Mixail Xodorkovskiy - Mikhail Khodorkovsky

Bunda Sharqiy slavyan nomi, otasining ismi bu Borisovich va familiya bu Xodorkovskiy.
Mixail Xodorkovskiy
Mikhail Khodorkovsky 2013-12-22 4.jpg
Xodorkovskiy 2013 yil 22 dekabrda qamoqdan chiqqanidan keyin
Tug'ilgan (1963-06-26) 26 iyun 1963 yil (57 yosh)
Moskva, Rossiya SFSR, Sovet Ittifoqi
MillatiRuscha
Olma materMendeleev nomidagi Rossiya kimyo va texnologiya universiteti
KasbRahbari Guruh Menatep (1990–2003)
Energetika vazirining o'rinbosari (1993)
Raisi va bosh ijrochi direktori Yukos (1997–2004)
The New Times Kolumnist (2011–2014)
Asoschisi Rossiyani oching (2014 yil - hozirgacha)
Sof qiymatKattalashtirish; ko'paytirish ~ 500 million dollar (2015)[1]
Turmush o'rtoqlarYelena Dobrovolskaya (div)
Inna Xodorkovskaya
BolalarPavel, Anastasiya, Ilya, Gleb
Mixail Xodorkovskiy 2001 yilda
Xodorkovskiy Rossiya prezidenti, Vladimir Putin, 2002 yil 20-dekabrda

Mixail Borisovich Xodorkovskiy (Ruscha: Mixail Borisovich Xodorkovskiy, IPA:[mʲɪxɐˈiɫ xədɐrˈkofskʲɪj]; 26 iyun 1963 yilda tug'ilgan) - surgun qilingan rus biznesmeni, xayriyachi va sobiq shaxs oligarx,[2] hozirda Londonda istiqomat qilmoqda.[3] 2003 yilda Xodorkovskiy Rossiyaning eng boy odami deb hisoblangan va uning boyligi 15 milliard dollarga baholangan va 16-o'rinni egallagan Forbes milliarderlar ro'yxati.[4] U yuqoriga qarab ishlagan Komsomol Sovet Ittifoqi davrida ish olib borgan va shu davrda bir nechta biznesni boshlagan glasnost va qayta qurish 1980-yillarning oxirida. Keyin Sovet Ittifoqining tarqatib yuborilishi, 1990-yillarning o'rtalarida u Sibir neft nomlari ostida birlashtirilgan bir qator konlarni boshqarish huquqini qo'lga kiritib, ancha boylik to'plagan. Yukos, dan paydo bo'lgan yirik kompaniyalardan biri 1990-yillar davomida davlat aktivlarini xususiylashtirish ("nomi bilan tanilgan sxemaAktsiyalar uchun kreditlar ").

2003 yil oktyabr oyida u Rossiya hukumati tomonidan hibsga olingan va firibgarlikda ayblangan. Rossiya prezidenti davridagi hukumat Vladimir Putin qisqa vaqt o'tgach soliq to'lovlari bo'yicha Yukos aktsiyalarini muzlatib qo'ydi. Putin hukumati YuKOSga qarshi qo'shimcha choralar ko'rdi, natijada kompaniya aksiyalari bahosi qulab tushdi va Xodorkovskiy boyligining katta qismi bug'lanib ketdi. 2005 yil may oyida u aybdor deb topilib, to'qqiz yilga ozodlikdan mahrum etildi. 2010 yil dekabr oyida, u hali ham jazo muddatini o'tamoqda, Xodorkovskiy va uning biznes sherigi Platon Lebedev qo'shimcha ravishda ayblanib, aybdor deb topildi o'zlashtirish va pul yuvish; Xodorkovskiyning qamoq muddati 2014 yilgacha uzaytirildi. Keyin Xans-Ditrix Genscher uning ozod qilinishi uchun lobbichilik qilgan Prezident Vladimir Putin Xodorkovskiyni avf qildi va uni 2013 yil 20 dekabrda qamoqdan ozod qildi.[5]

Xalqaro miqyosda sud jarayoni va hukm chiqarilganidan keng xavotirda edi siyosiy asosga ega.[6][7] Sud jarayoni chet elda bo'lgani uchun tanqid qilindi tegishli jarayon. Xodorkovskiy Evropa inson huquqlari sudi, Rossiya tomonidan uning huquqbuzarliklarini buzganlik uchun sudga murojaat qildi inson huquqlari. Uning 2003 yildan 2005 yilgacha bo'lgan voqealar bilan bog'liq bo'lgan birinchi arizasiga javoban, sud Xodorkovskiyga nisbatan Rossiya hukumati tomonidan bir nechta qonunbuzarliklarga yo'l qo'yilganligini aniqladi.[8] Ushbu xulosalarga qaramay, sud oxir-oqibat sud jarayoni siyosiy asosga ega emas deb qaror qildi,[9][10][11] aksincha "unga qo'yilgan ayblovlar" oqilona shubha "bilan asoslangan".[10] U a vijdon mahbusi tomonidan Xalqaro Amnistiya.[7]

Putin tomonidan avf etilib, 2013 yil oxirida qamoqdan ozod qilinganidan keyin Xodorkovskiy darhol Rossiyani tark etdi va u erda yashash huquqini oldi. Shveytsariya.[5][12] 2013 yil oxirida uning ko'chmas mulki taxminiy taxminlarga ko'ra 100-250 million dollarga teng deb hisoblangan.[13] 2014 yil oxirida uning boyligi taxminan 500 million dollarni tashkil qilishi aytilgan.[1] 2015 yilda u Londonga ko'chib o'tdi.[14] 2016 yil dekabr oyida sud Xodorkovskiyning Irlandiyada saqlangan 100 million dollarlik mol-mulkini muzlatib qo'ydi.[15]

2014 yilda Xodorkovskiy qayta ishga tushirildi Rossiyani oching Rossiya fuqarolik jamiyati uchun bir nechta islohotlarni, shu jumladan erkin va adolatli saylovlar, siyosiy ta'lim, jurnalistlar va faollarni himoya qilish, qonun ustuvorligini qo'llab-quvvatlash va ommaviy axborot vositalarining mustaqilligini ta'minlash.[16][17] U tomonidan tasvirlangan Iqtisodchi "Kremlning surgundagi taniqli tanqidchisi" sifatida.[18]

Sovet Ittifoqida dastlabki yillar va tadbirkorlik

Dastlabki hayot va ta'lim

Xodorkovskiyning ota-onasi Boris va Marina Xodorkovskiylar Moskvadagi o'lchov asboblari ishlab chiqaradigan zavodda muhandis bo'lganlar.[iqtibos kerak ] Xodorkovskiyning otasi edi Yahudiy, va uning onasi edi Rus pravoslav nasroniy. Ular ikkalasi ham kommunizmning muxoliflari edilar, ammo ular buni 1963 yilda tug'ilgan o'g'lidan saqlab qolishdi. Davlat antisemitizmining ko'tarilishini va Stalin, Xodorkovskiylar dissidentlarni jimgina qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan yaxshi ma'lumotli Sovet avlodining bir qismi edi.

Bu oila o'rtacha farovonlikka ega edi, Moskva atrofidagi beton blokdagi ikki xonali kvartirada yashar edi. Masha Gessen ular Mixailni ko'tarish bilan bog'liq ikkilanishga duch kelganliklarini yozishdi: «Bu haqda fikringizni ayting Sovet Ittifoqi va doimiy ehtiyoj bilan bolangizni baxtsiz qilish xavfi ikkilamchi fikr va ikki marta gapirish, yoki mamnun bo'lgan konformistni tarbiyalashga harakat qiling. Ular ikkinchi yo'lni tanladilar, natijalar ular kutganidan ancha yuqori bo'ldi. Mixail jonkuyar kommunistik va sovet vatanparvariga aylandi, ammo yo'q bo'lib ketganga o'xshab qoldi. "[19]

Yosh Xodorkovskiy shuhratparast va a'lo baholarga o'qigan. U boshliq o'rinbosari bo'ldi Komsomol (Kommunistik Yoshlar Ittifoqi) o'z universitetida D. Mendeleyev nomidagi Rossiya kimyoviy texnologiyalari universiteti, undan diplom olgan kimyo muhandisligi 1986 yilda.[20] Kollejda o'qiyotgan paytida Xodorkovskiy hamkasbi Yelenaga turmushga chiqdi. Ularning o'g'li bor edi, Pavel. 1986 yilda u Xodorkovskiyning komsomol tashkilotida hamkasbi bo'lgan Mendeleyev instituti talabasi 18 yoshli Inna bilan uchrashdi. U qizni ko'rdi va u uni qabul qilguncha mashinasida uxladi. Ularning qizi va egizak o'g'illari bor edi. U va uning birinchi rafiqasi yaxshi munosabatda bo'lishdi va keyinchalik u qamoqdan ozod qilish kampaniyasida faol ishtirok etdi.[19]

Birinchi biznes faoliyati

1986 yilda maktabni tugatgandan so'ng Xodorkovskiy sovet siyosiy martabasiga o'tishning odatiy usuli bo'lgan komsomolda doimiy ishlay boshladi. "Bir necha yil davomida asosan boshqa talabalardan kommunal to'lovlarni yig'ish uchun ishlagandan so'ng", - deya ta'kidladi Gessen, "u poytaxtdan uzoqda joylashgan shahar boshqaruvida kichik lavozimga tayinlanishini kutishi mumkin edi".

Ammo bu yo'ldan yurish o'rniga u "kvazi-rasmiy va ko'pincha yuridik bo'lmagan biznes imkoniyatlaridan" foydalanib, o'zi uchun biznes karerasini qila boshladi. Komsomol sheriklari bilan va uning boshqaruvida texnik jihatdan ish olib borgan Xodorkovskiy o'zining birinchi biznesini 1986 yilda xususiy kafeni ochdi. Korxona Sovet rahbari Mixail Gorbachyovning dasturi asosida amalga oshirildi qayta qurish va glasnost.[21]

Qayta qurish davrining joriy etilishi Xodorkovskiyga kommunistik tuzilmalardagi aloqalaridan foydalanib, rivojlanayotgan erkin bozorda o'z o'rnini egallashga imkon berdi. Ba'zi qudratli odamlarning yordami bilan u o'z biznes faoliyatini komsomol qopqog'i ostida boshladi. Golubovichning boshqa ota-onasi Aleksey Golubovich bilan do'stligi uning o'sishiga katta ta'sir ko'rsatdi, chunki Golubovichning ota-onasi yuqori lavozimlarda ishlagan Gosbank, SSSR Davlat banki.[19] Xodorkovskiy "qo'lini sinab ko'rgan" korxonalar orasida "shaxsiy kompyuterlarni olib kirish va ba'zi manbalarga ko'ra, soxta spirtli ichimliklar" bo'lgan. Bundan tashqari, u "moliya bilan shug'ullanib, sovet rejali iqtisodiy begemotidan naqd pulni siqib chiqarish yo'llarini o'ylab topdi".[21]

Menatep

1987 yilda Xodorkovskiy va uning sheriklari a Yoshlarning ilmiy-texnik ijodiyoti markazi. Kompyuterlarni import qilish va qayta sotishdan tashqari, "ilmiy" markaz boshqa ko'plab mahsulotlarning savdosi bilan shug'ullangan. Markazning ochilishi oxir-oqibat uning tashkil etilishiga imkon berdi Bank Menatep.[22]

U va uning sheriklari 1989 yilda "Menatep" bankini tashkil etish uchun bank litsenziyasini, xuddi taxminiy kompyuterlarni sotishdan olingan pulga olishgan. Menatep Rossiyaning birinchi xususiy banklaridan biri sifatida, Xodorkovskiyning importini moliyalashtirish uchun to'plangan omonatlarning ko'pini ishlatib, tez kengayib ketdi. eksport operatsiyalari, bu o'z-o'zidan shubhali amaliyotdir. Bundan tashqari, hukumat Menatep Bankiga Chernobil AESidagi qurbonlar uchun ajratilgan mablag'larni boshqarish huquqini berdi. Xodorkovskiy shunday dedi:

Ko'p yillar o'tgach, men odamlar bilan suhbatlashdim va ulardan nima uchun shu ishni qilishni boshlamadingiz? Nega bunga kirmadingiz? Chunki institutning har qanday rahbarida kattaligi bo'yicha menga qaraganda ko'proq imkoniyatlar mavjud edi. Ularning barchasi bir xil tizimga ruxsat berilgan davrni boshdan kechirganlarini tushuntirdilar. Va keyin, eng yaxshi holatda, odamlar o'zlarining martabalarida muvaffaqiyat qozona olmadilar va eng yomoni, o'zlarini qamoqxonada topdilar. Ularning barchasi bu safar shunday bo'lishiga amin edilar va shuning uchun ham bunga kirishmadilar. Va men ... buni eslolmadim! Men juda yosh edim! Va men bunga bordim. "[21]

Uning "Menatep" banki, Rossiyaning boshqa banklari bilan bir qatorda, valyuta kurslari va boshqa investitsiyalar to'g'risida spekulyatsiya qilish uchun hukumat mablag'larini bir necha oy davomida ushlab turar edi va bank egalarini belgilangan mablag 'oluvchilar hisobiga boyitdi. Investitsiyalar bo'yicha o'tkazilgan tenderlardan so'ng Rossiya davlat aktivlari tasarrufidan chiqarilib, biznes elitasini - aktsiyalar uchun qarzlar dasturini tanlab olish uchun foydalandi, deb bir nechta "oligarx" atamasi kiritildi. Aktsiyalar bo'yicha kreditlar kim oshdi savdosida kim oshdi savdosi ishtirokchilari bir xil bo'lgan - auksionlar soxtalashtirilgan va davlat buni bilgan.[iqtibos kerak ], pullarining asosiy qismini yadro falokati qurbonlariga moliyaviy yordamni to'lashni rad etish yoki eng yaxshi kechiktirishga olib kelgan odamlarning aniq jinoiy amaliyoti.[iqtibos kerak ]

Aynan shu davrda Xodorkovskiy soxta kim oshdi savdosi orqali Yukos neft kompaniyasini 300 million dollarga sotib oldi. Keyinchalik Xodorkovskiy yuz millionlab qarzlarni olib, chet elda investitsiya mablag'larini jalb qilish bo'yicha kampaniyani boshladi. 1998 yilgi moliyaviy inqiroz Rossiyani boshidan kechirganida, Xodorkovskiy o'zining tashqi qarzining bir qismini to'lamagan va kreditorlardan himoya qilish uchun o'zining YuKOS aktsiyalarini offshorga olib ketgan.[21]

Eltsinning maslahatchisi

Xodorkovskiy birinchi hukumatning iqtisodiy maslahatchisi sifatida ham ishlagan Boris Yeltsin. "Davomida muvaffaqiyatsiz 1991 yilgi to'ntarish kommunist qattiqqo'llar tomonidan ", deb yozgan Gessen," u Moskvaning Oq uyi oldida barrikadalarda bo'lib, hukumatni himoya qilishga yordam berar edi. "Ko'p o'tmay, kommunizmga bo'lgan ishonchini yo'qotib, u va uning sherigi Leonid Nevzlin" kapitalistik manifest »deb nomlangan, u« Rublli odam »deb nomlangan bo'lib, unda qisman shunday deyilgan:« Leninga ko'ra yashashni to'xtatish vaqti keldi! ... Bizning rahbarligimiz - bu qat'iy qonuniy yo'l bilan olingan foyda. Bizning Rabbimiz Uning ulug'vorligi, Pulidir, chunki bizni hayotdagi me'yor sifatida faqat U boylikka olib borishi mumkin. "[19]

Yukos sotib olish

1992 yilda Xodorkovskiy yoqilg'i-energetika sanoatining investitsiyalarni qo'llab-quvvatlash jamg'armasi raisi etib tayinlandi. U 1993 yil mart oyida Rossiyaning yoqilg'i-energetika vazirining o'rinbosari etib tayinlandi. 1996 yilda Menatep Rossiyaning yirik neft ishlab chiqaruvchisini sotib oldi, Yukos qarzlari 3,5 milliard dollardan oshgan, 309 million dollarga.[23][24][25]

1990-yillarda, deb ta'kidladi Gessen, "Xodorkovskiy millionlab pul ishlab topdi valyuta savdosi. Shuningdek, u xususiylashtirish vaucherlarini - har bir Rossiya fuqarosiga tarqatiladigan va ularga milliy boylik ulushini berish huquqini beruvchi hujjatlarni sotib oldi - bu ko'plab ruslar tayyor naqd pul uchun chegirmali tushirishdan xursand bo'lishdi. Oxir-oqibat Xodorkovskiy 30 ga yaqin kompaniyalarning nazorat paketlarini sotib oldi. 1995 yilda Rossiya o'zining eng katta mulkiy sovg'alarini uyushtirganida, Xodorkovskiy ham bundan foydalanishga tayyor edi. "Gessen tushuntirgandek, Rossiya hukumati kommunizm qulaganidan keyin ham" Rossiyaning eng yirik kompaniyalarini nominal ravishda boshqargan, garchi ular har xil bo'lsa ham. qayta tuzilgan, tashlab ketilgan yoki o'zlarining rahbarlari tomonidan talon-taroj qilingan. "Xodorkovskiyni ham o'z ichiga olgan o'nlab odamlar," yangi oligarxlar "hukumatga pulni qarz berishning stratagemasiga zarba berishdi. Oligarxlar va hukumat ikkalasi ham hukumat oxir-oqibat defoltga uchrashishini va shu tariqa firmalar oligarxlar qo'liga o'tishini bilar edilar. "Ushbu manevr bilan", deb yozadi Gessen, "Yeltsin ma'muriyati neft, gaz, foydali qazilmalar va boshqa korxonalarni xususiylashtirdi. Xodorkovskiy shunday qilib Yukosga egalik qildi.[19]

U 20 dan ortiq firmadan tashkil topgan "Yukos" konglomeratini egallab olganida, ularning aksariyati "dahshatli ahvolda" edi va u ularni yaxshi ishlaydigan bo'linmalarga aylantirish ishidan zavqlanardi. Gellinning so'zlariga ko'ra, Xodorkovskiy "oligarxlar orasida eng jim" bo'lgan va "yaxta yoki villa sotib olmaslik" ni tanlagan. Côte d'Azur "yoki" Moskvaning pleyboylari sahnasi "ga aylanish uchun. Shubhasiz, u 1990 yillarning oxirlarida" Moskvadan tashqarida yarim soat atrofida 50 ta o'rmon gektaridagi etti uyning darvoza qismini "sotib olib, uni" Apple Orchard "va" uy-joy "deb atagan. "Bir katta baxtli oila" sifatida birga yashagan Yukosning etakchi rahbarlari. Uning ijtimoiy hayoti asosan "Yukosning boshqa menejerlari uchun barbekyu" dan iborat edi. Kechalari u turar va "ikkitagacha o'qigan" edi. Keyinchalik u shu davrda yozgan edi " Men biznesni o'yin sifatida ko'rdim. ... Bu o'yinda siz g'alaba qozonmoqchi edingiz, ammo mag'lub bo'lish ham variant edi. Bu o'yin edi, unda yuz minglab odamlar ertalab men bilan o'ynash uchun ishlashga kelishdi. "[19]

Nevzlin Gessenga Xodorkovskiy bo'lgan vaqt haqida gapirib berdi Polsha biznes va Sovet iqtisodiy jinoyatlar bo'limi Sovet davridagi qonunlarga binoan hibsga olinishdan qo'rqqan Nevzlinni ta'qib qilishni boshladi. U vaziyatni "dahshatli" deb topdi, lekin Xodorkovskiy Polshadan qaytib kelganida: "Menga uyga borishga, cho'milishga, bir oz uxlashga ijozat bering, biz bu haqda ertaga ertalab gaplashamiz" dedi. Nevzlin Gessenga: "Uni hech qachon silkitishga hech qanday iloj yo'q edi", dedi. Nevzlin Xodorkovskiyni "ma'lumotlarga qaram", "temir irodasi" va "insonning ma'lumot va g'oyalar stimuliga bog'liq odam" deb ta'riflagan. Xodorkovskiy "kuchli his-tuyg'ularga ega" bo'lsa ham, Nevzlin ularni o'chirishga qodir.[19]

Bankning ishdan chiqishi va xayriya ishlari

1998 yilga kelib Xodorkovskiy import-eksport biznesini qurdi va yillik aylanmasi 80 million rublni tashkil etdi (taxminan 10 million AQSh dollari). In 1998 yil Rossiya halokati ammo, uning banki ostiga o'tdi va Yukos neft narxining pasayishi tufayli jiddiy muammolarga duch keldi. "Biznes endi shunchaki o'yin bo'la olmasligini" va "kapitalizm odamlarni nafaqat boy va baxtli, balki qashshoq va qudratli ham qilishi mumkinligini" anglab, u "o'zining mutlaq ishonchiga qasamyod qilganidek, boylikka bo'lgan mutlaq ishonchini qasamyod qildi. Kommunizm. " Neft narxi yana ko'tarila boshlagandan so'ng, u poydevor yaratdi, Rossiyani oching, 2001 yilda. U asoslangan edi Somerset uyi bilan Londonda Genri Kissincer uning ishonchli vakili sifatida.

Jamg'arma missiyasining bayonotida: "" Ochiq Rossiya "jamg'armasini tashkil etishning motivatsiyasi - bu Rossiya xalqi va butun dunyo o'rtasida ochiqlikni, tushunishni va integratsiyani rivojlantirish istagi". Keyingi yil AQShning Vashingtonda ochilishi boshlandi.[26]

Xodorkovskiy "Ochiq Rossiyani" tashkil etishdan tashqari, "odamlarning bir-biri bilan suhbatlashishiga imkon berish uchun viloyatlarda joylashgan Internet-kafelarni mablag 'bilan ta'minlagan. U butun mamlakat bo'ylab jurnalistlar uchun o'quv mashg'ulotlarini moliyalashtirgan. [1994 yilda] u nochor bolalar uchun maktab-internatini tashkil qildi va o'z faoliyatini boshladi. uning ota-onasi nafaqaga chiqqanidan keyin uni boshqarishi mumkin edi. Ba'zi taxminlarga ko'ra u Rossiyadagi barcha nodavlat tashkilotlarning yarmini qo'llab-quvvatlagan, boshqalari tomonidan ularning 80 foizini moliyalashtirgan. 2003 yilda YuKOS 10 yil ichida 100 million dollar va'da qilgan. Rossiya davlat gumanitar universiteti, mamlakatdagi eng yaxshi liberal-san'at maktabi - birinchi marta xususiy kompaniya Rossiya ta'lim muassasasiga katta miqdordagi mablag 'kiritgan. "

Shuningdek, u o'qituvchilar uchun internet-o'quv markazlarini, islohot va demokratiya jurnalistlari munozarasi forumini va arxeologik qazishmalar, madaniy almashinuvlarni, bolalar uchun yozgi oromgohlarni va etim bolalar uchun internatni moliyalashtiradigan fondlarni tashkil etdi.[27][28][29]

Sibneft bilan birlashish

2003 yil aprel oyida Xodorkovskiy Yukos bilan birlashishini e'lon qildi Sibneft, G'arbiy neft transmilliy kompaniyalari zaxiralariga teng bo'lgan neft kompaniyasini yaratish. Xodorkovskiy bilan muzokaralarda ishtirok etgani haqida xabar berilgan edi ExxonMobil va ChevronTexaco ulardan birini yoki boshqasini Yukos kompaniyasining katta ulushini sotish. Sibneft taklifiga binoan 1995 yilda tashkil etilgan Boris Berezovskiy, davlatga tegishli neft kompaniyasining eng qimmatbaho aktivlaridan iborat. Ziddiyatli kim oshdi savdosi jarayonida Berezovskiy kompaniyaning 50 foizini sotib oldi, bu juda arzon narx edi.[30]

Berezovskiy Putin bilan to'qnashganda va Rossiyadan Londonga ketishga majbur bo'lganida (u erda boshpana olgan), u Sibneftdagi aktsiyalarini Roman Abramovich. Keyinchalik Abramovich birlashishga rozi bo'ldi. 19,5 milliard barrel (3 km³) neft va gazga ega bo'lgan holda, birlashtirilgan korxona egalik qilgan bo'lar edi dunyodagi ikkinchi yirik neft va gaz zaxiralari ExxonMobildan keyin va kuniga 2,3 million barrel (370 000 m³) xomashyo qazib olish bo'yicha dunyodagi to'rtinchi o'rinni egallagan bo'lar edi. 2003 yil oktyabr oyida Xodorkovskiy hibsga olinishidan oldin yopilgan kompaniyalar birlashmasi, ammo bir qator shubhali yuridik harakatlar natijasida Sibneftning sobiq aktsiyadorlari ushbu bitimni bekor qilishdi.

Rossiyadagi eng boy odam

Xodorkovskiy ham yollagan McKinsey & Company Yukos boshqaruv tizimini isloh qilish va Pricewaterhouse buxgalteriya tizimini tashkil etish. Qisman neft narxining ko'tarilishi, qisman modernizatsiya qilingan operatsiyalar va qisman "yangi shaffoflik" tufayli YuKOS muvaffaqiyatli rivojlandi. "2003 yilga kelib Xodorkovskiy Rossiyadagi eng boy odam edi va potentsial jihatdan dunyodagi eng boy odamga aylanish yo'lida edi. 2004 yilda Forbes uni dunyoning eng boy odamlari ro'yxatida 16-o'rinni egalladi, uning boyligi 16 milliard dollarga baholandi. "[19]

Siyosat

Xodorkovskiy "u nimani nazarda tutayotganini ochiq tanqid qilmoqdaboshqariladigan demokratiya "Rossiya ichida. Odatdagidek amaldagi rahbariyatni tanqid qilmaslik kerak, deydi u harbiy va xavfsizlik xizmatlari juda katta vakolatlarga ega. The Times:

"Bu Singapur modeli, bu hozirgi kunda Rossiyada odamlar tushunadigan atama. Demak, nazariy jihatdan sizda erkin matbuot bor, lekin amalda o'z-o'zini tsenzura qilish kerak. Nazariy jihatdan sizda sudlar bor; amalda sudlar qarorlarni qabul qilishadi Nazariy jihatdan konstitutsiyada belgilangan fuqarolik huquqlari mavjud, amalda siz ushbu huquqlarning bir qismidan foydalana olmaysiz. "[31]

Xodorkovskiy YuKOS orqali ijtimoiy dasturlarni kompaniya faoliyat ko'rsatgan hududlarda targ'ib qildi, masalan "Yangi tsivilizatsiya", Angarsk, bu yosh talabalar uchun talabalar boshqaruvini targ'ib qildi. Skaut dasturi talabalar boshqaruvining aspektlarini o'zida mujassam etgan. Mamlakat bo'ylab qatnashchilar o'zlarining ta'tillarini yozgi oromgohlarda talabalar tomonidan boshqariladigan organlarni tashkil etish bilan o'tkazdilar.[32]

2012 yilda yozgan Masha Gessen 2002 yilda Xodorkovskiy bilan uchrashganini eslar ekan, "u bir guruh yosh mualliflar bilan uchrashganda, u Rossiyada yangi turdagi iqtisodiyotni yaratishga undab, mamlakatni kezib chiqqanda uning qashshoq nutqi nima bo'lishini sinab ko'rganida, mineral resurslarga emas, balki intellektual asoslarga asoslangan.[19]

Vladimir Putin bilan munosabatlar

Prezident Putin Xodorkovskiy bilan (o'ngda), Sergey Pugachev (markaz ortida) va Mixail Fridman (markazda), 2001 yil may

"Putin va Xodorkovskiy o'rtasidagi ziddiyatning negizida", deydi yozuvchi va faol Masha Gessen 2012 yil aprelida "xarakterdagi asosiy farq yotadi. Putin kamdan-kam hollarda u nimani nazarda tutishini aytadi va hatto boshqalarning ular nimani anglatishini aytishiga ishonadi. Xodorkovskiy, aksincha, har doim o'zini va boshqalarni qadr-qimmat bilan qabul qilganga o'xshaydi. uning shaxsini o'z ishonchiga muvofiq va hayotini o'ziga xoslik asosida qurgan. Aynan shu narsa uni qamoqqa tushirdi va shu erda ushlab turdi. "[19]

2003 yil fevral oyida Xodorkovskiy Kremldagi televizion yig'ilishda Putin bilan korruptsiya to'g'risida bahslashdi. U yirik hukumat amaldorlari millionlab pora olayotganini nazarda tutgan. 2012 yil boshida, oldin Rossiya prezident saylovi, Xodorkovskiy va Putin ikkalasi ham bir-birini kamsitgani aytilgan.[19]

Xodorkovskiy soliq to'lashdan bo'yin tovlaganlik, pulni legallashtirish va davlat mulkini o'zlashtirishda ayblanib sudlanganidan so'ng, u o'zining aybsizligini saqlab qoldi va "Putinga qarshi bo'lgan siyosiy partiyalarni moliyalashtirish uchun qasos" ekanligini aytdi.[33]

2013 yil 20 dekabrda Putin Xodorkovskiyni ozod qilish to'g'risida afv imzoladi.[34] Xodorkovskiy ozod etilganidan keyin matbuot anjumanida ommaviy axborot vositalariga murojaat qildi Berlin, Germaniya. U o'zini "siyosiy mahbus" deb atagan va biznes yoki siyosatga qaytadan kirmasligini aytgan.[35]

Xodorkovskiy 2014 yil dekabr oyida bo'lib o'tgan intervyusida u Putinga siyosatdan qochish haqidagi va'dasini buzmaganligini, faqat "fuqarolik jamiyati ishi bilan shug'ullanganini ... siyosat mohiyatan shaxsan o'zingizni saylash uchun kurashdir. Menga qiziq emas. Ammo bu savolga oxirigacha borishga tayyormisiz: ha, menman. Men buni o'zimning fuqarolik burchim deb bilaman. " Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, u "o'zimni inqiroz bo'yicha menejer sifatida taklif qilyapman. Chunki men shundayman".[36]

Jinoiy ayblovlar va qamoqqa olish

2003 yil hibsga olish

2003 yil iyul oyining boshlarida, Platon Lebedev, Xodorkovskiyning sherigi va Yukosning to'rtinchi yirik aktsiyadori, davlat aktsiyalarini noqonuniy ravishda qo'lga kiritishda gumon qilinib hibsga olingan. o'g'it qat'iy Apatit 1994 yilda hibsga olingandan so'ng, Yukos tomonidan taqdim etilgan soliq deklaratsiyalari bo'yicha tergov o'tkazildi va kechiktirildi antitrest komissiyaning uni tasdiqlashi birlashish Sibneft bilan.[37][38]

2003 yil 25 oktyabr kuni ertalab Xodorkovskiy hibsga olingan Novosibirsk aeroporti. U Moskvaga olib ketilgan va firibgarlik, soliq to'lashdan bo'yin tovlash va boshqa iqtisodiy jinoyatlarda ayblangan. Gessen sudni "travesti" va "Kafka eskiz protsedurasi" deb ta'riflaydi, hukumat oylar davomida "sodir etilganidan keyin jinoiy javobgarlikka tortilgan yoki aslida qonuniy faoliyat deb topilgan taxmin qilingan huquqbuzarliklar to'g'risida kelishmovchiliklar hisobotini o'tkazgan". Ishni tayyorlashda hukumat Yukos xodimlarini so'roq qilishga chaqirdi. Keyinchalik ularning advokati sifatida yurgan soliq advokati Pavel Ivlev rasmiylar uni noqonuniy ravishda so'roq qilganini va hibsga olish bilan tahdid qilganini tushuntirdi. Prokuratura idorasidan chiqib ketgach, u darhol mamlakatdan uchib ketdi. U va uning oilasi AQShga joylashdilar.[19][39]

Rossiyadagi va chet eldagi reaktsiyalar

Dastlab Xodorkovskiyning hibsga olingani haqidagi xabarlar aktsiyalar narxiga sezilarli ta'sir ko'rsatdi Yukos. Moskva birjasi narxlar qulashi sababli barqaror savdo qilishni ta'minlash uchun birinchi marta bir soat davomida yopildi. Rossiya valyutasi rubl, shuningdek, ba'zi xorijiy investorlar Rossiya bozorining barqarorligini shubha ostiga qo'yganligi sababli zarba berildi. Moskvadagi ommaviy axborot vositalarining reaktsiyasi adyolni yoritishda deyarli hamma uchun salbiy bo'lgan, ishbilarmonlarni qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan ba'zi matbuot kapitalizmning tugashini muhokama qilgan, hattoki hukumatga tegishli matbuot Xodorkovskiyni hibsga olishning "bema'ni" uslubini tanqid qilgan.

Yukos Xodorkovskiyning o'rniga Rossiyada tug'ilgan AQSh fuqarosini almashtirish uchun tezda harakat qildi, Simon Kukes. Yukosning bosh direktoriga aylangan Kukes allaqachon tajribali neft boshqaruvchisi edi.

The AQSh Davlat departamenti Xodorkovskiyning hibsga olinishi "sud tizimidan o'zboshimchalik bilan foydalanish borasida bir qator xavotirlarni kuchaytirdi" va Rossiyadagi xorijiy investitsiyalarga katta zarar etkazishi mumkin edi, chunki YuKOS rasmiylariga qarshi "tanlab" ta'qib qilinayotgani ko'rinib turibdi, ammo boshqalarga qarshi emas.

Hibsga olinganidan bir hafta o'tgach, Bosh prokuror Xodorkovskiyning aktsiyalarini sotishiga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun Xodorkovskiyning Yukosdagi aktsiyalarini muzlatib qo'ydi, garchi u barcha aktsiyalarning ovoz berish huquqini saqlab qoldi va dividendlar oldi. 2003 yilda Xodorkovskiyning YuKOSdagi aktsiyalari o'tgan Jeykob Rotshild ular Xodorkovskiy hibsga olinishidan oldin tuzgan bitimga binoan.[40][41][42]

Birinchi sud jarayoni, 2004-2005

Xodorkovskiy va uning sheriklariga qarshi ayblovlar shundaki, u 1994 yilda Menatep raisi bo'lganida "Rossiya kompaniyalaridagi aktsiyalarni o'z nazorati ostiga olish niyatida uyushgan shaxslar guruhini tuzgan". xususiylashtirish jarayoni "Apatit" davlat konchilik va o'g'itlash kompaniyasini xususiylashtirishda u go'yoki "noqonuniy harakatlar" ga ishora qilgan.

Xodorkovskiyning uzoq yillik biznes sherigi Platon Lebedev 2003 yil 2 iyulda hibsga olingan va ular birgalikda sudga tortilgan. Bir necha hafta o'tgach, Yukos xavfsizlik xizmati rahbari Aleksey Pichugin hibsga olingan va alohida prokuratura mavzusiga aylangan. Xabarlarga ko'ra, menateplik Leonid Nevzlin hozirda u va Xodorkovskiyga kerak

"mamlakatni tark etib, erkinlik pozitsiyasidan savdolashishga harakat qiling. Biz pulimizni olib chiqib, yangi biznes va yangi hayot boshlashimiz kerak."

Nevzlin buni amalga oshirdi va Isroilga ko'chib o'tdi. Xodorkovskiy Rossiyada qoldi. "Uning qadriyatlar tizimida Lebedev qamoqda bo'lganida, mamlakatdan qochish axloqsiz ish bo'lar edi", deb yozgan Gessen, "do'stiga yordam berish uchun biron bir ish qila olishidan qat'iy nazar". Buning o'rniga Xodorkovskiy Rossiyani ijtimoiy jihatdan modernizatsiya qilishi va ochiq va oshkora iqtisodiyotni qo'llab-quvvatlashi, texnologiyani sof tabiiy resurslar orqali targ'ib qilishi kerakligi haqida nutq so'zlay boshladi.[19]

Xodorkovskiyni sudda Yuriy Shmidt boshchiligidagi tajribali jamoa va shu jumladan Karinna Moskalenko himoya qildi. Prokuratura ularni prezident ma'muriyatidan mustaqil ravishda faoliyat yuritayotganliklarini da'vo qildi. Bosh prokuror, Vladimir Ustinov, sobiq prezident Boris Yeltsin tomonidan tayinlangan. U bir vaqtlar uni olib tashlashga urinib ko'rgan Putin bilan, ayniqsa, yaqin odam sifatida ko'rilmadi. Biroq, u siyosiy jihatdan shuhratparast edi va Rossiyaning eng taniqli va muvaffaqiyatli magnatini sudga tortish uning siyosiy karerasiga yordam sifatida qabul qilindi va nomzodini ilgari surishni maqsad qildi Duma.

Xodorkovskiy-Lebedevning birinchi sud jarayoni 10 oy davom etdi. Gessenning ta'kidlashicha, kamdan-kam guvohlar bor edi, "sud nafaqat uning iltimosnomalarining ko'pini rad etgani uchun, balki prokuratura ishi shunchaki yengil tuyulgani uchun ham". Shuningdek, himoyaga guvohlik berish xavfli deb qabul qilingan. "Yukosga aloqador o'n kishi, shu jumladan ikkita advokat hibsga olingan. Yana to'qqiz kishi hibsdan qochib, faqat mamlakatdan qochishgan".

Xodorkovskiy va Lebedev ikkalasi ham aybdor deb topilib, to'qqiz yilga qadar koloniyalarda ozodlikdan mahrum etildi.[19] Prokuratura ayblovlarini deyarli so'zma-so'z takrorlagan sud hukmi 662 betni tashkil etdi. Rossiya sudlarida odatlanganidek, sudyalar hukmni ovoz chiqarib o'qishdi, 2005 yil 16 mayda boshlanib, 31 mayda yakunlandi. Xodorkovskiyning advokatlari jamoatchilik e'tiborini minimallashtirish uchun iloji boricha sekin o'qilgan deb da'vo qilishdi.[43]

Uchinchi tomonning yordami

Xodorkovskiy uni siyosiylashtirilgan sud tizimining qurboni bo'lgan deb hisoblagan mustaqil uchinchi shaxslardan qo'llab-quvvatlandi.[44] 2004 yil 29 noyabrda Evropa Kengashi Parlament Assambleyasi (EKPA) Huquqiy ishlar va inson huquqlari bo'yicha qo'mitasi hisobotni e'lon qildi, "YuKOSning etakchi rahbarlarini hibsga olish va sudga tortish holatlari shuni ko'rsatadiki, ushbu holatlarda davlatning harakatlaridan manfaatdorlik jinoiy odil sudlovni amalga oshirish doirasidan tashqariga chiqadi. ashaddiy siyosiy raqibni kuchsizlantirish, boshqa boy odamlarni qo'rqitish va strategik iqtisodiy aktivlarni nazoratini qaytarib olish kabi elementlarni o'z ichiga oladi. "[45]

Bundan tashqari, Xodorkovskiy a'zolari tomonidan hayrat va qo'llab-quvvatlandi Buyuk Britaniya parlamenti Rossiyada inson huquqlarining pasayishini qayd etganlar.[46]

2009 yil iyun oyida Evropa Kengashi Rossiya hukumatining YuKOS ishi bilan shug'ullanishini tanqid qilgan "Evropa Kengashiga a'zo davlatlarda jinoiy adliya tizimining siyosiy sabablarga ko'ra suiiste'mol qilish to'g'risidagi da'volari" deb nomlangan hisobotni e'lon qildi:[47]

"Yukos ishi bu avtoritarni namoyish etadi tizimni suiiste'mol qilish. Men bu erda Huquqiy ishlar va inson huquqlari qo'mitasining ma'ruzachisi Sabin Loytsuz-Shnarrenbergerning ushbu mavzu bo'yicha ikkita ma'ruzasida qilgan ajoyib ishlarini eslashni istardim. Xususiy neft shirkati bo'lgan Yukos bankrot bo'lib, Rosneft davlat shirkati foydasiga tarqab ketganini ko'rgan ushbu holatning sirlari va sharhlari haqida fikr bildirmoqchi emasman. Aktivlar kim oshdi savdosida "Baykalfinansgroup" moliyaviy guruhi tomonidan deyarli 7 milliard evroga sotib olingan. Ushbu moliyaviy guruhning orqasida kim turgani hali ham ma'lum emas. Bir qator ekspertlarning fikricha, bu masalada davlat Gazprom kompaniyasining qo'li bor. Yukosning sobiq rahbarlari Mixail Xodorkovskiy va Platon Lebedev firibgarlik va soliq to'lashdan bo'yin tovlaganlik uchun sakkiz yillik qamoq jazosiga mahkum etildi. OITS kasalligidan aziyat chekayotgan kompaniya sobiq raisining o'rinbosari Vasiliy Aleksanyan Evropa inson huquqlari sudi tomonidan hukm qilingan g'ayriinsoniy sharoitda ushlab turilib, 2009 yil yanvar oyida garov evaziga ozod qilindi.3 Oxir oqibat, Svetlana Baxmina, Yukosning yuridik vakolatxonasi rahbari o'rinbosari 2005 yilda soliq firibgarligi uchun olti yarim yillik qamoq jazosiga mahkum etilgan bo'lim, muddatidan ilgari ozod qilish to'g'risidagi arizasini 2008 yil oktyabrida rad etdi, garchi u jazoning yarmini o'tagan bo'lsa ham, "pushaymon" bo'lgan va etti oy homilador. Dunyo bo'ylab minglab odamlarning qo'llab-quvvatlashi va Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Prezidenti Jorj Bushning shaxsiy aralashuvi tufayli u 2009 yil aprel oyida 2008 yil 28 noyabrda qiz tug'ilgandan keyin ozod qilindi. "

Xodorkovskiyni qo'llab-quvvatlash va davlatni ta'qib qilishni tanqid qilish to'g'risida bayonotlar Italiya parlamenti, nemis Bundestag, va AQSh Vakillar palatasi, boshqa ko'plab rasmiy organlar qatorida.[48]

2010 yil iyun oyida, Elie Vizel Holokostdan qutulgan va inson huquqlari faoli Xodorkovskiy sudi to'g'risida xabardorlikni oshirish va uni ozod qilish tarafdori bo'lgan kampaniyani boshladi.[49]

2010 yil noyabr oyida, Xalqaro Amnistiya Germaniya Prezident Medvedevdan Xodorkovskiyga qarshi qo'zg'atilgan barcha jinoiy ayblovlarni mustaqil ravishda qayta ko'rib chiqilishini talab qilib, inson huquqlari bo'yicha Evropa konvensiyasining 60 yilligiga to'g'ri kelishini talab qilgan petitsiya kampaniyasini boshladi.[50] 2011 yil 24 mayda Xalqaro Amnistiya Lebedev va Xodorkovskiyning ikkinchi sud jarayonini tanqid qildi va ularni nomladi vijdon mahbuslari va dastlabki jazo muddati tugashi bilan ularni ozod qilishga chaqirdi.[7]

Uning og'ir ahvoli haqida ikki soatlik hujjatli film 2011 yilda namoyish etilgan.[51]

Yelena Bonner, ning bevasi Andrey Saxarov, Xodorxovskiyni himoya qilishdan hech qachon to'xtamadi: "Menimcha, agar qonun unga tanlab qo'llanilsa, bu har qanday odam siyosiy mahbusga aylanadi va bu mutlaqo aniq ish. Bu shafqatsiz qonunsiz harakat".[24]

2014 yil may oyida Xodorkovskiyni Polshaning sobiq prezidenti maqtagan Lex Valesa va Rossiya fuqarolik jamiyatini isloh qilishdagi sa'y-harakatlari uchun mukofot oldi.[52]

Sud majlisida ishtirok etgan karikaturachi voqealarni aks ettiruvchi multfilm turkumini yaratdi. Ushbu karikaturalarda Xodorkovskiy sudi Frants Kafka sudi bilan taqqoslangan Sinov. 2015 yil avgust oyidan boshlab ushbu multfilmlar Dox galereyasida namoyish etilmoqda Praga.[53]

Qamoqda

2005 yil 30 mayda Mixail Xodorkovskiy to'qqiz yilga ozodlikdan mahrum etildi. O'sha paytda u hibsga olingan Matrosskaya Tishina, Moskvadagi qamoqxona. 2005 yil 1 avgustda Xodorkovskiyning qamoqxonasida yozgan "Chap burilish" deb nomlangan siyosiy insho nashr etildi. Vedomosti, ko'proq ijtimoiy mas'uliyatli davlatga burilishga chaqiradi. U shunday dedi:

"Keyingi Rossiya ma'muriyati quyidagilarni o'z ichiga olishi kerak Rossiya Federatsiyasi Kommunistik partiyasi va Vatan partiyasi yoki ushbu partiyalarning tarixiy vorislari. Chap qanot liberallari, shu jumladan Yabloko va o'ng qanot Rijkov, Xakamada va boshqalar keng sotsial-demokrat koalitsiyasiga qo'shilish to'g'risida yoki siyosiy jihatdan ahamiyatsiz, g'amgin bo'lib qolish to'g'risida qaror qabul qilishlari kerak. Menimcha, ular qo'shilishlari kerak, chunki faqat liberal-sotsialistik (sotsial-demokratik) qarashlar asosiy rol o'ynaydigan koalitsiyaning eng keng tarkibi bizni paydo bo'lishdan xalos qilishi mumkin, bu burilish jarayonida chapga burilish, yangi ultra-avtoritar rejimdan. Rossiyaning yangi hukumati chap qanot masalasini hal qilishi va xalqning adolatga bo'lgan talabini qondirishi kerak. Bu birinchi navbatda xususiylashtirishni legallashtirish va bir nechta sohalarda paternalistik dasturlar va yondashuvlarni tiklash muammolarini anglatadi. "[54]

2005 yil 19 avgustda Xodorkovskiy a ochlik e'lon qilish do'sti va sherigiga norozilik sifatida Platon Lebedev ga joylashtirish jazo kamerasi qamoqxona. Xodorkovskiyning so'zlariga ko'ra, Lebedev edi qandli diabet yurak muammolari va uni jazo kamerasida saqlash qotillik bilan barobardir.

2005 yil 31 avgustda u parlamentga nomzodini qo'yishini e'lon qildi.[55] Ushbu tashabbus huquqiy bo'shliq tufayli amalga oshirildi: sudlangan jinoyatchi ovoz berolmaydi yoki parlamentga qatnasha olmaydi, ammo agar uning ishi sud tomonidan ko'rib chiqilsa Apellyatsiya sudi u hali ham barcha saylov huquqlaridan foydalanadi. Apellyatsiya sudi apellyatsiya sudiga o'tishi uchun odatda bir yil davom etadi, shuning uchun Xodorkovskiyning saylanishi uchun etarli vaqt bo'lishi kerak edi. For a member of Russian parliament to be imprisoned, the parliament needs to vote to lift his or her immunity. Thus he had a hope of avoiding prosecution. But the Court of Appeal, unusually, took only a couple of weeks to process Khodorkovsky's appeal, reducing his sentence by one year and invalidating any electoral plans on his part until the end of his sentence.

As reported on 20 October 2005, Khodorkovsky was delivered to the labor camp YaG-14/10 (Исправительное учреждение общего режима ЯГ-14/10) in the town of Krasnokamensk yaqin Chita.[56] The labor camp is attached to a uran mining and processing plant and during Soviet times had a reputation as a place from which nobody returned alive.[iqtibos kerak ] According to news reports, prisoners at the camp no longer work in uranium mining and have much better chances of survival than in the past. Khodorkovsky was put to work in the colony's mitten factory. He slept in a barracks and often spent his days in a cold solitary cell in retribution for his supposed violating of various rules.[19]

The second part of Khodorkovsky's essay "Left Turn" was published in Kommersant on 11 November 2005, in which he expressed social democratic views.[57]

On 13 April 2006, Khodorkovsky was attacked by prison inmate Alexander Kuchma while he was asleep after a heated conversation. Kuchma cut Khodorkovsky's face with a knife and said that it was a response to sexual advances by the businessman. Western media accused the Russian authorities of trying to play down the incident. In January 2009, the same prisoner filed a lawsuit for 500,000 rubles (about $15,000) against Khodorkovsky, accusing him of homosexual harassment.[58] Kuchma said in an interview that he was compelled to attack Khodorkovsky by two officers, beaten and threatened with death to commit the attack. In 2011, Kuchma admitted that he had been told to attack Khodorkovsky "by unknown persons who had come to the prison colony and beaten and threatened him."[19][59]

On 5 February 2007, new charges of embezzlement and money laundering were brought against both Khodorkovsky and Platon Lebedev.[60] Khodorkovsky's supporters pointed out that the charges came just months before Khodorkovsky and Lebedev were to become eligible for parole, as well as a year before the next Russian presidential election.[iqtibos kerak ]

On 28 January 2008, Khodorkovsky began a hunger strike[61] to help his associate Vasiliy Aleksanyan, who is ill and was held in jail and who was denied the medical treatment he needed. Aleksanyan was transferred from a pre-trial prison to an oncological hospital on 8 February 2008,[62] after which Khodorkovsky called off his strike.[63]

"No single cause has done more than Khodorkovsky's to inspire Russian speakers everywhere", Gessen wrote in 2012. "Three of Russia's best-selling writers have published their correspondence with Khodorkovsky; composers have dedicated symphonies to him; a dozen artists attended his trial and put together an exhibition of courtroom drawings." Gessen noted that "a group of Soviet-born classical musicians traveled to Strasbourg to mount a concert in honor of Khodorkovsky."[19] While Khodorkovsky was imprisoned, Arvo Pärt, the Estonian composer, wrote his Symphony no. 4, and dedicated it to him. The symphony had its premiere on 10 January 2009 in Los Angeles at the Walt Disney Concert Hall, under the direction of Esa-Pekka Salonen.

Khodorkovsky spent more than half of his prison time in the Matrosskaya Tishina Detention Facility in Moscow, where, according to Gessen, "living conditions are far more punishing than those in a distant penal colony." Yet, Gessen noted, he "declined to describe" in any detail the conditions under which he was imprisoned, "arguing that he is no different from other inmates."[19]

In prison, Khodorkovsky announced that he would research and write a PhD dissertation on the topic of Russian oil policy.[iqtibos kerak ] The third part of Khodorkovsky's essay/thesis "Left Turn" with the subheading "Global Qayta qurish "da nashr etilgan Vedomosti on 7 November 2008. In it he stated:[64][65]

"Barak Obama 's victory in the US presidential elections is not simply the latest change of power in one individual country, albeit a superpower. We are standing on the threshold of a change in the paradigm of world development. The era whose foundations were laid by Ronald Reygan va Margaret Tetcher three decades ago is ending. Unconditionally including myself in that part of society that has liberal views, I see: ahead – is a Turn to the Left."

In May 2010, Khodorkovsky went on a two-day hunger-strike to protest what he said was a violation of the recent law against imprisonment of persons accused of financial crimes.[66] The law was pushed by President Medvedev after the death of Sergey Magnitskiy who died in pre-trial detention in a Moscow prison in 2009.[67]

On appeal, Khodorkovsky and Platon Lebedev's sentences were reduced from 11 years to 10 years and 10 months meaning they could be released in August 2014 and May 2014, respectively. Khodorkovsky's appeal read: "In this case, the usual mantra that everything is legal and well-grounded just won't do."[68]

U kitob yozdi, My Fellow Prisoners, detailing his time incarcerated.[36]

Political transformation

Iqtisodchi asserted in April 2010 that after six years in prison, Khodorkovsky had politically transformed from an oligarx ichiga siyosiy mahbus va ozodlik uchun kurashuvchi: "He speaks with the authority of a chief executive of what was once Russia's largest oil company. He explains how Yukos and Russia's oil industry functioned, but he goes beyond business matters. What he is defending is not his long-lost business, but his human rights. The transformation of Mr. Khodorkovsky from a ruthless oligarch, operating in a virtually lawless climate, into a political prisoner and freedom fighter is one of the more intriguing tales in post-communist Russia."[69]

Khodorkovsky asserts his political transformation in many of his own writings from prison. On 26 October 2009, he published a response to Dmitri Medvedev's "Forward, Russia!" maqola Vedomosti, arguing that "authoritarianism in its current Russian form does not meet many key humanitarian requirements customary for any country that wishes to consider itself modern and European."[70]

In a 28 January 2010, op-ed for the Nyu-York Tayms va International Herald Tribune, Khodorkovsky argued that "Russia must make a historic choice. Either we turn back from the dead end toward which we have been heading in recent years – and we do it soon – or else we continue in this direction and Russia in its current form simply ceases to exist."[71]

On 3 March 2010, Khodorkovsky published an article in Nezavisimaya Gazeta about the "conveyor belt" of Russian justice. In this article, he states that the "siloviki conveyor belt, which has undermined justice is truly the gravedigger of modern Russian statehood. Because it turns many thousands of the country's most active, sensible and independent citizens against this statehood – with enviable regularity."[72]

Yakunida, Iqtisodchi opined, "any talk by the Kremlin ning qonun ustuvorligi or about modernisation will be puflama so long as Mr Khodorkovsky remains in jail."

Second trial, 2009–2010

To'lovlar

Khodorkovsky became eligible for parole after having served half of his original sentence, however, in February 2007, state prosecutors began to prepare new charges of embezzlement, leading up to a second trial which began in March 2009.

Prosecutors filed new charges against Khodorkovsky, alleging that he stole 350 million tons of oil, charges which Kommersant described as "Compared with the previous version, only stylistic inaccuracy has been improved, and some of the paragraphs have been swapped."[73] Others pointed out that the new charges were impossible given that he was previously convicted on tax evasion of the same allegedly stolen oil. According to Khodorkovsky's lawyer Karinna Moskalenko, "The position of the prosecutors is also self-contradictory. ... Khodorkovsky is now serving a sentence for tax evasion, and if they are asserting that he stole all the oil his company produced, what did he go to prison for the first time if there was nothing to be taxed?"[74]

"If the first set of charges was thin, the second was absurd", Gessen later wrote. "Khodorkovsky and Lebedev were now accused of having stolen all the oil that Yukos had produced in the years 1998 to 2003." At the end of the trial, in December 2010, both defendants were sentenced to 14 years' imprisonment. Gessen cited leading Russian lawyers as saying that Russian laws had been "passed specifically to enable [Khodorkovsky's] persecution, or adjusted retroactively to sustain it." Many former Yukos employees were arrested and imprisoned and were therefore unemployable after their release, and Khodorkovsky "tried to provide financial support to those who have not found a way to make a living."[19]

Khodorkovsky delivered his own summation at his second trial. He spoke of his countrymen's hopes "that Russia will finally become a land of freedom and the law, and the law will be more important than the bureaucrats", a country where "human rights will no longer be contingent on the whim of the czar, whether he be kind or mean. Where the government will be accountable to the people and the courts will be accountable only to God and the law." He said, "I am not an ideal man, far from it. But I am a man of ideas. Like anyone, I have a hard time living in prison and I do not want to die here. But I will, if I need to, without a second thought."[19]

During a visit to Moscow in July 2009, President Barak Obama said: "it does seem odd to me that these new charges, which appear to be a repackaging of the old charges, should be surfacing now, years after these two individuals have been in prison and as they become eligible for parole."[75]

The verdict was originally scheduled for 15 December, but was delayed without explanation until 27 December.[76] Just a few days before the verdict was read by the judge before the court, Vladimir Putin made public comments with regard to his opinion of Khodorkovsky's guilt, saying "a thief should sit in jail".[77]

On 27 December 2010, Judge Viktor Danilkin handed down a guilty verdict, convicting Khodorkovsky and Lebedev of stealing the full 350 million tons of oil, instead of the reduced 218 million tons as requested by the prosecutors. The judge sentenced them to 13.5 years in prison, later reduced to 12 years, one year less than the maximum sentence, which, when combined with time already served, will keep them in jail until 2017.

Judicial controversy

On 14 February 2011, Natalya Vasilyeva, an assistant to Judge Viktor Danilkin, said that the judge did not write the verdict, and had read it against his will.[78] Essentially, Natalya Vasilyeva said the judge's verdict was "brought from the Moscow City Court".[79]

In her statement she also noted that "everyone in the judicial community understands perfectly that this is a rigged case, a fixed trial".[79] On 24 February Vasilyeva underwent a poligraf test, which indicated that she likely believes that Danilkin acted under pressure.[80] Judge Danilkin responded that "the assertion by Natalya Vasilyeva was nothing more than slander".[81]

Appeal and Amnesty International statement

On 24 May 2011, Khodorkovsky's appeal hearing was held, and Judge Danilkin rejected the challenge.[82] Following the rejection of the appeal, the human rights group Amnesty International declared Khodorkovsky and Lebedev as "prisoners of conscience", remarking in a statement that "Whatever the rights and wrongs of Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Platon Lebedev's first convictions there can no longer be any doubt that their second trial was deeply flawed and politically motivated."[7] On 25 October 2013, the Berlin xalqaro adabiyot festivali held a worldwide reading in solidarity with Mikhail Khodorkovsky, Platon Lebedev and all political prisoners in Russia.[83]

In June 2011, Khodorkovsky was sent to prison colony No. 7 of Segeja, shimoliy mintaqasida Kareliya near the Finnish border.[84]

Chiqarish

Prezident Farmoni No.922 granting pardon to Mikhail Khodorkovsky on 20 December 2013

According to his official site, Khodorkovsky would have been eligible for early release, but an alleged conspiracy involving jail guards and a cellmate resulted in a statement that he had violated one of the prison rules. This was sufficient for him to forfeit his rights, once the statement was logged in his file.[85]

It was predicted that he might be released by the middle of 2011,[86] although Khodorkovsky was found guilty on 27 December 2010 of fresh charges of embezzlement and money laundering, which had the potential of leading to a new sentence of up to 22.5 years. "The second as well as the first case were organized by Igor Sechin ", he said in an interview with Sunday Times from a remand prison in the Siberian city of Chita, 4,000 miles (6,400 km) east of Moscow.[85]

On 22 August 2008, he was denied parole by Judge Igor Faliliyev, at the Ingodinsky district court in Chita, Zabaykal o'lkasi. The basis for this was in part because Khodorkovsky "refused to attend jail sewing classes".[87]

In the second trial, the prosecutors asked the judge for a 14-year sentence, which was just one year less than the maximum. The judge, Danilkin, handed down the verdict on 30 December 2010 in which he upheld the prosecutors' statements. Taking into account the time already served, Khodorkovsky was to be released in 2017.[88][89] AQSh prezidenti Barak Obama, Germaniya kansleri Angela Merkel, and British Foreign Secretary Uilyam Xeyg condemned or expressed concern over Khodorkovsky's extended sentence. The oq uy said it brought Russia's legal system into question.[90][91][92]

On 15 February 2011, Vyacheslav Lebedev, chairman of Russia's Oliy sud, suggested reviving an old Soviet practice under which a maximum sentence for a person charged with different crimes should not exceed the sentence attached to the most serious charge: in Khodorkovsky's case, nine years.[79] Since he has been in jail since October 2003, this would have meant releasing him in October 2012, which did not happen.[79]

On 5 March 2012, the day after Putin won his third term as president of Russia, President Medvedev ordered a review of Khodorkovsky's sentence.[93]

In December 2012, a Moscow court reduced Khodorkovsky's prison sentence by two years, so that he was due to be released in 2014. In the same court case Khodorkovsky's business partner Platon Lebedev had his prison sentence reduced by two years. The 2010 case would have had them released 13 years after the day of their arrests in 2003.[94]

Upon release from prison (2013)

Mikhail Khodorkovsky after release

On 19 December 2013, president Vladimir Putin said he intended to pardon Khodorkovsky in the near future.[95] He did so on the following day,[96] stating that Khodorkovsky's mother was ill and Khodorkovsky had asked for clemency. Putin also felt that ten years in jail was still "a significant punishment". Some opposition leaders suggested that the upcoming 2014 yilgi qishki Olimpiya o'yinlari in Sochi might have played a role in the granting of the pardon.[97] His guards told him to pack his things and he was flown at once to St. Petersburg, where he was given "a parka and a passport" and, switching planes on the tarmac, put on a flight to Berlin.[98][99][100][101] Guardian reported in December 2014 that Khodorkovsky had "promised Putin three things in a handwritten letter" in which he asked to be freed: "that he would leave Russia to spend time with his family, would stay away from politics, and would not attempt to win back his shares in Yukos ... or get involved in any court cases." However Khodorkovsky maintains that he had made no such promise.[100]

After gaining his freedom, Khodorkovsky released a written statement in which he thanked former German foreign minister Xans-Ditrix Genscher, who had played a critical role in diplomatic negotiations,[102] for securing his release.[5]

On 22 December 2013, two days after his release, he appeared at a news conference at the Charli muzeyi Berlinda. Reporting on his comments, the Associated Press stated that "The 50-year-old appeared composed at his first public appearance since his release, saying he shouldn't be viewed as a symbol that there are no more political prisoners in Russia. He added that he would do 'all I can do' to ensure the release of others."[103] He again thanked Genscher, as well as the media, and German chancellor Angela Merkel, for their roles in securing his release.[104][105] On 24 December, Khodorkovsky was interviewed in his Berlin hotel room on the BBC television program Hardtalk.[106]

After his release Khodorkovsky acknowledged the support he had received from the Shveytsariya Federal sudi which ruled in 2008 against the release of documents to the Russian authorities, that tied him and Yukos, the largest Russian oil company at the time, to prominent banks and financial institutions. The Swiss court argued that handing over the documents would endanger his chance for a fair trial.[107] Khodorkovsky also has personal ties to Switzerland where his wife Inna and two of his children reside. Soon after his step to freedom, he applied for a Swiss visa, which would allow him to travel to most European countries.[108] This visa was approved by Swiss authorities, and Khodorkovsky arrived in Bazel, Shveytsariya, on 5 January 2014. Yukos shareholders were awarded $50 billion in compensation by the Permanent Arbitration Court yilda Gaaga in July 2014, however Khodorkovsky was not a party to the legal action.[109] 2015 he moved to London.[14]

On 23 December 2015, a Russian court issued an international arrest warrant for Khodorkovsky whom the Rossiya Tergov qo'mitasi charged with ordering the murder of Vladimir Petuxov, shahar hokimi Nefteyugansk, who was murdered in June 1998.[110][111] Speaking on the same day on BBC, which claimed Khodorkovsky "spent much of his time in London",[112] he said he was "definitely considering" applying for siyosiy boshpana in the UK and felt safe in London.[113]

In December 2016, a court unfroze $100m of Khodorkovsky's assets that had been held in Ireland.[15]

Life in exile (2013–2015)

Khodorkovsky at Maidan in Kiyev, Ukraina, 2014 yil 9 mart

Following his pardon and release from prison on 20 December 2013, Mikhail Khodorkovsky made only a few public appearances until the revolution broke out in Ukraine. On 9 March 2014, Khodorkovsky spoke at Maydan Nezalejnosti in Kyiv, where he accused the Russian government of complicity in the killing of protesters.[114][115]

In March 2014, Khodorkovsky was presented with the "Man of the Year" award by the Polish newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza.[116] Khodorkovsky also delivered keynote speeches at the Le Monde festivali, Freedom House Awards Dinner, the Xalqaro aloqalar bo'yicha kengash, Oslo ozodlik forumi, Forum 2000, Vilnius Forum, Chatham House, Jahon iqtisodiy forumi, Stenford universiteti, va Atlantika kengashi.

Khodorkovsky's mother died in the summer of 2014.[100]

2014 yil iyul oyida a Gaaga court ruled the Russian government deliberately bankrupted Yukos to seize its assets and ordered it to repay Yukos shareholders a sum of roughly $50 billion. Roughly 30,000 former Yukos employees were to receive a large pension from the government.[117] However, as of January 2015 the Russian government has yet to make any payments to Yukos shareholders or employees.[118] On 20 April 2016 the District Court of The Hague quashed the decisions of the PCA, ruling that it had no jurisdiction as provisional application of the ECT arbitration clause violated Russian law.[119]

On 20 September 2014, Khodorkovsky officially relaunched the Rossiyani oching movement, with a live teleconference broadcast featuring groups of civil society activists and pro-democracy opposition in Kaliningrad, St Petersburg, Voronezh and Ekaterinburg, among others. According to media around the time of the launch event, Open Russia was intended to unite pro-European Russians in a bid to challenge Putin's grip on power.[120] Khodorkovsky said that the organization would promote independent media, political education, rule of law, support for activists and journalists, free and fair elections, and a program to reform law enforcement and the Russian judicial system.[16][121][122] He said that Putin's actions were “clearly leading Russia along the patriarchal Asian path to development” and called the State Duma “a bulwark of reactionaries”.[123] He said that Open Russia was willing to support any candidate that sought to develop Russia along the European model.[123]

In October 2014, Khodorkovsky visited the U.S., delivering the keynote address at a Washington, D.C., meeting of Freedom House and giving a speech at the Xalqaro aloqalar bo'yicha kengash Nyu-Yorkda. In the latter speech he among other things lamented the fact that "a picture of the West as a sort of moral example for ourselves" had "in the past ten to twenty years become much, much more blurry."[124]

In September 2016, Khodorkovsky launched an "Instead of Putin" website where visitors can vote for alternatives to Putin.[125]

My Fellow Prisoners

Asosiy maqola: My Fellow Prisoners

Khodorkovsky's book My Fellow Prisoners, a collection of sketches about his life in prison, was published in 2014. John Lloyd of the Financial Times called it "vivid, humane and poignant".[36]

AQSh tashrifi

In October 2014, Khodorkovsky visited the U.S., delivering the keynote address at a Washington, D.C., meeting of Freedom House and giving a speech at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York. In the latter speech "he appealed to the U.S. to return to a position of moral strength, recalling the simple verities of the Cold War, when Russians saw in the West 'a sort of moral example for ourselves.'"[101] He also said at Freedom House that "Russia has been wasting time these past 10 years... Now is when we must begin to make up this lost time."[101]

A 3 October 2014, article in the Wall Street Journal stated that Khodorkovsky planned "to bring about a constitutional conference that would shift power away from the Russian presidency and toward the legislature and judiciary." During his U.S. trip, he said, "The question of Russian power won't be decided by democratic elections—forget about this. ... This is why, when we speak of strategic tasks, I speak of a constitutional conference that will redistribute power from the president" to other branches of government.[126]

On 2 December 2014, Khodorkovsky addressed the European Parliament.[127]

2014 yil dekabr oyida, Guardian reported that Khodorkovsky, living in Zurich, was "plotting the downfall of the man who put him behind bars for a decade."[100] The newspaper cited him as claiming that Russian intelligence services were monitoring his communications.[100] In early 2015, he told CNN that he held no desire to run for the presidency, or had any political ambition, although he still held ambitions of social changes; he called his efforts "civic activity" and not politics.[128]

In March 2015, Khodorkovsky, along with other opposition figures, was a subject of attacks by a shadow organization known as Glavplakat. The attacks included anonymous posters and banners flown across Russian cities likening opposition figures to unsavoury characters from history or labeling them as traitors to Russia. It has yet to be determined who is behind the organization, and opposition figures are concerned over the attacks.[129][130]

In August 2015, the Kremlin summoned Khodorkovsky's father for questioning.[131] On 7 December 2015 Khodorkovsky received an official summons from the Russian Investigative Committee.[132]

Shuningdek qarang

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