Frants Boas - Franz Boas
Frants Boas | |
|---|---|
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| Tug'ilgan | Frants Uri Boas 1858 yil 9-iyul |
| O'ldi | 1942 yil 21-dekabr (84 yosh) Nyu-York shahri, Nyu York, BIZ |
| Millati |
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| Turmush o'rtoqlar | Mari Krakovayzer Boas (m. 1887) |
| Bolalar | |
| Ota-ona (lar) |
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| Ilmiy ma'lumot | |
| Olma mater | |
| Tezis | Beiträge zur Erkenntniss der Farbe des Wassers (1881) |
| Doktor doktori | Gustav Karsten |
| Ta'sir | |
| O'quv ishlari | |
| Intizom | Antropologiya |
| Maktab yoki an'ana | Boasian antropologiyasi |
| Institutlar | |
| Doktorantlar |
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| Taniqli talabalar | |
| Taniqli g'oyalar | |
| Ta'sirlangan | |
| Imzo | |
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Frants Uri Boas[a] (1858-1942) Germaniyada tug'ilgan amerikalik edi[21] antropolog va zamonaviy kashshof antropologiya u "Amerika antropologiyasining otasi" deb nomlangan.[22][23] Uning ishi ma'lum bo'lgan harakatlar bilan bog'liq Tarixiy partikulyarizm va Madaniy Relativizm.[24]
Germaniyada o'qigan Boas 1881 yilda doktorlik unvoniga sazovor bo'ldi fizika o'qish paytida geografiya. Keyinchalik u Shimoliy Kanadadagi geografik ekspeditsiyada qatnashdi va u erda madaniyat va til bilan hayratga tushdi Baffin oroli Inuit. U Tinch okeanining shimoli-g'arbiy qismida mahalliy madaniyat va tillar bilan dala ishlarini olib bordi. 1887 yilda u Qo'shma Shtatlarga hijrat qildi, u erda dastlab Smitsonda muzey kuratori bo'lib ishladi va 1899 yilda antropologiya professori bo'ldi. Kolumbiya universiteti, u erda u karerasining qolgan qismida qoldi. Boas o'z ustozi ilhomlanib antropologiya bo'limlari va tadqiqot dasturlarini ochgan talabalari orqali Amerika antropologiyasining rivojlanishiga katta ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Uning eng muhim talabalari orasida A. L. Kroeber, Rut Benedikt, Edvard Sapir, Margaret Mead, Zora Nil Xerston, Gilberto Freyre va boshqalar.[25]
Boas o'sha paytdagi mashhur mafkuralarning eng taniqli muxoliflaridan biri edi ilmiy irqchilik, degan fikr poyga biologik tushuncha bo'lib, inson xulq-atvori biologik xususiyatlar tipologiyasi orqali eng yaxshi tushuniladi.[26] Skelet anatomiyasining bir qator yangi tadqiqotlarida u kranial shakli va kattaligi sog'liqni saqlash va ovqatlanish kabi atrof-muhit omillariga qarab juda moslashuvchan ekanligini ko'rsatdi, o'sha paytdagi irqiy antropologlarning da'volaridan farqli o'laroq, bosh shaklini barqaror irqiy xususiyat deb hisoblagan. . Boas, shuningdek, odamlarning xatti-harakatlaridagi farqlar, asosan, tug'ma biologik moyillik bilan belgilanmasligini, aksariyat hollarda ijtimoiy ta'lim natijasida hosil bo'lgan madaniy farqlarning natijasi ekanligini isbotlash uchun ish olib bordi. Shu tarzda, Boas madaniyatni inson guruhlari o'rtasidagi xatti-harakatlardagi farqlarni tavsiflovchi asosiy tushuncha va antropologiyaning markaziy analitik tushunchasi sifatida kiritdi.[25]
Boasning antropologik fikrga qo'shgan asosiy hissalari qatorida G'arbiy Evropa madaniyati sammitida barcha jamiyatlar bir qator ierarxik texnologik va madaniy bosqichlar orqali rivojlanib borayotganini ko'rgan madaniyatni o'rganishda o'sha paytdagi ommabop evolyutsion yondashuvlarni rad etganligi. Boas madaniyat tarixiy ravishda odamlar guruhlarining o'zaro ta'siri va g'oyalar tarqalishi orqali rivojlanganligini va natijada doimiy ravishda "yuqori" madaniy shakllarga o'tish jarayoni bo'lmaganligini ta'kidladi. Ushbu tushuncha Boasni etnologik muzeylarni "sahna" asosidagi tashkil etishdan voz kechishiga olib keldi, aksincha ko'rgazmaga qo'yilgan madaniy guruhlarning yaqinligi va yaqinligiga qarab buyurtma qilishni afzal ko'rdi.
Boas shuningdek, g'oyasini taqdim etdi madaniy nisbiylik madaniyatlar ob'ektiv ravishda yuqoriroq yoki pastroq yoki yaxshiroq yoki to'g'riroq darajalarda joylashtirilishi mumkin emas, balki barcha insonlar dunyoni o'z madaniyati ob'ekti orqali ko'rishlari va ularni o'zlarining madaniy ravishda erishgan me'yorlariga ko'ra baholashlari kerak degan fikrni bildiradi. Boas uchun antropologiyaning maqsadi madaniyat odamlarni dunyoni turli yo'llar bilan anglashi va ular bilan o'zaro munosabatda bo'lishini shart qilganligini anglash edi va buning uchun o'rganilayotgan odamlarning tili va madaniy amaliyoti to'g'risida tushuncha olish zarur edi. Intizomlarini birlashtirib arxeologiya, moddiy madaniyat va tarixni o'rganish va jismoniy antropologiya, inson anatomiyasidagi o'zgarishni o'rganish, bilan etnologiya, urf-odatlarning madaniy xilma-xilligi va tavsiflovchi lingvistika, yozilmagan mahalliy tillarni o'rganish, Boas to'rt maydonli bo'linma 20-asrda Amerika antropologiyasida taniqli bo'lgan antropologiyaning.[25]
Dastlabki hayot va ta'lim
Frants Boas 1858 yil 9-iyulda tug'ilgan,[27] yilda Minden, Vestfaliya, Sofi Meyer va Meier Boasning o'g'li. Garchi uning bobosi va buvisi kuzatuvchan bo'lgan Yahudiylar, ota-onasi quchoqlashdi Ma'rifat qadriyatlar, shu jumladan ularni zamonaviyga singdirish Nemis jamiyat. Boasning ota-onasi o'qimishli, badavlat va liberal; ular yoqmadi dogma har qanday turdagi. Muhim dastlabki ta'sir avunkulyar edi Ibrohim Jakobi, uning onasining qaynotasi va Karl Marksning do'sti va u Boashning karerasi davomida unga maslahat berishi kerak edi. Shu sababli, Boashga o'zi o'ylash va o'z manfaatlarini ko'zlash mustaqilligi berildi. Hayotning boshida u tabiat va tabiiy fanlar uchun moyillikni namoyon etdi. Boas ovozli ravishda qarshi chiqdi antisemitizm va konvertatsiya qilishdan bosh tortdi Nasroniylik, lekin u o'zini yahudiy deb tanishtirmadi.[28] Biroq, bu bahsli Rut Bunzel, uni "muhim protestant; u muxtoriyatni hamma narsadan ustun qo'yar edi" deb nomlagan Boas protekti.[29] Uning biografiga ko'ra, "u" etnik "nemis edi, u Amerikada nemis madaniyati va qadriyatlarini saqlagan va targ'ib qilgan".[30] Avtobiografik eskizda Boas shunday deb yozgan edi:
Mening dastlabki fikrlashimning fonlari nemislar uyi bo'lib, unda ideallar mavjud edi 1848 yilgi inqilob tirik kuch edi. Otam liberal, ammo jamoat ishlarida faol emas; onam, idealistik, jamoat ishlariga jonli qiziqish bilan; mening tug'ilgan shahrimdagi ilm-fanga bag'ishlangan bolalar bog'chasining 1854 yilgi asoschisi. Ota-onam dogma kishanlarini yorib o'tishgan. Otam o'zining intellektual erkinligiga ta'sir qilishiga yo'l qo'ymasdan, ota-onasining tantanali marosimiga hissiy mehrini saqlab qolgan.[31]
Kimdan bolalar bog'chasi Boas ta'lim olgan tabiiy tarix, unga yoqadigan mavzu.[32] Yilda gimnaziya, u o'simliklarning geografik tarqalishi bo'yicha tadqiqotlari bilan eng g'ururlanardi.
Universitetni o'qishni boshlaganida, Boash birinchi bo'lib o'qigan Geydelberg universiteti to'rt semestrdan keyin bir semestr davomida Bonn universiteti, ushbu maktablarda fizika, geografiya va matematikani o'rganadi.[33][34][35] 1879 yilda u transferga o'tishga umid qildi Berlin universiteti ostida fizikani o'rganish Hermann fon Helmgols, lekin oxiriga o'tishni yakunladi Kiel universiteti buning o'rniga oilaviy sabablarga ko'ra.[36] Kielda Boas diqqatini matematik mavzusiga qaratmoqchi edi C.F. Gauss dissertatsiyasi uchun xatolarni normal taqsimlanish qonuni, ammo oxir-oqibat u doktorlik maslahatchisi, fizik o'zi uchun tanlagan mavzuni hal qilishi kerak edi. Gustav Karsten, suvning optik xususiyatlari to'g'risida.[37] Boas nomli dissertatsiyasini yakunladi Suv rangini idrok etishga hissa qo'shish,[38] yorug'likning suvga singishi, aks etishi va qutblanishini o'rganib chiqqan va 1881 yilda fizika fanlari nomzodi bo'lgan.[39][40][41][42][43]
Bonnda bo'lganida, Boas geograf tomonidan o'qitiladigan geografiya darslarida qatnashgan Theobald Fischer va ikkalasi bir vaqtning o'zida Kielga ko'chib o'tgandan keyin ham darslik va do'stlik davom etadigan do'stlik o'rnatdi.[44][45][46][47][48] Fischer, talabasi Karl Ritter, Boasning geografiyaga bo'lgan qiziqishini qayta tikladi va oxir-oqibat unga Karstenga qaraganda ko'proq ta'sir qildi va shuning uchun ba'zi biograflar Boasni hozirgi bosqichda fizikka qaraganda ko'proq geograf sifatida ko'rishmoqda.[49][50][51][52] Fizika mutaxassisligidan tashqari, Adams Kroberga asoslanib, "[o'sha paytdagi nemis an'analariga mos emasman. ... u oltita kichik tezisni himoya qilishi kerak edi ",[53] va Boas, ehtimol geografiya bo'yicha kichik o'qishni tugatgan,[54] Fischer nima uchun Boasning darajadagi imtihonchilaridan biri bo'lganligini tushuntiradi.[55] Fischer va Boas o'rtasidagi bu yaqin munosabatlar tufayli, ba'zi biograflar Boas Fischerni Kielga "kuzatib borishgan" va Boash Fischer bilan o'zining doktorlik maslahatchisi sifatida geografiya fanlari nomzodini olgan deb noto'g'ri yozishga qadar borishgan.[56][57] O'z navbatida, Boas doktorlik dissertatsiyasini tugatgandan so'ng o'zini geograf deb atadi,[58] singlisi Toni 1883 yilda "Uzoq yillar davomida xiyonat qilganidan so'ng, mening akam geografiya tomonidan qayta fath etildi, bu uning bolaligidagi birinchi muhabbat" deb yozishga undadi.[59]
O'zining dissertatsiya tadqiqotida Boas metodologiyasi yorug'likning har xil intensivligi turli xil suv turlari bilan ta'sir o'tkazishda turli xil ranglarni qanday yaratganligini tekshirishni o'z ichiga olgan;[60] ammo, u suv rangidagi ozgina farqlarni ob'ektiv ravishda idrok eta olmaydigan qiyinchiliklarga duch keldi va natijada ushbu idrok muammosi va uning miqdoriy o'lchovlarga ta'siri qiziqib qoldi.[61][62] Boas, tufayli ohangsiz karlik, keyinchalik o'qishda ham qiyinchiliklarga duch keladi tonal tillar kabi Laguna.[63] Boash allaqachon qiziqqan edi Kantian kursni olganidan beri falsafa estetika bilan Kuno Fischer Heidelbergda. Ushbu omillar Boasni tadqiqotlarni davom ettirish haqida o'ylashga undadi psixofizika doktorlik dissertatsiyasini tugatgandan so'ng psixologik va jismoniy o'rtasidagi munosabatlarni o'rganadigan, ammo u hech qanday ma'lumotga ega bo'lmagan psixologiya.[64][65] Harbiy xizmat yilida (1882-1883) Boas psixofizika bo'yicha oltita maqola nashr etdi, ammo oxir-oqibat u rejalashtirilgan Baffin orolidagi ekspeditsiyasi uchun homiylik olishi uchun geografiyaga e'tibor qaratishga qaror qildi.[66]
Aspirantura
Boas sub'ektiv tajriba va ob'ektiv dunyo o'rtasidagi munosabatlarga bo'lgan qiziqishini tobora ortib borayotganligini aniqlash uchun geografiyani qabul qildi. O'sha paytda nemis geograflari madaniy o'zgarishning sabablari bo'yicha ikkiga bo'lingan.[67]:11 Ko'pchilik jismoniy muhit asosiy belgilovchi omil deb ta'kidlagan bo'lsa, boshqalari (xususan, Fridrix Ratsel) fikricha, odamlarning migratsiyasi orqali tarqalishi muhimroq. 1883 yilda Theobald Fischer tomonidan rag'batlantirilib, Boas bordi Baffin oroli jismoniy muhitning tabiiy sharoitga ta'siri bo'yicha geografik tadqiqotlar o'tkazish Inuit migratsiya. Ko'plab etnografik ekskursiyalarning birinchisi, Boas o'zining birinchi monografiyasini yozish uchun yozuvlarini bekor qildi Markaziy Eskimo1888 yilda Amerika etnologiyasi byurosining 6 yillik hisobotida chop etilgan. Boas Baffin orolidagi Inuit xalqlari bilan yaqin yashagan va ishlagan va u odamlarning yashash tarziga doimiy qiziqish bildirgan.[68]
Arktika qishining doimiy zulmatida, Boasning so'zlariga ko'ra, u va uning hamrohi adashgan va muz, yumshoq qor va -46 ° C dan past bo'lgan haroratda yigirma olti soat davomida chanani ushlab turishga majbur bo'lgan. Ertasi kuni Boas kundaligiga qalam bilan,[69]:33
Men ko'pincha o'zimdan "yaxshi jamiyat" ning "vahshiylar" dan qanday ustunliklari borligini so'rayman va ularning urf-odatlarini qanchalik ko'p ko'rsam, ularga yomon qarashga haqimiz yo'q ... Biz ularni ayblashga haqimiz yo'q. biz uchun kulgili tuyulishi mumkin bo'lgan shakllari va xurofotlari uchun. Biz "yuqori ma'lumotli odamlar", nisbatan yomonroq ...
Boas xuddi shu yozuvda "shuning uchun inson insoniyat uchun bajarishi mumkin bo'lgan barcha xizmat haqiqatni targ'ib qilish uchun xizmat qilishi kerak" deb tushuntirdi. Ketishidan oldin, otasi unga oilaning xizmatchilaridan biri Vilgelm Vayk hamrohlik qilib, unga ovqat pishirgan va ekspeditsiya jurnalini yuritgan. Boas, baribir Inuit guruhlariga yo'nalish va ovqatdan tortib boshpana va do'stlikgacha bo'lgan barcha narsalarga qaram bo'lishga majbur bo'ldi. Bu yil juda katta mashaqqatlar bilan to'lgan, bu kasallik, tez-tez uchraydigan kasalliklar, ishonchsizlik, yuqumli kasalliklar va xavf-xatarlarni o'z ichiga olgan. Boas hali o'rganilmagan hududlarni muvaffaqiyatli qidirib topdi va noyob etnografik ob'ektlarni topdi, ammo uzoq qish va xavfli hudud bo'ylab yolg'iz yurishlar uni jonini izlab, olim va fuqaro sifatida hayoti uchun yo'nalish topishga majbur qildi.[70]
U ishlaganida Boasning mahalliy aholiga bo'lgan qiziqishi ortdi Qirollik etnologik muzeyi Berlinda, u a'zolari bilan tanishtirildi Nuxalk Nation Birinchi Kolumbiya xalqlari bilan umrbod munosabatlarni boshlagan Britaniya Kolumbiyasi Tinch okeanining shimoli-g'arbiy qismi.
U o'qishni yakunlash uchun Berlinga qaytib keldi. 1886 yilda Boas (Helmholtsning ko'magi bilan) o'zini himoya qildi habilitatsiya tezis, Baffin Landva nomlandi privatdozent geografiyada.
Baffin orolida bo'lganida u g'arbiy bo'lmagan madaniyatlarni o'rganishga qiziqishni rivojlantira boshladi (natijada uning kitobi, Markaziy Eskimo, 1888 yilda nashr etilgan). 1885 yilda Boas jismoniy antropolog bilan ishlashga ketdi Rudolf Virchov va etnolog Adolf Bastian Berlindagi Qirollik etnologik muzeyida. Boas ikki yil oldin Baffin orolining ekspeditsiyasiga tayyorgarlik ko'rayotganda Virchov bilan anatomiyani o'rgangan. O'sha paytda, Virchov o'zining sobiq shogirdi bilan evolyutsiyani muhokama qilgan. Ernst Gekkel. Gekkel o'qiganidan keyin qiyosiy anatomiyani o'rganish bo'yicha tibbiy amaliyotidan voz kechgan edi Charlz Darvin "s Turlarning kelib chiqishiva Germaniyada Darvin g'oyalarini kuchli targ'ib qildi. Ammo, boshqa tabiatshunos olimlar singari, kashfiyotdan oldin Mendeliyalik genetika 1900 yilda va rivojlanish zamonaviy sintez, Virchov Darvin nazariyalari zaif ekanligini sezdi, chunki ularda hujayraning o'zgarishi nazariyasi yo'q edi. Shunga ko'ra, Virchov buni ma'qulladi Lamarkian evolyutsiya modellari. Ushbu bahs geograflar o'rtasidagi bahs-munozaralar bilan jarangladi. Lamarklar atrof-muhit kuchlari organizmlarda irsiy manbai bo'lmagan tez va doimiy o'zgarishlarni tezlashtirishi mumkinligiga ishonishgan; Shunday qilib, Lamarklar va atrof-muhitni aniqlash bo'yicha deterministlar ko'pincha bahslarning bir tomonida bo'lishdi.
Ammo Boas atrof-muhitni determinizmga qarshi antipatiyasi bilan ajralib turadigan Bastian bilan yanada yaqinroq ishladi. Buning o'rniga u "insoniyatning ruhiy birligi", ya'ni barcha insonlarning intellektual qobiliyatlari bir xil va barcha madaniyatlar bir xil asosiy aqliy tamoyillarga asoslangan degan fikrni ilgari surdi. Uning ta'kidlashicha, odat va e'tiqodning o'zgarishi tarixiy baxtsiz hodisalar mahsuli bo'lgan. Ushbu nuqtai nazar Boasning Baffin orolidagi tajribalari bilan rezonanslashdi va uni antropologiya tomon yo'naltirdi.
Qirollik etnologik muzeyida Boas Tinch okeanining shimoli-g'arbiy qismida mahalliy amerikaliklarga qiziqish uyg'otdi va habilitatsiya dissertatsiyasini himoya qilgach, Nyu-York orqali uch oylik Britan Kolumbiyasiga sayohatga jo'nab ketdi. 1887 yil yanvar oyida unga jurnal muharriri yordamchisi sifatida ishlash taklif qilindi Ilm-fan. Kuchayib borayotgan antisemitizm bilan begonalashgan va millatchilik Germaniyada geograf uchun juda cheklangan akademik imkoniyatlar bilan birga Boas AQShda qolishga qaror qildi. Ehtimol, u ushbu qaror uchun o'sha yili turmushga chiqqan Mari Krakovayzer bilan bo'lgan romantikasidan qo'shimcha turtki olgan. Oilasi boshlangan va moliyaviy ahvoli og'ir bo'lgan Boas, shuningdek, muzeylarga sotish uchun mahalliy dafn etilgan joylardan suyak va bosh suyaklarini to'plashga murojaat qildi.[71]
Uning tahririyat ishidan tashqari Ilm-fan, Boas uchrashuvni quyidagicha ta'minladi dotsent antropologiyada Klark universiteti, 1888 yilda. Boas universitet prezidentidan xavotirda edi G. Stenli Xoll uning tadqiqotlariga aralashuvi, hali 1889 yilda u Klark universitetida yangi tashkil etilgan antropologiya kafedrasi mudiri etib tayinlandi. 1890-yillarning boshlarida u Morris K. Jezup ekspeditsiyasi deb nomlangan bir qator ekspeditsiyalarga bordi. Ushbu ekspeditsiyalarning asosiy maqsadi Osiyo-Amerika munosabatlarini yoritish edi.[72][73] 1892 yilda Boas Klark fakultetining yana bir a'zosi bilan birgalikda Xollning akademik erkinligini buzganiga norozilik sifatida iste'foga chiqdi.
Dunyo Kolumbiya ko'rgazmasi
Antropolog Frederik Uord Putnam, direktori va kuratori Peabody muzeyi da Garvard universiteti 1892 yilda Chikago ko'rgazmasi uchun etnologiya va arxeologiya kafedrasi mudiri etib tayinlangan, 1893 yilgi Kolumbiya ko'rgazmasiga yoki Chikagodagi Butunjahon ko'rgazmasiga tayyorgarlik ko'rish uchun Boasni Chikagodagi birinchi yordamchisi sifatida tanladi. Xristofor Kolumb Amerika qit'asiga kelishi.[74][75] Boash eksponatlarga bo'lgan munosabatini qo'llash imkoniyatiga ega bo'ldi. Xoas Xristofor Kolumb Amerikaga Hindistonni qidirayotgan paytda kelgan Shimoliy Amerika va Janubiy Amerikaning hindularida antropologiya va etnologiya eksponatlarini yaratish bo'yicha vakolatli yuzga yaqin yordamchilardan iborat guruhni boshqargan. Putnam Butunjahon Kolumbiya ko'rgazmasini Kolumbning sayohati bayrami qilishni maqsad qilgan. Putnamning ta'kidlashicha, XIX asr oxiridagi Inuitlar va Birinchi xalqlar (keyinchalik eskimo va hindular deb nomlangan) "o'zlarining tabiiy sharoitlarida" qarama-qarshilikni keltirib chiqaradi va G'arbning 1493 yildan beri to'rt asrlik yutuqlarini nishonlaydi.[76]
Franz Boas ko'rgazma uchun etnografik material to'plash uchun shimolga yo'l oldi. Boas Midwayga tashrif buyuruvchilar boshqa madaniyatlar haqida ma'lumot olishlari mumkin bo'lgan ko'rgazma uchun ko'rgazmalar yaratishda jamoat ilmini ko'zlagan edi. Boas Britan Kolumbiyasidan o'n to'rtta Kvakvakaakvak aborigenlarini o'zlarining kundalik vazifalarini kontekstda bajarishlari mumkin bo'lgan Kwakwaka'wakw qishlog'iga kelib yashashlarini tashkil qildi. Inuit o'sha erda 12 metr uzunlikdagi qamish terisidan yasalgan, dengiz terisidan kiyim kiyib olgan va dengiz kaykalarida qay darajada mohir ekanliklarini ko'rsatgan. Uning ekspozitsiyadagi tajribasi Frants Boasning jamoat antropologiyasiga bo'lgan ishonchini bir qator silkinishlardan birini yaratdi. Mehmonlar u erda ma'lumot olish uchun emas edi. 1916 yilga kelib, Boas ma'lum bir iste'fo bilan "mamlakatimizda boshqa millatlarning fikrlash tarziga kirishga tayyor va qodir odamlar soni juda oz ..." deb bilgan edi ... Faqatgina biladigan amerikalik o'z nuqtai nazari bilan dunyo hakami sifatida o'zini namoyon qiladi. "[77][78]:170
Ekspozitsiyadan so'ng to'plangan etnografik material yangi yaratilganlarning asosini tashkil etdi Dala muzeyi antropologiyaning kuratori sifatida Boas bilan Chikagoda.[79] U erda 1894 yilgacha ishlagan, uning o'rnini BAE arxeologi egallagan (uning irodasiga qarshi) Uilyam Genri Xolms.
1896 yilda Boas etnologiya kuratorining yordamchisi etib tayinlandi va Somatologiya ning Amerika tabiiy tarixi muzeyi Putnam ostida. 1897 yilda u Jezup Tinch okeanining shimoliy ekspeditsiyasi, ota-bobolari Sibirdan Bering bo'g'ozi bo'ylab ko'chib kelgan Tinch okeanining shimoli-g'arbiy qismidagi xalqlarni besh yillik ekskursiya. U eksponatlarni evolyutsion emas, balki kontekstual yo'nalish bo'yicha tashkil etishga urindi. Shuningdek, u o'zining kuratorlik maqsadlariga muvofiq ravishda tadqiqot dasturini ishlab chiqdi: o'quvchilariga ko'rsatmalarini jamiyat ichida talqin qilish sharoitlarini kengaytirish nuqtai nazaridan tavsiflab, u "... ular namunalarni oladilar; ular namunalarga izohlar oladilar; ular qisman namunalarga va qisman odamlarga tegishli mavhum narsalarga ishora qiluvchi bog'langan matnlarni oling; ular grammatik ma'lumotga ega bo'ladilar ". Ushbu talqinning kengayib boradigan kontekstlari bitta kontekstda, namunalar yoki namunalar to'plamlari ko'rsatiladigan kontekstda mujassamlangan edi: "... biz har bir guruhning o'ziga xos uslubini o'rgatish uchun, qabilalarga ko'ra tartiblangan to'plamni xohlaymiz. ". Biroq, uning yondashuvi uni muzey prezidenti bilan ziddiyatga olib keldi, Morris Jezup va uning direktori, Hermon Bumpus. 1900 yilga kelib Boas ta'lim yoki islohot vositasi sifatida Amerika muzey antropologiyasidan chekinishni boshladi (Hinsley 1992: 361). U 1905 yilda iste'foga chiqdi, bundan keyin hech qachon muzeyda ishlamaydi.
Fin de siecle bahslari
 | Ushbu bo'lim uchun qo'shimcha iqtiboslar kerak tekshirish. (Aprel 2020) (Ushbu shablon xabarini qanday va qachon olib tashlashni bilib oling) |
Ilm-fan tarixga qarshi
Ba'zi olimlar, Boasning shogirdi kabi Alfred Kroeber, Boas o'zining fizikadagi tadqiqotlarini antropologiyadagi faoliyati uchun namuna sifatida ishlatganiga ishongan. Boshqa ko'plab odamlar, shu jumladan Boasning shogirdi Aleksandr Lesser kabi tadqiqotchilar Marian V. Smit, Herbert S. Lyuis va Matti Bunzl - Boas o'zining antropologik izlanishlari uchun namuna sifatida fizikani tarix foydasiga aniq rad etganligini ta'kidladi.
Ilm-fan va tarix o'rtasidagi bu farq 19-asrdagi Germaniya akademiyasidan kelib chiqqan bo'lib, ular orasidagi farqni ajratib ko'rsatgan Naturwissenschaften (fanlar) va Geisteswissenschaften (gumanitar fanlar) yoki o'rtasida Gesetzwissenschaften (qonun beruvchi fanlar) va Geschichtswissenschaften (tarix). Odatda, Naturwissenschaften va Gesetzwissenschaften ob'ektiv tabiiy qonunlar bilan boshqariladigan hodisalarni o'rganishga murojaat qiling, ikkala qarama-qarshilikdagi oxirgi atamalar faqat insonning idroki yoki tajribasi nuqtai nazaridan anglatishi kerak bo'lgan hodisalarni nazarda tutadi.
1884 yilda, Kantian faylasuf Vilgelm Vindelband shartlarini ishlab chiqdi nomotetik va idiografik bu ikki xil yondashuvni tavsiflash uchun. U ko'pchilik olimlarning ikkalasini ham aralashtirishlarini, ammo turli xil nisbatlarda ishlashlarini kuzatdi; u fizikani nomotetik fanning, tarixni esa idiografiya fanining mukammal namunasi deb bilgan. Bundan tashqari, u har bir yondashuvning kelib chiqishi aqlning ikkita "manfaati" ning biridan kelib chiqishini ta'kidladi Kant da aniqlangan edi Hukmni tanqid qilish- biri "umumlashtiruvchi", boshqasi "aniqlovchi". (Vinkelbandning talabasi Geynrix Rikert bu farqni batafsil ishlab chiqdi Tabiatshunoslikda kontseptsiyaning shakllanish chegaralari: tarixiy fanlarga mantiqiy kirish; Boas talabalari Alfred Kroeber va Edvard Sapir antropologiyaga o'zlarining yondashuvlarini belgilashda ushbu asarga keng ishongan.)
Kant aqlning ushbu ikki manfaatini ob'ektiv va umuminsoniy deb hisoblagan bo'lsa-da, tabiiy va insonparvarlik fanlari o'rtasidagi farq Germaniyada ma'rifatparvarlik davridan keyin ilmiy tadqiqotlar va o'qitishni tashkil etish orqali institutsionalizatsiya qilindi. Germaniyada ma'rifatparvarlikni Kantning o'zi boshqargan, u umuminsoniy ratsionallikka asoslangan tamoyillarni o'rnatishga intilgan. Kantga munosabat sifatida nemis olimlari Johann Gottfried Herder (Boasga ta'sir)[80] oldindan aytib bo'lmaydigan va o'ta xilma-xil shakllarga ega bo'lgan inson ijodkorligi insonning aql-idroki kabi muhimdir. 1795 yilda buyuk tilshunos va faylasuf Wilhelm von Gumboldt Kant va Xerder manfaatlarini sintez qiladigan antropologiyani chaqirdi. Gumboldt asos solgan Berlin universiteti 1809 yilda va uning geografiya, tarix va psixologiya sohasidagi ishlari Boasning intellektual yo'nalishi etuk bo'lgan muhitni ta'minladi.
Gumboldt an'analarida ishlagan tarixchilar Boas antropologiyasida markaziy bo'ladigan g'oyalarni ishlab chiqdilar. Leopold fon Ranke tarixchining vazifasini Boas empirikizmining asosi bo'lgan "shunchaki mavjudligini ko'rsatish" deb belgilagan. Wilhelm Dilthey "tushunchaning" inson bilimlari markaziyligini va tarixchining hayot tajribasi tarixiy aktyorning holatini empatik tushunishga asos yaratishi mumkinligini ta'kidladi.[81] Boas uchun ikkala qiymat ham Gyotening iqtibosida yaxshi ifoda etilgan: "Bitta harakat yoki voqea qiziqarli, tushuntirilishi mumkinligi uchun emas, balki haqiqat bo'lgani uchun."[82]
Ushbu fikrlarning Boasga ta'siri 1887 yilda yozilgan "Geografiyani o'rganish" inshoida yaqqol ko'rinib turibdi, unda u hodisalarni tartibga soluvchi qonunlarni kashf etishga intilgan fizika fani va hodisalarni puxta tushunishga intilgan tarixshunoslikni ajratib ko'rsatgan. o'z shartlari. Boas geografiya shu ma'noda tarixiy va bo'lishi kerak deb ta'kidladi. 1887 yilda Baffin orolidagi ekspeditsiyasidan so'ng Boas "Etnologik tasniflash tamoyillari" ni yozdi va unda antropologiyaga murojaat qilib ushbu dalilni ishlab chiqdi:
Etnologik hodisalar odamlarning jismoniy va ruhiy xarakteri hamda uning atrof-muhit ta'siri ostida rivojlanishining natijasidir ... "Atrof" - bu mamlakatning jismoniy sharoitlari va sotsiologik hodisalar, ya'ni insonning kishi. Bundan tashqari, hozirgi atrofni o'rganish etarli emas: odamlar tarixi, u ko'chib o'tgan hududlarning ta'siri va u bilan aloqada bo'lgan odamlar haqida o'ylash kerak.[83]
Ushbu formulada Ratselning inson migratsiyasi va Bastianning atrof-muhit determinizmidan voz kechish tarixiy jarayonlariga e'tiborini qaratadi. Shuningdek, u madaniyatni kontekst ("atrof") sifatida va tarixning ahamiyatini ta'kidlaydi. Bular Boasian antropologiyasining o'ziga xos belgilaridir (ular Marvin Xarris keyinroq qo'ng'iroq qiladi "tarixiy xususiylik "), Boasning keyingi o'n yil ichida olib borgan tadqiqotlari va kelajakdagi talabalarga ko'rsatmalariga rahbarlik qiladi. (Xarrisga muqobil qarash uchun Lyuis 2001b-ga qarang.)
Kontekst va tarix Boasning antropologiyani tushunishi uchun muhim elementlar bo'lgan Geisteswissenschaften va Geschichtswissenschaften, Boasian antropologiyasi bilan baham ko'radigan bitta muhim element mavjud Naturwissenschaften: empiriklik. 1949 yilda Boasning shogirdi, Alfred Kroeber Boasian antropologiyasini fan sifatida belgilaydigan empiriklikning uchta tamoyilini umumlashtirdi:
- Ilm-fan usuli, javoblardan emas, balki savollardan boshlash kerak, hech bo'lmaganda qadriyatlarni baholash.
- Ilm-fan shafqatsiz surishtiruv va shuning uchun "allaqachon kundalik hayotda shakllangan" har qanday mafkurani o'z zimmasiga ololmaydi, chunki bu o'zlari muqarrar ravishda an'anaviy va odatda hissiy xurofotga ega.
- Hech kimni yo'q qilish, qora va oqni sudrab chiqish kategorik munosabatlarga xos bo'lib, tabiatida xulosa chiqaradigan va oqilona bo'lgan ilm-fanga o'rin yo'q.
Darvin evolyutsiyasiga qarshi ortogenetik
Boas va uning shogirdlarining eng katta yutuqlaridan biri bu o'sha paytdagi jismoniy, ijtimoiy va madaniy evolyutsiya nazariyalarini tanqid qilishdir. Ushbu tanqid Boasning muzeylardagi faoliyati va shuningdek, uning antropologiyaning to'rtala sohasidagi faoliyati uchun ham muhim ahamiyatga ega. Tarixchi sifatida Jorj Stoking ammo ta'kidlaganidek, Boasning asosiy loyihasi biologik va madaniy merosni ajratish va u ijtimoiy hayotga eng katta ta'sir ko'rsatgan deb hisoblagan madaniy jarayonlarga e'tibor qaratish edi.[84] Darhaqiqat, Boas Darvin nazariyasini qo'llab-quvvatladi, garchi u avtomatik ravishda madaniy va tarixiy hodisalarga taalluqli deb o'ylamagan bo'lsa-da (va haqiqatan ham 19-asr nazariyalarining umrbod raqibi bo'lgan) madaniy evolyutsiya, masalan Lyuis X. Morgan va Edvard Burnett Tyoror ).[85] Boasiyaliklar masxara qilgan va rad etgan evolyutsiya tushunchasi o'sha paytdagi hukmronlik edi ortogenez - aniqlovchi yoki teleologik evolyutsiya jarayoni, unda o'zgarish qat'iy nazar bosqichma-bosqich sodir bo'ladi tabiiy selektsiya. Boas keng tarqalgan nazariyalarni rad etdi ijtimoiy evolyutsiya Edvard Burnett Tyoror, Lyuis Genri Morgan va Gerbert Spenser u "evolyutsiya" tushunchasini o'z-o'zidan rad etgani uchun emas, balki evolyutsiyaning ortogenetik tushunchalarini Darvin evolyutsiyasi foydasiga rad etgani uchun.
Ushbu ustun madaniy evolyutsiya nazariyalari bilan Darvin nazariyasi o'rtasidagi farqni haddan tashqari oshirib bo'lmaydi: ortogetetiklar barcha jamiyatlar bir xil ketma-ketlikda bir xil bosqichlarda harakat qilmoqdalar. Shunday qilib, garchi Inuit Boas kim bilan ishlagan Baffin oroli, va Nemislar u bilan aspirant sifatida birga o'qigan, bir-birining zamondoshlari bo'lgan, evolyutsionistlar Inuitlar evolyutsiyasining dastlabki bosqichida, nemislar esa keyingi bosqichda bo'lishgan.
Boasiyaliklar madaniy evolyutsionistlar tomonidan deyarli har qanday da'vo ma'lumotlarga zid yoki ma'lumotlarning chuqur noto'g'ri talqin qilinishini aks ettirgan deb ta'kidlashdi. Boasning shogirdi sifatida Robert Loui "Mavzuga oid ba'zi bir chalg'ituvchi bayonotlardan farqli o'laroq, evolyutsiyaning" ilmiy isbotlangan "mas'uliyatli muxoliflari bo'lmagan, ammo aniqlangan faktlarni soxtalashtiradigan evolyutsion metafizikaga nisbatan dushmanlik aniqlangan". Nashr qilinmagan ma'ruzasida Boas Darvin oldidagi qarzini quyidagicha tavsifladi:
Garchi Darvinning aqliy kuchlarni rivojlantirish haqidagi muhokamasida bu g'oya aniq ifodalangan ko'rinmasa ham, uning asosiy maqsadi aqliy qobiliyatlar mohiyatan maqsadsiz rivojlanganligiga ishonch bildirish bo'lganligi aniq ko'rinib turibdi, ammo ular xilma-xillik sifatida paydo bo'lgan, va tabiiy selektsiya bilan davom ettirildi. Ushbu g'oyani Uolles ham juda aniq bayon qildi, u ta'kidlashicha, odamning aql-idrok faoliyati aniq fikr yuritmasdan rivojlangan bo'lishi mumkin.
Shunday qilib, Boas madaniyatdagi naqshlar yoki tuzilmalar ko'rinadigan narsalar ongli dizayn mahsuli emas, aksincha, madaniy o'zgarishni keltirib chiqaradigan (diffuziya va mustaqil ixtiro kabi) turli xil mexanizmlarning natijasi bo'lgan ijtimoiy muhit tomonidan shakllantirildi. odamlar yashaydi va harakat qiladi. Boas o'z ma'ruzasini Darvin asarining ahamiyatini e'tirof etish bilan yakunladi: "Umid qilamanki, antropologiyani antropologiyani yaratishda yordam bergan o'lmas Darvinning ishi tufayli, sizlarga nomukammal bo'lsa ham, fikr oqimlarini taqdim etishga muvaffaq bo'ldim. hozirgi vaqt. "[86]
Dastlabki martaba: muzeyshunoslik
19-asrning oxirida AQShda antropologiya Amerika etnologiyasi byurosi, rejissor Jon Uesli Pauell, afzal ko'rgan geolog Lyuis Genri Morgan nazariyasi madaniy evolyutsiya. BAE uyga joylashtirildi Smitson instituti Vashingtonda va Smitsonning etnologiya bo'yicha kuratori, Otis T. Meyson, Pauellning madaniy evolyutsiyaga sodiqligi bilan o'rtoqlashdi. (Peabody muzeyi Garvard universiteti antropologik tadqiqotlarning muhim, ammo ozroq markazi edi.)
Aynan muzey kollektsiyalari va ko'rgazmalari ustida ishlash paytida Boas o'zining madaniyatga bo'lgan asosiy yondashuvini shakllantirdi, bu esa uni muzeylar bilan aloqani uzishga va antropologiyani akademik intizom sifatida o'rnatishga intildi.
Ushbu davr mobaynida Boas Tinch okeanining shimoli-g'arbiy qismiga yana beshta safar qildi. Uning doimiy ravishda olib borilgan izlanishlari uni madaniyatni inson harakati uchun mahalliy sharoit sifatida tasavvur qilishga undadi. Uning mahalliy sharoit va tarixga bo'lgan ahamiyati uni o'sha paytdagi hukmron modelga qarshi turishiga olib keldi, madaniy evolyutsiya.
Boas dastlab qarindoshlik masalasida evolyutsion nazariyani buzdi. Lyuis Genri Morgan barcha insoniyat jamiyatlari boshlang'ich shaklidan o'tadi deb ta'kidlagan edi matrilineal tashkilotga patilineal tashkilot. Britaniya Kolumbiyasining shimoliy qirg'og'idagi Birinchi Millatlar guruhlari, shunga o'xshash Tsimshian va Tlingit, matrilineal klanlarga bo'lingan. Janubiy sohilidagi birinchi millatlar, xuddi shunday Nootka va Salish ammo, patrilineal guruhlarga birlashtirildi. Boas asosiy e'tiborni Kvakiutl, ikki klaster o'rtasida yashagan. Kvakiutl turli xil xususiyatlarga ega edi. Nikohdan oldin erkak o'z xotinining otasining ismini va tepasini tanlagan bo'lar edi. Farzandlari bu ismlarni va kreslolarni ham olishgan, garchi o'g'illari ularni turmushga chiqqandan keyin yo'qotishardi. Ismlar va tepaliklar shu tariqa onaning qatorida qoldi. Avvaliga Boas, xuddi o'zidan oldingi Morgan singari - Kvakiutlning shimoldagi qo'shnilari singari matrilineal bo'lgan, ammo ular patilineal guruhlarni rivojlantira boshlagan deb taxmin qilishgan. Ammo 1897 yilda u o'zini rad etdi va Kvakiutl oldingi patilineal tashkilotdan matrilineal tashkilotga o'tayotganini ta'kidladi, chunki ular shimoliy qo'shnilaridan matrilineal printsiplari haqida bilib oldilar.
Boas Morganning nazariyalarini rad etishi uni 1887 yilgi maqolasida Meysonning muzeylarni namoyish etish tamoyillariga qarshi chiqishiga olib keldi. Biroq, xavf va tasnifning asosiy muammolari xavf ostida edi. Moddiy madaniyatga evolyutsion yondashuv muzey kuratorlarini namoyish etilayotgan narsalarni texnologik rivojlanish darajasiga yoki funktsiyasiga qarab tartibga solishga olib keldi. Kuratorlar artefakt shaklidagi o'zgarishlar progressiv evolyutsiyaning qandaydir tabiiy jarayonini aks ettiradi deb taxmin qilishdi. Biroq, Boas, artefakt shakli uni ishlab chiqarish va ishlatish sharoitlarini aks ettirgan deb o'ylardi. Boas, "sabablar kabi hough, effektlar kabi effektlarni yoqtirmaydi", deb ta'kidlagan Boas, hatto shakli jihatidan o'xshash bo'lgan artefaktlar ham turli sabablarga ko'ra juda xilma-xil sharoitlarda rivojlangan bo'lishi mumkinligini anglab etdi. Meysonning muzey ekspozitsiyalari, evolyutsion yo'nalish bo'yicha tashkil etilgan, yanglish effektlar bilan yonma-yon joylashgan; kontekstual yo'nalish bo'yicha tashkil etilganlar sabablarini ochib beradi.
Minik Uolles
U kuratorning yordamchisi sifatida Amerika tabiiy tarixi muzeyi, Frants Boas Arktika tadqiqotchisidan iltimos qildi Robert E. Peary bitta Inukni Grenlandiyadan Nyu-Yorkka olib keling. Piri 1897 yilda Nyu-Yorkka Amerika Tabiat Tarixi Muzeyining podvalida yashagan oltita Inuitni majbur qildi va olib keldi. Ulardan to'rt nafari Nyu-Yorkka kelganidan bir yil ichida sil kasalligidan vafot etdi, bittasi Grenlandiyaga qaytib keldi va yosh bola, Minik Uolles, muzeyda yashab qoldi. Boas bolaning otasi uchun dafn marosimini o'tkazdi va qoldiqlari ajratilib muzeyga joylashtirildi. Boash Inuitlarni Nyu-Yorkka olib kelishdagi roli va muzeyda o'z maqsadlariga erishgandan so'ng, ularga bo'lgan qiziqishi uchun keng tanqid qilindi.[87][88][89][90]
Keyinchalik mansab: akademik antropologiya
Boas jismoniy antropologiya bo'yicha o'qituvchi etib tayinlandi Kolumbiya universiteti 1896 yilda va 1899 yilda antropologiya professori lavozimiga ko'tarildi. Ammo Kolumbiyada o'qitadigan turli xil antropologlar turli bo'limlarga tayinlangan edilar. Boas Tabiiy tarix muzeyini tark etgach, Kolumbiya universiteti bilan muzokaralar olib bordi va turli professorlarni bitta bo'limga birlashtirdi. Boasning Kolumbiyadagi dasturi birinchi bo'ldi Falsafa fanlari doktori (PhD) dasturi antropologiya Amerikada.[91][92]
Shu vaqt ichida Boas Amerika Antropologik Assotsiatsiyasini (AAA) tashkil topishda rivojlanayotgan soha uchun soyabon tashkiloti sifatida muhim rol o'ynadi. Boas dastlab AAA faqat professional antropologlar bilan cheklanishini xohlagan edi, ammo V. J. Makgi (Pauell boshchiligida BAEga qo'shilgan boshqa geolog) tashkilot ochiq a'zolikka ega bo'lishi kerakligini ta'kidladi. McGee's position prevailed and he was elected the organization's first president in 1902; Boas was elected a vice-president, along with Putnam, Powell, and Holmes.
At both Columbia and the AAA, Boas encouraged the "four-field" concept of anthropology; he personally contributed to jismoniy antropologiya, tilshunoslik, arxeologiya, shu qatorda; shu bilan birga madaniy antropologiya. His work in these fields was pioneering: in physical anthropology he led scholars away from static taxonomical classifications of race, to an emphasis on human biology and evolution; in linguistics he broke through the limitations of classic filologiya and established some of the central problems in modern linguistics and cognitive anthropology; in cultural anthropology he (along with the Polish-English anthropologist Bronislav Malinovskiy ) established the contextualist approach to culture, cultural relativism, and the ishtirokchilarni kuzatish method of fieldwork.
The four-field approach understood not merely as bringing together different kinds of anthropologists into one department, but as reconceiving anthropology through the integration of different objects of anthropological research into one overarching object, was one of Boas's fundamental contributions to the discipline, and came to characterize American anthropology against that ofAngliya, Frantsiya, yoki Germaniya. This approach defines as its object the human species as a totality. This focus did not lead Boas to seek to reduce all forms of humanity and human activity to some lowest common denominator; rather, he understood the essence of the human species to be the tremendous variation in human form and activity (an approach that parallels Charles Darwin's approach to species in general).
In his 1907 essay, "Anthropology", Boas identified two basic questions for anthropologists: "Why are the tribes and nations of the world different, and how have the present differences developed?" Amplifying these questions, he explained the object of anthropological study thus:
We do not discuss the anatomical, physiological, and mental characteristics of a man considered as an individual; but we are interested in the diversity of these traits in groups of men found in different geographical areas and in different social classes. It is our task to inquire into the causes that have brought about the observed differentiation and to investigate the sequence of events that have led to the establishment of the multifarious forms of human life. In other words, we are interested in the anatomical and mental characteristics of men living under the same biological, geographical, and social environment, and as determined by their past.
These questions signal a marked break from then-current ideas about human diversity, which assumed that some people have a history, evident in a historical (or written) record, while other people, lacking writing, also lack history. For some, this distinction between two different kinds of societies explained the difference between history, sociology, economics and other disciplines that focus on people with writing, and anthropology, which was supposed to focus on people without writing. Boas rejected this distinction between kinds of societies, and this division of labor in the academy. He understood all societies to have a history, and all societies to be proper objects of the anthropological society. In order to approach literate and non-literate societies the same way, he emphasized the importance of studying human history through the analysis of other things besides written texts. Thus, in his 1904 article, "The History of Anthropology", Boas wrote that
The historical development of the work of anthropologists seems to single out clearly a domain of knowledge that heretofore has not been treated by any other science. It is the biological history of mankind in all its varieties; linguistics applied to people without written languages; the ethnology of people without historical records; and prehistoric archeology.
Historians and social theorists in the 18th and 19th centuries had speculated as to the causes of this differentiation, but Boas dismissed these theories, especially the dominant theories of ijtimoiy evolyutsiya va madaniy evolyutsiya as speculative. He endeavored to establish a discipline that would base its claims on a rigorous empirical study.
One of Boas's most important books, Ibtidoiy odamning aqli (1911), integrated his theories concerning the history and development of cultures and established a program that would dominate American anthropology for the next fifteen years. In this study, he established that in any given population, biology, language, material, and symbolic culture, are autonomous; that each is an equally important dimension of human nature, but that no one of these dimensions is reducible to another. In other words, he established that culture does not depend on any independent variables. He emphasized that the biological, linguistic, and cultural traits of any group of people are the product of historical developments involving both cultural and non-cultural forces. He established that cultural plurality is a fundamental feature of humankind and that the specific cultural environment structures much individual behavior.
Boas also presented himself as a role model for the citizen-scientist, who understand that even were the truth pursued as its own end, all knowledge has moral consequences. Ibtidoiy odamning aqli ends with an appeal to gumanizm:
I hope the discussions outlined in these pages have shown that the data of anthropology teach us a greater tolerance of forms of civilization different from our own, that we should learn to look on foreign races with greater sympathy and with a conviction that, as all races have contributed in the past to cultural progress in one way or another, so they will be capable of advancing the interests of mankind if we are only willing to give them a fair opportunity.
Jismoniy antropologiya
Boas's work in jismoniy antropologiya brought together his interest in Darwinian evolution with his interest in migration as a cause of change. His most important research in this field was his study of changes in the body from among children of immigrants in New York. Other researchers had already noted differences in height, cranial measurements, and other physical features between Americans and people from different parts of Europe. Many used these differences to argue that there is an innate biological difference between races. Boas's primary interest—in symbolic and material culture and in language—was the study of processes of change; he, therefore, set out to determine whether bodily forms are also subject to processes of change. Boas studied 17,821 people, divided into seven ethno-national groups. Boas found that average measures of the cranial size of immigrants were significantly different from members of these groups who were born in the United States. Moreover, he discovered that average measures of the cranial size of children born within ten years of their mothers' arrival were significantly different from those of children born more than ten years after their mothers' arrival. Boas did not deny that physical features such as height or cranial size were inherited; he did, however, argue that the environment has an influence on these features, which is expressed through change over time. This work was central to his influential argument that differences between races were not immutable.[93][94][95] Boas observed:
The head form, which has always been one of the most stable and permanent characteristics of human races, undergoes far-reaching changes due to the transfer of European races to American soil. The East European Hebrew, who has a round head, becomes more long-headed; the South Italian, who in Italy has an exceedingly long head, becomes more short-headed; so that both approach a uniform type in this country, so far as the head is concerned.[96]
These findings were radical at the time and continue to be debated. In 2002, the anthropologists Corey S. Sparks and Richard L. Jantz claimed that differences between children born to the same parents in Europe and America were very small and insignificant and that there was no detectable effect of exposure to the American environment on the cranial index in children. They argued that their results contradicted Boas's original findings and demonstrated that they may no longer be used to support arguments of plasticity in cranial morfologiya.[97] Biroq, Jonathan Marks —a well-known physical anthropologist and former president of the General Anthropology section of the Amerika antropologik assotsiatsiyasi —has remarked that this revisionist study of Boas's work "has the ring of desperation to it (if not obfuscation), and has been quickly rebutted by more mainstream biological anthropology".[98] In 2003 anthropologists Clarence C. Gravlee, H. Russell Bernard, and William R. Leonard reanalyzed Boas's data and concluded that most of Boas's original findings were correct. Moreover, they applied new statistical, computer-assisted methods to Boas's data and discovered more evidence for cranial plasticity.[99] In a later publication, Gravlee, Bernard and Leonard reviewed Sparks and Jantz's analysis. They argue that Sparks and Jantz misrepresented Boas's claims and that Sparks's and Jantz's data actually support Boas. For example, they point out that Sparks and Jantz look at changes in cranial size in relation to how long an individual has been in the United States in order to test the influence of the environment. Boas, however, looked at changes in cranial size in relation to how long the mother had been in the United States. They argue that Boas's method is more useful because the prenatal environment is a crucial developmental factor.[100]
A further publication by Jantz based on Gravlee et al. claims that Boas had gilos tanlab olindi two groups of immigrants (Sicilians and Hebrews) which had varied most towards the same mean, and discarded other groups which had varied in the opposite direction. He commented, "Using the recent reanalysis by Gravlee et al. (2003), we can observe in Figure 2 that the maximum difference in the cranial index due to immigration (in Hebrews) is much smaller than the maximum ethnic difference, between Sicilians and Bohemians. It shows that long-headed parents produce long headed offspring and vice versa. To make the argument that children of immigrants converge onto an "American type" required Boas to use the two groups that changed the most."[101]
Ba'zi bo'lsa-da sotsiobiologlar va evolyutsion psixologlar have suggested that Boas was opposed to Darwinian evolution, Boas, in fact, was a committed proponent of Darwinian evolutionary thought. In 1888, he declared that "the development of ethnology is largely due to the general recognition of the principle of biological evolution"; since Boas's times, physical anthropologists have established that the human capacity for culture is a product of human evolution. In fact, Boas's research on changes in body form played an important role in the rise of Darwinian theory.[iqtibos kerak ] Boas was trained at a time when biologists had no understanding of genetics; Mendelian genetics became widely known only after 1900. Prior to that time biologists relied on the measurement of physical traits as empirical data for any theory of evolution. Boas's biometric studies, however, led him to question the use of this method and kind of data. In a speech to anthropologists in Berlin in 1912, Boas argued that at best such statistics could only raise biological questions, and not answer them. It was in this context that anthropologists began turning to genetics as a basis for any understanding of biological variation.
Tilshunoslik
Boas also contributed greatly to the foundation of linguistics as a science in the United States. He published many descriptive studies of Native American languages, and wrote on theoretical difficulties in classifying languages, and laid out a research program for studying the relations between language and culture which his students such as Edvard Sapir, Pol Rivet va Alfred Kroeber ergashdi.[102][103][104][105][106][107]
His 1889 article "On Alternating Sounds", however, made a singular contribution to the methodology of both linguistics and cultural anthropology. It is a response to a paper presented in 1888 by Daniel Garrison Brinton, at the time a professor of American linguistics and archeology at the Pensilvaniya universiteti. Brinton observed that in the spoken languages of many Native Americans, certain sounds regularly alternated. Brinton argued that this pervasive inconsistency was a sign of linguistic and evolutionary inferiority.
Boas had heard similar phonetic shifts during his research in Baffin Island and in the Pacific Northwest. Nevertheless, he argued that "alternating sounds" is not at all a feature of Native American languages—indeed, he argued, they do not really exist. Rather than take alternating sounds as objective proof of different stages in cultural evolution, Boas considered them in terms of his longstanding interest in the subjective perception of objective physical phenomena. He also considered his earlier critique of evolutionary museum displays. There, he pointed out that two things (artifacts of material culture) that appear to be similar may, in fact, be quite different. In this article, he raises the possibility that two things (sounds) that appear to be different may, in fact, be the same.
In short, he shifted attention to the idrok of different sounds. Boas begins by raising an empirical question: when people describe one sound in different ways, is it because they cannot perceive the difference, or might there be another reason? He immediately establishes that he is not concerned with cases involving perceptual deficit—the aural equivalent of color-blindness. He points out that the question of people who describe one sound in different ways is comparable to that of people who describe different sounds in one way. This is crucial for research in descriptive tilshunoslik: when studying a new language, how are we to note the talaffuz of different words? (in this point, Boas anticipates and lays the groundwork for the distinction between fonemika va fonetika.) People may pronounce a word in a variety of ways and still recognize that they are using the same word. The issue, then, is not "that such sensations are not recognized in their individuality" (in other words, people recognize differences in pronunciations); rather, it is that sounds "are classified according to their similarity" (in other words, that people classify a variety of perceived sounds into one category). A comparable visual example would involve words for colors. Inglizcha so'z yashil can be used to refer to a variety of shades, hues, and tints. But there are some languages that have no word for yashil.[108] In such cases, people might classify what we would call yashil as either sariq yoki ko'k. This is not an example of color-blindness—people can perceive differences in color, but they categorize similar colors in a different way than English speakers.
Boas applied these principles to his studies of Inuit tillari. Researchers have reported a variety of spellings for a given word. In the past, researchers have interpreted this data in a number of ways—it could indicate local variations in the pronunciation of a word, or it could indicate different lahjalar. Boas argues an alternative explanation: that the difference is not in how Inuit pronounce the word, but rather in how English-speaking scholars perceive the pronunciation of the word. It is not that English speakers are physically incapable of perceiving the sound in question; rather, the phonetic system of English cannot accommodate the perceived sound.
Although Boas was making a very specific contribution to the methods of descriptive linguistics, his ultimate point is far reaching: observer bias need not be personal, it can be cultural. In other words, the perceptual categories of Western researchers may systematically cause a Westerner to misperceive or to fail to perceive entirely a meaningful element in another culture. As in his critique of Otis Mason's museum displays, Boas demonstrated that what appeared to be evidence of cultural evolution was really the consequence of unscientific methods and a reflection of Westerners' beliefs about their own cultural superiority. This point provides the methodological foundation for Boas's madaniy nisbiylik: elements of a culture are meaningful in that culture's terms, even if they may be meaningless (or take on a radically different meaning) in another culture.
Madaniy antropologiya
The essence of Boas's approach to ethnography is found in his early essay on "The Study of Geography". There he argued for an approach that
... considers every phenomenon as worthy of being studied for its own sake. Its mere existence entitles it to a full share of our attention, and the knowledge of its existence and evolution in space and time fully satisfies the student.When Boas's student Rut Benedikt gave her presidential address to the American Anthropological Association in 1947, she reminded anthropologists of the importance of this idiographic stance by quoting literary critic A. C. Bradley: "We watch 'what is', seeing that so it happened and must have happened".
This orientation led Boas to promote a cultural anthropology characterized by a strong commitment to
- Empirizm (with a resulting skepticism of attempts to formulate "scientific laws" of culture)
- Tushunchasi madaniyat as fluid and dynamic
- Etnografik fieldwork, in which the anthropologist resides for an extended period among the people being researched, conducts research in the native language, and collaborates with native researchers, as a method of collecting data, and
- Madaniy nisbiylik as a methodological tool while conducting fieldwork, and as a heuristic tool while analyzing data.
Boas argued that in order to understand "what is"—in cultural anthropology, the specific cultural traits (behaviors, beliefs, and symbols)—one had to examine them in their local context. He also understood that as people migrate from one place to another, and as the cultural context changes over time, the elements of a culture, and their meanings, will change, which led him to emphasize the importance of local histories for an analysis of cultures.
Although other anthropologists at the time, such as Bronislav Malinovskiy va Alfred Reginald Radcliffe-Brown focused on the study of societies, which they understood to be clearly bounded, Boas's attention to history, which reveals the extent to which traits diffuse from one place to another, led him to view cultural boundaries as multiple and overlapping, and as highly permeable. Shunday qilib, Boasning shogirdi Robert Loui once described culture as a thing of "shreds and patches". Boas and his students understood that as people try to make sense of their world they seek to integrate its disparate elements, with the result that different cultures could be characterized as having different configurations or patterns. But Boasians also understood that such integration was always in tensions with diffusion, and any appearance of a stable configuration is contingent (see Bashkow 2004: 445).
During Boas's lifetime, as today, many Westerners saw a fundamental difference between modern societies, which are characterized by dynamism and individualism, and traditional societies which are stable and homogeneous. Boas's empirical field research, however, led him to argue against this comparison. For example, his 1903 essay, "Decorative Designs of Alaskan Needlecases: A History of Conventional Designs, Based on Materials in a U.S. Museum", provides another example of how Boas made broad theoretical claims based on a detailed analysis of empirical data. After establishing formal similarities among the needlecases, Boas shows how certain formal features provide a vocabulary out of which individual artisans could create variations in design. Thus, his emphasis on culture as a context for meaningful action made him sensitive to individual variation within a society (Uilyam Genri Xolms suggested a similar point in an 1886 paper, "Origin and development of form and ornament in ceramic art", although unlike Boas he did not develop the ethnographic and theoretical implications).
In a programmatic essay in 1920, "The Methods of Ethnology", Boas argued that instead of "the systematic enumeration of standardized beliefs and customs of a tribe", anthropology needs to document "the way in which the individual reacts to his whole social environment, and to the difference of opinion and of mode of action that occur in primitive society and which are the causes of far-reaching changes". Boas argued that attention to individual agency reveals that "the activities of the individual are determined to a great extent by his social environment, but in turn, his own activities influence the society in which he lives and may bring about modifications in a form". Consequently, Boas thought of culture as fundamentally dynamic: "As soon as these methods are applied, primitive society loses the appearance of absolute stability ... All cultural forms rather appear in a constant state of flux ..." (see Lewis 2001b)
Having argued against the relevance of the distinction between literate and non-literate societies as a way of defining anthropology's object of study, Boas argued that non-literate and literate societies should be analyzed in the same way. Nineteenth-century historians had been applying the techniques of filologiya to reconstruct the histories of, and relationships between, literate societies. In order to apply these methods to non-literate societies, Boas argued that the task of fieldworkers is to produce and collect texts in non-literate societies. This took the form not only of compiling lexicons and grammars of the local language, but of recording myths, folktales, beliefs about social relationships and institutions, and even recipes for local cuisine. In order to do this, Boas relied heavily on the collaboration of literate native ethnographers (among the Kwakiutl, most often Jorj Xant ), and he urged his students to consider such people valuable partners, inferior in their standing in Western society, but superior in their understanding of their own culture. (see Bunzl 2004: 438–439)
Using these methods, Boas published another article in 1920, in which he revisited his earlier research on Kwakiutl kinship. In the late 1890s, Boas had tried to reconstruct transformation in the organization of Kwakiutl clans, by comparing them to the organization of clans in other societies neighboring the Kwakiutl to the north and south. Now, however, he argued against translating the Kwakiutl principle of kin groups into an English word. Instead of trying to fit the Kwakiutl into some larger model, he tried to understand their beliefs and practices in their own terms. For example, whereas he had earlier translated the Kwakiutl word numaym as "clan", he now argued that the word is best understood as referring to a bundle of privileges, for which there is no English word. Men secured claims to these privileges through their parents or wives, and there were a variety of ways these privileges could be acquired, used, and transmitted from one generation to the next. As in his work on alternating sounds, Boas had come to realize that different ethnological interpretations of Kwakiutl kinship were the result of the limitations of Western categories. As in his work on Alaskan needlecases, he now saw variation among Kwakiutl practices as the result of the play between social norms and individual creativity.
Before his death in 1942, he appointed Helen Codere to edit and publish his manuscripts about the culture of the Kwakiutl people.
Franz Boas and folklore
Franz Boas was an immensely influential figure throughout the development of folklor as a discipline. At first glance, it might seem that his only concern was for the discipline of anthropology—after all, he fought for most of his life to keep folklore as a part of anthropology. Yet Boas was motivated by his desire to see both anthropology and folklore become more professional and well-respected. Boas was afraid that if folklore was allowed to become its own discipline the standards for folklore scholarship would be lowered. This, combined with the scholarships of "amateurs", would lead folklore to be completely discredited, Boas believed.
In order to further professionalize folklore, Boas introduced the strict scientific methods which he learned in college to the discipline. Boas championed the use of exhaustive research, fieldwork, and strict scientific guidelines in folklore scholarship. Boas believed that a true theory could only be formed from thorough research and that even once you had a theory it should be treated as a "work in progress" unless it could be proved beyond doubt. This rigid scientific methodology was eventually accepted as one of the major tenets of folklore scholarship, and Boas's methods remain in use even today. Boas also nurtured many budding folklorists during his time as a professor, and some of his students are counted among the most notable minds in folklore scholarship.
Boas was passionate about the collection of folklore and believed that the similarity of folktales amongst different folk groups was due to dissemination. Boas strove to prove this theory, and his efforts produced a method for breaking a folktale into parts and then analyzing these parts. His creation of "catch-words" allowed for categorization of these parts, and the ability to analyze them in relation to other similar tales. Boas also fought to prove that not all cultures progressed along the same path, and that non-European cultures, in particular, were not primitive, but different.
Boas remained active in the development and scholarship of folklore throughout his life. U muharriri bo'ldi Amerika folklor jurnali in 1908, regularly wrote and published articles on folklore (often in the Amerika folklor jurnali).[109] He helped to elect Louise Pound as president of the American Folklore Society in 1925.
Scientist as activist
There are two things to which I am devoted: absolute academic and spiritual freedom, and the subordination of the state to the interests of the individual; expressed in other forms, the furthering of conditions in which the individual can develop to the best of his ability—as far as it is possible with a full understanding of the fetters imposed upon us by tradition; and the fight against all forms of power policy of states or private organizations. This means a devotion to principles of true democracy. I object to the teaching of slogans intended to befog the mind, of whatever kind they may be.
— letter from Boas to Jon Devi, 11/6/39
Boas was known for passionately defending what he believed to be right.[110] During his lifetime (and often through his work), Boas combated racism, berated anthropologists and folklorists who used their work as a cover for espionage, worked to protect German and Austrian scientists who fled the Nazi regime, and openly protested Hitlerism.[111]
Many social scientists in other disciplines often agonize over the legitimacy of their work as "science" and consequently emphasize the importance of detachment, objectivity, abstraction, and quantifiability in their work. Perhaps because Boas, like other early anthropologists, was originally trained in the natural sciences, he and his students never expressed such anxiety. Moreover, he did not believe that detachment, objectivity, and quantifiability was required to make anthropology scientific. Since the object of study of anthropologists is different from the object of study of physicists, he assumed that anthropologists would have to employ different methods and different criteria for evaluating their research. Thus, Boas used statistical studies to demonstrate the extent to which variation in data is context-dependent, and argued that the context-dependent nature of human variation rendered many abstractions and generalizations that had been passing as scientific understandings of humankind (especially theories of social evolution popular at the time) in fact unscientific. His understanding of ethnographic fieldwork began with the fact that the objects of ethnographic study (e.g., the Inuit ning Baffin oroli ) were not just objects, but subjects, and his research called attention to their creativity and agency. More importantly, he viewed the Inuit as his teachers, thus reversing the typical hierarchical relationship between scientist and object of study.
This emphasis on the relationship between anthropologists and those they study—the point that, while astronomers and stars; chemists and elements; botanists and plants are fundamentally different, anthropologists and those they study are equally human—implied that anthropologists themselves could be objects of anthropological study. Although Boas did not pursue this reversal systematically, his article on alternating sounds illustrates his awareness that scientists should not be confident about their objectivity, because they too see the world through the prism of their culture.
This emphasis also led Boas to conclude that anthropologists have an obligation to speak out on social issues. Boas was especially concerned with irqiy tengsizlik, which his research had indicated is not biological in origin, but rather social. Boas is credited as the first scientist to publish the idea that all people—including white and African Americans—are equal.[112] He often emphasized his abhorrence of racism, and used his work to show that there was no scientific basis for such a bias. An early example of this concern is evident in his 1906 commencement address to Atlanta universiteti, ning taklifiga binoan W. E. B. Du Bois. Boas began by remarking that "If you did accept the view that the present weakness of the American Negro, his uncontrollable emotions, his lack of energy, are racially inherent, your work would still be noble one". He then went on, however, to argue against this view. To the claim that European and Asian civilizations are, at the time, more advanced than African societies, Boas objected that against the total history of humankind, the past two thousand years is but a brief span. Moreover, although the technological advances of our early ancestors (such as taming fire and inventing stone tools) might seem insignificant when compared to the invention of the steam engine or control over electricity, we should consider that they might actually be even greater accomplishments. Boas then went on to catalogue advances in Africa, such as smelting iron, cultivating millet, and domesticating chickens and cattle, that occurred in Africa well before they spread to Europe and Asia (evidence now suggests that chickens were first domesticated in Asia; the original domestication of qoramol is under debate). He then described the activities of African kings, diplomats, merchants, and artists as evidence of cultural achievement. From this, he concluded, any social inferiority of Negroes in the United States cannot be explained by their African origins:
If therefore, it is claimed that your race is doomed to economic inferiority, you may confidently look to the home of your ancestors and say, that you have set out to recover for the colored people the strength that was their own before they set foot on the shores of this continent. You may say that you go to work with bright hopes and that you will not be discouraged by the slowness of your progress; for you have to recover not only what has been lost in transplanting the Negro race from its native soil to this continent, but you must reach higher levels than your ancestors ever had attained.
Boas proceeds to discuss the arguments for the inferiority of the "Negro race", and calls attention to the fact that they were brought to the Americas through force. For Boas, this is just one example of the many times conquest or colonialism has brought different peoples into an unequal relation, and he mentions "the conquest of England by the Normans, the Teutonic invasion of Italy, [and] the Manchu conquest of China" as resulting in similar conditions. But the best example, for Boas, of this phenomenon is that of the Jews in Europe:
Even now there lingers in the consciousness of the old, sharper divisions which the ages had not been able to efface, and which is strong enough to find—not only here and there—expression as antipathy to the Jewish type. In France, that let down the barriers more than a hundred years ago, the feeling of antipathy is still strong enough to sustain an anti-Jewish political party.
Boas's closing advice is that Afroamerikaliklar should not look to whites for approval or encouragement because people in power usually take a very long time to learn to sympathize with people out of power. "Remember that in every single case in history the process of adaptation has been one of exceeding slowness. Do not look for the impossible, but do not let your path deviate from the quiet and steadfast insistence on full opportunities for your powers."
Despite Boas's caveat about the intractability of white prejudice, he also considered it the scientist's responsibility to argue against white myths of racial purity and racial superiority and to use the evidence of his research to fight racism.
Boas was also critical of one nation imposing its power over others. In 1916, Boas wrote a letter to The New York Times which was published under the headline, "Why German-Americans Blame America". Although Boas did begin the letter by protesting bitter attacks against German Americans at the time of the war in Europe, most of his letter was a critique of American nationalism. "In my youth, I had been taught in school and at home not only to love the good of my own country, but also to seek to understand and to respect the individualities of other nations. For this reason, one-sided nationalism, that is so often found nowadays, is to be unendurable." He writes of his love for American ideals of freedom, and of his growing discomfort with American beliefs about its own superiority over others.
I have always been of the opinion that we have no right to impose our ideals upon other nations, no matter how strange it may seem to us that they enjoy the kind of life they lead, how slow they may be in utilizing the resources of their countries, or how much opposed their ideas may be to ours ... Our intolerant attitude is most pronounced in regard to what we like to call "our free institutions." Modern democracy was no doubt the most wholesome and needed reaction against the abuses of absolutism and of a selfish, often corrupt, bureaucracy. That the wishes and thoughts of the people should find expression, and that the form of government should conform to these wishes is an axiom that has pervaded the whole Western world, and that is even taking root in the Far East. It is a quite different question, however, in how far the particular machinery of democratic government is identical with democratic institutions ... To claim as we often do, that our solution is the only democratic and the ideal one is a one-sided expression of Americanism. I see no reason why we should not allow the Germans, Austrians, and Russians, or whoever else it may be, to solve their problems in their own ways, instead of demanding that they bestow upon themselves the benefactions of our regime.
Although Boas felt that scientists have a responsibility to speak out on social and political problems, he was appalled that they might involve themselves in disingenuous and deceitful ways. Thus, in 1919, when he discovered that four anthropologists, in the course of their research in other countries, were serving as spies for the American government, he wrote an angry letter to Millat. It is perhaps in this letter that he most clearly expresses his understanding of his commitment to science:
A soldier whose business is murder as a fine art, a diplomat whose calling is based on deception and secretiveness, a politician whose very life consists in compromises with his conscience, a businessman whose aim is personal profit within the limits allowed by a lenient law—such may be excused if they set patriotic deception above common everyday decency and perform services as spies. They merely accept the code of morality to which modern society still conforms. Not so the scientist. The very essence of his life is the service of truth. We all know scientists who in private life do not come up to the standard of truthfulness, but who, nevertheless, would not consciously falsify the results of their researches. It is bad enough if we have to put up with these because they reveal a lack of strength of character that is liable to distort the results of their work. A person, however, who uses science as a cover for political spying, who demeans himself to pose before a foreign government as an investigator and asks for assistance in his alleged researches in order to carry on, under this cloak, his political machinations, prostitutes science in an unpardonable way and forfeits the right to be classed as a scientist.
Although Boas did not name the spies in question, he was referring to a group led by Silvanus G. Morley,[113] who was affiliated with Harvard University's Peabody Museum. Tadqiqot olib borishda Meksika, Morley and his colleagues looked for evidence of German submarine bases, and collected intelligence on Mexican political figures and Meksikadagi nemis muhojirlari.
Boas's stance against spying took place in the context of his struggle to establish a new model for academic anthropology at Columbia University. Previously, American anthropology was based at the Smitson instituti in Washington and the Peabody Museum at Harvard, and these anthropologists competed with Boas's students for control over the American Anthropological Association (and its flagship publication Amerika antropologi ). Qachon Milliy fanlar akademiyasi established the National Research Council in 1916 as a means by which scientists could assist the United States government to prepare for entry into the war in Europe, competition between the two groups intensified. Boas's rival, W. H. Holmes (who had gotten the job of Director at the Dala muzeyi for which Boas had been passed over 26 years earlier), was appointed to head the NRC; Morley was a protégé of Holmes.
Boasning maktubi nashr etilgach, Xolms do'stiga "bu mamlakatda antropologiyani Prussiya nazorati ostida" va Boasning "xun rejimi" ni tugatish zarurligidan shikoyat qildi.[114] Fikr[kimning? ] nemislarga qarshi va ehtimol yahudiylarga qarshi kayfiyat ta'sirida bo'lgan.[iqtibos kerak ] Vashington Antropologik Jamiyati Boasning Prezident Uilsonni nohaq tanqid qilgani uchun yozgan xatini qoralagan rezolyutsiya qabul qildi; Amerika demokratiyasi tamoyillariga hujum qilish; va endi josuslikda gumon qilinadigan chet eldagi antropologlarni xavf ostiga qo'ydi (bu ayblov, ayniqsa, haqoratli edi, chunki uning aynan shu masalada xavotirlanishi Boasni birinchi navbatda o'z maktubini yozishga undagan edi). Ushbu qaror qabul qilindi Amerika antropologik assotsiatsiyasi (AAA) va Milliy tadqiqot kengashi. Amerika antropologik assotsiatsiyasi a'zolari (ular orasida Boas 1902 yilda asos solgan a'zosi bo'lgan) Peabody arxeologiya va etnologiya muzeyi Garvardda (Morley, Lotrop va Spinden qo'shilgan), Boasni tanqid qilish uchun 20 dan 10 gacha ovoz bergan. Natijada, Boas AAAning faol a'zosi bo'lib qolishiga qaramay, AAAning NRCdagi vakili lavozimidan ketdi. AAA-ning Boasni tanqid qilishi 2005 yilgacha bekor qilinmadi.
Boas irqchilikka qarshi va intellektual erkinlik uchun gapirishni davom ettirdi. Qachon Natsistlar partiyasi Germaniyada qoralandi "Yahudiy ilmi "(bu nafaqat Boasian Antropologiyasini, balki o'z ichiga olgan Freyd psixoanalizi va Eynsteinian Boas, 8000 dan ortiq olimlar tomonidan imzolangan ochiq irq bilan javob berib, irq va dinning ahamiyati yo'q bo'lgan bitta ilm borligini e'lon qildi. Birinchi jahon urushidan so'ng, Boas Germaniya va Avstriya fanlari uchun favqulodda vaziyatlar jamiyatini yaratdi. Ushbu tashkilot dastlab Amerika va Germaniya va Avstriya olimlari o'rtasidagi do'stona munosabatlarni rivojlantirishga va urushdan salbiy ta'sir ko'rsatgan nemis olimlariga tadqiqotlarni moliyalashtirishga bag'ishlangan edi,[115] va stajirovka qilingan olimlarga yordam berish. Ko'tarilishi bilan Natsistlar Germaniyasi, Boas nemis olimlariga fashistlar rejimidan qochishda yordam berdi. Boas bu olimlarga nafaqat qochib qutulishga, balki ular kelganidan keyin pozitsiyalarni ta'minlashga yordam berdi.[116] Bundan tashqari, Boas ochiq xat bilan murojaat qildi Pol fon Xindenburg Gitlerizmga qarshi norozilik sifatida. Shuningdek, u maqola yozgan Amerika Merkuriysi oriy va oriy bo'lmaganlar o'rtasida hech qanday tafovut yo'qligini va Germaniya hukumati o'z siyosatini bunday yolg'on asosga asoslamasligi kerakligini ta'kidlaydilar.[117]
Boas va uning shogirdlari Melvil J. Xerskovits da rivojlangan irqchi psevdologiyaga qarshi chiqdi Kayzer Vilgelm antropologiya instituti, inson irsiyati va evgenika uning direktori ostida Evgen Fischer: "Melvil J. Xerskovits (Frants Boas shogirdlaridan biri) ushbu bolalar duch keladigan sog'liq muammolari va ijtimoiy xafagarchiliklarga e'tibor qaratdi (Reynland Bastards ) va ularning ota-onalari nemislarning irqiy kamsitilish deb hisoblagan narsalarini irqiy irsiyat tufayli emasligini tushuntirishdi. Bu "... Fischerning ikkinchisiga [Boasga] qarshi polemik invektivni qo'zg'atdi." Janob Boasning qarashlari qisman aqlli, ammo merosxo'rlik sohasida janob Boas hech qanday tarzda vakolatli emas ", garchi" juda yaxshi " Boasning Nyu-Yorkdagi muhojirlar haqidagi tadqiqotlarini olib borgan KWI-A-da o'tkazilgan bir qator ilmiy loyihalar uning xulosalarini tasdiqladi, shu jumladan Berlindagi Sharqiy Evropa yahudiylari haqida Valter Dornfeldt tomonidan olib borilgan tadqiqotlar. Fischer boasiyaliklarning tanqidiga qarshi turadigan hech qanday dalillari bo'lmaganligi sababli, polemikaga murojaat qildi. "[118][119][120][121]
Talabalar va ta'sir
Frants Boas 1942 yil 21-dekabrda Kolumbiya universiteti fakultet klubida to'satdan vafot etdi Klod Levi-Strauss.[112][122][123] O'sha paytgacha u o'z avlodining eng nufuzli va obro'li olimlaridan biriga aylandi.
1901-1911 yillarda, Kolumbiya universiteti antropologiya bo'yicha yettita doktorlik dissertatsiyasini yaratdi. Garchi bugungi kun me'yorlariga ko'ra bu juda oz sonli bo'lsa-da, o'sha paytda Boasning Kolumbiyadagi antropologiya bo'limini mamlakatda birinchi darajali antropologiya dasturi sifatida tashkil etish kifoya edi. Bundan tashqari, Boasning ko'plab talabalari boshqa yirik universitetlarda antropologiya dasturlarini yaratishga kirishdilar.[124]
Boasning Kolumbiyadagi birinchi doktoranti bo'lgan Alfred L. Kroeber (1901),[125] Boasning boshqa talabasi bilan birga Robert Loui (1908), antropologiya dasturini boshlagan Berkli Kaliforniya universiteti. Shuningdek, u mashq qildi Uilyam Jons (1904), birinchi mahalliy hind antropologlaridan biri (tulki millati ) 1909 yilda Filippinda tadqiqotlar olib borishda o'ldirilgan va Albert B. Lyuis (1907). Boas akademik antropologiyaning rivojlanishida nufuzli bo'lgan bir qator boshqa talabalarni ham o'qitdi: Frenk Spek (1908) Boas bilan mashg'ul bo'lgan, ammo Pensilvaniya Universitetida doktorlik dissertatsiyasini olgan va darhol antropologiya bo'limini ochishga kirishgan; Edvard Sapir (1909) va Fay-Kuper Koul Da antropologiya dasturini ishlab chiqqan (1914) Chikago universiteti; Aleksandr Goldenweiser (1910), kim bilan Elsi Klivs Parsons (1899 yilda Kolumbiyadan sotsiologiya doktori unvoniga sazovor bo'lgan, ammo keyin Boas bilan etnologiyani o'rgangan) antropologiya dasturini Ijtimoiy tadqiqotlar uchun yangi maktab; Lesli Spier (1920) rafiqasi bilan birgalikda Vashington Universitetida antropologiya dasturini boshlagan Erna Gunther, shuningdek, Boasning talabalaridan biri va Melvil Xerskovits (1923) da antropologiya dasturini boshlagan Shimoli-g'arbiy universiteti. Shuningdek, u mashq qildi Jon R. Svanton (u 1900 yilda Garvardda doktorlik dissertatsiyasini olishdan oldin Kolumbiyada Boas bilan ikki yil o'qigan), Pol Radin (1911), Rut Benedikt (1923), Gladis Reyxard (1925) da o'qitishni boshlagan Barnard kolleji 1921 yilda va keyinchalik professor unvoniga ko'tarildi, Rut Bunzel (1929), Aleksandr Lesser (1929), Margaret Mead (1929) va Gen Weltfish (1929 yilda nomzodlik dissertatsiyasini himoya qilgan, garchi u 1950 yilgacha Kolumbiya bitirishni talab qiladigan xarajatlarni kamaytirganiga qadar rasmiy ravishda bitirmagan bo'lsa ham), E. Adamson Hoebel (1934), Jyul Anri (1935), Jorj Xersog (1938) va Eshli Montagu (1938).
Uning Kolumbiyadagi talabalari ham o'z ichiga olgan Meksikalik antropolog Manuel Gamio, kim uni ishlagan San'at magistri 1909 yildan 1911 yilgacha Boas bilan o'qiganidan so'ng va 1917 yilda Meksikaning Antropologiya byurosining asoschisi bo'ldi; Klark Vissler yilda doktorlik dissertatsiyasini olgan psixologiya dan Kolumbiya universiteti 1901 yilda, ammo tub amerikaliklarni tadqiq qilishdan oldin Boas bilan antropologiyani o'rganishga kirishdi; Ester Shiff Keyinchalik Goldfrank 1920 yildan 1922 yil yozigacha Boas bilan ish olib bordi Cochiti va Laguna Pueblo hindulari Nyu-Meksiko shahrida; Gilberto Freyre, Braziliyada "irqiy demokratiya" tushunchasini shakllantirgan;[126] Viola Garfild, Boasni olib borgan Tsimshian ish; Frederika de Laguna, kim ishlagan Inuit va Tlingit; va antropolog, folklorshunos va romanshunos Zora Nil Xerston, kim tugatgan Barnard kolleji, 1928 yilda Kolumbiya bilan bog'liq bo'lgan ayollar kolleji va afroamerikalik va Afro-Karib dengizi folklor.
Boas va uning shogirdlari ham bunga ta'sir ko'rsatdilar Klod Levi-Strauss, 1940-yillarda Nyu-Yorkda bo'lganida Boas va Boasians bilan o'zaro aloqada bo'lgan.[127]
Boasning bir nechta talabalari Amerika Antropologik Assotsiatsiyasining flagmani jurnalining muharriri bo'lib xizmat qilishdi, Amerika antropologi: John R. Swanton (1911, 1921-1923), Robert Lowie (1924-1933), Leslie Spier (1934-1938) va Melville Herskovits (1950-1952). Edvard Sapirning shogirdi Jon Alden Meyson 1945 yildan 1949 yilgacha muharrir bo'lib, Alfred Krober va Robert Louining shogirdi, Valter Goldschmidt, 1956 yildan 1959 yilgacha muharrir bo'lgan.
Boas o'quvchilarining aksariyati ehtiyotkorlik bilan, tarixiy qayta qurish va spekulyativ, evolyutsion modellarga nisbatan antipatiya haqida tashvishlarini o'rtoqlashdi. Bundan tashqari, Boas o'z o'quvchilarini, masalan, o'zlarini boshqalar kabi tanqid qilishga undagan. Masalan, Boas dastlab himoyalangan sefalik indeks (bosh shaklidagi muntazam o'zgarishlar) irsiy xususiyatlarni tavsiflash usuli sifatida, ammo keyingi tadqiqotlardan so'ng avvalgi tadqiqotlarini rad etdi; u xuddi shunday Kvakiutl (Tinch okeanining shimoli-g'arbiy qismida) tili va mifologiyasida o'zining dastlabki ishlarini tanqid qilish uchun kelgan.
Ushbu o'z-o'zini tanqid qilishga intilish, shuningdek, Boasianing axborot beruvchilardan o'rganish va tadqiqot natijalari kun tartibini shakllantirishiga imkon berish majburiyatidan ruhlanib, Boas talabalari tezda uning tadqiqot dasturidan ajralib ketishdi. Tez orada uning bir nechta talabalari Boas odatda rad etgan katta turdagi nazariyalarni ishlab chiqishga harakat qilishdi. Krober hamkasblari e'tiborini unga qaratdi Zigmund Freyd madaniy antropologiya va psixoanaliz. Rut Benedikt "madaniyat va shaxsiyat" va "milliy madaniyat" nazariyalarini ishlab chiqdi va Kroberning shogirdi, Julian Styuard "madaniy ekologiya" va "ko'p qirrali evolyutsiya" nazariyalarini ishlab chiqdi.
Meros
Shunga qaramay, Boas antropologiyaga doimiy ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Bugungi kunda deyarli barcha antropologlar Boasning empirizm va uning uslubiy madaniy relyativizmiga sodiqligini qabul qilishadi. Bundan tashqari, bugungi kunda deyarli barcha madaniy antropologlar Boasning uzoq yashash, mahalliy tilni o'rganish va axborot beruvchilar bilan ijtimoiy munosabatlarni rivojlantirish bo'yicha dala tadqiqotlariga sodiqligini baham ko'rishmoqda.[128][129][130][131] Va nihoyat, antropologlar irqiy mafkuralarni tanqid qilishda davom etmoqda. Uning 1963 yilgi kitobida, Irq: Amerikadagi g'oya tarixi, Tomas Gossett "Boas irqiy xurofotga qarshi kurashda tarixdagi boshqa odamlarga qaraganda ko'proq ish qilgan bo'lishi mumkin" deb yozgan.
Etakchilik rollari va sharaflari
- 1887 - Nyu-Yorkdagi Fan muharriri yordamchisi lavozimiga qabul qilindi.
- 1889 yil - yangi tashkil etilgan antropologiya kafedrasi mudiri etib tayinlandi. Uning yordamchisi L. Farrand edi.
- 1896 - F. V. Putnam boshchiligidagi Amerika Tabiat Tarixi Muzeyida yordamchi kurator bo'ldi. Bu Kolumbiya Universitetida ma'ruza lavozimi bilan birlashtirildi.
- 1900-yilga saylandi Milliy fanlar akademiyasi aprel oyida.
- 1901 yil. Faxriy filolog tayinlandi Amerika etnologiyasi byurosi.
- 1908 yil - muharriri bo'ldi Amerika folklor jurnali.
- 1908 yil. A'zosi etib saylandi Amerika antikvarlari jamiyati.[132]
- 1910 yil. Yaratishga yordam berdi Meksikadagi Xalqaro Amerika Arxeologiya va Etnologiya Maktabi.
- 1910 yil - Nyu-York Fanlar akademiyasi.
- 1917 yil Xalqaro Amerika tilshunoslik jurnali.
- 1917 - tahrirlangan Amerika Etnologik Jamiyati nashrlari.
- 1931 yil. Saylandi Amerika ilm-fanni rivojlantirish bo'yicha assotsiatsiyasi.
- 1936 yil - 1936 yilda Kolumbiya universitetida "yashash joyida paydo bo'ldi". 1938 yilda "zohir" bo'ldi.
Yozuvlar
- Boas nd. "Darvinning antropologiya bilan aloqasi", ma'ruza uchun eslatmalar; Boas hujjatlari (B / B61.5) Amerika Falsafiy Jamiyati, Filadelfiya. Onlaynda Herbert Lewis 2001b tomonidan nashr etilgan.
- Boas, Franz (1889). Kvakiutl hindulari uylari, Britaniya Kolumbiyasi (PDF). Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Milliy muzeyi materiallari. 11. Vashington, AQSh Milliy muzeyi. 197-213 betlar. doi:10.5479 / si.00963801.11-709.197. Smithsonian Research Onlayn.
- Boas, Frants (1895). Kvakiutl hindularining ijtimoiy tashkiloti va maxfiy jamiyatlari (PDF). Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Milliy muzeyi hisoboti. Vashington, AQSh Milliy muzeyi. 197-213 betlar. Smithsonian Research Onlayn.
- Boas, Franz (1897). "Shimoliy Tinch okean qirg'og'idagi hindularning dekorativ san'ati" (PDF). Ilm-fan. Amerika Tabiat Tarixi Muzeyining Axborotnomasi. Nyu-York, Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi. IX, X. maqola (82): 101-3. doi:10.1126 / science.4.82.101. PMID 17747165. AMNH raqamli ombori.
- Boas, Franz (1898). Bella Coola hindulari mifologiyasi (PDF). Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi xotiralari. Shimoliy Tinch okeanidagi Jezup ekspeditsiyasining nashrlari. Vol. II, Pt. II. Nyu-York, Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi. AMNH raqamli ombori.
- Teyt, Jeyms; Boas, Franz (1900). Britaniya Kolumbiyasidagi Tompson hindulari (PDF). Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi xotiralari. Shimoliy Tinch okeanining Jezup ekspeditsiyasi. Vol. II, Pt. IV. Nyu-York, Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi. AMNH raqamli ombori.
- Boas, Franz (1901). Britaniya Kolumbiyasidan bronza haykalchasi (PDF). Amerika Tabiat Tarixi Muzeyining Axborotnomasi. Vol. XIV, maqola X. Nyu-York, Amerika Tabiat Tarixi Muzeyi. AMNH raqamli ombori.
- Boas, Frants; Hunt, Jorj (1902). Kvakiutl matnlari (PDF). Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi xotiralari. Shimoliy Tinch okeanidagi Jezup ekspeditsiyasining nashrlari. Vol. V, Pt. I. Nyu-York, Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi. AMNH raqamli ombori.
- Boas, Frants; Hunt, Jorj (1902). Kvakiutl matnlari (PDF). Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi xotiralari. Shimoliy Tinch okeanidagi Jezup ekspeditsiyasining nashrlari. Vol. V, Pt. II. Nyu-York, Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi. AMNH raqamli ombori.
- Boas, Frants; Hunt, Jorj (1905). Kvakiutl matnlari (PDF). Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi xotiralari. Shimoliy Tinch okeanidagi Jezup ekspeditsiyasining nashrlari. Vol. V, Pt. III. Nyu-York, Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi. AMNH raqamli ombori.
- Boas, Frants; Hunt, Jorj (1906). Kvakiutl matnlari - Ikkinchi seriya (PDF). Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi xotiralari. Shimoliy Tinch okeanidagi Jezup ekspeditsiyasining nashrlari. Vol. X, Pt. I. Nyu-York, Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi. AMNH raqamli ombori.
- Boas, Franz (1906). O'zgaruvchan miqdorlar o'rtasidagi farqlarni o'lchash. Nyu-York: Science Press. (Onlayn versiya da Internet arxivi )
- Boas, Franz (1909). Vankuver orolidagi Kvakiutl (PDF). Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi xotiralari. Shimoliy Tinch okeanidagi Jezup ekspeditsiyasining nashrlari. Vol. II, Pt. II. Nyu-York, Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi. AMNH raqamli ombori.
- Boas, Franz. (1911). Amerika hindu tillari uchun qo'llanma (1-jild). Amerika etnologiyasi byurosi, Axborotnomasi 40. Vashington: Hukumatning bosma idorasi (Smitson instituti, Amerika etnologiyasi byurosi).
- Boas, Franz (1911). Ibtidoiy odamning aqli. ISBN 978-0-313-24004-1 (Onlayn versiya 1938 yilda qayta ishlangan nashrining Internet arxivi )
- Boas, Franz (1912). "Immigrantlar avlodlarining tanaviy shaklidagi o'zgarishlar". Amerika antropologi, Jild 14, № 3, 1912 yil iyul-sentyabr. Boas
- Boas, Franz (1912). "Amerika poygasi tarixi". Nyu-York Fanlar akademiyasining yilnomalari. XXI: 177–183. doi:10.1111 / j.1749-6632.1911.tb56933.x. S2CID 144256357.
- Boas, Franz (1914). "Shimoliy Amerika hindulari mifologiyasi va xalq ertaklari". Amerika folklor jurnali, Jild 27, № 106, oktyabr-dekabr. 374-410 betlar.
- Boas, Franz (1917). Salishan va Saxaptin qabilalarining xalq ertaklari (DJVU). Vashington shtati kutubxonasining Vashington tarixidagi klassikalar to'plami. Amerika folklorshunoslik jamiyati uchun G.E. Stechert.
- Boas, Franz (1917). "Kutenay ertaklari" (PDF). Amerika etnologiyasi byulleteni byurosi. Vashington shtati kutubxonasining Vashington tarixidagi klassikalar to'plami. Smitson instituti. 59. Vashington tarixidagi klassiklar: tub amerikaliklar.
- Boas, Franz (1922). "Qo'shma Shtatlar aholisini antropometrik tekshirish to'g'risida hisobot". Amerika Statistik Uyushmasi jurnali, 1922 yil iyun.
- Boas, Franz (1927). "Ibroniy chaqaloqlar orasida bargli tishlarning otilishi". Tish tadqiqotlari jurnali, Jild vii, № 3, 1927 yil sentyabr.
- Boas, Franz (1927). Ibtidoiy san'at. ISBN 978-0-486-20025-5
- Boas, Franz (1928). Antropologiya va zamonaviy hayot (2004 yil nashr) ISBN 978-0-7658-0535-5
- Boas, Franz (1935). "Birodarliklarning o'sish tempi". Milliy fanlar akademiyasi materiallari, Jild 21, № 7, 413–418-betlar, 1935 yil iyul.
- Boas, Franz (1940). Irq, til va madaniyat ISBN 978-0-226-06241-9
- Boas, Franz (1945). Irqiy va Demokratik Jamiyat, Nyu-York, Augustin.
- Paypoq, Jorj V., kichik, nashr. 1974 yil Franz Boas o'quvchisi: Amerika antropologiyasini shakllantirish, 1883-1911 ISBN 978-0-226-06243-3
- Boas, Franz, tahrir qilgan Xelen Koder (1966), Kvakiutl etnografiyasi, Chikago, Chikago universiteti matbuoti.
- Boas, Franz (2006). Amerikaning Shimoliy Tinch okean qirg'og'idagi hind afsonalari va afsonalari: Frants Boasning 1895 yildagi Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen Küste-Amerikas nashri tarjimasi. Vancouver, BC: Talonbooks. ISBN 978-0-88922-553-4
Izohlar
Adabiyotlar
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Qo'shimcha o'qish
- Appiya, Kvame Entoni, "Tafovutlar himoyachisi" (sharh Bibariya Levi Zumvalt, Frants Boas: Antropologning paydo bo'lishi, Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2019 yil, 417 bet; Charlz King, Yuqori havo xudolari: Renegad antropologlari doirasi yigirmanchi asrda irq, jins va jinsni qanday qilib qayta tikladi, Doubleday, 2019, 431 bet; Mark Anderson, Boasdan Qora kuchgacha: irqchilik, liberalizm va Amerika antropologiyasi, Stenford universiteti matbuoti, 262 bet), Nyu-York kitoblarining sharhi, vol. LXVII, yo'q. 9 (2020 yil 28-may), 17-19 betlar. Appiya yozadi: "[Boas] ... haqidagi ta'limotlarga shubha bilan qaragan irqiy ustunlik. U asta-sekin shubhalanuvchiga aylandi ijtimoiy evolyutsionizm: xalqlar bosqichma-bosqich o'sib boradi degan tushunchani (bitta xom formulada, vahshiylikdan vahshiylikdan tsivilizatsiyagacha) ... "Mening butun dunyoqarashim", deb keyinchalik yozgan [Boas] kredoda, 'savol bilan aniqlanadi: biz qanday qilib tan olamiz? urf-odat bizga bog'lab qo'ygan kishanmi? "" (18-bet).
- Beyker, Li D. (1994). "Frants Boasning afroamerikaliklar kurashidagi joylashuvi". Antropologiyani tanqid qilish. 14 (2): 199–217. doi:10.1177 / 0308275x9401400205. S2CID 143976125.
- Beyker, Li D. (2004). "Fil suyagi minorasidan chiqqan Franz Boas". Antropologik nazariya. 4 (1): 29–51. doi:10.1177/1463499604040846. S2CID 143573265.
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Tashqi havolalar
- Frants Boas asarlari da Gutenberg loyihasi
- Frants Boas asarlari da Xira sahifa (Kanada)
- Frants Boas tomonidan yozilgan yoki u haqida da Internet arxivi
- Antropologiya bo'limi, Amerika Tabiat tarixi muzeyi - 1897-1902 yillardagi Shimoliy Tinch okeanining Jezup ekspeditsiyasidan olingan narsalar va fotosuratlar (bo'lim) Onlaynda to'plamlar, variant To'plamlar).
- Frants Boas Minden, Vestfaliya
- Frants Boas hujjatlari da Amerika falsafiy jamiyati
- Frants Boas o'zining dala tadqiqotlari paytida yozgan yozuvlarini Indiana Universitetidagi An'anaviy musiqa arxivida topish mumkin
- Milliy Fanlar Akademiyasi Biografik Xotira
- Genius ishda: Frants Boas madaniy antropologiya sohasini qanday yaratgan Charlz King tomonidan, Columbia jurnali, 2019-20 yil qish
