'p yozuvchi edi.[87] Ko'pincha Margot oilasi a'zolariga tegishli bo'lgan qishloq uylariga sayohat deyarli doimiy edi, Asquit sadoqatli kishi sifatida "hafta oxiri ".[88] U har yozning bir qismini Shotlandiyada golf, saylov okrugi masalalari va vaqti bilan o'tkazgan Balmoral vazifa vaziri sifatida.[10] U va Margot o'z vaqtlarini Dauning Strit va Iskala,[89] dala hovli Satton Kurten 1912 yilda sotib olgan Berkshirda;[90] ularning London qasri, 20 Kavendish maydoni,[91] uning premerligi paytida ruxsat berildi. U o'ziga qaram bo'lgan Shartnoma ko'prigi.[92]
Hamma narsadan ustun, Asquith kompaniyada va suhbatda rivojlandi. Klubga yaqin odam, u "aqlli va jozibali ayollarning do'stligidan" yanada ko'proq zavqlanardi.[93] Uning hayoti davomida Asquit yaqin ayol do'stlari doirasiga ega bo'lib, uni Margo o'zining "haramasi" deb atagan.[94] 1912 yilda ulardan biri, Venetsiya Stenli ancha yaqinlashdi. Birinchi uchrashuv 1909-1910 yillarda, 1912 yilga kelib u Asquitning doimiy muxbiri va hamkori bo'lgan. O'sha 1915 yilgacha u kuniga to'rttagacha 560 ta xat yozgan.[95] Garchi ular sevishganmi yoki yo'qmi noma'lum bo'lib qolsa ham,[96] u uning uchun markaziy ahamiyatga ega bo'ldi.[97] Asquith "farovonlik va hashamat" dan to'liq zavqlanmoqda[93] tinchlik davrida va mojaro paytida o'zini tutishini sozlashni istamasligi,[98] oxir-oqibat, aloqada bo'lmagan odamning taassurotiga hissa qo'shdi. Lady Tree mojaro avjida, mendagi masxara qiluvchi savol: "Aytingchi janob Asquit, urushga qiziqasizmi?",[99] keng tarqalgan fikrni etkazdi.
Asquith alkogoldan xursand edi va uning ichkilikbozligi g'iybatning mavzusi edi. Uning ichkilikka bo'lgan erkin munosabati Liberal koalitsiyadagi mo''tadil elementni hafsalasini pir qildi[100] va ba'zi mualliflar bu uning qaror qabul qilishiga ta'sir qilgan deb taxmin qilishmoqda, masalan, Lloyd Jorjning urush paytida alkogol ichimliklar savdosiga qarshi hujumlarida.[101] Konservativ rahbar Bonar qonuni "Asquith mast bo'lib, har birimiz hushyor bo'lgandan ko'ra yaxshiroq nutq so'zlay oladi" deb kinoya qildi.[102] Uning obro'si yomonlashdi, ayniqsa urush davridagi inqirozlar bosh vazirning to'liq ogohligini talab qildi.[103] Devid Ouen 1911 yil aprelida qulab tushganidan so'ng, Asquitga shifokor tomonidan iste'molini qayta tiklashni buyurgan, ammo u haqiqatan ham shunday qilganmi yoki yo'qmi, aniq emas. Ma'lumoti bo'yicha tibbiyot shifokori Ouenning ta'kidlashicha, "zamonaviy diagnostika me'yorlariga ko'ra, Askit Bosh vazir bo'lganida alkogolga aylangan". Guvohlar uning og'irligi va qizargan, shishgan yuzi haqida tez-tez ta'kidlashdi.[104]
Ichki siyosat
Lordlar palatasini isloh qilish
Asquit o'z palatasi a'zolari o'rtasida vositachi sifatida ishlashga umid qilar edi, chunki ular parlament orqali liberal qonunchilikni kuchaytirishdi. Voqealar, shu jumladan Lordlar palatasi bilan ziddiyat, uni bosh vazirlik boshidanoq uni oldinga surishga majbur qildi. Liberallarning jamoalar palatasida ko'pchilik bo'lishiga qaramay, konservatorlar saylanmaganlarni katta qo'llab-quvvatladilar yuqori kamera.[105][men] Kempbell-Bannerman lordlarni isloh qilishni ma'qullab, kamida olti oylik oralig'ida jamoalar tomonidan qabul qilingan uch marta qonun loyihasi Lordlarning roziligisiz qonun bo'lishi mumkin, shu bilan birga parlamentning maksimal muddatini etti kishidan qisqartirish orqali jamoalarning kuchini pasaytiradi. besh yil.[106] Asquit, kansler sifatida, Vazirlar Mahkamasining qo'mitasida ishlagan, 100 ta tengdoshlari bilan bir organ sifatida jamoatlarning qo'shma majlisi tomonidan qonunchilikni to'xtab qolgan vaziyatni hal qilish uchun reja tuzgan.[107] Commons 1908 yilda mag'lubiyatga uchragan yoki Lordlarda qattiq o'zgartirilgan bir qator qonunlarni qabul qildi, jumladan Litsenziyalash to'g'risidagi qonun, Shotlandiyaning kichik er egalari to'g'risidagi qonun va Shotlandiyaning er qiymatlari to'g'risidagi qonunlar.[105]
Ushbu qonun loyihalarining hech biri parlamentni tarqatib yuborish va umumiy saylovlarda yangi mandatni izlash uchun etarlicha muhim emas edi.[10] Asquit va Lloyd Jorj, moliya to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasida keltirilgan liberal maqsadlar taqdim etilsa, tengdoshlari orqaga chekinishlariga ishonishgan - Lordlar 17-asrdan beri pul loyihasiga to'sqinlik qilmagan va dastlab to'sib qo'ygandan keyin Gladstone urinish (kabi kantsler ) 1861 yilda moliya to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasida yana taqdim etilganida, Qog'oz Bojlarini bekor qilish. Shunga ko'ra, Liberal rahbariyat konservativ tengdoshlarning ko'p e'tirozlaridan so'ng, Lordlar byudjet qonun loyihasi bilan o'ralgan siyosat o'zgarishlariga bo'ysunishini kutishgan.[108]
1909 yil: Xalq byudjeti
1908 yil dekabrdagi katta nutqida Asquit yaqinlashib kelayotgan byudjet liberallarning siyosat kun tartibini aks ettirishini e'lon qildi Xalq byudjeti that was submitted to Parliament by Lloyd George the following year greatly expanded ijtimoiy ta'minot dasturlar. To pay for them, it significantly increased both to'g'ridan-to'g'ri va bilvosita soliqlar.[10] These included a 20 per cent tax on the unearned increase in value in land, payable at death of the owner or sale of the land. There would also be a tax of 1⁄2d in the pound[j] on undeveloped land. A graduated daromad solig'i was imposed, and there were increases in imposts on tobacco, beer and spirits.[109] A tax on petrol was introduced despite Treasury concerns that it could not work in practice. Although Asquith held fourteen cabinet meetings to assure unity amongst his ministers,[10] there was opposition from some Liberals; Rosebery described the budget as "inquisitorial, tyrannical, and Socialistic".[110]
The budget divided the country and provoked bitter debate through the summer of 1909.[111] The Nortliff Tugmasini bosing (The Times va Daily Mail ) urged rejection of the budget to give tariff reform (indirect taxes on imported goods which, it was felt, would encourage British industry and trade within the Empire) a chance; there were many public meetings, some of them organised by gersoglar, in protest at the budget.[112] Many Liberal politicians attacked the peers, including Lloyd George in his Nyukasl apon Tayn speech, in which he said "a fully-equipped duke costs as much to keep up as two Dreadnoughts; and dukes are just as great a terror and they last longer".[113] King Edward privately urged Conservative leaders Balfour and Lord Lansdowne to pass the Budget (this was not unusual, as Qirolicha Viktoriya had helped to broker agreement between the two Houses over the Irlandiya cherkovi to'g'risidagi qonun 1869 yil va Third Reform Act in 1884 ).[114] From July it became increasingly clear that the Conservative peers would reject the budget, partly in the hope of forcing an election.[115] If they rejected it, Asquith determined, he would have to ask the King to dissolve Parliament, four years into a seven-year term,[10] as it would mean the legislature had refused ta'minot.[k] The budget passed the Commons on 4 November 1909, but was voted down in the Lords on the 30th, the Lords passing a resolution by Lord Lansdowne stating that they were entitled to oppose the finance bill as it lacked an electoral mandate.[116] Asquith had Parliament imtiyozli three days later for an election beginning on 15 January 1910, with the Commons first passing a resolution deeming the Lords' vote to be an attack on the constitution.[117]
1910: election and constitutional deadlock
The 1910 yil yanvarda umumiy saylovlar Lordlarning vetosini olib tashlash haqidagi gaplar ustunlik qildi.[10][118] A possible solution was to threaten to have King Edward pack the House of Lords with freshly minted Liberal peers, who would override the Lords's veto; Asquith's talk of safeguards was taken by many to mean that he had secured the King's agreement to this. They were mistaken; the King had informed Asquith that he would not consider a mass creation of peers until after a ikkinchi umumiy saylov.[10]
Lloyd George and Churchill were the leading forces in the Liberals' appeal to the voters; Asquith, clearly tired, took to the hustings for a total of two weeks during the campaign, and when the polls began, journeyed to Kann with such speed that he neglected an engagement with the King, to the monarch's annoyance. Natijada a osilgan parlament. The Liberals lost heavily from their great majority of 1906, but still finished with two more seats than the Conservatives. Bilan Irlandiyalik millatchi and Labour support, the government would have ample support on most issues, and Asquith stated that his majority compared favourably with those enjoyed by Palmerston va Lord Jon Rassel.[119]
Immediate further pressure to remove the Lords' veto now came from the Irish MPs, who wanted to remove the Lords' ability to block the introduction of Irish Home Rule. They threatened to vote against the Budget unless they had their way.[120][l] With another general election likely before long, Asquith had to make clear the Liberal policy on constitutional change to the country without alienating the Irish and Labour. This initially proved difficult, and the King's speech opening Parliament was vague on what was to be done to neutralise the Lords' veto. Asquith dispirited his supporters by stating in Parliament that he had neither asked for nor received a commitment from the King to create peers.[10] The cabinet considered resigning and leaving it up to Balfour to try to form a Conservative government.[121]
The budget passed the Commons again, and—now that it had an electoral mandate—it was approved by the Lords in April without a division.[122] The cabinet finally decided to back a plan based on Campbell-Bannerman's, that a bill passed by the Commons in three consecutive annual sessions would become law notwithstanding the Lords' objections. Unless the King guaranteed that he would create enough Liberal peers to pass the bill, ministers would resign and allow Balfour to form a government, leaving the matter to be debated at the ensuing general election.[123] On 14 April 1910, the Commons passed resolutions that would become the basis of the eventual Parlament to'g'risidagi qonun 1911: to remove the power of the Lords to veto money bills, to reduce blocking of other bills to a two-year power of delay, and also to reduce the term of a parliament from seven years to five.[124] In that debate Asquith also hinted—in part to ensure the support of the Irish MPs—that he would ask the King to break the deadlock "in that Parliament" (i.e. that he would ask for the mass creation of peers, contrary to the King's earlier stipulation that there be a second election).[125][m]
These plans were scuttled by the death of Edward VII on 6 May 1910. Asquith and his ministers were initially reluctant to press the new king, Jorj V, in mourning for his father, for commitments on constitutional change, and the monarch's views were not yet known. With a strong feeling in the country that the parties should compromise, Asquith and other Liberals met with Conservative leaders in a number of conferences through much of the remainder of 1910. These talks failed in November over Conservative insistence that there be no limits on the Lords's ability to veto Irish Home Rule.[10] When the Parliament Bill was submitted to the Lords, they made amendments that were not acceptable to the government.[126]
1910–1911: second election and Parliament Act
On 11 November, Asquith asked King George to dissolve Parliament for another general election in December, and on the 14th met again with the King and demanded assurances the monarch would create an adequate number of Liberal peers to carry the Parliament Bill. The King was slow to agree, and Asquith and his cabinet informed him they would resign if he did not make the commitment. Balfour had told King Edward that he would form a Conservative government if the Liberals left office but the new King did not know this. The King reluctantly gave in to Asquith's demand, writing in his diary that, "I disliked having to do this very much, but agreed that this was the only alternative to the Cabinet resigning, which at this moment would be disastrous".[127]
Asquith dominated the short election campaign, focusing on the Lords' veto in calm speeches, compared by his biographer Stephen Koss to the "wild irresponsibility" of other major campaigners.[128] Da nutqida Hull, he stated that the Liberals' purpose was to remove the obstruction, not establish an ideal upper house, "I have always got to deal—the country has got to deal—with things here and now. We need an instrument [of constitutional change] that can be set to work at once, which will get rid of deadlocks, and give us the fair and even chance in legislation to which we are entitled, and which is all that we demand."[129]
The election resulted in little change to the party strengths (the Liberal and Conservative parties were exactly equal in size; by 1914 the Conservative Party would actually be larger owing to by-election victories). Nevertheless, Asquith remained in O'n raqam, with a large majority in the Commons on the issue of the House of Lords. The Parliament Bill again passed the House of Commons in April 1911, and was heavily amended in the Lords. Asquith advised King George that the monarch would be called upon to create the peers, and the King agreed, asking that his pledge be made public, and that the Lords be allowed to reconsider their opposition. Once it was, there was a raging internal debate within the Conservatives on whether to give in, or to continue to vote no even when outnumbered by hundreds of newly created peers. After lengthy debate, on 10 August 1911 the Lords voted narrowly not to insist on their amendments, with many Conservative peers abstaining and a few voting in favour of the government; the bill was passed into law.[130]
According to Jenkins, although Asquith had at times moved slowly during the crisis, "on the whole, Asquith's slow moulding of events had amounted to a masterly display of political nerve and patient determination. Compared with [the Conservatives], his leadership was outstanding."[131] Churchill wrote to Asquith after the second 1910 election, "your leadership was the main and conspicuous feature of the whole fight".[128] Matthew, in his article on Asquith, found that, "the episode was the zenith of Asquith's prime ministerial career. In the British Liberal tradition, he patched rather than reformulated the constitution."[10]
Social, religious and labour matters
Despite the distraction of the problem of the House of Lords, Asquith and his government moved ahead with a number of pieces of reforming legislation. According to Matthew, "no peacetime premier has been a more effective enabler. Labour exchanges, the introduction of unemployment and health insurance … reflected the reforms the government was able to achieve despite the problem of the Lords. Asquith was not himself a 'new Liberal', but he saw the need for a change in assumptions about the individual's relationship to the state, and he was fully aware of the political risk to the Liberals of a Labour Party on its left flank."[10] Keen to keep the support of the Labour Party, the Asquith government passed bills urged by that party, including the Kasaba uyushmalari to'g'risidagi qonun 1913 yil (reversing the Osborne hukmi ) and in 1911 granting MPs a salary, making it more feasible for working-class people to serve in the House of Commons.[132]
Asquith had as chancellor placed money aside for the provision of non-contributory qarilik pensiyalari; the bill authorising them passed in 1908, during his premiership, despite some objection in the Lords.[133] Jenkins noted that the scheme (which provided five shillings a week to single pensioners aged seventy and over, and slightly less than twice that to married couples) "to modern ears sounds cautious and meagre. But it was violently criticised at the time for showing a reckless generosity."[134]
Asquith's new government became embroiled in a controversy over the Evaristik Kongress of 1908, held in London. Keyingi Rim katoliklariga yordam berish to'g'risidagi qonun 1829 yil, Rim-katolik cherkovi had seen a resurgence in Britain, and a large procession displaying the Muborak Rabbimiz was planned to allow the laity to participate. Although such an event was forbidden by the 1829 act, planners counted on the British reputation for religious tolerance,[135] va Francis Cardinal Bourne, Vestminster arxiyepiskopi, had obtained permission from the Metropolitan Police. When the plans became widely known, King Edward objected, as did many other Protestants. Asquith received inconsistent advice from his Home Secretary, Herbert Gladstoun, and successfully pressed the organisers to cancel the religious aspects of the procession, though it cost him the resignation of his only Catholic cabinet minister, Lord Ripon.[136]
Disestablishment of the Welsh Church was a Liberal priority, but despite support by most Welsh MPs, there was opposition in the Lords. Asquith was an authority on Welsh disestablishment from his time under Gladstone, but had little to do with the passage of the bill. It was twice rejected by the Lords, in 1912 and 1913, but having been forced through under the Parliament Act received royal assent in September 1914, with the provisions to'xtatib qo'yilgan urush oxirigacha[10][137]
Ayollar uchun ovozlar
Asquith had opposed votes for women as early as 1882, and he remained well known as an adversary throughout his time as prime minister.[138] He took a detached view of the women's suffrage question, believing it should be judged on whether extending the franchise would improve the system of government, rather than as a question of rights. He did not understand—Jenkins ascribed it to a failure of imagination—why passions were raised on both sides over the issue. He told the House of Commons in 1913, while complaining of the "exaggerated language" on both sides, "I am sometimes tempted to think, as one listens to the arguments of supporters of women's suffrage, that there is nothing to be said for it, and I am sometimes tempted to think, as I listen to the arguments of the opponents of women's suffrage, that there is nothing to be said against it."[139]
In 1906 suffragettes Enni Kenni, Adelaida ritsari va Jane Sbarborough were arrested when they tried to obtain an audience with Asquith.[140][141] Offered either six weeks in prison or giving up campaigning for one year, the women all chose prison.[140] Asquith was a target for militant suffragettes as they abandoned hope of achieving the vote through peaceful means. He was several times the subject of their tactics: approached (to his annoyance) arriving at 10 Downing Street (by Olive Fargus and Ketrin Korbett whom he called 'silly women',[142] confronted at evening parties, accosted on the golf course, and ambushed while driving to Stirling to dedicate a memorial to Campbell-Bannerman. On the last occasion, his top hat proved adequate protection against the dog whips wielded by the women. These incidents left him unmoved, as he did not believe them a true manifestation of public opinion.[143]
With a growing majority of the Cabinet, including Lloyd George and Churchill, in favour of ayollarning saylov huquqi, Asquith was pressed to allow consideration of a xususiy a'zoning hisob-kitobi to give women the vote. The majority of Liberal MPs were also in favour.[144] Jenkins deemed him one of the two main prewar obstacles to women gaining the vote, the other being the suffragists's own militancy. In 1912, Asquith reluctantly agreed to permit a free vote on an amendment to a pending reform bill, allowing women the vote on the same terms as men. This would have satisfied Liberal suffrage supporters, and many suffragists, but the Speaker in January 1913 ruled that the amendment changed the nature of the bill, which would have to be withdrawn. Asquith was loud in his complaints against the Speaker, but was privately relieved.[145]
Asquith belatedly came around to support women's suffrage in 1917,[146] by which time he was out of office. Women over the age of thirty were eventually given the vote by Lloyd George's government under the Xalqni vakillik to'g'risidagi qonun 1918 yil. Asquith's reforms to the House of Lords eased the way for the passage of the bill.[147]
Irlandiyalik uy qoidalari
As a minority party after 1910 elections, the Liberals depended on the Irish vote, controlled by Jon Redmond. To gain Irish support for the budget and the parliament bill, Asquith promised Redmond that Irlandiyalik uy qoidalari would be the highest priority.[148] It proved much more complex and time-consuming than expected.[149] Support for self-government for Ireland had been a tenet of the Liberal Party since 1886, but Asquith had not been as enthusiastic, stating in 1903 (while in opposition) that the party should never take office if that government would be dependent for survival on the support of the Irish Nationalist Party.[150] After 1910, though, Irish Nationalist votes were essential to stay in power. Retaining Ireland in the Union was the declared intent of all parties, and the Nationalists, as part of the majority that kept Asquith in office, were entitled to seek enactment of their plans for Home Rule, and to expect Liberal and Labour support.[10] The Conservatives, with die-hard support from the Protestant Orangemen of Ulster, were strongly opposed to Home Rule. The desire to retain a veto for the Lords on such bills had been an unbridgeable gap between the parties in the constitutional talks prior to the second 1910 election.[151]
The cabinet committee (not including Asquith) that in 1911 planned the Uchinchi uy qoidalari to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi opposed any special status for Protestant Ulster within majority-Catholic Ireland. Asquith later (in 1913) wrote to Churchill, stating that the Prime Minister had always believed and stated that the price of Home Rule should be a special status for Ulster. In spite of this, the bill as introduced in April 1912 contained no such provision, and was meant to apply to all Ireland.[10] Neither partition nor a special status for Ulster was likely to satisfy either side.[149] The self-government offered by the bill was very limited, but Irish Nationalists, expecting Home Rule to come by gradual parliamentary steps, favoured it. The Conservatives and Irish Unionists opposed it. Unionists began preparing to get their way by force if necessary, prompting nationalist emulation. The Unionists were in general better financed and more organised.[152]
Since the Parliament Act the Unionists could no longer block Home Rule in the House of Lords, but only delay Royal Assent by two years. Asquith decided to postpone any concessions to the Unionists until the bill's third passage through the Commons, when he believed the Unionists would be desperate for a compromise.[153] Jenkins concluded that had Asquith tried for an earlier agreement, he would have had no luck, as many of his opponents wanted a fight and the opportunity to smash his government.[154] Janob Edvard Karson, MP uchun Dublin universiteti and leader of the Irish Unionists in Parliament, threatened a revolt if Home Rule was enacted.[155] The new Conservative leader, Bonar qonuni, campaigned in Parliament and in northern Ireland, warning Ulstermen against "Rome Rule", that is, domination by the island's Catholic majority.[156] Many who opposed Home Rule felt that the Liberals had violated the Constitution—by pushing through major constitutional change without a clear electoral mandate, with the House of Lords, formerly the "watchdog of the constitution", not reformed as had been promised in the preamble of the 1911 Act—and thus justified actions that in other circumstances might be treason.[157]
The passions generated by the Irish question contrasted with Asquith's cool detachment, and he wrote about the prospective partition of the county of Tyrone, which had a mixed population, deeming it "an impasse, with unspeakable consequences, upon a matter which to English eyes seems inconceivably small, & to Irish eyes immeasurably big".[158] As the Commons debated the Home Rule bill in late 1912 and early 1913, unionists in the north of Ireland mobilised, with talk of Carson declaring a Provisional Government and Ulster Volunteer Forces (UVF) built around the To'q rangli uylar, but in the cabinet, only Churchill viewed this with alarm.[159] These forces, insisting on their loyalty to the British Crown but increasingly well-armed with smuggled German weapons, prepared to do battle with the British Army, but Unionist leaders were confident that the army would not aid in forcing Home Rule on Ulster.[158] As the Home Rule bill awaited its third passage through the Commons, the so-called Curragh voqeasi occurred in April 1914. With deployment of troops into Ulster imminent and threatening language by Churchill and the Secretary of State for War, John Seely, around sixty army officers, led by Brigadier-General Hubert Gou, announced that they would rather be dismissed from the service than obey.[10] With unrest spreading to army officers in England, the Cabinet acted to placate the officers with a statement written by Asquith reiterating the duty of officers to obey lawful orders but claiming that the incident had been a misunderstanding. Seely then added an unauthorised assurance, countersigned by Ser Jon frantsuz (the professional head of the army), that the government had no intention of using force against Ulster. Asquith repudiated the addition, and required Seely and French to resign, taking on the War Office himself,[160] retaining the additional responsibility until hostilities against Germany began.[161]
Within a month of the start of Asquith's tenure at the War Office, the UVF landed a large cargo of guns and ammunition da Larne, but the Cabinet did not deem it prudent to arrest their leaders. On 12 May, Asquith announced that he would secure Home Rule's third passage through the Commons (accomplished on 25 May), but that there would be an amending bill with it, making special provision for Ulster. But the Lords made changes to the amending bill unacceptable to Asquith, and with no way to invoke the Parliament Act on the amending bill, Asquith agreed to meet other leaders at an all-party conference on 21 July at Buckingham Palace, chaired by the King. When no solution could be found, Asquith and his cabinet planned further concessions to the Unionists, but this did not occur as the crisis on the Continent erupted into war.[10] In September 1914, after the outbreak of the conflict, Asquith announced that the Home Rule bill would go on the statute book (as the Irlandiya hukumati to'g'risidagi qonun 1914 yil ) but would not go into force until after the war; in the interim a bill granting special status to Ulster would be considered. This solution satisfied neither side.[162]
Foreign and defence policy
Asquith led a deeply divided Liberal Party as Prime Minister, not least on questions of foreign relations and defence spending.[10] Under Balfour, Britain and France had agreed upon the Entente Cordiale.[163] In 1906, at the time the Liberals took office, there was an ongoing crisis between France and Germany over Morocco, and the French asked for British help in the event of conflict. Grey, the Foreign Secretary, refused any formal arrangement, but gave it as his personal opinion that in the event of war Britain would aid France. France then asked for military conversations aimed at co-ordination in such an event. Grey agreed, and these went on in the following years, without cabinet knowledge—Asquith most likely did not know of them until 1911. When he learned of them, Asquith was concerned that the French took for granted British aid in the event of war, but Grey persuaded him the talks must continue.[164]
More public was the dengiz qurollanish poygasi between Britain and Germany. The Moroccan crisis had been settled at the Algeciras konferentsiyasi, and Campbell-Bannerman's cabinet approved reduced naval estimates, including postponing the laying down of a second Qo'rquv- sinf jangovar kemasi. Tenser relationships with Germany, and that nation moving ahead with its own dreadnoughts, LED Reginald McKenna, when Asquith appointed him Admirallikning birinchi lordidir in 1908, to propose the laying down of eight more British ones in the following three years. This prompted conflict in the Cabinet between those who supported this programme, such as McKenna, and the "economists" who promoted economy in naval estimates, led by Lloyd George and Churchill.[165] There was much public sentiment for building as many ships as possible to maintain British naval superiority. Asquith mediated among his colleagues and secured a compromise whereby four ships would be laid down at once, and four more if there proved to be a need.[166] The armaments matter was put to the side during the domestic crises over the 1909 budget and then the Parliament Act, though the building of warships continued at an accelerated rate.[167]
The Agadir inqirozi of 1911 was again between France and Germany over Moroccan interests, but Asquith's government signalled its friendliness towards France in Lloyd George's Mansion House nutqi 21 iyulda.[168] Late that year, the Lord President of the Council, Viscount Morley, brought the question of the communications with the French to the attention of the Cabinet. The Cabinet agreed (at Asquith's instigation) that no talks could be held that committed Britain to war, and required cabinet approval for co-ordinated military actions. Nevertheless, by 1912, the French had requested additional naval co-ordination and late in the year, the various understandings were committed to writing in an exchange of letters between Grey and French Ambassador Pol Kambon.[169] The relationship with France disquieted some Liberal backbenchers and Asquith felt obliged to assure them that nothing had been secretly agreed that would commit Britain to war. This quieted Asquith's foreign policy critics until another naval estimates dispute erupted early in 1914.[170]
July Crisis and outbreak of World War I
Suiqasd Archduke Frants Ferdinand Avstriyadan yilda Sarayevo on 28 June 1914 initiated a month of unsuccessful diplomatic attempts to avoid war.[171] These attempts ended with Grey's proposal for a four-power conference of Britain, Germany, France and Italy, following the Austrian ultimatum to Serbiya on the evening of 23 July. Grey's initiative was rejected by Germany as "not practicable".[172] During this period, George Cassar considers that; "The country was overwhelmingly opposed to intervention."[173] Much of Asquith's cabinet was similarly inclined, Lloyd George told a journalist on 27 July that "there could be no question of our taking part in any war in the first instance. He knew of no Minister who would be in favour of it."[172] va uning yozgan Urush xotiralari that before the German ultimatum to Belgium on 3 August "The Cabinet was hopelessly divided—fully one third, if not one half, being opposed to our entry into the War. After the German ultimatum to Belgium the Cabinet was almost unanimous."[174] Asquith himself, while growing more aware of the impending catastrophe, was still uncertain of the necessity for Britain's involvement. On 24 July, he wrote to Venetia, "We are within measurable, or imaginable, distance of a real Armageddon. Happily there seems to be no reason why we should be anything more than spectators."[175]
During the continuing escalation Asquith "used all his experience and authority to keep his options open"[176] and adamantly refused to commit his government; "The worst thing we could do would be to announce to the world at the present moment that in no circumstances would we intervene."[177] But he recognised Grey's clear commitment to Anglo-French unity and, following Russian mobilisation on 30 July,[178] va Kayzer ultimatum to the Tsar on 1 August, he recognised the inevitability of war.[179] From this point, he committed himself to participation, despite continuing Cabinet opposition; "There is a strong party reinforced by Ll George[,] Morley and Harcourt who are against any kind of intervention. Grey will never consent and I shall not separate myself from him."[180] Also, on 2 August, he received confirmation of Conservative support from Bonar Law.[181] In one of two extraordinary Cabinets held on that Sunday, Grey informed members of the 1912 Anglo-French naval talks and Asquith secured agreement to mobilise the fleet.[182]
On Monday 3 August, the Belgian Government rejected the German demand for free passage through its country and in the afternoon, "with gravity and unexpected eloquence",[181] Grey spoke in the Commons and called for British action "against the unmeasured aggrandisement of any power".[183] Bazil Liddell Xart considered that this speech saw the "hardening (of) British opinion to the point of intervention".[184] The following day Asquith saw the King and an ultimatum to Germany demanding withdrawal from Belgian soil was issued with a deadline of midnight Berlin time, 11.00 p.m. (GMT ). Margot Asquith described the moment of expiry, somewhat inaccurately; "(I joined) Henry in the Cabinet room. Lord Kriv and Sir Edward Grey were already there and we sat smoking cigarettes in silence … The clock on the mantelpiece hammered out the hour and when the last beat of midnight struck it was as silent as dawn. We were at War."[185]
First year of the war: August 1914 – May 1915
Asquith's wartime government
The declaration of war on 4 August 1914 saw Asquith as the head of an almost united Liberal Party. Having persuaded Ser Jon Simon va Lord Beauchamp to remain,[186] Asquith suffered only two resignations from his cabinet, those of Jon Morley va Jon Berns.[187] With other parties promising to co-operate, Asquith's government declared war on behalf of a united nation, Asquith bringing "the country into war without civil disturbance or political schism".[188]
The first months of the War saw a revival in Asquith's popularity. Bitterness from earlier struggles temporarily receded and the nation looked to Asquith, "steady, massive, self-reliant and unswerving",[189] to lead them to victory. But Asquith's peacetime strengths ill-equipped him for what was to become perhaps the first umumiy urush and, before its end, he would be out of office forever and his party would never again form a majority government.[190]
Beyond the replacement of Morley and Burns,[191] Asquith made one other significant change to his cabinet. He relinquished the War Office and appointed the non-partisan but Conservative-inclined Xartumning Lord Kitchener.[192] Kitchener was a figure of national renown and his participation strengthened the reputation of the government.[193] Whether it increased its effectiveness is less certain.[99] Overall, it was a government of considerable talent with Lloyd George remaining as Chancellor,[194] Grey as Foreign Secretary,[195] and Churchill at the Admiralty.[192]
The invasion of Belgium by German forces, the touch paper for British intervention, saw the Kaiser's armies attempt a lightning strike through Belgium against France, while holding Russian forces on the Eastern Front.[196] To support the French, Asquith's cabinet authorised the despatch of the Britaniya ekspeditsiya kuchlari.[197] Keyingi Chegaralar jangi in the late summer and early autumn of 1914 saw the final halt of the German advance at the Marnadagi birinchi jang, which established the pattern of attritional trench warfare on the Western Front that continued until 1918.[198] This stalemate brought deepening resentment against the government, and against Asquith personally, as the population at large and the press lords in particular, blamed him for a lack of energy in the prosecution of the war.[199] It also created divisions within the Cabinet between the "Westerners", including Asquith, who supported the generals in believing that the key to victory lay in ever greater investment of men and munitions in France and Belgium,[200] and the "Easterners", led by Churchill and Lloyd George, who believed that the G'arbiy front was in a state of irreversible stasis and sought victory through action in the East.[201] Lastly, it highlighted divisions between those politicians, and newspaper owners, who thought that military strategy and actions should be determined by the generals, and those who thought politicians should make those decisions.[202] Asquith said in his memoirs: "Once the governing objectives have been decided by Ministers at home—the execution should always be left to the untrammeled discretion of the commanders on the spot."[203] Lloyd George's counter view was expressed in a letter of early 1916 in which he asked "whether I have a right to express an independent view on the War or must (be) a pure advocate of opinions expressed by my military advisers?"[204] These divergent opinions lay behind the two great crises that would, within 14 months, see the collapse of the last ever fully Liberal boshqaruv va paydo bo'lishi birinchi koalitsiya, the Dardanelles Campaign and the Shell Crisis.[205]
Dardanel kampaniyasi
The Dardanel kampaniyasi was an attempt by Churchill and those favouring an Eastern strategy to end the stalemate on the Western Front. It envisaged an Anglo-French landing on Turkey's Gallipoli Peninsula and a rapid advance to Constantinople which would see the exit of Turkey from the conflict. Reja tomonidan rad etildi Admiral Fisher, Birinchi dengiz lord, and Kitchener.[206] Unable to provide decisive leadership, Asquith sought to arbitrate between these two and Churchill, leading to procrastination and delay. The naval attempt was badly defeated. Allied troops established bridgeheads on the Gallipoli Peninsula, but a delay in providing sufficient reinforcements allowed the Turks to regroup, leading to a stalemate Jenkins described "as immobile as that which prevailed on the Western Front".[207] The Allies suffered from infighting at the top, poor equipment, incompetent leadership, and lack of planning, while facing the best units of the Ottoman army. The Allies sent in 492,000 men; they suffered 132,000 casualties in the humiliating defeat—with very high rates for Australia and New Zealand that permanently transformed those dominions. In Britain, it was political ruin for Churchill and badly hurt Asquith.[208]
Shell Crisis of May 1915
The opening of 1915 saw growing division between Lloyd George and Kitchener over the supply of munitions for the army. Lloyd George considered that a munitions department, under his control, was essential to co-ordinate "the nation's entire engineering capacity".[209] Kitchener favoured the continuance of the current arrangement whereby munitions were sourced through contracts between the War Office and the country's armaments manufacturers. As so often, Asquith sought compromise through committee, establishing a group to "consider the much vexed question of putting the contracts for munitions on a proper footing".[210] This did little to dampen press criticism[211] and, on 20 April, Asquith sought to challenge his detractors in a major speech at Newcastle; "I saw a statement the other day that the operations of our army were being crippled by our failure to provide the necessary ammunition. There is not a word of truth in that statement."[212]
The press response was savage: 14 May 1915 saw the publication in The Times of a letter from their correspondent Charlz va sud Repington which ascribed the British failure at the Aubers Ridge jangi to a shortage of high explosive shells. Thus opened a fully-fledged crisis, the Shell Crisis. The prime minister's wife correctly identified her husband's chief opponent, the Press baron, and owner of The Times, Lord Nortkliff; "I'm quite sure Northcliffe is at the bottom of all this,"[213] but failed to recognise the clandestine involvement of Ser Jon frantsuz, who leaked the details of the shells shortage to Repington.[214] Northcliffe claimed that "the whole question of the supply of the munitions of war is one on which the Cabinet cannot be arraigned too sharply."[215] Attacks on the government and on Asquith's personal lethargy came from the left as well as the right, C. P. Skott, muharriri Manchester Guardian yozuv; "The Government has failed most frightfully and discreditably in the matter of munitions."[216]
Boshqa tadbirlar
Failures in both the East and the West began a tide of events that was to overwhelm Asquith's Liberal Government.[217] Strategic setbacks combined with a shattering personal blow when, on 12 May 1915, Venetia Stanley announced her engagement to Edvin Montagu. Asquith's reply was immediate and brief, "As you know well, this breaks my heart. I couldn't bear to come and see you. I can only pray God to bless you—and help me."[218] Venetia's importance to him is illustrated by a letter written in mid-1914; "Keep close to me beloved in this most critical time of my life. I know you will not fail."[219] Her engagement; "a very treacherous return after all the joy you've given me", left him devastated.[220] Significant though the loss was personally, its impact on Asquith politically can be overstated.[221] Tarixchi Stiven Kossning ta'kidlashicha, Asquit "har doim o'zining jamoat va shaxsiy hayotini alohida bo'linmalarga ajratishga qodir edi (va) tez orada u o'zining kam bo'lmagan chastotasi, g'ayrati va beparvoligi bilan yozayotgan yangi ishonchli odamlarini topdi".[222]
Ushbu shaxsiy yo'qotish darhol 15 may kuni Cherchill bilan kelishmovchiliklarni davom ettirishdan va Gallipolidagi umidsiz voqealardan xafagarchilikdan so'ng Admiral Fisherning iste'foga chiqishiga sabab bo'ldi.[223] 74 yoshga to'lgan Fisherning xatti-harakatlari tobora notekislashib bordi va Lloyd Jorjga tez-tez yozadigan xatlarida u o'zining ko'ngli qolganini Admirallikning birinchi lordidir; "Fisher menga har kuni yoki ikki kun ichida ishlar qanday o'tayotganini aytib berish uchun xat yozadi. U har doim katta va ajoyib ish qilishni xohlaydigan boshlig'i bilan juda ko'p muammolarga duch keladi."[224] Salbiy voqealar, matbuot dushmanligi, konservativ muxolifat va shaxsiy qayg'ular Asquitga hujum qildi va uning pozitsiyasi liberal hamkasblari tomonidan yanada zaiflashdi. Kassar Lloyd Jorjning sodiqligi yo'qligini ko'rsatdi,[225] va Koss Cherchillning "o'zining har doimgidek qiziqish uyg'otadigan o'yiniga qadar bo'lgan" degan zamonaviy mish-mishlarni yozadi va Cherchillning "shubhasiz Repington maktubini ilhomlantirganligi" haqidagi da'volarni Ser Jon Fransuz bilan til biriktirib xabar beradi.[226] Ichkarida hamjihatlik yo'qligi va tashqaridan hujum uyushtirgan Asquit uning hukumati davom eta olmasligini aniqladi va u Qirolga shunday yozdi: "Men [Hukumat] keng va partiyasiz asosda qayta tiklanishi kerak degan qarorga keldim".[227]
Birinchi koalitsiya: 1915 yil may - 1916 yil dekabr
Birinchi koalitsiyaning tashkil etilishi Asquitdan o'zini tashlab ketganga o'xshagan siyosiy keskinlikni namoyish etdi.[228] Ammo bu xarajatlarga olib keldi. Bu ikki eski siyosiy o'rtoqlarning qurbonligini o'z ichiga oladi: Dardanel fiyaskosida ayblangan Cherchill va Germaniyada xayrixohlikda matbuotda noto'g'ri ayblangan Xolden.[227] Ostida konservatorlar Bonar qonuni ushbu olib tashlashlarni hukumatga kirish sharti qilib qo'ydi va "hech qanday qiyinchiliklarga duch kelmagan" Haldaneni ishdan bo'shatishda [229] Asquit, "o'zining butun karerasining eng xarakterli bo'lmagan xatosi" ni sodir etdi.[230] Greytga yozgan xatida Asquit Xaldey haqida yozgan; "U mening dunyodagi eng qadimgi shaxsiy va siyosiy do'stim va u bilan siz va men 30 yil davomida eng yaxshi vaqt davomida birga edik."[231] Ammo u bu fikrlarini to'g'ridan-to'g'ri Xoldeynga izohlay olmadi, u juda xafa bo'ldi. Asquith o'z lavozimlarini ajratishni yanada muvaffaqiyatli hal qildi, Qonunni nisbatan kichik mustamlaka kotibi lavozimiga tayinladi,[232] o'q-dorilar uchun mas'uliyatni o'z zimmasiga olgan va uni yangi vazirlik sifatida Lloyd Jorjga topshirgan va Balfurni Admiraltiga Cherchill o'rniga, u Sinecure kabinetining lavozimiga tushirilgan. Lankaster knyazligi. Umuman olganda, liberallar 12 ta vazirlik o'rindig'ini egallashdi, shu jumladan ko'pchilik muhim o'rinlarni, konservatorlar esa 8 ta o'ringa ega bo'lishdi.[233] Ushbu natijaga qaramay, ko'plab liberallar ishdan bo'shatilib, ularni hayratda qoldirdilar Charlz Xobxaus yozuv; "Liberal partiyaning parchalanishi yakunlandi. L. va uning tori do'stlari tez orada Asquitdan xalos bo'lishadi".[234] Partiyadan va shaxsiy nuqtai nazardan, Birinchi koalitsiyani tuzish "(agar Asquith) uchun muhim g'alaba, agar ittifoqdoshlar uchun bo'lmasa" deb qaraldi.[228] Ammo Asquitning Qonunga beparvo munosabatda bo'lishi, uning va partiyasining keyinchalik yo'q qilinishiga yordam berdi.[235]
Urushni qayta tashkil etish
Hukumatini qayta tiklagan Asquit o'zining urush olib boruvchi apparatini qayta konfiguratsiya qilishga urindi. Buning eng muhim elementi O'q-dorilar vazirligi,[236] keyin Dardanel qo'mitasi ichiga Urush Kengashi qayta buyurtma tomonidan, bilan Moris Xanki kotib sifatida va urush strategiyasining barcha masalalarini ko'rib chiqish vakolatiga ega.[237]
The Urush qurollari to'g'risidagi qonun 1915 yil qurolli kuchlarni etkazib beradigan xususiy kompaniyalarni qattiq nazorat ostiga oldi O'q-dorilar vaziri, Lloyd Jorj. Siyosat, ko'ra J. A. R. Marriott, shunday edi:
- davlatning xizmatiga to'sqinlik qilish yoki uning xavfsizligini buzish uchun hech qanday shaxsiy manfaatlarga yo'l qo'yilmasligi kerak edi. Kasaba uyushma qoidalari to'xtatilishi kerak; ish beruvchilarning foydasi cheklangan bo'lishi kerak, malakali erkaklar, agar xandaqda bo'lmasa, fabrikalarda kurashishlari kerak; ishchi kuchini kamaytirish va ayollarni ish bilan ta'minlash orqali erkak kuchini tejash kerak; Xususiy fabrikalar davlat nazorati ostidan o'tishi va yangi milliy fabrikalar tashkil etilishi kerak. Natijalar yangi siyosatni oqladi: chiqish ajoyib edi; tovarlar nihoyat etkazib berildi.[238]
Shunga qaramay, Asquitning etakchilik uslubini tanqid qilish davom etdi. Krouford grafligi hukumatga qishloq xo'jaligi vaziri sifatida qo'shilgan, o'zining birinchi hukumat yig'ilishini tasvirlab berdi; "Bu juda katta yig'ilish edi, shuning uchun har bir tafsilot bo'yicha bir yoki ikkitadan ko'proq fikr bildirish umidsizdir […] Asquith somnolent - qo'llar silkitilgan va yonoqlar pendulous. U munozaralarni ozgina nazorat qilmadi, juda zerikarli, ammo yaxshi ko'rinardi bo'ylab hazillashdi. " Lloyd Jorj kamroq bardoshli edi, Jorj Riddell uning kundaligiga yozib olish; "(U) P.M.ga kerak deb aytadi qo'rg'oshin ergashmang va (Asquith) majburlanmaguncha hech qachon harakat qilmaydi va keyin odatda juda kech bo'ladi. "[239] Va inqirozlar, shuningdek tanqidlar Bosh vazirni "partiyadagi va partiyalararo xushomadgo'ylikdan qo'rqib ketgan" da davom ettirmoqda.[240]
Muddatli harbiy xizmat
G'arbiy front uchun ishchi kuchiga bo'lgan qoniqarsiz talab avvaldan ko'zda tutilgan edi. Urush boshlanganda ko'ngillilar tizimi joriy qilingan edi va Asquit uni siyosiy sabablarga ko'ra o'zgartirishni xohlamadi, chunki ko'plab liberallar va ularning deyarli barcha Irlandiyalik millatchi va leyboristik ittifoqchilari qat'iy qarshi edilar. muddatli harbiy xizmatga chaqirish.[241] Ko'ngillilar soni tushib ketdi,[242] Gallipoliga qo'shimcha kuchlar va G'arbiy front uchun ko'proq kuch talablarini qondirmaslik.[243] Bu ixtiyoriy tizimni tobora ko'proq yaroqsiz holga keltirdi; Asquitning qizi Violet 1915 yil mart oyida yozgan; "Bora-bora oyoq-qo'llari va qobiliyatlari o'rtacha bo'lgan har bir erkak urushga tortib olinmoqda".[244] 1915 yil iyulda 18 yoshdan 65 yoshgacha bo'lgan barcha erkaklar uchun majburiy ro'yxatdan o'tishni talab qiluvchi Milliy ro'yxatga olish to'g'risidagi qonun qabul qilindi.[245] Bu ko'pchilik tomonidan chaqirilishga tayyorgarlik, ammo tayinlanish sifatida ko'rilgan Lord Derbi Ishga qabul qilishning bosh direktori sifatida uning o'rniga ixtiyoriy tizimni yoshartirishga urinish ko'rildi Derbi sxemasi.[246] Asquitning harbiy xizmatga sekin qadam bosishi raqiblarini g'azablantirdi, Ser Genri Uilson yozish Leo Amery; "Ushbu bahslarning natijasi nima bo'ladi?" Kutish va ko'rish "g'alaba qozonadimi yoki kabinetning jiddiy va keksa Skiffni harakatga keltirishga xalaqit beradigan halol kuchi bo'lagi bo'ladimi?"[247] Bosh vazirning parlament ichidagi va o'z partiyasidagi muvozanatlashuv harakatiga uning rafiqasi tomonidan harbiy xizmatga chaqirilishga qarshi qat'iy kampaniya yordam bermadi. O'zini "ehtiros bilan qarshi" deb ta'riflagan holda,[248] Margot Asquith o'zining tez-tez ta'sir qiladigan haydovchilaridan biri bilan, xatlar va suhbatlar orqali qatnashgan, bu esa Asquitning obro'si va mavqeiga "katta zarar" etkazishdan boshqa ozgina ta'sir ko'rsatmagan.[249]
1915 yil oxiriga kelib, harbiy xizmatga chaqirish juda zarur ekanligi aniq edi va Asquit uni qo'ydi Harbiy xizmat to'g'risidagi qonun 1916 yil 5-yanvarda jamoalar palatasida.[250] Ushbu qonun bakalavrlarni muddatli harbiy xizmatga chaqirishni joriy etdi va shu yil oxirida turmush qurgan erkaklarga ham tatbiq etildi. Asquitning asosiy muxolifati o'z partiyasi ichidan, xususan iste'foga chiqqan Ser Jon Saymondan chiqqan. Asquit Silvaniya Xenliga yozgan maktubida Simonning pozitsiyasini tasvirlab bergan; "Men o'zimni haqiqatan ham o'g'li tomonidan yuziga urilgan odam kabi his qildim."[251] Bir necha yil o'tgach, Simon o'zining xatosini tan oldi; "Men qarshilik ko'rsatishim xato bo'lganligini uzoq vaqt angladim."[252] Hisobotni hukumatni buzmasdan olib chiqishda Asquitning erishgan yutuqlari juda katta edi, uning xotini yozgan; "Anrining Angliyadagi ushbu ajoyib o'zgarishlarda Leyboristni ushlab turishdagi sabri va mahorati barchani hayratda qoldirdi".[253] ammo uzoq davom etgan kurash "o'zining obro'siga va partiyasining birligiga putur etkazdi".[254]
Irlandiya
Fisih dushanba kuni 1916 yilda bir guruh Irlandiyalik ko'ngillilar va a'zolari Irlandiya fuqarolar armiyasi shahridagi bir qator muhim binolar va joylarni egallab oldi Dublin va boshqa joylarda. Keyingi hafta ko'ngillilar taslim bo'lishga majbur bo'lgunga qadar og'ir janglar bo'ldi.[255] Muddatli harbiy xizmatga chalg'itgan Asquit va hukumat rivojlanayotgan xavfni tezda anglamadilar, [256] shoshilinch harbiy sudlardan so'ng, Irlandiyaning bir qator rahbarlari qatl etilganida, bu yanada kuchaygan. 11-may kuni Asquit Dublinga o'tdi va bir hafta davom etgan tergovdan so'ng orolning boshqaruv tizimi qaytarib bo'lmaydigan darajada buzilgan deb qaror qildi,[257] U echim izlash uchun Lloyd Jorjga murojaat qildi. Lloyd Jorj o'zining odatiy kuchi bilan ko'rishi mumkin bo'lgan kelishuvga vositachilik qildi Uy qoidalari istisno qilingan holda, urush oxirida kiritilgan Olster.[258] Biroq, u ham, Asquit ham, konservativ qarshiliklarning darajasini qadrlamadilar, Lordlar palatasida bu reja kuchli hujumga uchradi va keyinchalik tark etildi.[259] Ushbu epizod Lloyd Jorjning obro'siga putur etkazdi, shuningdek, Asquitning obro'siga putur etkazdi, Valter Long ikkinchisi haqida gapirganda; "qarorga juda etishmayapti".[260] Bu shuningdek, Asquit va Lloyd Jorj o'rtasidagi bo'linishni yanada kengaytirdi va hukumatni qayta qurish rejalarida ikkinchisini rag'batlantirdi; "Janob A bugungi kunda juda kam xursandchilikka ega."[261]
Urushning rivojlanishi
Ittifoqchilarning muvaffaqiyatsizligi va og'ir yo'qotishlarni davom ettirish Loos jangi 1915 yil sentyabr va oktyabr oylari orasida ingliz qo'mondoniga qolgan ishonch tugadi, Ser Jon frantsuz va Lord Kitchenerning hukmida.[262] Asquith ma'qul bo'lgan strategiyaga murojaat qildi va Kitchener-ni Bosh qo'mondon sifatida O'rta er dengizida qolishga ishontirishga umid qilib Gallipoli jang maydoniga sayohat qilishni ishontirdi.[263] Urush idorasini vaqtincha zimmasiga oldi.[264] Keyin u frantsuz tilini o'rniga qo'ydi Ser Duglas Xeyg; 1915 yil 10-dekabrdagi kundaligidagi so'nggi yozuv; "Kechki soat 7 lar atrofida men Bosh vazirdan" Yashirin "deb yozilgan va ilova qilingan xat oldim uchta konvertlar. Ser J. Frantsiya mening qo'limga iste'foga chiqishni topshirdi ... Qirol ma'qullagan taqdirda, men sizga uning o'rnini egallashingizni taklif qilishdan mamnunman.'"[265] Asquith ham tayinlandi Ser Uilyam Robertson kabi Imperator Bosh shtabi boshlig'i kengaytirilgan vakolatlarga ega bo'lib, to'g'ridan-to'g'ri Vazirlar Mahkamasiga hisobot berib, ularga harbiy maslahat berish huquqi bilan, Davlat kotibini armiyani yollash va ta'minlash vazifalariga topshirdi.[266] Va nihoyat, u kichikroq Dardanel qo'mitasini tuzdi, Urush qo'mitasini qayta xristian qildi,[267] o'zi bilan, Balfour, Law, Lloyd Jorj va Reginald McKenna a'zolari sifatida[268] tez orada ko'payganligi sababli, Qo'mita "juda katta va ijro etuvchi hokimiyatning etishmasligi" sababli avvalgisining xatolarini davom ettirdi.[269] Bularning hech biri Dardanel kampaniyasini saqlab qolmadi va evakuatsiya to'g'risida qaror dekabr oyida qabul qilindi,[270] natijada Cherkillning Lankaster knyazligidan iste'foga chiqishga,[271] kim yozgan edi: "Men urush siyosati uchun umumiy javobgarlik pozitsiyasini uning rahbarligi va nazoratida samarali ulush bo'lmasdan qabul qila olmadim".[268] Keyinchalik Bolqonda teskari o'zgarishlar yuz berdi: Markaziy kuchlar Serbiyani bosib olishdi va orqaga aralashishga harakat qilgan ittifoqchilar qo'shinlarini majbur qilishdi Salonika.[272]
1916 yil boshlarida nemis hujumi boshlandi Verdun, "tarixdagi eng katta eskirish jangi".[273] May oyining oxirida Angliya-Germaniya urushidagi yagona muhim harbiy harakatlar bo'lib o'tdi Yutlendiya jangi. Garchi strategik muvaffaqiyat bo'lsa ham,[274] Ittifoqchilar tomonida kemalarning katta yo'qotilishi erta xavotirga sabab bo'ldi.[275] Lord Nyuton, Paymaster General va Kitchener yo'qligida urush idorasining parlament vakili, uning kundaligiga yozib qo'yilgan; "Yutlanddan dengizdagi jang haqidagi bema'ni yangiliklar. Yo'qotilgan kemalar ro'yxatini tinglar ekanman, bu biz boshimizdan o'tgan eng dahshatli falokat deb o'ylardim."[276] Ushbu umidsizlik, millat uchun, agar uning hamkasblari uchun bo'lmasa, Lord Kitchener cho'kib ketayotganda o'ldirilganida kuchaygan. HMS Xempshir 5 iyun kuni.[277]
Dastlab Asquit bo'sh turgan harbiy idorani o'zi olishni o'ylab, keyin uni Lloyd Jorj foydasiga rad etgan Qonunga taklif qildi.[278] Bu ikkala odam o'rtasidagi harakatlarning birlashib borayotganligining muhim belgisi edi va Margot Asquitni oldindan aytib berish bilan to'ldirdi; "Men buni Genri hayotidagi eng katta siyosiy xato deb bilaman, biz ... biz tashqariga chiqdik: biz Dauning Stritdan chiqib ketishimiz kerak bo'lgan vaqt masalasi bo'lishi mumkin."[279][280]
Askvit bundan keyin Dardanel va uning harakati to'g'risida tergov komissiyalarini tuzishga kelishib oldi Mesopotamiya kampaniyasi, Ittifoq kuchlari taslim bo'lishga majbur bo'lgan joyda Kut.[281] Ser Moris Xanki, Urush qo'mitasining kotibi shunday deb hisoblagan; "Koalitsiya hech qachon tiklanmadi. So'nggi besh oy davomida Oliy qo'mondonlikning vazifasi ushbu so'rovlar ostida amalga oshirildi."[282] Ammo bu xatolar cheklangan taraqqiyot va katta yo'qotishlarga soya solgan Somme jangi 1916 yil 1-iyulda boshlangan va keyinchalik yana bir halokatli shaxsiy yo'qotish - Asquitning o'g'lining o'limi bilan boshlangan Raymond, 15 sentyabr kuni Flers jangi - Kurset.[283] Asquitning to'ng'ich o'g'li bilan munosabatlari oson bo'lmagan. Raymond 1916 yil boshida xotiniga xat yozgan; "Agar Margot sizga o'gay farzandlarining g'ayriinsoniyligi haqida ko'proq gapirib bersa, uning 10 oylik hijratda yurish paytida P.M menga hech qachon biron bir ta'rif yozmaganligini aytib, uning og'zini to'xtata olasiz."[284] Ammo Raymondning o'limi buzilgan edi, Binafsha yozuv; "... Otamning shunday azob chekayotganini ko'rish uchun"[285] va Asquith keyingi oylarning ko'pini "chekingan va yaqinlashish qiyin" o'tdi.[286] Urush tinchlik keltirmadi, Cherchill shunday deb yozdi; "Sommda Germaniya chizig'ini buzmaslik, Sharqda Germaniya kuchlarini tiklash [ya'ni mag'lubiyat Brusilov hujumkor ], Roumania xarobasi va yangi dengiz osti urushlarining boshlanishi ishlarni olib borishda yanada kuchliroq bo'lishni talab qilgan barcha kuchlarni kuchaytirdi va rag'batlantirdi. "[287]
Kuz: 1916 yil noyabr-dekabr
Birinchi koalitsiyaning qulashiga olib kelgan voqealar deyarli barcha asosiy ishtirokchilar tomonidan to'liq yozilgan,[288] (garchi Asquitning o'zi ham istisno bo'lgan bo'lsa-da) va 100 yildan beri tarixchilar tomonidan bir necha daqiqalar davomida o'rganilgan.[289] Garchi ko'plab hisobotlar va tadqiqotlar tafsilotlari bilan ajralib tursa-da, umuman olganda biroz chalkash ko'rinishga ega bo'lsa-da, tasavvurlari aniq. Sifatida R. J. Q. Adams yozgan; "Bosh vazir parlamentdagi ko'pchilikka bog'liq edi. Asvitit rahbariyatidagi bu ko'pchilikning e'tiqodi silkinib ketdi va mantiqiy alternativaning paydo bo'lishi uni yo'q qildi."[290][291][292]
Nigeriya munozarasi va Lord Lansdauning memorandumi
Yakuniy inqiroz uchun teginish qog'ozi qo'lga kiritilgan nemis aktivlarini sotishning mumkin bo'lmagan mavzusi edi Nigeriya.[293] Mustamlakachining kotibi sifatida Konservatorlar etakchisi Bonar Law munozarani olib bordi va ser Edvard Karsonning g'azabli hujumiga duch keldi. Masalaning o'zi ahamiyatsiz edi,[294] Ammo Lounga o'z partiyasining etakchi a'zosi hujum qilgani va uni Lloyd Jorj qo'llab-quvvatlamaganligi (u kechqurun faqat Karson bilan birga ovqatlanish uchun Palatadan chetlangan) qo'llab-quvvatlamadi.[295]
Margot Asquit darhol kelayotgan xavfni sezdi; "O'sha kechadan boshlab Northcliffe, Rothermere, Bonar, Carson, Ll.G (va Maks Aytken ismli kishi) hukumatni boshqarishi aniq edi. Men buni oxirigacha bilardim."[296] Grey ham xuddi shunday eskirgan, yozar edi; "Lloyd Jorj hukumatni tarqatib yuborishni anglatadi".[297] Qonun munozarani o'zining siyosiy mavqeiga tahdid deb bildi,[298] shuningdek, hukumat tomonidan tutilmaslikning yana bir misoli.[299]
Vaziyat urushning kelajakdagi istiqbollari to'g'risida memorandum nashr etilishi bilan yanada kuchaygan Lord Lansdowne.[300] 13-noyabr kuni tarqatilib, u bilan kelishilgan holda kelishuv imkoniyatini ko'rib chiqdi va bekor qilmadi Markaziy kuchlar. Asquithning tanqidchilari darhol ushbu memorandum o'z qarashlarini ifodalaydi va Lansdowne ta'qib qilinadigan ot sifatida ishlatilgan deb taxmin qilishdi,[301] Lord Kriv Lansdowne Memorandumining "haqiqiy" ekanligini taxmin qilishgacha borish causa causans[n] yakuniy ajralish to'g'risida ".[302]
Triumvirat yig'iladi
1916 yil 20-noyabrda Lloyd Jorj, Karson va Loun uchrashdi Hyde Park mehmonxonasi.[303] Uchrashuv Maks Aytken bo'lajak inqirozda ham, undan keyingi tarixshunoslikda ham kim asosiy rollarni o'ynashi kerak edi.[304] Maks Aytken kanadalik avantyurist, millioner va Qonunning yaqin do'sti edi.[305] Birinchi koalitsiya qulashi haqidagi kitobi, Siyosatchilar va urush 1914–1916 yillar, har doim qisman va ba'zida noto'g'ri bo'lsa ham, Asquitning siyosiy halokatidan oldingi voqealar haqida insayderning batafsil fikrini beradi.[306] Uchlik hukumatni qayta qurish zarurligi to'g'risida kelishib oldilar va keyinchalik buni amalga oshirish mexanizmini kelishib oldilar; Lloyd Jorj boshchiligidagi besh kishidan ko'p bo'lmagan va urushni o'tkazish uchun to'liq ijro etuvchi hokimiyatga ega bo'lgan kichik urush kengashini tashkil etish.[307]
Asquit bosh vazir lavozimida qolishi va Urush kengashining sharafli nazorati ostida bo'lishi kerak edi, ammo har kungi operatsiyalarga Lloyd Jorj rahbarlik qilar edi.[303] Ushbu sxema, tez-tez qayta ishlangan bo'lsa-da, 6-dekabrda Asquitning qulashiga qadar hukumatni isloh qilish bo'yicha barcha takliflarning asosi bo'lib qoldi. Deyarli oxirigacha ikkala Qonun,[308] va Lloyd Jorj,[309] Asquithni bosh vazir lavozimida saqlab qolishni xohladi, ammo Aitken,[306] Karson[310] va Lord Nortkliff qat'iyan bajarmadi.[311]
Mas'uliyatsiz kuch
Lord Nortkliffning roli, Lloyd Jorjdan va umuman matbuotdan foydalanish kabi juda muhim edi. Nortkliffning ishtiroki, shuningdek, Aitken va Lloyd Jorjning Asquitning qulashi haqidagi hisobotlari cheklanganligini ta'kidlaydi. Ikkalasi ham voqealarda Nortkliffning rolini minimallashtirdi. Uning ichida Urush xotiralari, Lloyd Jorj qat'iyan ta'kidlagan: "Lord Nortkliff hech qachon, hech qachon bizning maslahatimizga jalb qilinmagan".[312] Aitken buni qo'llab-quvvatladi; "Lord Northcliffe Lloyd Jorj bilan faol hamkorlik qilmagan."[313] Ammo bu da'volar boshqalar tomonidan ziddir. Nortkliffning biografiyasida, Reginald funt va Jeffri Xarmsvort Nortkliffning akasini qayd etishdi Rothermere bir vaqtning o'zida yozish; "Alfred o'zgarishlarni amalga oshirish maqsadida Ll.G. bilan faol ish olib borgan."[314] Riddell 1916 yil 27-maydagi kundaligida shunday deb yozgan edi: "LG hech qachon to'g'ridan-to'g'ri Northcliffe-ni ko'rishini aytmaydi, lekin men ular kundalik aloqada ekanligiga aminman".[315] Margot Asquit, shuningdek, Nortkliffning roli va Lloyd Jorjning ishtiroki to'g'risida aniq edi, garchi u o'zining kundaligiga yozishda ularning ikkala ismini yashirgan bo'lsa ham; "Men faqat Lord N-ga ma'lumot berish uchun mas'ul bo'lgan odam qattiq jazolanishiga umid qilaman: Xudo uni kechirishi mumkin; men hech qachon qila olmayman."[316] Ular, shuningdek, hodisalar bilan qarama-qarshi; Nortkliff Lloyd Jorj bilan Lloyd Jorjning iste'fosidan uch kun oldin, 1, 2 va 3-dekabr kunlari uchrashdi.[317] Lloyd Jorj Urush Kengashi uchun qayta ko'rib chiqilgan takliflarini Asquitga topshirganidan oldin ham, keyin ham 1 dekabr kuni bo'lib o'tgan ikkita uchrashuv.[318] Davom etayotgan voqealar muhokama qilinmagani va ikki kishi o'zlarining suhbatlarini Lloyd Jorj iste'foga chiqqandan so'ng uning maqolalarini tarqatish huquqlari to'g'risida muzokaralar olib borish bilan cheklashlari mumkin emas, chunki Pound va Xarmsvort zaif taklif qilmoqdalar.[319] Boshqalarning Northcliffe va keng matbuotdan foydalanishga urinishlari ham e'tiborga loyiqdir. Shu munosabat bilan, ba'zi yuqori martabali harbiy ofitserlar nihoyatda faol edilar. Masalan, Robertson 1916 yil oktyabrda Nortkliffga shunday yozgan edi: "Boche Londonda uchrashganim bilan solishtirganda menga hech qanday muammo tug'dirmaydi. Shunday qilib, siz menga beradigan har qanday yordamingiz imperatorlik uchun juda muhimdir".[320] Va nihoyat, Northcliffe gazetalarining harakatlari, xususan, ko'rib chiqilishi kerak The Times 4 dekabrda Asquitni Lloyd Jorjning Urush Kengashining so'nggi takliflarini rad etishga olib keldi.[321] Nortkliffning eng so'nggi biografi bo'lgan Tompson xulosa qiladi; "Dalillardan ko'rinib turibdiki, Northcliffe va uning gazetalariga 1916 yil dekabrda Asquit hukumati qulashi uchun umuman olgandan ko'ra ko'proq kredit berilishi kerak."[322]
To-ing va fro-ing
25-noyabrda Law yana Karson va Lloyd Jorj bilan uchrashdi va Aitkenning yordami bilan Asquith imzosi uchun memorandum tuzdi.[323] Lloyd Jorj va prezident Asquit prezident sifatida tartibsiz qatnashadigan "Fuqarolik Bosh shtabi" ni ko'rishlari mumkin, ammo xohlaganicha Vazirlar Mahkamasiga murojaat qilish huquqiga ega.[323] Ushbu Qonun keyingi haftaning dushanba kuni javob berishga majbur bo'lgan Asquitga taqdim etildi.[324]
Uning javobi to'g'ridan-to'g'ri rad etish edi; taklif "hamkasblarimning ishonchini o'ldirmasdan va o'z vakolatlarimga putur etkazmasdan" mumkin emas edi.[324] Qonun Asquitning Karson va Lloyd Jorjga bergan javobini mustamlaka idorasidagi Law ofisida oldi. Hammasi keyingi qadamlarga ishonchsiz edi.[325] Qonun u ilgari qilmagan katta konservativ hamkasblari bilan uchrashishni maqsadga muvofiq deb qaror qildi.[326] U ko'rdi Ostin Chemberlen, Lord Curzon va Lord Robert Sesil 30-noyabr, payshanba kuni. Hammasi Lloyd Jorjning Urush kengashining rejalariga qarshi birlashdi, deb yozadi Chemberlen; "(biz) bir ovozdan (rejalar) jiddiy e'tirozga ochiq bo'lganligi va ba'zi muqobil takliflarni bildirganligi to'g'risida fikr bildirdik."[327]
Lloyd Jorj ham ushbu sxemaning mohiyati haqida mulohaza yuritgan va 1 dekabr juma kuni u alternativani taklif qilish uchun Asquit bilan uchrashgan. Bu uchta, ikkita xizmat vazirlari va uchinchisi portfelsiz urush kengashini ko'radi. Uch kishidan biri, ehtimol Lloyd Jorj, bu aniq bo'lmasa-da, rais bo'lar edi. Asquit Bosh vazir sifatida "yuqori nazoratni" saqlab qoladi.[328]
O'sha kuni Asquitning javobi to'g'ridan-to'g'ri rad etishni anglatmadi, ammo u kengash raisligini saqlab qolishni talab qildi.[329] Shunday qilib, Lloyd Jorj uchun bu nomaqbul edi va u ertasi kuni (2-dekabr, shanba) Qonunga xat yozdi; "Men P.M.ning xati nusxasini ilova qilaman. Mamlakat hayoti hozirda sizning qat'iyatli harakatlaringizga bog'liq."[330]
So'nggi to'rt kun: 3 dekabr yakshanbadan 6 dekabr chorshanba kunigacha
To'rt kunlik inqirozda, Asquith o'zini qanchalik tez qo'llab-quvvatlashni yo'qotayotganini bilmas edi. Lloyd Jorj endi Unionistlar tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanmoqda, Leyboristlar tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlandi va (sa'y-harakatlari tufayli) Kristofer Addison ) liberal deputatlarning aksariyati. Asquit yiqilib tushdi va Lloyd Jorj ancha qat'iyatli hukumat uchun talablarga javob berdi. U yangi kichik urush kabinetini, Xanki huzurida kabinet kotibiyatini va "Bog 'chekkasida" xususiy maslahatchilar kotibiyatini tashkil qildi; va bosh vazirlar nazorati tomon harakat qildi.[331]
3-dekabr, yakshanba
3-dekabr, yakshanba kuni Konservatorlar rahbariyati Lambaning Pembrok lojasida joylashgan uyida uchrashdi.[332] Ular tobora o'sib borayotgan matbuot ishtiroki fonida to'plandilar, qisman Maks Aytken tomonidan fermentlangan.[333] O'sha kuni ertalab Reynoldning yangiliklari, Lloyd Jorjning yaqin sherigiga tegishli va tahrir qilgan Genri Dalziel, Lloyd Jorjning Asquitga qo'ygan talablarini bayon qilgan va iste'foga chiqishni va agar ular bajarilmasa o'z ishini mamlakatga olib borishni niyat qilganligini ta'kidlagan maqola chop etgan edi.[334] Qonunning uyida hozir bo'lgan konservatorlar qaror qabul qildilar, ular Asquitga qonunni taqdim etishni talab qildilar.[335]
Ushbu hujjat, keyinchalik ko'plab munozaralarning manbai bo'lib, "Hukumat o'z holatida davom etishi mumkin emas; Bosh vazir (hukumatning iste'fosini talab qilishi kerak)" va agar Asquit buni xohlamagan bo'lsa, Hukumatning konservativ a'zolari "iste'foga chiqishni taklif qilar edi".[336] Ushbu rezolyutsiyaning ma'nosi noaniq, hatto unga hissa qo'shganlar ham turli xil talqinlarni olib tashlashdi.[337]
Chemberlen, Asquit yoki Lloyd Jorjning bosh vazir bo'lish imkoniyatini ochiq qoldirgan deb hisoblaydi, kim ko'proq qo'llab-quvvatlanishi mumkinligiga bog'liq. Curzon, o'sha kuni Lansdauga yo'llagan maktubida, Pembrok Lojjdagi yig'ilishda hech kim Asquitning doimiy rahbarligi ostida urush g'alaba qozonishi mumkin deb o'ylamaganligini va liberal siyosatchilarning echimi Asquitning Lloyd Jorjda qolish-qolmasligidadir. bo'ysunuvchi rolda ma'muriyat yoki umuman hukumatni tark etdi.[338] Maks Aytkenning ta'kidlashicha, rezolyutsiya maqsadi "Lloyd Jorj ketishi kerak"[339] zamonaviy akkauntlarning aksariyati tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanmaydi,[340] yoki keyingi tarixchilarning ko'pchiligining baholari bilan.
Birgina misol, Kyorzonning biografiyasi Gilmourning yozishicha, Unionist vazirlar "Livid Jorjga qarshi Bosh vazirning qo'lini kuchaytirish uchun o'zlarini iste'foga chiqarishga qaror qilmaganlar (ularning niyatlari)."[341] Xuddi shunday, Adams, Lawning so'nggi biografi, Aytkenning qarorni talqin qilishini "ishonchli tarzda bekor qilingan" deb ta'riflaydi.[342] Ramsden ham bir xil darajada ravshan: "Liond Jorj uchun faqat katta kuch urush harakatlariga etarlicha kuch sarflashi mumkinligiga ishonchdan ittifoqdosh vazirlar Lloyd Jorjning qo'lini kuchaytirish uchun harakat qilishdi".[343]
Keyin qonun qarorni odatdagidan hafta oxiri buzgan Asquitga olib bordi Valmer qasri Dauning-stritga qaytish.[344] Ularning yig'ilishida Qonun hamkasblarining avvalgi munozarasi mazmunini etkazishga intildi, ammo qarorning o'zi chiqmadi.[345] Asquithga bu hech qachon ko'rsatilmaganligi inkor etib bo'lmaydigan va Asquith buni o'z yozuvlarida tasdiqlagan.[346] Uni topshirmaslikdagi qonunning sabablari ko'proq ziddiyatli. Qonunning o'zi shunchaki unutganligini ta'kidladi.[347] Jenkins uni yomon niyatda yoki ishiga beparvolikda ayblaydi.[348] Adamsning ta'kidlashicha, Qonunning motivlari ancha murakkab bo'lgan (rezolyutsiyada, shuningdek, matbuotning ishtirokini qoralovchi band mavjud) Reynoldning yangiliklari o'sha tong haqidagi voqea)[349] Asquit va Lloyd Jorj o'rtasida turar joy izlashni davom ettirishda, qonun haqiqiy matnni baham ko'rmaslikni oqilona deb bildi.[350]
Qonun bo'lmagan taqdirda ham, Qonun va Asquit o'rtasidagi suhbatning natijasi aniq edi.[351] Asquit darhol Lloyd Jorj bilan turar joy va ittifoqchi vazirlarni joylashtirish uchun sezilarli darajada rekonstruktsiya qilish zarur deb qaror qildi.[352] U Lloyd Jorjni chaqirdi va ular birgalikda Lloyd Jorjning 1 dekabrdagi takliflaridan unchalik farq qilmaydigan murosaga kelishdi.[353] Yagona muhim o'zgartirish shundan iboratki, Asquitda Harbiy Kengashning ishini har kuni nazorat qilish va veto qo'yish huquqi bo'lishi kerak edi.[353] Jon Grigg ushbu kelishuvni "Asquit uchun juda qulay" deb bildi.[354] Kassar unchalik aniq emas: "Yangi formulada uni ancha zaifroq holatda qoldirdi, uning vakolati shunchaki qog'ozda edi, chunki u vetosini qo'llamasligi uchun, urush kengashining jamoaviy iste'fosiga olib kelishi mumkin edi".[355] Shunga qaramay, soat 17.00 da ularga qo'shilgan Asquit, Lloyd Jorj va Louning barchasi murosaga kelish uchun asos bo'lganini his qildilar va ular shu kuni kechqurun Hukumat qayta qurilishi to'g'risida e'lon qilgan Byulletenni chiqarishga kelishdilar.[355] Montagu uyida soat 22.00 da Asquitga qo'shilgan Krivoning yozishicha: "janob Lloyd Jorj bilan turar joy oxir-oqibat (Asquit) ning urush qo'mitasi boshlig'i lavozimidan voz kechmasdan amalga oshiriladi; katta miqdordagi rekonstruktsiya Ittifoqchi vazirlarni qoniqtiradi. . "[356]
Lloyd Jorjning hamkorlikdan bosh tortganiga qaramay, Nortkliffning faktotumi Tom Klarkning 3 dekabr kundaligi quyidagicha yozadi: "Boshliq shaharga qaytib keldi va soat 7.00 da u Lloyd Jorj bilan urush idorasida edi".[357] Ayni paytda Duff Cooper Montaguda kechki ovqatga taklif qilindi Qirolicha Annaning darvozasi U keyinchalik Asquit, Venetsiya Montagu va Cherchillning "Guni" singlisi bilan ko'prik o'ynab, kundaligiga yozib qo'ydi: "..PM uni hech qachon ko'rmaganimdan mast bo'lib, (..) shu qadar mast bo'lganki, odam o'zini his qilgan noqulay ... g'ayrioddiy manzara. "[358]
4-dekabr, dushanba
Byulleten 4-dekabr, dushanba kuni ertalab chop etildi. Unga matbuotning tanqidiy ko'chkisi ham qo'shildi, bularning hammasi Asquitga qattiq dushmanlik qildi.[359] Eng yomoni Nortkliffning etakchisi edi Times.[360] Bir kun oldin erishilgan kelishuvning to'liq tafsilotlari, shu jumladan, urush kengashi a'zolari sifatida taklif qilinganlarning ismlari bor edi. Yana zararli tomoni shundaki, u Asvitni masxara qildi, u o'zining xo'rligida fitna uyushtirganini va bundan buyon "faqat bosh vazir" bo'lishini da'vo qildi.[359] Lloyd Jorjning ishtiroki noaniq; u hech narsani rad etdi,[361] lekin Asquith u manba ekanligiga amin edi.[362] Muallif, albatta, muharriri edi, Jefri Douson, Karsonning yordami bilan. Ammo, ehtimol, Karsonning manbasi Lloyd Jorj edi.[317]
Oqish Asquitning zudlik bilan javob berishiga turtki berdi: "Agar meni urushning mas'uliyatsiz tomoshabisi lavozimiga tushib ketishim haqidagi taassurot birdaniga tuzatilmasa, men bundan keyin ham bora olmayman."[361] Lloyd Jorjning javobi tezkor va murosali edi: "Men o'zimni tiyolmayman va Nortkliffning ta'siridan qo'rqmayman. Men sizning taklif qilingan kelishuvingizning xulosasini xat va ruhda to'liq qabul qilaman - bu albatta xodimlarga tegishli".[363] Ammo Asquitning fikri allaqachon yakshanba kuni kelishuvni rad etishga va Lloyd Jorj bilan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri to'qnashuvga aylanayotgan edi.[364]
4-dekabr kuni Asquith kim bilan aniq suhbatlashgani noma'lum. Biverbruk va Krivning ta'kidlashicha, u Chemberlen, Kyorzon va Sesil bilan uchrashgan.[365][366] Kassar bu fikrlarga bir darajada amal qiladi.[367] Ammo Chemberlenning o'zi u va uning hamkasblari inqiroz paytida Asquit bilan faqat bir marta uchrashganini va ertasi kuni, 5 dekabr seshanba kuni bo'lganiga qat'iy ishongan. O'sha paytda Chemberlen "Bosh vazir seshanba kuni tushdan keyin Kyorzon, Bob Sesil va o'zimni chaqirdi. Bu o'sha mash'um kunlarda biz uchligimiz Asquit bilan birinchi va yagona marta uchrashdik" deb yozgan edi.[368] Uning eslashi ularning Qonun va boshqa hamkasblar bilan uchrashuvlari tafsilotlari bilan qo'llab-quvvatlanadi,[368] tushdan keyin, keyin 4-chi oqshomda,[369] va aksariyat zamonaviy tarixchilar tomonidan, masalan. Gilmur[370] va Adams.[371] Krouford asosiy munozaralarda u va uning katta ittifoqchi hamkasblari qanchalik kam qatnashganligini va shu bilan birga, matbuot lordlari o'zlarining kundaligiga yozib qo'ygan ma'lumotlarini qanchalik yaxshi xabardor qilganligini yozadi: "Hammamiz aslida nima bo'lganligi to'g'risida shubhada edik va yangiliklar bor-yo'qligini bilish uchun kechki gazetaga jo'natdik! "[372] 4 dekabr kuni kechqurun Asquit o'zining katta liberal hamkasblari bilan uchrashdi; ular bir ovozdan Lloyd Jorj bilan murosaga kelishga qarshi chiqdilar va Asquitning kurashga bo'lgan qat'iyatini kuchaytirdilar.[364] Uning oldinga siljishi shu kuni ertalab qirolga hukumatni iste'foga chiqarishni taklif qilishi bilan aniqlandi.[367] Asquit shuningdek, Qonunni ko'rdi, agar u Askquit faqat bir kun oldin muhokama qilingan Urush Kengashi kelishuvini bajara olmasa, u iste'foga chiqishini tasdiqladi.[373] Kechqurun va yig'ilish bo'yicha ikkita talabni rad etgan Asquit, urush kengashining taklifini rad etib, tayoqchani Lloyd Jorjga tashladi.[374]
5-dekabr, seshanba
Lloyd Jorj bu lavozimni qaytarish orqali bu vazifani qabul qilib, shunday deb yozdi: "Urushda barcha kechikishlar o'limga olib kelishi mumkin, shuning uchun men sizning ofisingizni sizning oldingizda boshqa parfeyslarsiz beraman".[374] Asquith bu javobni kutgan edi, ammo Artur Balfurning maktubidan hayratda qoldi, u shu paytgacha kasallik tufayli inqirozdan chiqarildi.[375] Ushbu xat faqatgina Balfurning Lloyd Jorjning kichikroq Urush Kengashiga oid sxemasi imkoniyatga loyiq ekanligiga ishonishini va agar Lloyd Jorj uni xohlasa, Admiraliyada qolishni istamasligini tasdiqlagan. Jenkinsning ta'kidlashicha, Asquith buni sodiqlikning o'zgarishi deb tan olishi kerak edi.[375] Asquit lord Kriv bilan inqirozni muhokama qildi va ular Unionist vazirlar bilan erta uchrashuv muhimligini kelishib oldilar. Ularning yordamisiz "Asquitning davom etishi imkonsiz bo'lar edi".[376]
15. soat 3.00da Asquitning Chemberlen, Kurzon va Sesil bilan uchrashuvi. faqat o'z pozitsiyasining zaifligini ta'kidladi.[351] Ular bir ovozdan qonun va Lloyd Jorjni o'z ichiga olmagan hukumatda ishlashdan bosh tortdilar,[377] shunday tuzilgan Hukumat sifatida "barqarorlik istiqboli" mavjud emas edi. Ularning Asvitning Lloyd Jorj qo'l ostida xizmat qiladimi yoki yo'qmi degan keyingi savoliga bergan javobi uni yanada tashvishga solgan. "Uch Ks" Lloyd Jorj davrida, agar u urushni samarali ta'qib qilish uchun zarur deb hisoblagan barqaror hukumatni tuza olsa, unga xizmat qilishlarini ta'kidladilar.[378] Oxiri yaqin edi va Balfurning oldingi qarorini qayta ko'rib chiqishni rad etgan yana bir xati bunga sabab bo'ldi. Ichki ishlar vaziri, Gerbert Samuel, bir vaqtning o'zida yozilgan yozuvda yozilgan: "Biz hammamiz [Asquit] ixtilof qilmaganligi, [iste'foga] alternativa yo'qligi haqida fikr bildirgan edik. Biz LlG va Unionistlarsiz davom etolmas edik. buni qilish istagining ko'rinishi. "[379] Kechki soat 7.00 da, sakkiz yil va 241 kun davomida Bosh vazir bo'lgan Asquith Bukingem saroyiga borib, iste'foga chiqish to'g'risida ariza berdi.[380] Biroz vaqt o'tgach, do'stingizga voqeani tasvirlab, Asquit shunday yozgan; "Qanday pozitsiya yaratilganligini to'liq anglab etgach, men sharmandalik va iktidarsizliksiz yoki ikkalasida ham davom etolmasligimni ko'rdim."[381] That evening, he dined at Downing Street with family and friends, his daughter-in-law Cynthia describing the scene: "I sat next to the P.M.—he was too darling—rubicund, serene, puffing a guinea cigar and talking of going to Honolulu."[382] Cynthia believed that he would be back "in the saddle" within a fortnight with his position strengthened.[383]
Later that evening Law, who had been to the Palace to receive the King's commission, arrived to enquire whether Asquith would serve under him. Lord Crewe described Asquith's reply as "altogether discouraging, if not definitely in the negative."[380][o]
6-dekabr, chorshanba
General Douglas Haig on Asquith's fall (6 December)[385]
Wednesday saw an afternoon conference at Buckingham Palace, hosted by the King and chaired by Balfour.[386] There is some doubt as to the originator of the idea,[386] although Adams considers that it was Law.[387] This is supported by a handwritten note of Aitken's, reproduced in A.J.P. Teylorniki life of that politician, which reads: "6th Wed. Meeting at BL house with G. (Lloyd George) and C. (Carson)—Decide on Palace Conference."[388] Conversely, Crewe suggests that the suggestion came jointly from Lord Derby and Edwin Montagu.[389] However it came about, it did not bring the compromise the King sought. Within two hours of its break-up, Asquith, after consulting his Liberal colleagues,[390] except for Lloyd George, declined to serve under Law,[387] who accordingly declined the King's commission.[391] At 7.00 pm. Lloyd George was invited to form a Government. In just over twenty four hours he had done so, forming a small Urush kabineti instead of the mooted War Council, and at 7.30 p.m. on Thursday 7 December he kissed hands as Prime Minister.[392] His achievement in creating a government was considerable, given that almost all of the senior Liberals sided with Asquith.[393] Balfour's acceptance of the Foreign Office made it possible.[394] Others placed a greater responsibility on Asquith as the author of his own downfall, Churchill writing; "A fierce, resolute Asquith, fighting with all his powers would have conquered easily. But the whole trouble arose from the fact that there was no fierce resolute Asquith to win this war or any other."[395]
Urush davridagi oppozitsiya rahbari: 1916–1918
The Asquiths finally vacated 10 Downing Street on 9 December. Asquith, not normally given to displays of emotion, confided to his wife that he felt he had been stabbed.[396] He likened himself (10 December) to the Biblical character Ish, although he also commented that Aristid Briand 's government was also under strain in France.[397] Lord Newton wrote in his diary of meeting Asquith at dinner a few days after the fall; "It became painfully evident that he was suffering from an incipient nervous breakdown and before leaving the poor man completely collapsed."[398] Asquith was particularly appalled at Balfour's behaviour,[399] especially as he had argued against Lloyd George to retain Balfour at the Admiralty.[400] Writing years later, Margot's spleen was still evident; "between you and me, this is what hurt my husband more than anything else. That Lloyd George (a Welshman!) should betray him, he dimly did understand, but that Arthur should join his enemy and help to ruin him, he never understood."[400]
Asquith's fall was met with rejoicing in much of the British and Allied press and sterling rallied against the German mark on the New York markets. Press attacks on Asquith continued and indeed increased after the publication of the Dardanelles Report.[401]
Yoqdi Ser Robert Peel after 1846, Asquith after 1916 still controlled the party machinery and resented those who had ousted him, but showed no real interest in reuniting his party. Asquith did not put any pressure on Liberals to eschew joining the coalition government; in fact, though, few Liberals did join it. Most Liberal parliamentarians remained intensely loyal to him, and felt that he alone should not be left to face the criticism. On 8 December a gathering of Liberal MPs gave Asquith a vote of confidence as Leader of the Liberal Party, followed unanimously a few days later by the executive of the Milliy liberal federatsiya. There was much hostility to Lloyd George at these gatherings.[402]
Within Parliament, Asquith pursued a course of quiet support, retaining a "heavy, continuing responsibility for the decision of August 4, 1914."[403] A. G. Gardiner ichida Daily News (9 December) stated explicitly that Lloyd George's government should not have to live under the constant barrage of criticism that Asquith's coalition had endured.[404] In a "gracious" reply to Lloyd George's first speech in the House of Commons as Prime Minister on 19 December 1916, Asquith made clear that he did not see his role "in any sense to be the leader of what is called an opposition".[405] From around the spring of 1917 Asquith's reluctance to criticise the government at all began to exasperate some of his press supporters.[404]
Outside of the Commons, Margot and he returned to 20 Cavendish Square and he divided his life between there, The Wharf and visiting. Money, in the absence of his premier's salary, became more of a concern.[406] In March 1917 he was informally offered the Lord Chancellorship, with the highest salary in government, but he declined.[146] Personal sadness continued in December 1917 when Asquith's third son Artur, known in the family as "Oc", was badly wounded fighting in France; his leg was amputated in January 1918. Asquith's daughter-in-law recorded in her diary; "The Old Boy (Asquith) sent me fifteen pounds and also, in a letter, told me the sad news of poor, dear Oc having been badly wounded again."[407]
Moris munozarasi
On 7 May 1918 a letter from a serving officer, Major-General Sir Frederick Maurice appeared in four London newspapers, accusing Lloyd George and Law of having misled the House of Commons in debates the previous month as to the manpower strength of the army in France.[146] Asquith, who received a letter from Maurice on 6 May,[408] and had also been in contact with the sacked Robertson,[409] with whom Maurice discussed the letter, called for a Select Committee of the House to investigate the charges.[410] In response to a private notice question, Law had offered a judicial inquiry, with Asquith free to choose the judges, but Asquith declined this offer on the evening of 7 May, thinking it contrary to the dignity of Parliament.[411] Prior to the debate, he received a surprising communication (8 May) from H. A. Gvinne, muharriri Morning Post, and previously a fervent opponent. "The effect of the Maurice letter, and your motion, must be the dissolution of the present government (and) your accession to power."[412] At this point "Asquith hated Lloyd George with a passion" but he did not want the premiership for himself.[413] Asquith's opening speech on the Select Committee motion was lengthy and lacked punch. Bridgeman recorded; "He did not make much of a case, and did not even condemn Maurice's breach of the King's Regulations, for which he got a very heavy blow from L.G.".[414] Lloyd George's one and a quarter-hour long reply was "a stunning solo display by the greatest rhetorician of his age"[415] in which he threatened the House with the inevitable political consequence of a vote for Asquith's motion. "… if this motion is carried, he [Asquith] will again be responsible for the conduct of the War. Make no mistake!"[416] John Ramsden summed up the opinion in the House of Commons; "Lloyd George's lies were (preferred to) Asquith's half-measures."[417] The motion was defeated by 293 votes to 106, more an "utter rejection of Asquith, than (a) wholehearted endorsement of Lloyd George",[418] and the latter's position in Parliament was not seriously threatened for the remainder of the War.
Urush tugashi
Asquith was left politically discredited by the Maurice Debate and by the clear turn of the war in the Allies' favour from the summer of 1918. He devoted far more effort to his Romanes ma'ruzasi "Some Aspects of the Victorian Age" at Oxford in June 1918 than to any political speech. Biroq, Ledi Ottolin Morrell thought it "a dull address".[419] A letter of July 1918 describes a typical couple of days. "Nothing much is happening here. I dined with the usual crowd at Mrs. Astor's last night. The Duke of Connaught lunches here on Friday: don't you wish you were coming!"[420]
The beginning of the end of the war began where it had begun, with the last German offensive on the Western Front, the Marnadagi ikkinchi jang.[421] "The tide of German success was stemmed and the ebb began under pressure of the great Allied counter-stroke."[421] Ga javoban Ittifoqdosh offensives, "the governments of the Central Powers were everywhere in collapse".[422]
Kamayish va tutilish: 1918–1926 yillar
Kuponli saylov
Even before the Armistice, Lloyd George had been considering the political landscape and, on 2 November 1918, wrote to Law proposing an immediate election with a formal endorsement—for which Asquith coined the name "Kupon ", with overtones of wartime food rationing—for Coalition candidates.[423] News of his plans soon reached Asquith, causing considerable concern. On 6 November he wrote to Hilda Henderson; "I suppose that tomorrow we shall be told the final decision about this accursed election."[424] A Liberal delegation met Lloyd George in the week of 6 November to propose Liberal reunification but was swiftly rebuffed.[425][424]
Asquith joined in the celebrations of the Armistice, speaking in the Commons, attending the service of thanksgiving at Sent-Margarets, Vestminster and afterwards lunching with King George.[426] Asquith had a friendly meeting with Lloyd George a few days after the Armistice (the exact date is unclear), which Lloyd George began by saying "I understand you don't wish to join the government." [427] Asquith was instead keen to go to the Peace Conference, where he considered his expertise at finance and international law would have been an asset.[428] As he refused to accept public subordination, Lloyd George, despite lobbying from the King and Churchill, refused to invite him.[429][427]
Asquith led the Liberal Party into the election, but with a singular lack of enthusiasm, writing on 25 November: "I doubt whether there is much interest. The whole thing is a wicked fraud."[429] The Liberal leaders expected to lose the 1918 yilgi saylov badly, as they had lost the "Khaki Election" in 1900, but did not foresee the sheer scale of the defeat.[430] Asquith hoped for 100 Liberal MPs to be returned.[431] He began by attacking the Conservatives, but was eventually driven to attack the "blank cheque" which the government was demanding.[430]
Asquith was one of five people given a free pass by the Coalition but the East Fife Unionist Association defied national instructions and put up a candidate, Aleksandr Sprot, against him.[430] Sprot was refused a Coalition "coupon".[432] Asquith assumed his own seat would be safe and spent only two and half days there, speaking only to closed meetings; in one speech there on 11 December he conceded that he did not want to "displace" the current government. He scoffed at press rumours that he was being barracked by a gang of discharged soldiers.[430] Postwar reconstruction, the desire for harsh peace terms, and Asquith's desire to attend the peace talks, were campaign issues, with posters asking: "Asquith nearly lost you the War. Are you going to let him spoil the Peace?"[433] James Scott, his chairman at East Fife, wrote of "a swarm of women going from door to door indulging in a slander for which they had not a shadow of proof. This was used for such a purpose as to influence the female vote very much against you."[p][434]
At the poll on 14 December, Lloyd George's coalition won a landslide, with Asquith and every other former Liberal Cabinet minister losing his seat.[435] Margot later recorded having telephoned Liberal headquarters for the results; "Give me the East Fife figures: Asquith 6994—Sprott [sic] 8996." She said she had exclaimed "Asquith beat? … Thank God!"[436] Avgustin Birrell also wrote to him "You are surely better off out of it for the time, than watching Ll.G. lead apes to Hell".[437] But for Asquith personally, "the blow was crippling, a personal humiliation which destroyed his hope of exercising any influence on the peace settlement."[432]
1919 yil: parlamentdan tashqarida
Asquith remained leader of the Liberal Party, despite McKenna vainly urging him, almost immediately after the election, to offer his resignation to the National Liberal Federation and help with building an alliance with Labour.[433] At first Asquith was extremely unpopular, and there is no evidence that he was invited to address any Liberal Association anywhere in the country for the first six months of 1919.[438] He continued to be calumnied in the press and Parliament over the supposed presence of Germans in Downing Street during the war.[439]
Although accounts differ as to the exact numbers, around 29 uncouponed Liberals had been elected, only three with any junior ministerial experience, not all of them opponents of the coalition. There was widespread discontent at Asquith's leadership, and Sir T. A. Bramsdon, who said that he had been elected at Portsmouth only by promising emas to support Asquith, protested openly at his remaining leader from outside the Commons. At first Lloyd George extended the government whip to barchasi Liberal MPs. On 3 February 23 non-coalition Liberals formed themselves into a "Free Liberal" group (soon known as the "Wee Frees" after a Scottish religious sect of that name ); they accepted Asquith's appointment of Ser Donald Maklin as chairman in his absence but insisted that Jorj Renni Torn, whom Asquith had appointed Chief Whip, hold that job jointly with Jeyms Xogge, of whom Asquith and Maclean had a low opinion. After a brief attempt to set up a joint committee with the Coalition Liberal MPs to explore reunion, the "Wee Frees" resigned the government whip on 4 April, although some Liberal MPs still remained of uncertain allegiance.[440] The Liberals won by-elections in March and April 1919, but thereafter Labour performed better than the Liberals in by-elections.[441]
In April 1919 Asquith gave a weak speech to Liberal candidates, his first public speech since the election. In Newcastle (15 May) he gave a slightly stronger speech, encouraged by his audience to "Hit Out!"[442] Asquith was also disappointed by the "terms and spirit" of the Versal shartnomasi in May, but did not oppose it very strongly in public.[439] On 31 July 1919, after a lunch in honour of former Supreme Allied Commander Ferdinand Foch, Asquith wrote "he talked a lot of nonsense about Germany sinking never to rise again."[434]
In August 1919 Asquith was asked to preside over a Royal Commission into the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, although the report when it came was, in line with Asquith's own academic views, somewhat conservative.[438] The commission began hearings in January 1920; many dons would have preferred Haldane as chair.[442] Asquith's public rehabilitation continued with the receipt in late 1919 of the 1914 yulduzi, Britaniya urushi medali va G'alaba medali, honours which the War Office, under Churchill, had originally intended only to be awarded to Lloyd George, until the King insisted Asquith receive them also.[438]
Maclean and others urged Asquith to stand in the Spen Valley by-election in December 1919, but it is unclear whether he ever considered the idea. This was just as well, as it had become clear that Labour were going to fight the seat hard and they defeated Sir John Simon when Lloyd George insisted on splitting the Liberal vote by running a Coalition Liberal candidate.[439]
Paisli
A Parliamentary seat was essential if Asquith was again to play any serious part in future events. By the autumn of 1919 J.M. Hogge was openly critical of Asquith's leadership, and by January 1920 it was rumoured that he had given Asquith an ultimatum that unless he returned to Parliament in a by-election the Independent Liberal MPs would repudiate him as their leader (had he lost a by-election, his position would have been untenable anyway, as he well knew).[443]
In January 1920, an opportunity arose at Paisli, in Scotland like his previous seat, after the death of the Liberal MP.[444] The Liberals had held the seat by only 106 votes in 1918. Asquith's adoption was not a foregone conclusion: the local Association was split between pro- and anti-coalition factions, and he was selected by a vote of 20:17 by the executive and then 92:75 of the wider members. He was formally adopted on 21 January 1920 and soon united the local Liberal Association behind him.[441][445] Asquith was lukewarm at the thought of returning to Scotland, and regarded his gamble with trepidation, although he grew more confident as the campaign progressed.[446] Travelling with Margot, his daughter Violet and a small staff, Asquith directed most of his campaign not against Labour, who were already in second place, but against the Coalition, calling for a less harsh line on German reparations and the Irlandiya mustaqillik urushi.[447] Some "thought fit to compare [the campaign] with Gladstoneniki Midlothian kampaniyasi,[448] although Asquith himself was more circumspect. [449]
The result was stupendous, with Asquith defeating his Labour opponent by a majority of over 2000 votes, with the Coalition candidate a very poor third.[450] Violet was ecstatic; "every star in the political skies favoured Father when we left Paisley, he became there what he has never before been in his life, the 'popular' candidate, the darling of the crowd."[451] The poll was up by 8,000 from 1918.[450] Asquith's surprise victory was helped by the support of the press baron Lord Rothermere.[452]
He was seen off by tumultuous crowds at Glasgow, and greeted by further crowds at Euston the next morning, and along the road on his first return to Parliament. However, he received only a chilly greeting inside the Chamber, and no personal congratulations from Coalition politicians, except from Lord Cave, who was later to defeat him for the Chancellorship of Oxford University in 1925.[453]
Oppozitsiya rahbari: 1920–1921
Paisley was a false dawn, for the Liberals and for Asquith personally. Jenkins wrote that "The post-war Liberal day never achieved more than a grey and short-lived light. By 1924, it was dusk again. By 1926, for Asquith, it was political night."[454] Maurice Cowling characterised Asquith at this time as; "a dignified wreck, neither effective in the House of Commons nor attractive as a public reputation, (who) drank too much and (who) had lost touch with the movement of events and the spirit of the time."[455]
Money, or its lack, also became an increasing concern. Margot's extravagance was legendary[456] and Asquith was no longer earning either the legal fees or the prime ministerial salary they had enjoyed in earlier years. Additionally, there were on-going difficulties with Margot's inheritance.[456] In 1920, as an economy measure, 20 Cavendish Square was sold[457] ga Viscountess Cowdray[458] and Asquith and Margot moved to 44, Bedford maydoni.[457]
Criticism of Asquith's weak leadership continued. Lloyd George's mistress Frensis Stivenson wrote (18 March) that he was "finished … no fight left in him"; the press baron Lord Rothermere, who had supported him at Paisley, wrote on 1 April of his "obvious incapacity for the position he is expected to fill".[459] In fact Asquith spoke in the House of Commons far more frequently than he had ever previously done when not a minister. He also spoke frequently around the country, in June 1921 topping the Liberal Chief Whip's list of the most active speakers.[460] The issue was the quality of his contributions. Asquith still maintained friendly relations with Lloyd George, although Margot made no secret of her enmity for him.[461]
Until the Paisley by-election Asquith had accepted that the next government must be some kind of Liberal-Labour coalition, but Labour had distanced themselves because of his policies on the mines, the Rossiya-Polsha urushi, education, the prewar secret treaties and the suppression of the Easter Rebellion.[462] Muvaffaqiyat Chiqindilarga qarshi liga candidates at by-elections made leading Liberals feel that there was a strong anti-Coalition vote which might be tapped by a wider-based and more credible opposition.[463] By late June 1921 Asquith's leadership was still under strong attack from within the Wee Free group, although Frances Stevenson's claim in her diary that most of them now wanted Lloyd George as their leader is not corroborated by the report in The Times.[464] Lord Robert Cecil, a moderate and pro-Millatlar Ligasi Conservative, had been having talks with Edward Grey about a possible coalition, and Asquith and leading Liberals Crewe, Runciman and Maclean had a meeting with them on 5 July 1921, and two subsequent ones. Cecil wanted a genuine coalition rather than a amalda Liberal government, with Grey rather than Asquith as Prime Minister, but the Liberals did not, and little came of the plans.[465][462]
Asquith did fiercely oppose "the hellish policy of reprisals" in Ireland, impressing the young Osvald Mozli.[464] J.M. Hogge even urged Sir Donald Maclean (31 August) to "knock Asquith into the middle of next week" and seize back the chairmanship of the Liberal MPs.[461] Late in 1921 the National Liberal Federation adopted an industrial programme without Asquith's agreement.[466] On 24 October 1921 Asquith commented "if one tries to strike a bold true note half one's friends shiver and cower, and implore one not to get in front of the band".[461]
Oppozitsiya rahbari: 1922 yil
1922 yil yanvar oyida C.P. Skott ning Manchester Guardian told Asquith that he supported a centre-left grouping, but only if moderate Labour was included—in reality Labour leaders were unable to deliver the support of their local members for such a realignment.[467] Asquith achieved more success with a major speech at Vestminster markaziy zali in January 1922, in reply to a speech by Lloyd George a few days earlier. Asquith had with some difficulty been persuaded to make the maximum possible reference to his renewed alliance with Grey, but Haldane had refused to join the platform. Five days later Churchill replied with a pro-Coalition speech in which he accused Asquith and other Liberals of having "stood carefully aside" during the war, causing deep offence.[468][q]
By the summer of 1922 Asquith's interest in politics was at a very low ebb.[470] He was observed to be "very heavily loaded " and was helped up the stairs by Lloyd George at a party of Sir Filipp Sassun 's on 16 July 1922, whilst his reputation was further damaged by his portrayal in Aldous Xaksli roman Crome Yellow and by the publication of the first volume of Margot's memoirs, which sold well in the UK and the USA, but were thought an undignified way for a former Prime Minister to make money.[471] On 13 September 1922 Sir Donald Maclean told Xarold Laski that Asquith was devoted to bridge and small talk and did not do enough real work.[466] Asquith was increasingly attracted by the thought of making money from writing, with Churchill doing very well from his Jahon inqirozi and Lloyd George rumoured to be being paid handsomely for his memoirs (which in the event did not appear until the mid-1930s).[472] Asquith's books The Genesis of the War finally appeared in September 1923 and Studies and Sketches 1924 yilda.[473] His second son Herbert recorded; "A large part of my father's later years was occupied with authorship and it was during this period that he wrote most of his longer books."[474]
Asquith played no part in Lloyd George's fall from power in October 1922, which happened because the rank-and-file majority of his Conservative coalition partners, led by Stenli Bolduin and Lloyd George's former colleague Law, deserted him.[475] Law formed a purely Conservative government, and the following month, at the 1922 yilgi umumiy saylov, Asquith ceased to be Leader of the Opposition as more Labour MPs were elected than the two Liberal factions combined. 138 Labour members outnumbered the combined Liberal number of 117, with 60 Asquith supporters and 57 "Milliy liberallar " (adherents to Lloyd George).[476] Asquith had thought Paisley would be safe but was only narrowly returned with a 316 majority (50.5 per cent of the votes cast in a two-candidate battle with Labour), despite a rise in the Liberal vote. He put this down to the 5,000 unemployed at Paisley after the slump of 1920–1921. He wrote that he "gloated" over the senior Coalition Liberals—Churchill, Hamar Grinvud, Freddi mehmon and Edwin Montagu—who lost their seats.[477][478]
Liberal uchrashuv
In March 1923 a petition for reunion among Liberal backbenchers received 73 signatures, backed by the Lloyd Georgeite Daily Chronicle and the Asquithian Liberal Magazine. But reunion was opposed by senior Asquithian Liberals like Sir John Simon, Viscount Gladstone and Charlz Masterman, and as late as 30 June by journalists such as H. V. Massingem and Gardiner of Millat.[479] Viscount Gladstone felt that "it was generally recognised that Asquith was no longer effective as an active leader" but that Lloyd George must not succeed him.[479] By July Asquith was superficially friendly to Lloyd George and consulted him, but he did not include him in the Shadow Cabinet.[r][479] Asquith wanted Lloyd George to make the first move but although the latter put out feelers to senior Asquith supporters he insisted that he was "neither a suppliant nor a penitent".[460] M.S.R. Kinnear writes that Asquith felt that with Lloyd George's faction declining in strength he had everything to gain by waiting, while too quick an approach would antagonise the Labour leaders who hated Lloyd George and whose support he might need for a future Lib-Lab coalition. Kinnear also argues that Asquith's "gloating" over the defeat of Coalition Liberals in 1922 is evidence that "the most important factor influencing Asquith against quick reunion was his personal dislike of Lloyd George and his desire for vengeance."[480]
The political situation was transformed when Baldwin, now Prime Minister, came out in favour of Himoya at Plymouth on 22 October 1923.[460] Coming out for Free Trade himself, Lloyd George was obliged, at least formally, to submit to Asquith's leadership.[481] Parliament was dissolved. Asquith and Lloyd George reached agreement on 13 November, followed by a Free Trade manifesto, followed by a more general one. Lloyd George, accompanied by his daughter Megan, came to Paisley to speak in Asquith's support on 24 November.[482]
Asquith fought an energetic national campaign on free trade in 1923, with echoes of 1903.[483]He spoke at Nottingham and Manchester, but did not privately expect more than 200 Liberals to be elected—although he hoped to overtake Labour and become Leader of the Opposition once again—and hoped for Baldwin to win by a tiny majority.[482]
The poll at Paisley was split by an independent extreme socialist and a Conservative.[460][482] Asquith won with 33.4 per cent of the vote.[478] Nationally, the outcome of the 1923 yil dekabrdagi saylov was a hung Parliament (258 Conservatives, 191 Labour, 158 Liberals); the Liberals had gained seats but were still in third place.[460] A quarter of the seats were held by majority less than 1,000. In general, Asquith Liberals did better than Lloyd George Liberals, which Gladstone and Maclean saw as a reason to prevent close co-operation between the factions.[482]
Mehnatni hokimiyat tepasiga qo'yish
There was no question of the Liberals supporting a continuation of the Conservative government, not least as it was feared that an alliance of the two "bourgeois" parties would antagonise Labour. Asquith commented that "If a Labour Government is ever to be tried in this country, as it will be sooner or later, it could hardly be tried under safer conditions". Asquith's decision to support a minority Labour Government was seconded by Lloyd George and approved by a party meeting on 18 December.[484]
Baldwin's view was similar, as he rejected Ser Robert Xorn 's scheme for a Conservative-Liberal pact. Roy Duglas called the decision to put in Ramsay MacDonald "the most disastrous single action ever performed by a Liberal towards his party." Other historians such as Trevor Wilson and Koss reject this view, arguing that Asquith had little choice.[485]
Asquith was never in doubt as to the correctness of his approach, although a deluge of correspondence urged him to save the country from Socialism.[486] He wrote on 28 December "I have been intreated during these weeks, cajoled, wheedled, almost caressed, tortured, threatened, brow-beaten and all but blackmailed to step in as the saviour of society."[487][484]
The Liberals thus supported Britain's first ever (minority) Mehnat Government under Ramsay Makdonald. The Liberal Party voted for the Labour amendment to the Address, causing Baldwin to resign (Asquith believed that Baldwin could have ignored the vote and carried on attempting to govern without a majority). He thought the new Labour Government "a beggarly array" although he remarked that the Foreign Office staff were glad to see the back of "the Archduke Curzon".[486] Asquith believed that MacDonald would soon be discredited both in the eyes of the country and of his own more extreme supporters, and the Liberal revival would continue.[488]
Mehnat hukumati va Kempbell ishi
Asquith's decision only hastened his party's destruction, the Conservative Austen Chamberlain writing to his colleague Ser Samuel Xoare; "We have got (unexpectedly and by our own blunders and Asquith's greater folly) a second chance. Have we got the wit to take it?"[489]
Relations with Labour soon became very tense, with Liberal MPs increasingly angered at having to support a Labour Government which treated them with such open hostility. Many Liberals were also angered at MacDonald's pursuit of a trade agreement with the USSR, although Asquith rather less so.[490] The intervention of a Labour candidate at a by-election in Oxford in June handed the seat to the Conservatives.[491]
As Asquith brought MacDonald in so, later in the same year, he had significant responsibility for forcing him out over the Kempbell ishi and the Russian Treaty.[492] The Conservatives proposed a vote of censure against the Government for withdrawing their prosecution for sedition against the Daily Worker, and Asquith moved an amendment calling for a select committee (the same tactic he had employed over the Markoni janjali and the Maurice Debate).[490] Asquith's contribution to the debate showed an increasingly rare return to Parliamentary form. "Almost every one of his delightful sentences filled the Chamber with laughter."[493]Asquith's motion was passed by 364–198.[490] As in the Maurice Debate, his sense of political tactics was, in Jenkins' view, overcome by his sense of Parliamentary propriety. He could not bring himself to withdraw the amendment, but could not support the government either.[494]
1924 yilgi saylov
Instead of resigning MacDonald requested, and was granted, a General Election.[490] The 1924 yilgi saylov was intended by MacDonald to cripple the Liberals, and it did.[491] Lloyd George refused to hand over money from his fund until he had more say over the Liberal whips office, Liberal Party Headquarters at Arlington Street and an election there was a chance of winning.[494][491]
Meetings at Paisley were tumultuous and Asquith was barracked by hecklers singing "Qizil bayroq ".[495] Asquith was widely expected to lose his seat and did so by 2,228.[496] He received 46.5 per cent of the vote in his final parliamentary election, a straight fight against Labour.[478] Violet wrote; "Father was absolutely controlled. He just said to me, 'I'm out by 2,000'."[497]
It was a political, as well as a personal, disaster. Baldwin won a landslide victory, with over "400 Conservatives returned and only 40 Liberals",[498] far behind Labour which entrenched its position as the "chief party of Opposition."[499] Labour's vote actually increased somewhat (partly as a result of their fielding more candidates than before). The Liberal vote collapsed, much of it coalescing to the Conservatives as a result of the scare around the forged Zinoviev xati.[490]
The Liberal grandees, who hated Lloyd George, did not press Asquith to retire. Sir Robert Hudson and Maclean called on him (31 October) and insisted he firmly keep the chair at the next meeting and nominate the new Chief Whip himself.[496]
Balandlik
The 1924 election was Asquith's last Parliamentary campaign, and there was no realistic chance of a return to the Commons. He told Charles Masterman "I'd sooner go to hell than to Wales," the only part of the country where Liberal support remained strong. The King offered him a peerage (4 November 1924).[500][501] Asquith felt he was not rich enough to accept, and would have preferred to die a commoner like Pitt or Gladstone. He accepted in January 1925 after a holiday in Egypt with his son Arthur. He deliberately chose the title "Earl of Oxford", saying it had a splendid history as the title chosen by Robert Xarli, a Conservative statesman of Qirolicha Anne hukmronligi.[502] He was thought by some to have delusions of grandeur, Lady Salisbury writing to him that the title was "like a suburban villa calling itself Versal."[503] Asquith found the controversy amusing but the College of Heralds insisted that he add "and Asquith" to the final title, after protests from Harley's descendants. In practice he was known as "Lord Oxford".[504] He never enjoyed the House of Lords, and thought the quality of debates there poor.[505]
In 1924 the Liberal party had only been able to put up 343 candidates due to lack of money. At one point the Liberal Shadow Cabinet suggested obtaining the opinion of a Konserva Lawyer as to whether the Liberal Party was entitled under ishonchli qonun to Lloyd George's money, which he had obtained from the sale of honours.[506] On 29 January 1925, at a two-day London convention, Asquith launched a Million Fund Appeal in an unsuccessful attempt to raise Liberal Party funds independent of Lloyd George.[507][508]
Asquith on an additional benefit of The Order of the Garter[509]
One more disappointment remained. In 1925 he stood for the Chancellorship of Oxford University, vacant on the death of Lord Curzon. He was eminently suited and was described by Lord Birkenhead, one of his many Conservative supporters, as "the greatest living Oxonian."[510]
Asquith suspected he might lose because of country clergy's hostility to Welsh Disestablishment, blaming "Ruhoniy Zadok va Abiathar the Priest —with their half-literate followers in the rural parsonages". The election was also seen as a settling of party scores and a mockery of his title. He lost to the Conservative candidate, Lord Cave, by 987 votes to 441 on 20 March. He claimed to be "more disappointed than surprised", but his friend Desmond MakKarti wrote that it affected him "more than any disappointment, save one, in his life after he ceased to be Prime Minister."[511][512]
In May 1925 Asquith accepted the Garter buyrug'i from Baldwin, who was known to be a personal admirer of his.[501][513]
Istefo
Difficulties continued with Lloyd George, who had been chairman of the Liberal MPs since 1924,[514] over the party leadership and over party funds.[515] In the autumn of 1925 Hobhouse, Runciman and the industrialist Ser Alfred Mond protested to Asquith at Lloyd George organising his own campaign for reform of land ownership. Asquith was "not enthusiastic" but Lloyd George ignored him and arranged for Asquith to be sent reports and calculations ("Lord Oxford likes sums" he wrote). At a meeting on 25 November 1925 Grey, Maclean, Simon, Gladstone and Runciman urged Asquith to have a showdown with Lloyd George over money. Asquith wanted to think it over, and at the December 1925 Federation executive he left the meeting before the topic came up. To the horror of his followers Asquith reached an agreement in principle with Lloyd George over land reform on 2 December, then together they presented plans to the National Liberal Federation on 26 February 1926. But, wrote Maclean, "in private Asquith's language about Lloyd George was lurid."[516][508]
In January 1926 Mond withdrew his financial support from the Liberal Party.[516][508] The loss of wealthy donors and the failure of the Million Fund Appeal further weakened Asquith's position, and there is some evidence that his frequent requests for money irritated donors like Sir Robert Perks who had given a good deal to the Party over the years, and that outside his inner circle of devotees he was bad at keeping on good terms with potential donors.[517]
This was followed by a near final breach with Lloyd George over the General Strike. The Liberal Shadow Cabinet unequivocally backed Baldwin's handling of the strike on 3 May. Asquith viewed the strike as "criminal folly"[518] and condemned it in the House of Lords, whilst in the Commons Sir John Simon declared it to be illegal. But whereas Asquith and Grey both contributed to the Britaniya gazetasi, Churchill's pro-government newssheet, Lloyd George, who had not previously expressed a contrary opinion at Shadow Cabinet, wrote an article for the American press more sympathetic to the strikers, and did not attend the Shadow Cabinet on 10 May, sending his apologies on "policy grounds". Asquith at first assumed him to be trying to ingratiate himself with the churches and Labour, but then (20 May) sent him a public letter rebuking him for not attending the meeting to discuss his opinions with colleagues in private.[519][520]
In private, both sides were incandescent; one of Asquith's colleagues describing him as; "far more indignant at L.G. than I have ever seen",[521] whilst Lloyd George expressed his private feelings in a letter to Frensis Stivenson on 24 May "(Asquith) is a silly old man drunk with hidden conceit. When he listens to those poor creatures he has a weakness for gathering around him he generally makes a fool of himself. They are really 'beat'. Dirty dogs—and bitches."[522]
Lloyd George's letter of 10 May had not been published, making it appear that Asquith had fired the first shot, and Lloyd George sent a moderate public reply, on 25 May. Asquith then wrote another public letter (1 June) stating that he regarded Lloyd George's behaviour as tantamount to resignation, the same as if a Cabinet Minister had refused to abide by the principle of collective responsibility. Twelve leading Liberals (including Grey, Lord Bakmaster, Simon, Maclean and Runciman) wrote in Asquith's support to The Times (1 June). However, Lloyd George had more support amongst the wider party than amongst the grandees. The executive of the National Liberal Federation, despite backing Asquith by 16:8, had already urged a reconciliation in late May, and the London Liberal Candidates' Association (3 June) and the Liberal MPs (8 June) did the same. Asquith had planned to launch a fightback at the National Liberal Federation in Weston-Super-Mare, due on 17 June, but on the eve of the conference he suffered a stroke (12 June) which put him out of action for three months.[519][520]
Margot is said to have later claimed that her husband regretted the breach and had acted after several rich donors had threatened to quit.[523] Asquith finally resigned the Liberal leadership on 15 October 1926.[524]
Yakuniy yillar: 1926–1928
Asquith filled his retirement with reading, writing, a little golf,[525] travelling and meeting with friends.[524] Since 1918 he had developed an interest in modern painting and sculpture.[524]
His health remained reasonable, almost to the end, though financial concerns increasingly beset him.[526] A perhaps surprising contributor to an endowment fund established to support Asquith in 1927 was Lord Beaverbrook (the former Max Aitken), who contributed £1,000.[527] Violet was highly embarrassed by her step-mother's attempts to enlist the aid of Aitken, Lord Reading va erining boshqa do'stlari va tanishlari. "Boshqa odamlarning Margotning ko'prik pullarini oyoq osti qilishlari juda dahshatli. Qanaqasiga u ismini loyga tortdi! "[528]
1927 yil yanvar oyida Asquit ikkinchi marta qon tomirini oldi,[529] chap oyog'ini bir muddat nogiron qilib, 1927 yilning bahorida va yozining boshida unga nogironlar kolyaskasini tashlab qo'ydi.[530] Asquitning so'nggi tashrifi Norfolkdagi beva Venetsiya Montaguni ko'rgan.[531] The Wharf-ga qaytib kelganda, 1927 yilning kuzida u mashinasidan tusha olmadi va "u endi hech qachon yuqori xonaga o'z xonasiga ko'tarila olmadi".[532] U 1927 yil oxirida uchinchi marta qon tomirini oldi.[533] Uning so'nggi oylari qiyin kechdi va u tobora chalkashib ketdi, qizi Violet yozgan; "Otamning ulug'vor kemasi singari parchalanib, cho'kib ketayotganining ulug'vor aqlini ko'rish - bu mening xayolimga ham kelmaydigan og'riqdir."[528]
O'lim
Asquit 75 yoshida, 1928 yil 15 fevral kuni ertalab Wharfda vafot etdi.[526] "U o'z xohishiga ko'ra, juda soddalik bilan dafn etildi"[534] cherkov hovlisida Barcha azizlar Satton Kurtenida uning qabr toshida ismini, lavozimini va tug'ilgan va o'lgan kunlarini yozib qo'ygan. Moviy lavhada uning Kavandish maydonidagi 20-uyda uzoq vaqt yashashi qayd etilgan[535] va keyinchalik yodgorlik taxtasi o'rnatildi Vestminster abbatligi.[536] Viskount Grey, Haldane Asquithning eng qadimgi siyosiy do'stlari bilan yozgan; "Men (uning) o'limini juda yaxshi his qildim: uning ishi tugaganligi rost, lekin biz shuncha yil davomida juda yaqin edik. Men uning parlament hayotining boshlanishini ko'rdim; yaqin kunlarga guvoh bo'lish uzoq vaqtning oxiri o'zimning bobim. "[537]
Asquitning vasiyati 1928 yil 9-iyunda isbotlangan, uning mol-mulki 945 funt sterlingni tashkil etgan. 2d. (taxminan 2019 yilda 567,195 funtga teng)[538].[539]
Avlodlar
Asquitning birinchi rafiqasi Xelendan beshta farzandi va tirik qolgan ikki farzandi (uchtasi tug'ilish paytida yoki go'dakligida vafot etgan) ikkinchi rafiqasi Margotdan edi.[540]
Uning to'ng'ich o'g'li Raymond, akademik martabasidan keyin otasidan ustun keldi[541] 1916 yilda Sommda o'ldirilgan.[541] Uning ikkinchi o'g'li Gerbert (1881-1947) yozuvchi va shoir bo'lib, turmushga chiqdi Sintiya Charteris.[542] Uning keyingi hayoti alkogolizm bilan o'tdi.[543] Uning uchinchi o'g'li Artur (1883-1939), askar va biznesmenga aylandi.[541] Birinchi xotini tomonidan yolg'iz qizi, Violet, keyinchalik Violet Bonham Carter (1887-1969), taniqli yozuvchiga aylandi va Yarnbury shahridagi Baronessa Asquit singari hayotiy tengdoshga aylandi.[544] U Asquitnikiga uylandi Shaxsiy shaxsiy kotib Moris Bonham Karter 1915 yilda. Uning to'rtinchi o'g'li Kiril (1890-1954) Asquith QCga aylangan kuni tug'ilgan [545] va keyinchalik a Qonun lord.[541]
Uning ikki farzandi Margot edi Yelizaveta, keyinchalik malika Antuan Bibesko (1897-1945), yozuvchi, alkogol bilan ham kurashgan[546] va Entoni Asquit (1902–1968),[547] hayoti ham alkogolizmga qattiq ta'sir qilgan "puffin" nomi bilan tanilgan.[546]
Uning tirik avlodlari orasida nevarasi, aktrisa ham bor Helena Bonham Karter (1966 y.),[548] va ikkita nabirasi, Dominik Asquit, Buyuk Britaniyaning Hindistondagi Oliy komissari 2016 yil martidan[549] va Raymond Asquit, Oksfordning uchinchi grafligi va Asquit, Asquithning quloqchinligini meros qilib olgan.[550] Yana bir etakchi ingliz aktrisasi, Anna kantsleri (1965 yilda tug'ilgan), shuningdek, Avskitning onasi tarafidan katta nabirasi bo'lgan nasl.[551]
Baholash
Metyuga ko'ra, "Asquitning Germaniya bilan urush haqidagi qarori Buyuk Britaniyaning bosh vaziri tomonidan yigirmanchi asrda qabul qilingan eng muhim qaror edi va XIX asrning barcha bosh vazirlarining qarorlaridan ko'ra muhimroq edi. Bu nafaqat Buyuk Britaniyaning ishtirokini belgilab berdi urushda, ammo asrning qolgan qismida imperatorlik, tashqi va iqtisodiy tarixning aksariyat qismlariga ta'sir ko'rsatdi. "[10] Metyu bu qarorni Asquitning qaroriga binoan qabul qildi, chunki bosh vazirlarning yordamisiz Buyuk Britaniya urushga kirishishi mumkin emas edi.[10] Liberal partiyadagi chuqur kelishmovchiliklarni hisobga olgan holda, Pirs va Gudlad ta'kidladilar: "Bu (Asquitning mahoratining o'lchovi edi) u Britaniyani faqat ikkita kichik vazirlar mahkamasi bilan iste'foga chiqishni tanlash bilan urushga boshladi".[552]
Asquitning obro'siga Birinchi Jahon urushi avjida uning qulashi har doim katta ta'sir qiladi. 1970 yilda Basil Liddell Xart uning qulashi sabablari haqidagi fikrlarni umumlashtirdi; "Lloyd Jorj urushni yanada kuchliroq va samaraliroq ta'qib qilishni talab qiladigan ommaviy talabning vakili sifatida hokimiyatga keldi."[553] Asquithning kollegial yondashuvi;[554] uning "kutish va ko'rishga" moyilligi;[555] uning kabinet raisi sifatidagi pozitsiyasi,[556] hukumat rahbaridan ko'ra - "rahbarlik qilmasdan tarkibni boshqarish;"[557] uning "matbuotni xo'rlashi, jurnalistlarni johil, jirkanch va vatanparvar emas deb hisoblashi (ing);"[558] va uning alkogolga bo'lgan zaifligi - "Kecha men P.M. bilan ikki marta gaplashishga muyassar bo'ldim va har ikkala holatda ham u chiqargan alkogol tutunidan meni gaz bosdi;"[559] barchasi Asquithning "umumiy urush zaruriyatlariga" ko'tarila olmasligi haqidagi hukmronlik hissini qo'shdi.[560] Grigg shunday xulosaga keladi: "Muayyan hayotiy jihatdan u urushni boshqarishga qodir emas edi. Tinchlik davrida hukumatning buyuk rahbari, 1916 yil oxiriga kelib u umumiy tanazzulga yuz tutdi, uning urush rahbari sifatida aniq nuqsonlari (ochiq) . "[561] Kassar, Asquitning birlashgan mamlakatni urushga olib borishi va keyingi yilgi sa'y-harakatlari haqida fikr yuritib, qayta baholashga o'tdi; "Uning yutuqlari unga Buyuk urushning taniqli shaxslaridan biri sifatida munosib o'rin egallash uchun etarlicha ta'sirchan" [562] Uning zamonaviy raqibi, Lord Birkenhead uning Buyuk Britaniyani urushga birlashtirganiga hurmat bajo keltirdi. "" Hech bir tirik ingliz o'zi qilmagan ishni qilolmagan bir paytda o'z mamlakatiga katta xizmat ko'rsatgan davlat arbobi ".[563] Koalitsiya qamchisi Uilyam Bridjeman muqobil konservativ nuqtai nazarni taqdim etdi, Lloyd Jorjni ikkinchisi qulagan paytda Asquit bilan taqqosladi; "Qanchalik mashhur bo'lmagan yoki ishonchsiz (Lloyd Jorj) uyda bo'lsa ham, u mamlakatda deyarli hamma joyda dangasa va dilatatsion odam sifatida ko'ringan Asquitdan ko'ra ko'proq vaznga ega edi."[564] Sheffild va Bourne yaqinda tarixiy qayta baholashni ta'minlaydilar; "Asquit hukumatlari munozarali ravishda Urushning barcha muhim qarorlarini qabul qilishdi: aralashish, BEFni yuborish; ommaviy ko'ngilli armiyani to'plash; Gelibolu kampaniyasini boshlash va tugatish; koalitsiya hukumati tuzish; sanoatni safarbar qilish; muddatli harbiy xizmatni joriy etish. "[565] Ammo fikrlar og'irligi Asquitning o'zining samimiy bahosi bilan 1916 yil iyul oyida urushlar paytida yozilgan maktubida rozi bo'lishda davom etmoqda; "Meni (odatdagidek) tashvishlar, tashvishlar, muammolar va qolgan narsalar buluti qamrab olgan." Vaqt tugadi "va ba'zida men Hamlet bilan" Ey la'natlangan shafqatsizlar, men har doim men tug'ilish uchun tug'ilganman " bu to'g'ri. ' Ehtimol men bunday bo'lmaganman. "[566]
Asquitning qulashi bilan "Liberal partiya davlatning buyuk partiyalaridan biri sifatida" tugadi.[567] Kossning fikriga ko'ra, Asquitning xotirasi "uning partiyasida davom etayotgan ketma-ket inqirozlarni boshdan kechirgan. Liberal tiklanishning har bir chaqnashi, uning liberal tanazzulining qurboni yoki agenti sifatida bo'lsa ham, uning tarixiy qadr-qimmatini oshirdi."[568] 1922 yildan keyin liberallar yana lavozimni egallamadilar, faqat 1931-1932, 1940-1945 yillarda koalitsion hukumatlardagi kichik sheriklar bundan mustasno,[lar] va (bugungi kabi Liberal-demokratlar ) 2010–2015 yillarda. Leonard buning uchun javobgarlikni qisman Asquit o'z zimmasiga olishi kerak deb hisoblaydi; "bu iste'dodli, tezkor, mag'rur, ammo oxir-oqibat qaror qilmaydigan odam aybning ulushini o'z zimmasiga olishi kerak."[567]
Koss, "uzoq, voqea va murakkab karerada (xulosa qilishni) osonlikcha tan olmaydi, degan xulosaga keladi, Asvitning muvaffaqiyatsizliklari uning yutuqlaridan kam bo'lmagan".[569] Maykl va Eleanor Brok "uning tinchlik davrida qonunchilik yutuqlarini qayd etganligi, urush davridagi etishmovchiligiga soya solmasligi kerak" deb ta'kidlamoqda.[570] Ushbu yutuqlardan, uning hamkasbi Lord Bakmaster yozgan; "Jamiyatning xiralashgan tuyg'ulari va og'ir ko'zlari ularga qilgan barcha ishlaringizni hozir ko'rishga xalaqit beradi, ammo tarix buni qayd etadi va erishgan yutuqlari juda katta".[571] Uning ichki yutuqlari orasida Lordlar palatasini isloh qilish avj pallasida. Shunga qaramay, Asquitning bosh vazirligi ko'plab qiyinchiliklarga duch keldi, bu esa McKenna-ni o'z xotiralarida yozishga undadi, "do'stlar eng yuqori davlatchilik bir inqirozni boshqasini yaratish bilan engishdan iboratmi deb hayron bo'lishdi".[572] 1970 yilda yozgan Hazlehurst, Asquitning tinchlik davri bosh vazirligini tanqidiy ko'rib chiqishdan hali ko'p narsalarni olish kerak deb o'ylardi, "albatta, millat fuqarolar urushi (Irlandiya ustidan) ostonasida turgan bosh vazirning yozuvi bilan bog'liq bo'lishi kerak. eng jiddiy tekshiruvga qadar. "[572]
Ehtimol, Asquitning eng katta shaxsiy yutug'i uning parlamentdagi ustunligi edi. Uyda bo'lgan dastlabki kunlaridanoq "u orqa tomon sifatida emas, balki rahbarning vakolati bilan gapirdi".[573] Kempbell-Bannermanning "balyozi" sifatida uning "bahslashish kuchi tengsiz edi".[574] Lord Curzon parlament dialektikasidagi mahoratini ulug'ladi; "Men uni birinchi darajali vaziyatda eshitganimda, xayolimda qandaydir buyuk harbiy parad qiyofasi paydo bo'ladi. So'zlar, tortishuvlar, fikrlar maydon bo'ylab polklarning doimiy tramvaylari bilan bir-birini ta'qib qiladi; har bir birlik uning o'rnida, butun marom ritmi bilan yurish; quyosh nayzalarida miltillaydi va barabanlarning g'ildiragi eshitiladi. "[575]
Jenkins Asquitni yigirmanchi asrning buyuk ijtimoiy islohotchilaridan biri deb bilgan. Uning hukumatining ijtimoiy va siyosiy islohotlari misli ko'rilmagan va uzoqni ko'zlagan; "1945–1951 yillarda Atlti hukumatining ijtimoiy davlat qonunchiligiga hamda Blerning 1997 yildan keyingi konstitutsiyaviy islohotlariga yo'l ochmoqda."[567] Ga binoan Roy Xattersli, o'zgargan Buyuk Britaniya 1914 yilda urushga kirdi, "siyosiy, ijtimoiy va madaniy inqilob allaqachon sodir bo'lgan edi. Zamonaviy Britaniya yigirmanchi asrning ochilish yillarida tug'ilgan".[576] Asquit, shuningdek, Irlandiya masalasini hal qilish uchun astoydil harakat qildi va muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lishiga qaramay, uning ishi 1922 yilda kelishuvga hissa qo'shdi.[577] Va nihoyat, "kabinetning buyuk rahbari" sifatida[578] Asquith favqulodda uzoq vaqt davomida g'ayrioddiy parlamentariylarning iste'dodlarini boshqargan va rivojlantirgan.[554] Hazlehurstning ta'kidlashicha, ushbu "qobiliyatli va turfa xil moyil guruhni jabduqda ushlab turish qobiliyati uning asosiy yutuqlaridan biri bo'lgan".[84] Umuman olganda, Brooks ta'kidlaydi; "1908 yildan 1914 yilgacha erishgan yutuqlari asosida u har qanday davrning eng buyuk Britaniya davlat arboblari qatoriga kirishi kerak."[570] Uning eng qadimgi siyosiy va shaxsiy do'sti Haldane Asquitga oxirgi iste'fosi to'g'risida yozgan; "Azizim A., har ikkala hayotimizda ham ishning asosiy qismi bajarilgan vaqt keldi. Bu ish o'tib ketmaydi. Uning doimiy xarakteriga aniq belgilar bilan baho berish kerak emas. Bu ish kirib kelgan narsalar ruhida qilingan o'zgarishlar. "[579]
Shuningdek qarang
Izohlar
- ^ Ba'zi manbalarda faqat ikki qizi haqida so'z boradi. Qarang Beyts, p. 9. Voyaga etganida omon qolgan birodar va opa-singil Uilyam Uilyans va Emili Evelin edi. Qarang Margot Asquith 1962 yil, p. 263.
- ^ Familiyasi, varianti Bilan, qishloq Shimoliy Yorkshir, Qadimgi Norvegiyadan olingan so'rash - "kul-o'tin". Qarang Ekval, p. 16.
- ^ Ingliz yuridik kasbi ikki sohaga bo'lingan. O'sha paytda, Oliy sudda yoki Apellyatsiya sudida qonuniy vakillikka muhtoj bo'lgan har qanday a'zo, advokatni jalb qilishi kerak edi - u o'z navbatida advokatga "ko'rsatma" beradigan yoki "qisqacha ma'lumot beradigan" - yuqori sud majlisida qatnashish huquqiga ega edi. sudlarga murojaat qilgan, ammo vositachilik qilmasdan advokatsiz jamoatchilikdan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri ish olib borishga ruxsat berilmagan. Advokatlar bilan yaxshi aloqaga ega bo'lmagan advokat shu sababli ishdan bo'shaydi. Kasbning ikki sohasi o'rtasidagi farqlar Asquit davridan beri ma'lum darajada yumshatilgan, ammo advokatlar ish bo'yicha advokatlarga qaram bo'lib qolishgan. Qarang Terril, p. 58.
- ^ J. A. Spender va Kiril Asquitning rasmiy biografiyasiga ko'ra, "u ayollarning ongi va aql-zakovatini chuqur hurmat qilgan. … Ammo u siyosatni o'ziga xos erkaklar sohasi deb bilar edi va ularni bu erkaklar biznesining qo'pol va shafqatsizligi bilan shug'ullangan va uning oshkoraligiga duch kelgan deb o'ylash uning bezak va jasorat tuyg'usini xafa qildi. U har doim bu savolning demokratik nazariyaga aloqasi borligini yoki ayollarning franchayzalardan chetlashtirilishi ularning jinsi haqida o'ylash ekanligini qat'iyan rad etdi. "Qarang Spender & Asquith, p. 360.
- ^ U hukumat idorasidan ketganidan keyin barda amaliyotni qayta tiklagan birinchi sobiq vazirlar vaziridir. Barcha vazirlar vazirlari umrbod a'zolar sifatida tayinlandilar va tayinlanmoqdalar Maxfiy kengash va 1895 yilgacha maxfiy kengash a'zosining sudda advokat sifatida qatnashishi, aksariyat hollarda rasmiy ustunlik tartibida undan pastroqda joylashgan sudyalarning qarorlariga bo'ysunishi nomuvofiq bo'lganligi haqidagi his-tuyg'ular mavjud edi. Qarang Jenkins, 90-91 betlar.
- ^ Kempbell-Bannermanning biografi, A. J. A. Morris, Balfurning ushbu noodatiy qadamda ozchiliklar hukumati Liberal partiyaning ko'plab bo'linishlarini ochishiga umid qilishlari bilan turtki bo'lganligini taxmin qilmoqda.[72]
- ^ Jenkins, Asquitning ushbu sohadagi obro'siga ishora qilib, Asquith spirtli ichimliklar savdosidagi pasayish tendentsiyasini qaytarish uchun qo'lidan kelganicha harakat qilganini ta'kidlaydi.
- ^ Biror kishining ishi tugatilishidan oldin ogohlantirish
- ^ Yuqori palatadagi muvozanatning buzilishiga 1886 yilda birinchi uy qoidalari to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi bo'yicha liberallarning bo'linishi sabab bo'lgan edi, unda ko'plab liberal tengdoshlar Liberal ittifoqchilar, bu vaqtga kelib deyarli konservatorlar bilan birlashdi. 1892–1895 yillarda Liberal hukumatlarda bo'lganidek, bir qator qonun loyihalari Kempbell-Bannerman boshchiligida konservatorlar hukmron bo'lgan Lordlar palatasi tomonidan qabul qilingan. Lordlar savdo nizolari to'g'risidagi qonunni, ishchilarni kompensatsiya qilish to'g'risidagi qonunni va sakkiz soatlik qonunni qabul qilgan bo'lsalar-da, ular 1906 yildagi Ta'lim to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasini rad etishdi, bu liberal nomuvofiq saylovchilar nazarida muhim chora edi. Qarang Magnus 1964 yil, p. 532
- ^ Ya'ni, funt sterling 240 pensdan iborat bo'lgan paytda (1971 yilgacha) bir funtda yarim tiyin, shuning uchun soliq1⁄480 er qiymatining har yili.
- ^ Asquith qirolning maslahatchisidan kechirim so'rashi kerak edi Lord Knollys Cherchillning tarqatib yuborishga chaqirgan nutqi uchun va Vazirlar Mahkamasi majlisida Cherchillni tanqid qildi (1909 yil 21-iyul) unga "yuqori siyosat masalalaridan" chetda turing, deb aytdi, chunki parlamentni muddatidan oldin tarqatib yuborish uchun monarxning ruxsati kerak edi. Qarang Magnus 1964 yil, p. 527
- ^ Irlandiyalik millatchilar, liberallardan farqli o'laroq, tarif islohotlarini ma'qulladilar va viski bojining rejalashtirilgan o'sishiga qarshi chiqdilar, ammo Lloyd Jorjning uni bekor qilish orqali ularning qo'llab-quvvatlashiga erishish uchun qilgan urinishi tark etildi, chunki Vazirlar Mahkamasi bu byudjetni juda ko'p qayta tiklagan deb o'ylardi va chunki nomuvofiq saylovchilarni ham bezovta qilgan bo'lar edi. Qarang Magnus 1964 yil, p. 548,553
- ^ Aprel oyiga kelib qirolga Balfur va Canterbury arxiepiskopi (u nisbatan neytral konstitutsiyaviy maslahat uchun murojaat qilgan), liberallar tengdoshlarini yaratishni talab qilish uchun etarli saylov vakolatiga ega emasligi. Qarang Magnus 1964 yil, 555-556 betlar. Qirol Edvard bu taklifning barchasini "shunchaki jirkanch" va hukumat "qo'lida" deb o'ylagan Redmond Lordlar partiyasidagi Liberallar etakchisi Lord Kriv hukumatning o'z tengdoshlarini yaratish istagiga rasmiy "vazirlarning maslahati" sifatida qarash kerakligini ochiqchasiga e'lon qildi. anjuman, monarx itoat qilishi kerak) bo'lsa-da Lord Esher monarxning huquqiga ega ekanligini ta'kidladi ekstremizmda ularning "maslahatlari" dan ko'ra Hukumatni ishdan bo'shatish. Qarang Xefer, 294-296 betlar.
- ^ Ta'rif: zararning haqiqiy, samarali sababi
- ^ O'sha kuni kechqurun Aytken va Cherchill birga ovqatlanishdi F. E. Smit ikkinchisida Grosvenor bog'lari uy. Kechki ovqat keskin tarzda yakunlandi, chunki Aitken yozadi: "- Smit, - dedi Uinston katta urg'u bilan, - bu odam mening hukumat tarkibida bo'lmasligimni biladi. U ko'ylagi va shlyapasini ko'tarib, ko'chaga kirib ketdi ... kunning qiziq tomoni. "Cherchill 1904 yilda liberallarga yon bosgani, bundan keyin faol, partiyaviy liberal rolida bo'lgani uchun konservatorlar tomonidan nafratlandi. halokatli roli uchun Dardanel kampaniyasi; uning kuchi va qobiliyatiga qaramay Lloyd Jorj uni 1917 yilning yozigacha hukumatga qaytarib ololmadi.[384]
- ^ Tuhmatning aniq mohiyati ko'rsatilmagan. Asquitlar, ularning taxmin qilingan nemis tarafdorlari haqida mish-mishlar bo'lgan va Noel Pemberton Billing ular nemis agentlari tomonidan Margot ishi bo'yicha lezbiyanlar tomonidan aldanib qolgan jamoat arboblari orasida bo'lganligi haqida aytgan edi.
- ^ Cherchillning rafiqasi u bilan birga Asquit o'g'illari o'ldirilgan va mayib bo'lganini ko'rganligini eslatdi. Cherchill unga javoban, Asquit uni Dardanel orqali gunoh echkisi qilib tashlagan, uni Sharqiy Afrikada bosh qo'mondon etib tayinlashdan yoki 1915 yil oxirida unga va'da bergan G'arbiy frontda brigada qo'mondonligini berishdan bosh tortgan, deb javob berdi. yoki uni 1916 yil yozida o'q-dorilar vaziri lavozimiga tayinlash.[468] Assquit Cherchill bilan to'yda birga o'tirgandan keyin do'stona munosabatlarni tikladi York gersogi va Elizabeth Bowes-Lion, uning 1925 yilda "kassler" sifatida "Bolduin kabinetining qumtepalari orasida Chimborazo yoki Everest" bo'lganligi to'g'risida yozgan.[469]
- ^ Kossning ta'kidlashicha, bu yaqinda sodir bo'lgan presedentsiz emas edi, chunki Kempbell-Bannerman Boer urushi paytida ba'zida Asquit va boshqa liberal imperatorlarni chetlashtirgan.
- ^ The Milliy liberallar, ajralib chiqqan fraktsiya, Lloyd Jorjning 1920-yillar boshidagi izdoshlari bilan bir xil nomga ega va Asquitning sobiq protégi Ser Jon Simon boshchiligida 1931-1945 yillar davomida koalitsiyada bo'lib, oxir-oqibat konservatorlar bilan birlashdilar.
Adabiyotlar
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- Asquith biografiyasi BBC tarixidan
- Kiritish Britannica entsiklopediyasida
- Satton Kurtenidagi uyidagi Asquitga ko'k plaket, Oksfordshirdagi Moviy plakatlar sxemasi
- Herbert Genri Asquit, Oksford va Asquitning birinchi grafligi portretlari da Milliy portret galereyasi, London
- "H. H. Asquitga tegishli arxiv materiallari". Buyuk Britaniya milliy arxivlari.
- H. H. Asquit tomonidan yozilgan yoki uning asarlari da Internet arxivi
- H. H. Asquitning asarlari da LibriVox (jamoat domenidagi audiokitoblar)
- H. H. Asquit haqidagi gazetalar ichida 20-asr matbuot arxivi ning ZBW
Turkum