Zo'ravonlik - Violence

Taxminiy nogironlik bo'yicha tuzatilgan hayot yillari jismoniy zo'ravonlikdan, 2002 yilda 100000 aholiga.^[1]

  Ma'lumot yo'q

  <200

  200–400

  400–600

  600–800

  800–1000

  1000–1200

  1200–1400

  1400–1600

  1600–1800

  1800–2000

  2000–3000

  >3000

Zo'ravonlik bu "shikast etkazish, suiiste'mol qilish, zarar etkazish yoki yo'q qilish uchun jismoniy kuch ishlatish".^[2] Kabi boshqa ta'riflardan ham foydalaniladi Jahon Sog'liqni saqlash tashkiloti zo'ravonlik ta'rifi "qasddan jismoniy kuch ishlatish yoki kuch, tahdid qildi^[3] yoki o'ziga, boshqa shaxsga yoki guruhga yoki jamoaga qarshi jarohat, o'lim, psixologik zarar, rivojlanish yoki mahrumlikka olib keladigan yoki olib kelishi ehtimoli yuqori bo'lgan ".^[4]

Xalqaro miqyosda zo'ravonlik, 2013 yildagi 1,28 million kishining o'limiga olib keldi, 1990 yildagi 1,13 milliondan.^[5] 2013 yilda vafot etganlarning taxminan 842000 nafari o'zlariga zarar etkazish bilan bog'liq (o'z joniga qasd qilish ), Shaxslararo zo'ravonlikka 405,000 va jamoaviy zo'ravonlikka 31,000 (urush ) va huquqiy aralashuv.^[5] Zo'ravonlik sababli har bir o'lim uchun o'nlab kasalxonaga yotqizish, yuzlab shoshilinch tibbiy yordam bo'limlariga tashrif buyurish va minglab shifokorlarni tayinlash kerak.^[6] Bundan tashqari, zo'ravonlik ko'pincha jismoniy va ruhiy salomatlik va ijtimoiy faoliyat uchun umrbod oqibatlarga olib keladi va iqtisodiy va ijtimoiy rivojlanishni sekinlashtirishi mumkin.

2013 yilda global miqyosda shaxslararo zo'ravonlik va tajovuz tufayli o'lim taxmin qilingan 405,000 o'lim qurol 180,000 o'limiga sabab bo'lgan, o'tkir narsaning hujumi 114,000 o'limiga, qolgan 110,000 boshqa sabablarga ko'ra o'limiga sabab bo'lgan.^[5]

Ko'p shakllarda zo'ravonlikning oldini olish mumkin. Kabi mamlakatda zo'ravonlik darajasi va o'zgarishi mumkin bo'lgan omillar o'rtasida kuchli bog'liqlik mavjud konsentratsiyalangan (mintaqaviy) qashshoqlik, daromad va gender tengsizligi, spirtli ichimliklarni zararli ishlatish va bolalar va ota-onalar o'rtasida xavfsiz, barqaror va tarbiyaviy munosabatlarning yo'qligi. Zo'ravonlikning asosiy sabablarini ko'rib chiqish strategiyasi zo'ravonlikning oldini olishda nisbatan samarali bo'lishi mumkin, ammo ruhiy va jismoniy salomatlik va individual munosabat, shaxsiyat va boshqalar har doim ushbu xatti-harakatlarning shakllanishida hal qiluvchi omil bo'lib kelgan.^[7]

Turlari

Zo'ravonlik tipologiyasi^[4]

Jahon sog'liqni saqlash tashkiloti zo'ravonlikni uchta keng toifaga ajratadi:^[4]

• o'zboshimchalik bilan zo'ravonlik
• shaxslararo zo'ravonlik
• jamoaviy zo'ravonlik

Ushbu dastlabki tasniflash odamning o'ziga nisbatan sodir etadigan zo'ravonlik, boshqa shaxs tomonidan yoki kichik bir guruh tomonidan qilingan zo'ravonlik va davlatlar, uyushgan siyosiy guruhlar, militsiya guruhlari va terroristik tashkilotlar kabi yirik guruhlar tomonidan qilingan zo'ravonlik o'rtasida farqlanadi.

Shu bilan bir qatorda, zo'ravonlik asosan qurolli yoki reaktiv / dushman deb tasniflanishi mumkin.^[8]

O'z-o'zini boshqaradigan zo'ravonlik

O'z-o'zini boshqarish zo'ravonligi o'z joniga qasd qilish xatti-harakatlariga bo'linadi o'z-o'zini suiiste'mol qilish. Birinchisi o'z ichiga oladi o'z joniga qasd qilish fikri, o'z joniga qasd qilishga urinish - deb ham nomlangan o'z joniga qasd qilish yoki qasddan o'z-o'ziga shikast etkazish ba'zi mamlakatlarda - va tugatilgan o'z joniga qasd qilish. O'z-o'zini suiiste'mol qilish, aksincha, kabi harakatlarni o'z ichiga oladi o'z-o'zini yaralash.

Kollektiv zo'ravonlik

Qirg'in ning Polsha davomida tinch aholi Politsiyani fashistlar tomonidan bosib olinishi, 1939

Boshqa ikkita keng toifadan farqli o'laroq, jamoaviy zo'ravonlikning kichik toifalari ko'proq shaxslar guruhlari yoki davlatlar tomonidan sodir etilgan zo'ravonlikning mumkin bo'lgan sabablarini taklif qiladi. Muayyan ijtimoiy kun tartibini ilgari surish uchun qilingan jamoaviy zo'ravonlik, masalan, uyushgan guruhlar tomonidan qilingan nafrat jinoyatlari, terroristik harakatlar va olomon zo'ravonligini o'z ichiga oladi. Siyosiy zo'ravonlikka urush va unga bog'liq zo'ravon to'qnashuvlar, davlat zo'ravonligi va shunga o'xshash katta guruhlar tomonidan amalga oshirilgan harakatlar kiradi. Iqtisodiy zo'ravonlik iqtisodiy daromadni keltirib chiqaradigan yirik guruhlarning hujumlarini o'z ichiga oladi - masalan, iqtisodiy faoliyatni buzish, muhim xizmatlardan foydalanishni rad etish yoki iqtisodiy bo'linish va bo'linishni yaratish maqsadida qilingan hujumlar. Shubhasiz, katta guruhlar tomonidan qilingan xatti-harakatlar bir nechta sabablarga ega bo'lishi mumkin.

Urush

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari M8 Greyhound Ikkinchi Jahon urushi paytida Parijdagi zirhli mashina

Urush - bu odatda hukumat homiyligida bo'lgan ikki yoki undan ortiq odamlar guruhini o'z ichiga olgan uzoq muddatli zo'ravon keng miqyosli mojaro holati. Bu kollektiv zo'ravonlikning eng ekstremal shakli.^[9]Urush, hududiy va boshqa nizolarni hal qilish vositasi sifatida kurashadi bosqinchilik urushi milliy ma'noda hududlarni bosib olish yoki boyliklarni talash o'zini himoya qilish yoki ozodlik yoki xalqning bir qismining urinishlarini bostirish ajralib chiqish undan. Shuningdek, mafkuraviy, diniy va inqilobiy urushlar.^[10]

Beri Sanoat inqilobi zamonaviy urushlarning o'lim darajasi oshdi. Birinchi jahon urushi talofatlar 40 milliondan oshgan va Ikkinchi jahon urushi qurbonlari 70 milliondan oshdi.

Shaxslararo zo'ravonlik

2012 yilda millionga to'g'ri keladigan shaxslararo zo'ravonlik tufayli o'lim

  0-8

  9-16

  17-24

  25-32

  33-54

  55-75

  76-96

  97-126

  127-226

  227-878

Shoul Dovudga hujum qiladi (Shoul o'zini yaxshi his qilishiga yordam beradigan musiqa chalayotgan), 1860 yil o'tin tomonidan Julius Schnorr von Karolsfeld

Shaxslararo zo'ravonlik ikkita kichik toifaga bo'linadi: Oila va yaqin sheriklarning zo'ravonligi - ya'ni zo'ravonlik asosan oila a'zolari va yaqin sheriklar o'rtasida, odatda, faqat uyda sodir bo'lmaydi. Jamiyatdagi zo'ravonlik - umuman uydan tashqarida sodir bo'ladigan va bir-birlarini bilishlari mumkin bo'lgan yoki bilmagan shaxslar o'rtasidagi zo'ravonlik. Oldingi guruhga zo'ravonlik shakllari kiradi bolalarga nisbatan zo'ravonlik, yaqin sherikning zo'ravonligi va qariyalarni suiiste'mol qilish. Ikkinchisiga yoshlar zo'ravonligi, tasodifiy zo'ravonlik harakatlari, zo'rlash yoki jinsiy tajovuz begona odamlar tomonidan, maktablar, ish joylari, qamoqxonalar va qariyalar uylari kabi institutsional sharoitlarda zo'ravonlik. Shaxslararo zo'ravonlik oilalarda ro'y berganda, uning psixologik oqibatlari ota-onalarga, bolalarga va ularning munosabatlariga qisqa muddatli va uzoq muddatli ta'sir ko'rsatishi mumkin.^[11]

Bolaga yomon munosabatda bo'lish

Bolalarga nisbatan yomon muomala - bu 18 yoshgacha bo'lgan bolalarga nisbatan zo'ravonlik va beparvolik. Bu jismoniy va / yoki ruhiy yomon munosabatning barcha turlarini o'z ichiga oladi, jinsiy zo'ravonlik, e'tiborsizlik, beparvolik tijorat yoki boshqa bolalar ekspluatatsiyasi, bu mas'uliyat, ishonch yoki kuch munosabatlari sharoitida bolaning sog'lig'iga, omon qolishiga, rivojlanishiga yoki qadr-qimmatiga haqiqiy yoki mumkin bo'lgan zararni keltirib chiqaradi. Shaxsiy sheriklarning zo'ravonligiga duchor bo'lish, ba'zida bolalarga nisbatan yomon munosabatning bir turi sifatida ham qo'shiladi.^[12]

Bolalarga nisbatan yomon muomala - bu butun umr davomida jiddiy oqibatlarga olib keladigan global muammo, ammo bu murakkab va o'rganish qiyin.^[13]

Bolalarga nisbatan yomon muomalaning tarqalishi bo'yicha ishonchli global taxminlar mavjud emas. Ko'pgina mamlakatlar, ayniqsa, kam va o'rta daromadli mamlakatlar uchun ma'lumotlar etishmayapti. Amaliy hisob-kitoblar mamlakatga va ishlatilgan tadqiqot uslubiga qarab juda farq qiladi. Taxminan ayollarning 20% ​​va erkaklarning 5-10% bolalari jinsiy zo'ravonlikka uchraganligini, barcha bolalarning 25-50% i jismoniy zo'ravonlik haqida xabar berishadi.^[4][14]

Bolalarning yomon muomalasi oqibatlariga umr bo'yi jismoniy va aqliy salomatligi, ijtimoiy va kasbiy faoliyati buzilganligi kiradi (masalan, maktab, ish va munosabatlardagi qiyinchiliklar). Bular oxir-oqibatda mamlakatning iqtisodiy va ijtimoiy rivojlanishini sekinlashtirishi mumkin.^[15][16] Boshlanishidan oldin bolaga nisbatan yomon muomalani oldini olish mumkin va ko'p tarmoqli yondashuvni talab qiladi. Effektiv profilaktika dasturlari ota-onalarni qo'llab-quvvatlaydi va ota-onalarning ijobiy ko'nikmalarini o'rgatadi. Doimiy ravishda bolalar va oilalarga g'amxo'rlik yomon munosabatning takrorlanish xavfini kamaytiradi va uning oqibatlarini minimallashtiradi.^[17][18]

Yoshlar zo'ravonligi

The Blokdan chiqqan bolalar yuzlab oddiy tosh bloklardan iborat yodgorlik, zo'ravonlikda o'ldirilgan har bir bola uchun bittadan Roseland, Chikago

Jahon sog'liqni saqlash tashkilotidan so'ng, yoshlar 10 yoshdan 29 yoshgacha bo'lgan odamlar deb ta'riflanadi. Yoshlar zo'ravonligi yoshlar o'rtasida sodir bo'lgan zo'ravonlikni anglatadi va o'z ichiga olgan harakatlarni o'z ichiga oladi bezorilik va jismoniy kurash, qotillikka nisbatan og'ir jinsiy va jismoniy tajovuz.^[19][20]

Dunyo bo'ylab har yili 10-29 yoshli yoshlar orasida 250 mingga yaqin qotillik sodir bo'ladi, bu har yili global miqyosdagi qotilliklarning 41 foizini tashkil qiladi ("Kasallikning global yuki", Jahon sog'liqni saqlash tashkiloti, 2008). Har bir o'ldirilgan yosh uchun kasalxonada davolanishni talab qiladigan 20-40 ta jarohatlar ko'proq.^[19] Yoshlarning zo'ravonligi insonning psixologik va ijtimoiy faoliyatiga jiddiy, ko'pincha umrbod ta'sir qiladi. Yoshlarning zo'ravonligi sog'liqni saqlash, ijtimoiy ta'minot va jinoiy adliya xizmatlari xarajatlarini sezilarli darajada oshiradi; samaradorlikni pasaytiradi; mulk qiymatini pasaytiradi; va umuman jamiyat tarkibiga putur etkazadi.^{[noaniq ]}

Yoshlar orasida zo'ravonlikni kamaytirish bo'yicha samarali yoki va'da qilingan profilaktika dasturlari hayotiy ko'nikmalar va bolalar va o'spirinlarga g'azabni boshqarish, nizolarni hal qilish va muammolarni hal qilish uchun zarur ijtimoiy ko'nikmalarni rivojlantirishga yordam berish uchun mo'ljallangan ijtimoiy rivojlanish dasturlarini o'z ichiga oladi; maktablarda bezorilikka qarshi profilaktika dasturlari; alkogol, noqonuniy giyohvand moddalar va qurollarga kirishni kamaytirish dasturlari.^[21] Shuningdek, yoshlarning zo'ravonlik holatiga mahalladagi sezilarli ta'sirini hisobga olgan holda, oilalarni kamroq kambag'al muhitga ko'chirishga oid tadbirlar umidvor natijalar berdi.^[22] Xuddi shunday, kabi shaharlarni yangilash loyihalari biznesni takomillashtirish tumanlari yoshlar zo'ravonligi kamayganligini ko'rsatdi.^[23]

Yoshlarning zo'ravonligi bo'yicha turli xil yoshlarga guvohlik berish yoki jismoniy, hissiy va jinsiy zo'ravonlik (masalan, jismoniy hujumlar, bezorilik, zo'rlash) va to'dalarni otish va talon-taroj qilish kabi zo'ravonlik harakatlar kiradi. 2018 yilda tadqiqotchilarning fikriga ko'ra "" Shaharlarda yashovchi bolalar va o'spirinlarning yarmidan ko'pi jamiyatda zo'ravonlikning ayrim turlarini boshdan kechirgan ". Zo'ravonlik "hammasi bir tom ostida, yoki ma'lum bir mahallada yoki mahallada sodir bo'lishi mumkin va bir vaqtning o'zida yoki hayotning turli bosqichlarida sodir bo'lishi mumkin."^[24] Yoshlarning zo'ravonligi, shaxs zo'ravonlikni qabul qilgan yoki uning guvohi bo'lganligidan qat'i nazar, darhol va uzoq muddatli salbiy ta'sirga ega.^[25]

Yoshlarning zo'ravonligi shaxslarga, ularning oilalariga va jamiyatga ta'sir qiladi. Jabrlanganlar umrbod jarohatlar olishlari mumkin, bu esa doimiy ravishda shifokor va kasalxonaga borishni anglatadi, bu xarajatlar tezda ko'payadi. Yoshlar va yoshlar o'rtasidagi zo'ravonlik qurbonlari jismoniy va / yoki ruhiy shikastlanishlari sababli maktabda yoki ishda qatnashish imkoniga ega bo'lmasliklari mumkinligi sababli, ko'pincha ularning oila a'zolari ularga g'amxo'rlik qilishlari, shu jumladan kunlik yashash xarajatlari va tibbiy to'lovlar. Ularning qo'riqchilari zo'ravonlik jabrdiydasiga yordam berish uchun ish joylaridan voz kechishlari yoki qisqartirilgan soatlarda ishlashlari mumkin. Bu jamiyat uchun yana bir yukni keltirib chiqaradi, chunki jabrlanuvchi va hatto ularning qaramog'idagi shaxslar o'zlarining hisob-kitoblarini to'lashda yordam berish uchun hukumatdan yordam olishlari kerak. Yaqinda o'tkazilgan tadqiqotlar shuni ko'rsatdiki, bolalik davridagi psixologik travma bolaning miyasini o'zgartirishi mumkin. "Travma miyaga va tanaga jismoniy ta'sir ko'rsatishi ma'lum, bu tashvish, g'azab va diqqatni jamlash qobiliyatiga olib keladi. Shuningdek, ular eslash, ishonish va munosabatlarni shakllantirishda muammolarga duch kelishi mumkin."^[26] Miya zo'ravonlikka o'rganib qolganligi sababli, u doimo hushyor holatda qolishi mumkin (jang yoki parvoz holatida qolish kabi). "Tadqiqotchilarning ta'kidlashicha, zo'ravonlikka uchragan yoshlar hissiy, ijtimoiy va kognitiv muammolarga duch kelishi mumkin. Ular his-tuyg'ularni boshqarish, maktabda e'tibor berish, do'stlaridan chetlashish yoki travmadan keyingi stress buzilishining alomatlarini ko'rsatishi mumkin."^[24]

Zo'ravonlikka uchragan yoshlar o'z tanalari qanday munosabatda bo'lishlarini tushunishlari kerak, shunda ular yuzaga kelishi mumkin bo'lgan qisqa va uzoq muddatli salbiy ta'sirlarga qarshi kurashish uchun ijobiy choralar ko'rishlari mumkin (masalan, zaif konsentratsiya, depressiya hissi, yuqori darajadagi tashvish). Ular boshdan kechirgan travma oqibatlarini yumshatish bo'yicha tezkor choralar ko'rish orqali salbiy oqibatlarni kamaytirish yoki yo'q qilish mumkin. Dastlabki qadam sifatida, yoshlar nima uchun o'zlarini qandaydir tarzda his qilishlarini tushunishlari kerak va zo'ravonlik qanday qilib salbiy his-tuyg'ularni keltirib chiqarishi va ularni boshqacha tutishiga olib kelishi mumkin. Ularning his-tuyg'ulari, tushunchalari va salbiy his-tuyg'ulari to'g'risida ko'proq ma'lumotga ega bo'lish - bu ular boshdan kechirgan travmadan xalos bo'lishning birinchi bosqichi. "Neuroscience tadqiqotlari shuni ko'rsatadiki, bizning his-tuyg'ularimizni o'zgartirishning yagona usuli bu ichki tajribamizdan xabardor bo'lish va o'zimizda sodir bo'layotgan narsalar bilan do'stlashishni o'rganishdir".^[27]

Yoshlar zo'ravonligiga duchor bo'lishning salbiy ta'siriga qarshi kurashish usullaridan biri bu turli xil ehtiyotkorlik va harakat harakatlarini sinash, chuqur nafas olish mashqlari va yoshlarga o'zlarining his-tuyg'ularini bo'shatishlariga imkon beradigan boshqa harakatlardir. Ushbu usullardan foydalanish tanadagi ongni o'rgatadi, tashvish va asabiylikni kamaytiradi, g'azab va bezovtalik hislarini kamaytiradi.^[28] Vaqt o'tishi bilan ushbu turdagi harakatlar zo'ravonlik qurboniga aylangan yoshlarning his-tuyg'ulari va xatti-harakatlari ustidan nazoratni kuchaytirishga va nosog'lom kurash usullaridan qochishga yordam beradi. Yoshlar zo'ravonligi qurbonlariga yordam berishning yana bir usuli - bu san'at. Bunga ularga rasm, rasm, musiqa va qo'shiq aytish bilan shug'ullanish imkoniyatini berish orqali erishish mumkin, bu ularga o'zlarini va his-tuyg'ularini ijobiy tarzda ifoda etish imkoniyatini beradi.^[29]

Zo'ravonlikni boshdan kechirgan yoshlar bir yoki bir nechta odam bilan yaqin aloqada bo'lishdan foyda ko'rishadi.^[27] Bu juda muhimdir, chunki travma qurbonlari o'zlarining dahshatli tajribalari haqida gaplashadigan va ular bilan gaplashadigan ishonchli va ishonchli odamlarga ega bo'lishlari kerak. Ba'zi yoshlar uyda kattalar raqamlariga ega emaslar yoki ular rahbarlik va tasalliga umid qilishlari mumkin. Yoshlarning zo'ravonligi keng tarqalgan yomon mahallalardagi maktablar har bir o'quvchiga doimiy ravishda rahbarlik qilishlari uchun maslahatchilar tayinlashlari kerak. Maslahat / terapiya mashg'ulotlari va dasturlaridan tashqari, maktablarga o'quvchilar ularga ijobiy ta'sir ko'rsatishi mumkin bo'lgan kattalar bilan muloqot qilishlari mumkin bo'lgan mentorlik dasturlarini taklif qilish tavsiya etilgan. Yana bir usul - har bir bolaga maktabda bo'lmagan vaqtlarida borishi uchun ijobiy va barqaror joyga ega bo'lishini ta'minlash uchun ko'proq mahalla dasturlarini yaratish. Hozirda ko'plab bolalar rasmiylarga yordam berish va yoshlar uchun xavfsiz muhitni ta'minlash, ayniqsa zo'ravonlik darajasi yuqori bo'lgan mahallalarda yashovchi rasmiy tashkilotlardan foydalanishdi. Bunga "Erkakka aylanish", "CeaseFire Illinoys", "Chikago hududi loyihasi", "Kichik qora marvarid" va "Rainbow House" kabi tashkilotlar kiradi.^[30] Ushbu dasturlar yoshlarga xavfsiz joy berish, zo'ravonlik sodir bo'lishini to'xtatish, zo'ravonlik tsiklini to'xtatish uchun maslahat berish va maslahat berish uchun yordam berish uchun ishlab chiqilgan. Agar yoshlarning darsdan keyin borish uchun xavfsiz joyi bo'lmasa, ular muammoga duch kelishlari, yomon baho olishlari, maktabni tark etishlari va giyohvand moddalar va spirtli ichimliklarni iste'mol qilishlari mumkin. Guruhlar hayotida ijobiy ta'sir ko'rsatmaydigan va himoyaga muhtoj yoshlarni izlashadi. Shuning uchun ushbu dasturlar yoshlar uchun ko'chaga chiqishdan ko'ra xavfsiz muhitga ega bo'lishi uchun juda muhimdir.^[31]

Shaxsiy sheriklarning zo'ravonligi

Myer-Henderson Hall qo'shma bazasi (JBM-HH) davra suhbati, raqamli ta'qiblar, yaqin sheriklarning zo'ravonligi bilan aloqalar

Shaxsiy sheriklarning zo'ravonligi jismoniy, jinsiy yoki psixologik zarar etkazadigan, shu jumladan jismoniy tajovuz, jinsiy majburlash, psixologik zo'ravonlik va nazorat qiluvchi xatti-harakatlarni keltirib chiqaradigan yaqin munosabatlardagi xatti-harakatlarni anglatadi.^[4]

Jabrlanganlarning xabarlari asosida aholi darajasida o'tkazilgan so'rovnomalar mojaro bo'lmagan sharoitda yaqin sheriklarning zo'ravonlik va jinsiy zo'ravonlik tarqalishining eng aniq bahosini beradi. Jahon sog'liqni saqlash tashkiloti tomonidan 10 ta rivojlanayotgan mamlakatda o'tkazilgan tadqiqot^[32] 15 yoshdan 49 yoshgacha bo'lgan ayollar orasida 15% (Yaponiya) va 70% (Efiopiya va Peru) ayollari yaqin sherigi tomonidan jismoniy va / yoki jinsiy zo'ravonlik haqida xabar berishgan.

Yaqin sherik va jinsiy zo'ravonlik jabrlanganlar va ularning farzandlari uchun qisqa, uzoq muddatli jismoniy, aqliy, jinsiy va reproduktiv salomatlik bilan bog'liq jiddiy muammolarga olib keladi va yuqori ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy xarajatlarga olib keladi. Bunga o'limga olib keladigan va o'limga olib kelmaydigan shikastlanishlar, depressiya va travmadan keyingi stress buzilishi, kutilmagan homiladorlik, jinsiy yo'l bilan yuqadigan infektsiyalar, shu jumladan OIV.^[33]

Shaxsiy yaqinlararo zo'ravonlikni amalga oshirish va boshdan kechirish bilan bog'liq omillar - bu ma'lumotlarning past darajasi, zo'ravonlik jinoyatchisi, jabrlanuvchi yoki ota-onaning zo'ravonligi guvohi sifatida zo'ravonlik, alkogol ichimliklarni zararli iste'mol qilish, zo'ravonlikni qabul qiladigan munosabat, shuningdek, oilaviy kelishmovchilik va norozilik. Faqatgina yaqin sheriklarning zo'ravonligini sodir etish bilan bog'liq bo'lgan omillar bir nechta sheriklarga ega va shaxsga qarshi ijtimoiy buzilish.

Yaqinda o'tkazilgan "Jinoyatchilik aylanishi" deb nomlangan nazariya sheriklar o'rtasida zo'ravonlikning kuchayishi bilan namoyon bo'ladigan o'zaro volan ta'sirini taklif qiladi.^[34] Zo'ravonlik bilan aylanish har qanday zo'ravonlikning boshqa shakllarida ham bo'lishi mumkin, ammo intim sheriklarning zo'ravonligida o'ziga xos vaziyat va yaqin munosabatlarning xususiyatlariga asoslanib o'zaro spin qo'shiladi.

Yaqin do'stlarning zo'ravonligi samaradorligi uchun eng yaxshi dalillarga ega bo'lgan asosiy profilaktika strategiyasi - bu o'spirinlar uchun tanishuv munosabatlaridagi zo'ravonlikning oldini olish uchun maktabga asoslangan dasturlash.^[35] Boshqa bir qator asosiy profilaktika strategiyalarining samaradorligi to'g'risida dalillar paydo bo'lmoqda - ular: mikromoliyalashtirishni gender tengligi bo'yicha trening bilan birlashtirish;^[36] jamoalar ichida aloqa va munosabatlar ko'nikmalarini rivojlantirish; spirtli ichimliklarni iste'mol qilishni kamaytirish va zararli foydalanish; va madaniy gender normalarini o'zgartirish.^[37]

Jinsiy zo'ravonlik

Jabrlanganlarning uchrashuvi Kongo Demokratik Respublikasida jinsiy zo'ravonlik.

Jinsiy zo'ravonlik - bu har qanday shaxs tomonidan, jabrlanuvchi bilan bo'lgan munosabatlaridan qat'i nazar, har qanday sharoitda har qanday shahvoniy harakatlar, jinsiy harakatlarni amalga oshirishga urinishlar, istalmagan jinsiy sharhlar yoki avanslar yoki transport vositalarining harakatlari yoki boshqa yo'l bilan odamning jinsiy hayotiga qarshi qaratilgan. Bu jinsiy olatni, boshqa tana qismlari yoki narsalar bilan vulva yoki anusning jismoniy yoki majburiy ravishda kirib borishi deb ta'riflangan zo'rlashni o'z ichiga oladi.^[38]

Jabrlanganlarning xabarlari asosida aholi darajasida o'tkazilgan so'rovlar shuni ko'rsatadiki, ayollarning 0,3–11,5% jinsiy zo'ravonlikni boshdan kechirgan.^[39] Jinsiy zo'ravonlik yaqinlar o'rtasidagi zo'ravonlik bo'limida aytib o'tilganidek, qurbonlar va ularning farzandlari uchun jismoniy, ruhiy, jinsiy va reproduktiv salomatlikka jiddiy va uzoq muddatli oqibatlarga olib keladi. Agar bolalik davrida jinsiy zo'ravonlik chekishni ko'payishiga olib kelishi mumkin,^[40] giyohvandlik va spirtli ichimliklarni suiiste'mol qilish va keyingi hayotda xavfli jinsiy xatti-harakatlar. Bu shuningdek, zo'ravonlik va zo'ravonlik qurboni bo'lish bilan bog'liq.

Jinsiy zo'ravonlik uchun ko'plab xavf omillari xuddi shunday oiladagi zo'ravonlik. Jinsiy zo'ravonlik uchun xavfli bo'lgan omillar orasida oilaning sha'ni va jinsiy pokligiga bo'lgan ishonch, erkaklar jinsiy huquqi mafkuralari va jinsiy zo'ravonlik uchun zaif huquqiy sanktsiyalar mavjud.

Jinsiy zo'ravonlikning oldini olishga qaratilgan bir nechta choralar samarali ekanligi isbotlangan. Bolalarga jinsiy zo'ravonlikning oldini olish bo'yicha maktabga asoslangan dasturlar, bolalarni jinsiy zo'ravonlik holatlarini tan olish va ulardan qochishga o'rgatish dunyoning ko'p qismlarida amalga oshiriladi va istiqbolli ko'rinadi, ammo qo'shimcha izlanishlarni talab qiladi. Doimiy o'zgarishlarga erishish uchun qonunchilikni qabul qilish va ayollarni himoya qiladigan siyosatni ishlab chiqish muhimdir; ayollarga nisbatan kamsitishlarga qarshi kurashish va gender tengligini ta'minlash; va madaniyatni zo'ravonlikdan uzoqlashtirishga yordam beradi.^[37]

Keksalarning yomon munosabati

Oqsoqollarning yomon muomalasi - bu keksa odamga zarar etkazadigan yoki qayg'uga sabab bo'ladigan ishonchni kutgan har qanday munosabatlarda yuzaga keladigan bitta yoki takroriy harakatlar yoki tegishli harakatlarning etishmasligi. Ushbu turdagi zo'ravonlik inson huquqlarini buzilishini anglatadi va o'z ichiga oladi jismoniy, jinsiy, psixologik, hissiy; moliyaviy va moddiy zo'ravonlik; tashlab ketish; e'tiborsizlik; va jiddiy yo'qotish qadr-qimmat va hurmat.^[4]

Keksa yoshdagi populyatsiyalarda, ayniqsa rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlarda yomon muomalaning darajasi to'g'risida ozgina ma'lumot mavjud bo'lsa-da, yuqori daromadli mamlakatlarda keksa odamlarning 4-6% uyda yomon muomalaga uchragan^[41][42] Biroq, keksa odamlar ko'pincha yomon munosabatda bo'lish holatlari to'g'risida oila a'zolariga, do'stlariga yoki rasmiylarga xabar berishdan qo'rqishadi. Kasalxonalar, qariyalar uylari va boshqa uzoq muddatli parvarishlash muassasalari kabi muassasalarda muammo darajasi to'g'risida ma'lumotlar kam. Keksalarning yomon munosabati jiddiy jismoniy shikastlanishlarga va uzoq muddatli psixologik oqibatlarga olib kelishi mumkin. Keksa yoshdagi odamlarga nisbatan yomon muomalalar ko'payishi taxmin qilinmoqda, chunki ko'plab mamlakatlar aholisi tez qariydi.

Oqsoqollarning yomon muomalasini oldini olish va unga qarshi choralar ko'rish va uning oqibatlarini yumshatish bo'yicha ko'plab strategiyalar amalga oshirildi, shu jumladan jamoatchilik va kasbiy xabardorlik kampaniyalari, skrining (potentsial qurbonlar va suiiste'molchilar), parvarish qiluvchilarni qo'llab-quvvatlash tadbirlari (masalan, stressni boshqarish, dam olish vaqtida parvarish qilish), kattalarni himoya qilish xizmatlari va o'z-o'ziga yordam guruhlari. Biroq, ularning samaradorligi hozirgacha yaxshi tasdiqlanmagan.^[43][44]

Maqsadli zo'ravonlik

Bir nechta noyob, ammo og'riqli epizodlar suiqasd, suiqasd qilishga urinish va maktabdagi otishmalar Qo'shma Shtatlardagi boshlang'ich, o'rta, o'rta maktablarda, shuningdek, kollej va universitetlarda bunday hujumlarni rejalashtirgan yoki amalga oshirgan shaxslarning xulq-atvori to'g'risida ko'plab tadqiqotlar olib borildi. Ushbu tadqiqotlar (1995-2002) mualliflari "maqsadli zo'ravonlik" deb nomlangan narsalarni o'rganib chiqdi, hujumlarni rejalashtirgan yoki amalga oshirganlarning "zo'ravonlik yo'li" ni tavsifladi va huquqni muhofaza qilish organlari va o'qituvchilar uchun takliflar berdi. Ushbu tadqiqot ishlarining muhim jihati shundan iboratki, maqsadli zo'ravonlik nafaqat "kutilmaganda paydo bo'ladi".^{[45][46][47][48][49][50]}

Kundalik zo'ravonlik

Antropologik tushuncha sifatida "kundalik zo'ravonlik" zo'ravonlikning turli shakllarini (asosan siyosiy zo'ravonlik) kundalik amaliyotga kiritishni nazarda tutishi mumkin.^[51][52][53] Lotin Amerikasi va Karib havzasi, dunyoda qotillik darajasi eng yuqori bo'lgan mintaqa,^[54] 2000 yildan 2017 yilgacha 2,5 milliondan ortiq qotillikni boshdan kechirgan.^[55]

Falsafiy istiqbollar

Ba'zi faylasuflar voqelikning har qanday talqini o'z-o'zidan zo'ravonlik deb ta'kidladilar.^[a] Slavoj Žižek uning kitobida Zo'ravonlik "zo'ravonlik narsa narsaning ramziy ma'nosidir" deb ta'kidladi. Dunyoning talqini tomonidan etkazilgan bu zarar, ma'lumki ontologik zo'ravonlik. Ontologik zo'ravonlik jismoniy zo'ravonlikdan ajralib turadi, chunki jismoniy zo'ravonlikdan qochish mumkin, ba'zi ontologik esa barcha bilimlarga xosdir.^[b]

Ikkalasi ham Fuko va Arendt o'rtasidagi munosabatni ko'rib chiqdi kuch zo'ravonlik va zo'ravonlik, ammo tegishli bo'lgan holda ular bir-biridan farq qiladi degan xulosaga kelishdi.^[56]:46

Yilda feministik falsafa, epistemik zo'ravonlik jaholat tufayli boshqalarning suhbatini anglay olmaslik tufayli zarar etkazish harakati. Ba'zi faylasuflar bu marginallashgan guruhlarga zarar etkazadi deb o'ylashadi.^[c]

Omillar

Zo'ravonlikni bitta omil bilan bog'lash mumkin emas. Uning sabablari murakkab va turli darajalarda yuzaga keladi. Ushbu murakkablikni aks ettirish uchun ekologik yoki ijtimoiy ekologik model tez-tez ishlatiladi. Zo'ravonlikni o'rganishda ekologik modelning quyidagi to'rt darajali versiyasi ko'pincha qo'llaniladi:

Birinchi daraja odamlarning o'zini tutishiga ta'sir ko'rsatadigan va zo'ravonlik qurboniga aylanish huquqini oshiradigan biologik va shaxsiy omillarni belgilaydi: demografik xususiyatlar (yoshi, ma'lumoti, daromadi), genetika, miyaning shikastlanishi, shaxsiyatning buzilishi, giyohvand moddalarni suiiste'mol qilish va tajriba, guvohlik berish yoki zo'ravonlik bilan shug'ullanish tarixi.^[58][59]

Ikkinchi daraja yaqin munosabatlarga, masalan, oila va do'stlar bilan bo'lgan munosabatlarga qaratilgan. Masalan, yoshlar zo'ravonligida, zo'ravonlik bilan shug'ullanadigan yoki uni rag'batlantiradigan do'stlaringiz bo'lishi, yosh odamning zo'ravonlik qurboni yoki ijrochisi bo'lish xavfini oshirishi mumkin. Yaqin sheriklarning zo'ravonligi uchun modelning ushbu darajasidagi izchil belgi - bu oilaviy ziddiyat yoki munosabatlardagi kelishmovchilik. Yilda oqsoqollarni suiiste'mol qilish, muhim omillar zo'ravonlik ko'rsatgan shaxs va parvarish qiluvchi o'rtasidagi o'tmishdagi munosabatlar tabiati tufayli stressdir.

Uchinchi daraja jamoat sharoitlarini, ya'ni maktablarni, ish joylarini va mahallalarni o'rganadi. Ushbu darajadagi xavfga mahalliy giyohvand moddalar savdosi mavjudligi, ijtimoiy tarmoqlarning yo'qligi va zich qashshoqlik kabi omillar ta'sir qilishi mumkin. Ushbu omillarning barchasi bir necha turdagi zo'ravonliklarda muhim ekanligi ko'rsatilgan.

Va nihoyat, to'rtinchi daraja zo'ravonlikni rag'batlantiradigan yoki to'sqinlik qiladigan muhitni yaratishga yordam beradigan keng ijtimoiy omillarni ko'rib chiqadi: jinoiy adliya tizimining javobgarligi, gender rollari yoki ota-ona va bola munosabatlari bo'yicha ijtimoiy va madaniy me'yorlar, daromadlar tengsizligi, ijtimoiy ta'minot tizimining kuchi, zo'ravonlikning ijtimoiy qabul qilinishi, qurol-yarog 'mavjudligi, ommaviy axborot vositalarida zo'ravonlikka duchor bo'lish va siyosiy beqarorlik.

Bola tarbiyasi

Bolalarni jismoniy jazolash va keyinchalik tajovuzkorlik o'rtasidagi bog'liqlikni ko'rsatadigan tadqiqotlar jismoniy jazoning tajovuzkorlikni ko'payishiga olib kelishini isbotlay olmaydi, ammo bir qator uzunlamasına tadqiqotlar jismoniy jazo tajribasi keyingi tajovuzkor xatti-harakatlarga bevosita sababchi ta'sir ko'rsatishini taxmin qilish.^[60] Madaniyatlararo tadqiqotlar shuni ko'rsatdiki, ko'proq tarqalishi jismoniy jazo bolalarning jamiyatdagi zo'ravonlikning yuqori darajasini taxmin qilishga moyil. Masalan, 2005 yildagi 186 tahlil sanoatgacha bo'lgan jamiyatlar jismoniy jazo ko'proq qotillik, tajovuz va urush darajasi yuqori bo'lgan jamiyatlarda keng tarqalganligini aniqladi.^[61] Qo'shma Shtatlarda, ichki jismoniy jazo keyinchalik oila a'zolari va turmush o'rtoqlariga qarshi zo'ravonlik harakatlari bilan bog'liq.^[62] Amerikalik oiladagi zo'ravonlik tadqiqotchisi Murray A. Straus intizomiy deb hisoblaydi urish "amerikalik oilalarda eng keng tarqalgan va muhim zo'ravonlik shaklini" shakllantiradi, ularning ta'siri bir qator muhim ijtimoiy muammolarga, shu jumladan keyinchalik oilaviy zo'ravonlik va jinoyatchilikka yordam beradi.^[63]

Psixologiya

Odamlarda zo'ravonlik xatti-harakatlarining sabablari ko'pincha tadqiqot mavzusidir psixologiya. Neyrobiolog Yan Vodka ta'kidlashicha, ushbu maqsadlar uchun "zo'ravonlik xatti-harakati boshqa odamga nisbatan ochiq va qasddan jismoniy tajovuzkor xatti-harakatlar deb ta'riflanadi".^[64]

Inson tabiati g'oyasiga asoslanib, olimlar zo'ravonlik odamlarga xos ekaniga qo'shiladilar. Tarixdan oldingi odamlar orasida zo'ravonlik va tinchlik uchun asosiy xususiyatlar sifatida qarama-qarshiliklar uchun arxeologik dalillar mavjud.^[65]

Zo'ravonlik idrok etish masalasi va o'lchovli hodisa bo'lgani uchun, psixologlar odamlar ba'zi jismoniy harakatlarni "zo'ravonlik" deb qabul qilishlarida o'zgaruvchanlikni aniqladilar. Masalan, ijro qonuniylashtirilgan jazo bo'lgan davlatda biz jallodni odatda "zo'ravonlik" deb qabul qilmaymiz, garchi biz zo'ravonlik bilan harakat qilayotgan davlat haqida ko'proq metafora bilan gaplashsak ham bo'ladi. Shunga o'xshab, zo'ravonlikni anglash tajovuzkor va jabrlanuvchining o'zaro munosabati bilan bog'liq: demak, psixologlar odamlar kuch ishlatishda zo'ravonlik deb tan olmasliklari mumkin, hatto ishlatilgan kuch miqdori dastlabki tajovuzga qaraganda ancha katta.^[66]

Zo'ravonlikni normallashtirish tushunchasi, ijtimoiy sanktsiyalangan yoki tizimli zo'ravonlik va bu zo'ravonlik xatti-harakatlarini tushunishga intilayotgan tadqiqotchilarga qiziqishni kuchaytiradigan mavzu. Bu tadqiqotchilar tomonidan uzoq vaqt muhokama qilingan sotsiologiya,^[67][68] tibbiy antropologiya,^[69][70] psixologiya,^[71] psixiatriya,^[72] falsafa,^[73] va bioarxeologiya.^[74][75]

Evolyutsion psixologiya kabi turli xil sharoitlarda inson zo'ravonligi uchun bir nechta tushuntirishlarni taklif qiladi odamlarda jinsiy rashk,^[76] bolalarga nisbatan zo'ravonlik,^[77] va qotillik.^[78] Gets (2010) odamlarning ko'plariga o'xshashligini ta'kidlaydi sutemizuvchi turlari va muayyan vaziyatlarda zo'ravonlik ishlatish. Uning yozishicha, "Buss va Shackelford (1997a) ota-bobolarimiz takroran duch kelgan ettita adaptiv muammolarni taklif qildilar, ular agressiya bilan hal qilinishi mumkin edi: boshqalarning resurslaridan birgalikda foydalanish, hujumdan himoya qilish, bir jinsli raqiblarga xarajatlar etkazish, maqom va ierarxiyalar bo'yicha muzokaralar olib borish. , raqiblarini kelajakdagi tajovuzlardan qaytarish, turmush o'rtog'ini xiyonat qilishdan saqlash va genetik jihatdan bog'liq bo'lmagan bolalarga sarflanadigan mablag'larni kamaytirish. "^[79]

Gyets buni eng ko'p yozadi qotillik aftidan zo'ravonlik va o'limga aylanib ketadigan, o'zaro bog'liq bo'lmagan erkaklar o'rtasidagi nisbatan ahamiyatsiz tortishuvlardan boshlanadi. Uning ta'kidlashicha, bunday to'qnashuvlar nisbatan o'xshash maqomga ega bo'lgan erkaklar o'rtasida maqom nizosi bo'lganida yuzaga keladi. Agar juda katta boshlang'ich maqomidagi farq bo'lsa, unda quyi maqomdagi shaxs odatda hech qanday qiyinchilik tug'dirmaydi va agar unga qarshi bo'lsa, yuqori darajadagi shaxs odatda past darajadagi shaxsni e'tiborsiz qoldiradi. Shu bilan birga, odamlar o'rtasidagi katta tengsizlik muhiti, pastda turganlar mavqega erishish uchun ko'proq zo'ravonlik ishlatishiga olib kelishi mumkin.^[79]

OAV

Ommaviy axborot vositalari va zo'ravonlik bo'yicha tadqiqotlar ommaviy axborot vositalarida zo'ravonlikni iste'mol qilish va undan keyingi tajovuzkor va zo'ravonlik xatti-harakatlari o'rtasidagi aloqalar mavjudligini tekshiradi. Garchi ba'zi olimlar ommaviy axborot vositalarida zo'ravonlik tajovuzni kuchaytirishi mumkin deb da'vo qilishgan bo'lsa-da,^[80] Ushbu qarash ilmiy jamoatchilikda ham tobora ko'proq shubha tug'dirmoqda^[81] va AQSh Oliy sudi tomonidan rad etilgan Jigarrang va EMA Avstraliya hukumati tomonidan (2010) video o'yinlardagi zo'ravonliklarni ko'rib chiqishda, zararli ta'sirga oid dalillarni xulosa qilishda eng yaxshi natijalar bo'lmagan va ba'zi olimlarning ritorikasi yaxshi ma'lumotlar bilan mos kelmagan.

Oldini olish

Jismoniy jazoning tahdidi va uni tatbiq etish tsivilizatsiya boshlanganidan beri ba'zi zo'ravonliklarning oldini olishning sinab ko'rilgan usuli hisoblanadi.^[82] Ko'pgina mamlakatlarda u turli darajalarda qo'llaniladi.

Shaxslararo zo'ravonlik

Tomonidan ilmiy adabiyotlarning sharhi Jahon Sog'liqni saqlash tashkiloti shaxslararo zo'ravonlikning oldini olish strategiyasining samaradorligi to'g'risida quyida keltirilgan ettita strategiyani samaradorlikning kuchli yoki yangi paydo bo'layotgan dalillari bilan qo'llab-quvvatlanganligini aniqladilar.^[83] Ushbu strategiyalar xavf omillarini ekologik modelning barcha to'rt darajalariga yo'naltiradi.

Bolalar va tarbiyachilar o'rtasidagi munosabatlar

Bolalarga nisbatan yomon muomalani oldini olish va bolalikdagi tajovuzkorlikni kamaytirishga qaratilgan eng samarali dasturlar qatoriga hamshiralar oilaviy sherikligi uyiga tashrif buyurish dasturi kiradi.^[84] va Uch kishilik P (Ota-onalar uchun dastur).^[85] Shuningdek, ushbu dasturlarning o'spirinlik va erta voyaga etmaganlik davrida sudlanganlik va zo'ravonlik harakatlarini kamaytirishi va keyinchalik hayotda yaqin sheriklarning zo'ravonligi va o'zboshimchalik bilan zo'ravonlikni kamaytirishga yordam beradigan yangi dalillar mavjud.^[86][87]

Yoshlikdagi hayotiy ko'nikmalar

Dalillar shuni ko'rsatadiki hayotiy ko'nikmalar Ijtimoiy rivojlanish dasturlarida qo'lga kiritilganlar zo'ravonlikdagi ishtirokni kamaytirishi, ijtimoiy ko'nikmalarini oshirishi, ta'limdagi yutuqlarni oshirishi va ish istiqbollarini yaxshilashi mumkin. Hayotiy ko'nikmalar bolalar va o'spirinlarga kundalik hayot muammolarini samarali hal qilishga yordam beradigan ijtimoiy, hissiy va xulq-atvor qobiliyatlarini anglatadi.

Jinsiy tenglik

Baholash bo'yicha tadqiqotlar oldini olishga qaratilgan jamoat tadbirlarini qo'llab-quvvatlay boshlaydi ayollarga nisbatan zo'ravonlik targ'ib qilish orqali jinsiy tenglik. Masalan, dalillar shuni ko'rsatadiki, mikromoliyalashtirishni gender tengligi bo'yicha o'qitish bilan birlashtirgan dasturlar sheriklarning yaqin zo'ravonligini kamaytirishi mumkin.^[88][89] Maktabga asoslangan dasturlar, masalan, Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlaridagi Xavfsiz kunlar dasturi^[90][91] va Kanadadagi Yoshlar bilan Aloqalar Loyihasi^[92] tanishishdagi zo'ravonlikni kamaytirish uchun samarali ekanligi aniqlandi.

Madaniy me'yorlar

Madaniy yoki ijtimoiy guruhdagi xatti-harakatlar qoidalari yoki talablari - me'yorlar zo'ravonlikni rag'batlantirishi mumkin. Madaniy va ijtimoiy normalar zo'ravonlikni qo'llab-quvvatlash zo'ravonlik harakatlarining oldini olishi mumkin va keng qo'llanilgan, ammo hozirgi kunda ularning samaradorligi uchun dalillar bazasi zaif. Tadbirlarning samaradorligi zo'ravonlik bilan tanishish va jinsiy zo'ravonlik o'spirinlar va yoshlar orasida jinsga oid ijtimoiy va madaniy me'yorlarni tanqid qilish ba'zi dalillar bilan tasdiqlangan.^[93][94]

Dasturlarni qo'llab-quvvatlash

Shaxslararo zo'ravonlik qurbonlarini aniqlash va samarali yordam va qo'llab-quvvatlashga qaratilgan tadbirlar sog'liqni saqlash va zo'ravonlik davrlarini avloddan avlodga uzish uchun juda muhimdir. Samaradorlik dalillari paydo bo'ladigan misollarga quyidagilar kiradi: yaqin sheriklarning zo'ravonligi qurbonlarini aniqlash va ularni tegishli xizmatlarga yo'naltirish uchun skrining vositalari;^[95] zo'ravonlik bilan bog'liq ruhiy salomatlik muammolarini, shu jumladan travmadan keyingi stress buzilishini kamaytirish uchun psixososial aralashuvlar - masalan, travmaya yo'naltirilgan kognitiv xulq-atvor terapiyasi;^[96] va jinoyat sodir etgan shaxsning jabrlanuvchi bilan bog'lanishini taqiqlovchi himoya buyruqlari,^[97][98] yaqin sheriklarning zo'ravonligi qurbonlari orasida takroriy qurbonlikni kamaytirish.

Kollektiv zo'ravonlik

Kollektiv zo'ravonlikning oldini olish bo'yicha tadbirlar samaradorligi to'g'risida ilmiy dalillar etishmasligi ajablanarli emas.^[99] Biroq, osonlashtiradigan siyosat qashshoqlikning kamayishi, bu qiladi Qaror qabul qilish more accountable, that reduce inequalities between groups, as well as policies that reduce access to biological, chemical, nuclear and other weapons have been recommended. When planning responses to violent conflicts, recommended approaches include assessing at an early stage who is most vulnerable and what their needs are, co-ordination of activities between various players and working towards global, national and local capabilities so as to deliver effective health services during the various stages of an emergency.^[100]

Jinoyat odil sudlovi

One of the main functions of qonun is to regulate violence.^[101] Sotsiolog Maks Veber stated that the state claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of force practised within the confines of a specific territory. Qonun enforcement is the main means of regulating nonmilitary violence in society. Governments regulate the use of violence through huquqiy tizimlar governing individuals and political authorities, including the politsiya va harbiy. Civil societies authorize some amount of violence, exercised through the politsiya kuchi, to maintain the status quo and enforce laws.

However, German political theorist Xanna Arendt noted: "Violence can be justifiable, but it never will be legitimate ... Its justification loses in plausibility the farther its intended end recedes into the future. No one questions the use of violence in self-defence, because the danger is not only clear but also present, and the end justifying the means is immediate".^[102] Arendt made a clear distinction between violence and power. Most political theorists regarded violence as an extreme manifestation of power whereas Arendt regarded the two concepts as opposites.^[103]In the 20th century in acts of demokratiya governments may have killed more than 260 million of their own people through politsiya shafqatsizligi, ijro, qirg'in, slave labour camps, and sometimes through intentional ochlik.^[104][105]

Violent acts that are not carried out by the military or police and that are not in o'zini himoya qilish odatda quyidagicha tasniflanadi jinoyatlar, although not all crimes are zo'ravonlik bilan bog'liq jinoyatlar. Damage to property is classified as violent crime in some jurisdictions but not in all.^{[iqtibos kerak ]} The Federal tergov byurosi (FBI) classifies violence resulting in qotillik ichiga criminal homicide va haqli qotillik (e.g. self-defense).^[106]

The criminal justice approach sees its main task as enforcing laws that proscribe violence and ensuring that "justice is done". The notions of individual blame, responsibility, guilt, and culpability are central to criminal justice's approach to violence and one of the criminal justice system's main tasks is to "do justice", i.e. to ensure that offenders are properly identified, that the degree of their guilt is as accurately ascertained as possible, and that they are punished appropriately. To prevent and respond to violence, the criminal justice approach relies primarily on deterrence, incarceration and the punishment and rehabilitation of perpetrators.^[107]

The criminal justice approach, beyond justice and punishment, has traditionally emphasized indicated interventions, aimed at those who have already been involved in violence, either as victims or as perpetrators. One of the main reasons offenders are arrested, prosecuted, and convicted is to prevent further crimes – through deterrence (threatening potential offenders with criminal sanctions if they commit crimes), incapacitation (physically preventing offenders from committing further crimes by locking them up) and through rehabilitation (using time spent under state supervision to develop skills or change one's psychological make-up to reduce the likelihood of future offences).^[108]

In recent decades in many countries in the world, the criminal justice system has taken an increasing interest in preventing violence before it occurs. For instance, much of community and problem-oriented policing aims to reduce crime and violence by altering the conditions that foster it – and not to increase the number of arrests. Indeed, some police leaders have gone so far as to say the police should primarily be a crime prevention agency.^[109] Juvenile justice systems – an important component of criminal justice systems – are largely based on the belief in rehabilitation and prevention. In the US, the criminal justice system has, for instance, funded school- and community-based initiatives to reduce children's access to guns and teach conflict resolution. In 1974, the US Department of Justice assumed primary responsibility for delinquency prevention programmes and created the Office of Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention, which has supported the "Blueprints for violence prevention" programme at the Kolorado universiteti Boulder.^[110]

Aholi salomatligi

The public health approach is a science-driven, population-based, interdisciplinary, intersectoral approach based on the ecological model which emphasizes primary prevention.^[4] Rather than focusing on individuals, the public health approach aims to provide the maximum benefit for the largest number of people, and to extend better care and safety to entire populations. The public health approach is interdisciplinary, drawing upon knowledge from many disciplines including medicine, epidemiology, sociology, psychology, criminology, education and economics. Because all forms of violence are multi-faceted problems, the public health approach emphasizes a multi-sectoral response. It has been proved time and again that cooperative efforts from such diverse sectors as health, education, social welfare, and criminal justice are often necessary to solve what are usually assumed to be purely "criminal" or "medical" problems. The public health approach considers that violence, rather than being the result of any single factor, is the outcome of multiple risk factors and causes, interacting at four levels of a nested hierarchy (individual, close relationship/family, community and wider society) of the Ijtimoiy ekologik model.

From a public health perspective, prevention strategies can be classified into three types:

• Primary prevention – approaches that aim to prevent violence before it occurs.
• Secondary prevention – approaches that focus on the more immediate responses to violence, such as pre-hospital care, emergency services or treatment for sexually transmitted infections following a rape.
• Tertiary prevention – approaches that focus on long-term care in the wake of violence, such as rehabilitation and reintegration, and attempt to lessen trauma or reduce long-term disability associated with violence.

A public health approach emphasizes the primary prevention of violence, i.e. stopping them from occurring in the first place. Until recently, this approach has been relatively neglected in the field, with the majority of resources directed towards secondary or tertiary prevention. Perhaps the most critical element of a public health approach to prevention is the ability to identify underlying causes rather than focusing upon more visible "symptoms". This allows for the development and testing of effective approaches to address the underlying causes and so improve health.

The public health approach is an evidence-based and systematic process involving the following four steps:

1. Defining the problem conceptually and numerically, using statistics that accurately describe the nature and scale of violence, the characteristics of those most affected, the geographical distribution of incidents, and the consequences of exposure to such violence.
2. Investigating why the problem occurs by determining its causes and correlates, the factors that increase or decrease the risk of its occurrence (risk and protective factors) and the factors that might be modifiable through intervention.
3. Exploring ways to prevent the problem by using the above information and designing, monitoring and rigorously assessing the effectiveness of programmes through outcome evaluations.
4. Disseminating information on the effectiveness of programmes and increasing the scale of proven effective programmes. Approaches to prevent violence, whether targeted at individuals or entire communities, must be properly evaluated for their effectiveness and the results shared. This step also includes adapting programmes to local contexts and subjecting them to rigorous re-evaluation to ensure their effectiveness in the new setting.

In many countries, violence prevention is still a new or emerging field in public health. The public health community has started only recently to realize the contributions it can make to reducing violence and mitigating its consequences. In 1949, Gordon called for injury prevention efforts to be based on the understanding of causes, in a similar way to prevention efforts for communicable and other diseases.^[111] In 1962, Gomez, referring to the WHO definition of health, stated that it is obvious that violence does not contribute to "extending life" or to a "complete state of well-being". He defined violence as an issue that public health experts needed to address and stated that it should not be the primary domain of lawyers, military personnel, or politicians.^[112]

However, it is only in the last 30 years that public health has begun to address violence, and only in the last fifteen has it done so at the global level.^[113] This is a much shorter period of time than public health has been tackling other health problems of comparable magnitude and with similarly severe lifelong consequences.

The global public health response to interpersonal violence began in earnest in the mid-1990s. In 1996, the World Health Assembly adopted Resolution WHA49.25^[114] which declared violence "a leading worldwide public health problem" and requested that the World Health Organization (WHO) initiate public health activities to (1) document and characterize the burden of violence, (2) assess the effectiveness of programmes, with particular attention to women and children and community-based initiatives, and (3) promote activities to tackle the problem at the international and national levels. The World Health Organization's initial response to this resolution was to create the Department of Violence and Injury Prevention and Disability and to publish the World report on violence and health (2002).^[4]

The case for the public health sector addressing interpersonal violence rests on four main arguments.^[115] First, the significant amount of time health care professionals dedicate to caring for victims and perpetrators of violence has made them familiar with the problem and has led many, particularly in emergency departments, to mobilize to address it. The information, resources, and infrastructures the health care sector has at its disposal are an important asset for research and prevention work. Second, the magnitude of the problem and its potentially severe lifelong consequences and high costs to individuals and wider society call for population-level interventions typical of the public health approach. Third, the criminal justice approach, the other main approach to addressing violence (link to entry above), has traditionally been more geared towards violence that occurs between male youths and adults in the street and other public places – which makes up the bulk of homicides in most countries – than towards violence occurring in private settings such as child maltreatment, intimate partner violence and elder abuse – which makes up the largest share of non-fatal violence. Fourth, evidence is beginning to accumulate that a science-based public health approach is effective at preventing interpersonal violence.

Inson huquqlari

Bahrayn 's pro-democracy protesters killed by military, February 2011

The inson huquqlari approach is based on the obligations of states to respect, protect and fulfill human rights and therefore to prevent, eradicate and punish violence. It recognizes violence as a violation of many human rights: the rights to life, liberty, muxtoriyat and security of the person; the rights to equality and non-discrimination; the rights to be free from torture and cruel, g'ayriinsoniy va qadr-qimmatni kamsituvchi munosabat or punishment; huquqi maxfiylik; va right to the highest attainable standard of health. These human rights are enshrined in international and regional treaties and national constitutions and laws, which stipulate the obligations of states, and include mechanisms to hold states accountable. The Ayollarga nisbatan kamsitilishning barcha turlarini yo'q qilish to'g'risidagi konventsiya, for example, requires that countries party to the Convention take all appropriate steps to end violence against women. The Bola huquqlari to'g'risidagi konventsiya in its Article 19 states that States Parties shall take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including jinsiy zo'ravonlik, while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child.

Geografik kontekst

Violence, as defined in the dictionary of human geography, "appears whenever power is in jeopardy" and "in and of itself stands emptied of strength and purpose: it is part of a larger matrix of socio-political power struggles".^[116] Violence can be broadly divided into three broad categories – direct violence, structural violence and cultural violence.^[116] Thus defined and delineated, it is of note, as Hyndman says, that "geography came late to theorizing violence"^[116] in comparison to other social sciences. Social and human geography, rooted in the gumanist, Marksistik va feministik subfields that emerged following the early positivist approaches and subsequent behavioral turn, have long been concerned with social and spatial justice.^[117]Along with critical geographers and political geographers, it is these groupings of geographers that most often interact with violence. Keeping this idea of social/spatial justice via geography in mind, it is worthwhile to look at geographical approaches to violence in the context of politics.

Derek Gregory and Alan Pred assembled the influential edited collection Violent Geographies: Fear, Terror, and Political Violence, which demonstrates how place, space, and landscape are foremost factors in the real and imagined practices of organized violence both historically and in the present.^[118] Evidently, political violence often gives a part for the state to play. When "modern states not only claim a monopoly of the legitimate means of violence; they also routinely use the threat of violence to enforce the rule of law",^[116] the law not only becomes a form of violence but is violence.^[116] Faylasuf Giorgio Agamben 's concepts of istisno holati va homo sacer are useful to consider within a geography of violence. The state, in the grip of a perceived, potential crisis (whether legitimate or not) takes preventative legal measures, such as a suspension of rights (it is in this climate, as Agamben demonstrates, that the formation of the Social Democratic and Nazi government's lager or concentration camp can occur). However, when this "in limbo" reality is designed to be in place "until further notice…the state of exception thus ceases to be referred to as an external and provisional state of factual danger and comes to be confused with juridical rule itself".^[119] For Agamben, the physical space of the camp "is a piece of land placed outside the normal juridical order, but it is nevertheless not simply an external space".^[119] At the scale of the body, in the state of exception, a person is so removed from their rights by "juridical procedures and deployments of power"^[119] that "no act committed against them could appear any longer as a crime";^[119] in other words, people become only homo sacer. Guantanamo qamoqxonasi could also be said to represent the physicality of the state of exception in space, and can just as easily draw man as homo sacer.

In the 1970s, genocides in Cambodia under the Kxmer-ruj va Pol Pot resulted in the deaths of over two million Cambodians (which was 25% of the Cambodian population), forming one of the many contemporary examples of state-sponsored violence.^[120] About fourteen thousand of these murders occurred at Choeung Ek, which is the best-known of the extermination camps referred to as the Maydonlarni o'ldirish.^[120] The killings were arbitrary; for example, a person could be killed for wearing glasses, since that was seen as associating them with intellectuals and therefore as making them part of the enemy. People were murdered with impunity because it was no crime; Cambodians were made homo sacer in a condition of bare life. The Killing Fields—manifestations of Agamben's concept of camps beyond the normal rule of law—featured the state of exception. As part of Pol Pot's "ideological intent…to create a purely agrarian society or cooperative",^[120] he "dismantled the country's existing economic infrastructure and depopulated every urban area".^[120] Forced movement, such as this forced movement applied by Pol Pot, is a clear display of structural violence. When "symbols of Cambodian society were equally disrupted, social institutions of every kind…were purged or torn down",^[120] cultural violence (defined as when "any aspect of culture such as language, religion, ideology, art, or cosmology is used to legitimize direct or structural violence"^[116]) is added to the structural violence of forced movement and to the direct violence, such as murder, at the Killing Fields. Vietnam eventually intervened and the genocide officially ended. However, ten million landmines left by opposing guerillas in the 1970s^[120] continue to create a violent landscape in Cambodia.

Human geography, though coming late to the theorizing table, has tackled violence through many lenses, including anarchist geography, feminist geography, Marxist geography, political geography, and critical geography. Biroq, Adriana Cavarero notes that, "as violence spreads and assumes unheard-of forms, it becomes difficult to name in contemporary language".^[121] Cavarero proposes that, in facing such a truth, it is prudent to reconsider violence as "horrorism"; that is, "as though ideally all the…victims, instead of their killers, ought to determine the name".^[121] With geography often adding the forgotten spatial aspect to theories of social science, rather than creating them solely within the discipline, it seems that the self-reflexive contemporary geography of today may have an extremely important place in this current (re)imaging of violence, exemplified by Cavarero.^{[tushuntirish kerak ]}

Epidemiologiya

A sign that calls to stop violence

As of 2010, all forms of violence resulted in about 1.34 million deaths up from about 1 million in 1990.^[122] O'z joniga qasd qilish accounts for about 883,000, interpersonal violence for 456,000 and collective violence for 18,000.^[122] Deaths due to collective violence have decreased from 64,000 in 1990.^[122]

By way of comparison, the 1.5 millions deaths a year due to violence is greater than the number of deaths due to tuberculosis (1.34 million), road traffic injuries (1.21 million), and malaria (830'000), but slightly less than the number of people who die from HIV/AIDS (1.77 million).^[123]

For every death due to violence, there are numerous nonfatal injuries. In 2008, over 16 million cases of non-fatal violence-related injuries were severe enough to require medical attention. Beyond deaths and injuries, forms of violence such as child maltreatment, intimate partner violence, and elder maltreatment have been found to be highly prevalent.

Self-directed violence

In the last 45 years, suicide rates have increased by 60% worldwide.^{[iqtibos kerak ]} Suicide is among the three leading causes of death among those aged 15–44 years in some countries, and the second leading cause of death in the 10–24 years age group.^[124] These figures do not include suicide attempts which are up to 20 times more frequent than completed suicide.^{[iqtibos kerak ]} Suicide was the 16th leading cause of death worldwide in 2004 and is projected to increase to the 12th in 2030.^[125] Although suicide rates have traditionally been highest among the male elderly, rates among young people have been increasing to such an extent that they are now the group at highest risk in a third of countries, in both developed and developing countries.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Interpersonal violence

Rates and patterns of violent death vary by country and region. In recent years, homicide rates have been highest in developing countries in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America and the Caribbean and lowest in East Asia, the western Pacific, and some countries in northern Africa.^[126] Studies show a strong, inverse relationship between homicide rates and both economic development and economic equality. Poorer countries, especially those with large gaps between the rich and the poor, tend to have higher rates of homicide than wealthier countries. Homicide rates differ markedly by age and sex. Gender differences are least marked for children. For the 15 to 29 age group, male rates were nearly six times those for female rates; for the remaining age groups, male rates were from two to four times those for females.^[127]

Studies in a number of countries show that, for every homicide among young people age 10 to 24, 20 to 40 other young people receive hospital treatment for a violent injury.^[4]

Forms of violence such as child maltreatment and intimate partner violence are highly prevalent. Approximately 20% of women and 5–10% of men report being sexually abused as children, while 25–50% of all children report being physically abused.^[128] A WHO multi-country study found that between 15–71% of women reported experiencing physical and/or sexual violence by an intimate partner at some point in their lives.^[129]

Collective violence

Wars grab headlines, but the individual risk of dying violently in an armed conflict is today relatively low—much lower than the risk of violent death in many countries that are not suffering from an armed conflict. For example, between 1976 and 2008, Afroamerikaliklar were victims of 329,825 homicides.^[130][131] Although there is a widespread perception that war is the most dangerous form of armed violence in the world, the average person living in a conflict-affected country had a risk of dying violently in the conflict of about 2.0 per 100,000 population between 2004 and 2007. This can be compared to the average world homicide rate of 7.6 per 100,000 people. This illustration highlights the value of accounting for all forms of armed violence rather than an exclusive focus on conflict related violence. Certainly, there are huge variations in the risk of dying from armed conflict at the national and subnational level, and the risk of dying violently in a conflict in specific countries remains extremely high. In Iraq, for example, the direct conflict death rate for 2004–07 was 65 per 100,000 people per year and, in Somalia, 24 per 100,000 people. This rate even reached peaks of 91 per 100,000 in Iraq in 2006 and 74 per 100,000 in Somalia in 2007.^[132]

Tarix

Scientific evidence for warfare has come from settled, sedentary communities.^[133] Some scholars argue humans may have a predisposition for violence (chimpanzees, also great apes, have been known to kill members of competing groups for resources like food),^[133] placing the origins of organized violence prior to modern settled societies.^[134][133] However, actual evidence suggests that organized, large-scale, militaristic, or regular human-on-human violence was absent for the vast majority of the human timeline,^{[135][136][137]} and is first documented to have started only relatively recently in the Golotsen, an epoch that began about 11,700 years ago, probably with the advent of higher population densities due to sedentizm.^[136] Ijtimoiy antropolog Douglas P. Fry writes that scholars are divided on the origins of this greater degree of violence—in other words, war-like behavior:

There are basically two schools of thought on this issue. One holds that warfare... goes back at least to the time of the first thoroughly modern humans and even before then to the primate ancestors of the hominid lineage. The second positions on the origins of warfare sees war as much less common in the cultural and biological evolution of humans. Here, warfare is a latecomer on the cultural horizon, only arising in very specific material circumstances and being quite rare in human history until the development of agriculture in the past 10,000 years.^[138]

Jared Diamond in his books Qurollar, mikroblar va po'latdir va Uchinchi shimpanze posits that the rise of large-scale warfare is the result of advances in technology and city-states. For instance, the rise of agriculture provided a significant increase in the number of individuals that a region could sustain over hunter-gatherer societies, allowing for development of specialized classes such as soldiers, or weapons manufacturers.

The percentages of men killed in war in eight tribal societies. (Lawrence H. Keeley, Archeologist, War Before Civilization )

In academia, the idea of the peaceful pre-history and non-violent tribal societies gained popularity with the post-colonial perspective. The trend, starting in arxeologiya and spreading to antropologiya reached its height in the late half of the 20th century.^[139] However, some newer research in archaeology and bioarxeologiya may provide evidence that violence within and among groups is not a recent phenomenon.^{[140][ishonchli manba? ]} According to the book "The Bioarchaeology of Violence" violence is a behavior that is found throughout human history.^[141]

Lawrence H. Keeley at the University of Illinois writes in War Before Civilization that 87% of qabila jamiyatlari were at war more than once per year, and that 65% of them were fighting continuously. He writes that the attrition rate of numerous close-quarter clashes, which characterize endemik urush, produces casualty rates of up to 60%, compared to 1% of the combatants as is typical in modern warfare. "Primitive Warfare" of these small groups or tribes was driven by the basic need for sustenance and violent competition.^[142]

Fry explores Keeley's argument in depth and counters that such sources erroneously focus on the ethnography of hunters and gatherers in the present, whose culture and values have been infiltrated externally by modern civilization, rather than the actual archaeological record spanning some two million years of human existence. Fry determines that all present ethnographically studied tribal societies, "by the very fact of having been described and published by anthropologists, have been irrevocably impacted by history and modern colonial nation states" and that "many have been affected by state societies for at least 5000 years."^[143]

The relatively peaceful period since Ikkinchi jahon urushi nomi bilan tanilgan Uzoq tinchlik.

The Better Angels of Our Nature

Stiven Pinker 's 2011 book, The Better Angels of Our Nature, argued that modern society is less violent than in periods of the past, whether on the short scale of decades or long scale of centuries or millennia.

Steven Pinker argues that by every possible measure, every type of violence has drastically decreased since ancient and medieval times. A few centuries ago, for example, genotsid was a standard practice in all kinds of warfare and was so common that historians did not even bother to mention it. Kannibalizm va qullik have been greatly reduced in the last thousand years, and o'lim jazosi is now banned in many countries. According to Pinker, rape, murder, warfare and animal cruelty have all seen drastic declines in the 20th century.^[144] Pinker's analyses have also been criticized, concerning the statistical question of how to measure violence and whether it is in fact declining.^{[145][146][147]}

Pinker's observation of the decline in interpersonal violence echoes the work of Norbert Elias, who attributes the decline to a "civilizing process", in which the state's monopolization of violence, the maintenance of socioeconomic interdependencies or "figurations", and the maintenance of behavioural codes in culture all contribute to the development of individual sensibilities, which increase the repugnance of individuals towards violent acts.^[148] According to a 2010 study, non-lethal violence, such as assaults or bullying appear to be declining as well.^[149]

Some scholars disagree with the argument that all violence is decreasing arguing that not all types of violent behaviour are lower now than in the past. They suggest that research typically focuses on lethal violence, often looks at qotillik rates of death due to urush, but ignore the less obvious forms of violence.^[150]

Jamiyat va madaniyat

A sculpture in Petah Tikva, Israel of a padlock on the warped barrel of a yarim avtomatik avtomat, with the inscription "stop violence!" ichida (Ibroniycha: !די לאלימות‎)

Beyond deaths and injuries, highly prevalent forms of violence (such as child maltreatment and intimate partner violence) have serious lifelong non-injury health consequences. Victims may engage in high-risk behaviours such as alcohol and substance misuse and smoking, which in turn can contribute to cardiovascular disorders, cancers, depression, diabetes and HIV/AIDS, resulting in premature death.^[151] The balances of prevention, mitigation, mediation and exacerbation are complex, and vary with the underpinnings of violence.

Iqtisodiy ta'sir

In countries with high levels of violence, economic growth can be slowed down, personal and collective security eroded, and social development impeded. Families edging out of poverty and investing in schooling their sons and daughters can be ruined through the violent death or severe disability of the main breadwinner. Communities can be caught in poverty traps where pervasive violence and deprivation form a vicious circle that stifles economic growth. For societies, meeting the direct costs of health, criminal justice, and social welfare responses to violence diverts many billions of dollars from more constructive societal spending. The much larger indirect costs of violence due to lost productivity and lost investment in education work together to slow economic development, increase socioeconomic inequality, and erode human and social capital.

Additionally, communities with high level of violence do not provide the level of stability and predictability vital for a prospering business economy. Individuals will be less likely to invest money and effort towards growth in such unstable and violent conditions. One of the possible proves might be the study of Baten and Gust that used “regitsid ” as measurement unit to approximate the influence of interpersonal violence and depict the influence of high interpersonal violence kuni iqtisodiy rivojlanish and level of investitsiyalar. The results of the research prove the o'zaro bog'liqlik ning inson kapitali and the interpersonal violence.^[152]

2016 yilda Iqtisodiyot va tinchlik instituti, ozod qildi Economic Value of Peace report, which estimates the economic impact of violence and conflict on the global economy, the total economic impact of violence on the world economy in 2015 was estimated to be $13.6 trillion^[153] yilda sotib olish qobiliyati pariteti shartlar.

Din va siyosat

Toliblar beating woman in public

The Avliyo Varfolomey kunidagi qirg'in of French Protestants, 1572

Religious and political ideologies have been the cause of interpersonal violence throughout history.^[154] Ideologues often falsely accuse others of violence, such as the ancient tuhmat qoni against Jews, the o'rta asrlar accusations of casting sehrgarlik spells against women, and modern accusations of shaytoniy marosimlarni suiiste'mol qilish against day care center owners and others.^[155]

Both supporters and opponents of the 21st-century Terrorizmga qarshi urush regard it largely as an ideological and religious war.^[156]

Vittorio Bufacchi describes two different modern concepts of violence, one the "minimalist conception" of violence as an intentional act of excessive or destructive force, the other the "comprehensive conception" which includes violations of rights, including a long list of human needs.^[157]

Anti-capitalists assert that kapitalizm is violent. Ular ishonadilar xususiy mulk va foyda survive only because police violence defends them and that capitalist economies need war to expand.^[158] They may use the term "structural violence " to describe the systematic ways in which a given social structure or institution kills people slowly by preventing them from meeting their basic needs, for example the deaths caused by diseases because of lack of medicine.^[159]

Frants Fanon critiqued the violence of mustamlakachilik and wrote about the counter violence of the "colonized victims."^{[160][161][162]}

Throughout history, most religions and individuals like Maxatma Gandi have preached that humans are capable of eliminating individual violence and organizing societies through purely zo'ravonliksiz degani. Gandhi himself once wrote: "A society organized and run on the basis of complete non-violence would be the purest anarxiya."^[163] Modern political ideologies which espouse similar views include pacifist varieties of ixtiyoriylik, mutalizm, anarxizm va libertarizm.

Terence Fretheim writing about the Old Testament:

For many people, ... only physical violence truly qualifies as violence. But, certainly, violence is more than killing people, unless one includes all those words and actions that kill people slowly. The effect of limitation to a “killing fields” perspective is the widespread neglect of many other forms of violence. We must insist that violence also refers to that which is psychologically destructive, that which demeans, damages, or depersonalizes others. In view of these considerations, violence may be defined as follows: any action, verbal or nonverbal, oral or written, physical or psychical, active or passive, public or private, individual or institutional/societal, human or divine, in whatever degree of intensity, that abuses, violates, injures, or kills. Some of the most pervasive and most dangerous forms of violence are those that are often hidden from view (against women and children, especially); just beneath the surface in many of our homes, churches, and communities is abuse enough to freeze theblood. Moreover, many forms of systemic violence often slip past our attention because they are so much a part of the infrastructure of life (e.g., racism, sexism, ageism).^[164]

Shuningdek qarang

• Aestheticization of violence
• Agressiya
• Jismoniy jazo
• Uchish yoki parvozga javob
• Ovchilik
• Qonunchilikdagi zo'ravonlik
• Jang san'ati
• Parazitizm
• Yirtqich hayvon
• G'azab
• Urush

Izohlar

Adabiyotlar

Manbalar

• Barzilai, Gad (2003). Jamiyatlar va huquq: siyosat va huquqiy shaxslar madaniyati. Ann Arbor: Michigan universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  0-472-11315-1.
• Benjamin, Valter, Zo'ravonlikni tanqid qilish
• Flannery, D.J., Vazsonyi, A.T. & Waldman, I.D. (Nashrlar) (2007). Zo'ravon xatti-harakatlar va tajovuzkorlik haqida Kembrij qo'llanmasi. Kembrij universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  0-521-60785-X.
• Jeyms, Pol; Sharma, RR (2006). Globalizatsiya va zo'ravonlik, jild. 4: Transmilliy mojaro. London: Sage nashrlari.
• Maleševich, Siniša Urush va zo'ravonlik sotsiologiyasi. Kembrij universiteti matbuoti; 2010 yil [2011 yil 17 oktyabrda keltirilgan]. ISBN  978-0-521-73169-0.
• Nazaretyan, AP (2007). Jahon tarixining turli bosqichlarida zo'ravonlik va zo'ravonlik: Texnogumanitar muvozanat gipotezasidan ko'rinish. In: Tarix va matematika. Moskva: KomKniga / URSS. P.127-148. ISBN  978-5-484-01001-1.

Tashqi havolalar

• Zo'ravonlikning oldini olish da Jahon Sog'liqni saqlash tashkiloti
• Zo'ravonlikning oldini olish da Kasalliklarni nazorat qilish va oldini olish markazlari
• Zo'ravonlikning oldini olish da Amerika psixologik assotsiatsiyasi
• Bolalarga nisbatan zo'ravonlik to'g'risida Jahon hisoboti da Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Bosh kotibi
• Oddiy ko'rinishda yashiringan: bolalarga nisbatan zo'ravonlikning statistik tahlili da UNICEF
• Issiqlik va zo'ravonlik