Vaqtinchalik Irlandiya respublika armiyasi kampaniyasi - Provisional Irish Republican Army campaign - Wikipedia

Vaqtinchalik IRA kampaniyasi
Qismi muammolar
Sana 1969–1997 Manzil Birinchi navbatda Shimoliy Irlandiya va Angliya balki Britaniya maqsadlariga qarshi hujumlarni boshladi G'arbiy Germaniya, Belgiya va Gollandiya. Natija Harbiy tanglik[1][2] Otashkesim
Urushayotganlar
Muvaqqat Irlandiya respublika armiyasi (IRA) *Janubiy Armagh brigadasi *Sharqiy Tyronlar brigadasi *Belfast brigadasi *Derri brigadasi	Britaniya qurolli kuchlari Qirollik Ulster konstitutsiyasi (RUC)	Ulster mudofaa assotsiatsiyasi Ulster ko'ngillilar kuchlari Boshqalar sodiq harbiylashtirilgan guruhlar
Yo'qotishlar va yo'qotishlar
IRA 293 o'ldirilgan mojaro paytida turli vaqtlarda 10000 dan ortiq qamoq jazosi[3]	Britaniya qurolli kuchlari 643–697 o'ldirilgan RUC 270-273 o'ldirilgan	28-39 sodiq harbiylashtirilgan guruhlar o'ldirildi
Boshqalar IRA tomonidan o'ldirilgan 508[4]–644[5] tinch aholi 1 Irlandiya armiyasining askari 6 Gardai 5 boshqa respublika harbiy xizmatchilari

1969 yildan 1997 yilgacha^[6] The Muvaqqat Irlandiya respublika armiyasi (IRA) qurollangan harbiylashtirilgan kampaniya birinchi navbatda Shimoliy Irlandiya va Angliya, yaratish maqsadida Buyuk Britaniyaning Shimoliy Irlandiyadagi hukmronligini tugatishga qaratilgan birlashgan Irlandiya.^{[7][8][9][10]}

Vaqtinchalik IRA ikkiga bo'linish natijasida paydo bo'ldi Irlandiya respublika armiyasi 1969 yilda, qisman ushbu tashkilot katolik mahallalarini hujumlardan himoya qila olmaganligi sababli 1969 yil Shimoliy Irlandiyada tartibsizliklar. Provayderlar 1970 va 1971 yillarda bu kabi hududlarni jismonan himoya qilish borasidagi sa'y-harakatlari tufayli ishonch qozondilar. 1971-72 yillarda Eron hujumga o'tdi va Britaniya va Shimoliy Irlandiya xavfsizlik kuchlari va davlat infratuzilmasiga qarshi nisbatan yuqori intensiv kampaniyani o'tkazdi. . The Britaniya armiyasi ushbu davrni AIR kampaniyasining "qo'zg'olon bosqichi" sifatida tavsifladi.

AIR 1972 yilda qisqa muddatli otashkesimni e'lon qildi va 1975 yilda, kelajakda operatsiyalarni amalga oshirish mumkinligi to'g'risida ichki munozaralar bo'lib o'tdi. Qurolli guruh 1970-yillarning oxirida o'zini kichikroq, hujayra asosidagi tuzilish, kirish qiyinroq bo'lishi uchun yaratilgan. Keyinchalik Iroq kichik miqyosli, ammo barqarorroq kampaniyani amalga oshirdi va uni "uzoq urush" deb nomladi, natijada Britaniya hukumatining Irlandiyada qolish qarorini susaytirishga qaratilgan. Britaniya armiyasi buni IRA kampaniyasining "terroristik bosqichi" deb atadi.

AIR 1980-yillarda sovg'a qilingan qurol yordamida mojaroni avj oldirishga urindi Liviya. 1990-yillarda ular London va Angliyaning boshqa shaharlaridagi iqtisodiy maqsadlarni bombardimon qilish kampaniyasini qayta boshladilar.

1994 yil 31-avgustda AIR o'zlarining siyosiy partiyalariga ega bo'lish maqsadida bir tomonlama sulh e'lon qildi. Sinn Feyn, tan olingan Shimoliy Irlandiya tinchlik jarayoni. Tashkilot 1996 yil fevralida sulhni tugatdi, ammo 1997 yil iyulida yana bir bor e'lon qildi. AIR ushbu shartlarni qabul qildi Xayrli juma shartnomasi 1998 yilda Shimoliy Irlandiya mojarosini muzokaralar bilan tugatish sifatida. 2005 yilda tashkilot o'zining kampaniyasini rasmiy ravishda tugatganligini e'lon qildi va qurol-yarog 'xalqaro nazorat ostida bekor qilindi.

Muvaqqat IRA kampaniyasining boshqa jihatlari quyidagi maqolalarda yoritilgan:

• Xronologiya uchun qarang Vaqtinchalik IRA harakatlarining xronologiyasi
• Muvaqqat IRA qurollanishi uchun qarang IRA qurollarini vaqtincha olib kirish

Boshlanish

Ning dastlabki kunlarida muammolar (1969-72), Vaqtinchalik IRA yomon qurollangan, faqat IRA qurolidan qolgan bir nechta eski qurollar bo'lgan 1956–1962 yillardagi chegara kampaniyasi. AIR 1969 yil dekabrda Muvaqqat AIRga va Rasmiy IRA fraksiyalar. Mojaroning dastlabki yillarida Provisionallarning asosiy faoliyati himoya qilindi Irlandiyalik millatchi hujumlardan joylar.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

IRA ning nisbiy harakatsizligidan farqli o'laroq 1969 yil Shimoliy Irlandiyada tartibsizliklar, 1970 yilning yozida, Muvaqqat IRA Belfastdagi millatchi hududlarning aniq qurolli mudofaasini o'rnatdi sodiq hujum qilganlar, bu jarayonda bir qator protestant fuqarolarini va sodiq kishilarni o'ldirishgan. 1970 yil 27-iyun kuni AIR Belfastdagi ko'cha tartibsizliklari paytida beshta protestant fuqarosini o'ldirdi.^[11] Yana uch kishi o'qqa tutildi Ardoyne shimolda Belfast an davomida qurolli janglar boshlangandan keyin To'q rangli buyurtma parad. Sadoqatchilar qasos qilib, millatchilik anklaviga hujum qildilar Qisqa ip sharqiy Belfastda, Billi Makki, Belfastdagi Provizionlar qo'mondoni Sent-Metyu cherkovini egallab oldi va sodiqlar bilan besh soatlik otishma jangida uni himoya qildi. Sent-Metyu jangi. Uning odamlaridan biri o'ldirilgan, u og'ir jarohat olgan va uchta sodiq kishi ham o'ldirilgan.^[12] Vaqtinchalik IRA ushbu tadbirlardan ko'pgina qo'llab-quvvatlandi, chunki ular millatchilar orasida millatchilarning himoyachilari sifatida keng qabul qilindi. Irland katolik odamlar tajovuzga qarshi.^[13]

Dastlab, Britaniya armiyasi ichiga joylashtirilgan Shimoliy Irlandiya 1969 yil avgust oyida Qirollik Ulster konstitutsiyasi (RUC) va hukumat nazoratini tiklash, katolik millatchi hududlarida protestantga nisbatan neytral kuch sifatida qabul qilindi- va ittifoqchi - dominant RUC va Ulster maxsus konstitutsiyasi.^[14] Biroq, millatchilar bilan bu yaxshi munosabatlar uzoq davom etmadi. Tez orada ko'plab millatchilar oldida armiya kabi voqealar bilan obro'sizlantirildi Komendant soati tushadi 3000 ingliz qo'shinlari kiritgan 1970 yil iyulda harbiy holat g'arbiy Belfast shahridagi millatchilikning pastki sharsharasi hududidagi sharoit. Muvaqqat IRA a'zolari tomonidan qurol va granata hujumidan so'ng, inglizlar ushbu hududda rasmiy IRA va Vaqtinchalik IRA bilan qurolli janglarda 1500 dan ortiq o'q-dorilarni o'qqa tutdilar va olti nafar tinch aholini o'ldirdilar.^[15] Keyinchalik, Provizionlar ingliz askarlarini nishonga olishni davom ettirdilar. Birinchi o'lgan askar o'qotar edi Robert Kertis tomonidan o'ldirilgan Billi Rid 1971 yil fevral oyida qurolli jangda.^[16]

1970 va 1971 yillarda Belfastdagi Muvaqqat va Rasmiy IRAlar o'rtasida janjal ham bo'lgan, chunki ikkala tashkilot ham millatchi hududlarda ustunlik uchun kurashgan. Quyi sharsharadagi Provisionals 'D kompaniyasining qo'mondoni Charli Xuz ikki fraksiya o'rtasida sulh kelishuvidan oldin o'ldirilgan.^[17]

Dastlabki kampaniya 1970–72 yillarda

The M1 Garand miltiq, Ikkinchi Jahon urushi davridagi qurollarga xos bo'lgan Vaqtinchalik IRA 70-yillarning boshlarida bo'lgan

1970-yillarning boshlarida AIR ko'p miqdordagi zamonaviy qurol-yarog 'va portlovchi moddalarni, birinchi navbatda AQSh tarafdorlari va hukumatidan import qildi. Liviya.^[18] Muxolifat lideri Garold Uilson 1971 yilda IRA rahbarlari bilan maxfiy ravishda uchrashdi Jon O'Konnel, Irlandiya hukumatini g'azablantirgan; Garret FitsJerald 30 yil o'tgach, "bizning demokratik rahbarlarimizning his-tuyg'ulari ... o'sha paytda ommaviy ravishda shamollatilmagan", deb yozgan edi, chunki Uilson sobiq va mumkin bo'lgan Buyuk Britaniyaning bosh vaziri edi.^[19]

1970-yillarning boshlarida ziddiyat avj olganligi sababli, AIR tomonidan yollangan raqamlar qo'ziqorin qo'zg'atdi, chunki millatchilik jamiyatining g'azablanishiga javoban, internatsiya sudsiz va Qonli yakshanba, qachon 1-batalyon, parashyut polki Britaniya qurolli kuchlari 14 qurolsiz fuqaro huquqlari ishtirokchilarini otib o'ldirdi Derri.^[20]

1970-yillarning boshlari Muvaqqat IRA kampaniyasining eng qizg'in davri edi. Qarama-qarshilikda halok bo'lgan 650 ingliz askarining yarmiga yaqini^[21] 1971–73 yillarda o'ldirilgan.^[22] Faqat 1972 yilda AIR 100 ingliz askarini o'ldirdi va 500 kishini yaraladi. Xuddi shu yili ular 1300 bomba hujumini uyushtirishdi va 90 IRA a'zosi o'ldirildi.^[23]

1972 yilgacha AIR Belfast va Derridagi katta shaharlarni nazorat qildi, ammo oxir-oqibat bu Buyuk Britaniyaning yirik operatsiyasi tomonidan qayta qabul qilindi. Motorman operatsiyasi. Keyinchalik Shimoliy Irlandiyada respublika hududlarida mustahkam politsiya va harbiy postlar qurildi. 1970-yillarning boshlarida odatdagi IRA operatsiyasi ishtirok etdi merganlik ingliz patrullarida va Belfast va Derrining shahar joylarida o't o'chirishda qatnashish. Ular RUCni ham o'ldirdilar va Ulster mudofaa polki (UDR) askarlari, ham xizmatda, ham xizmatda, hamda bir qator nafaqaga chiqqan politsiyachilar va UDR askarlari. Ushbu taktikalar ikkala tomon uchun ham, ko'plab tinch fuqarolar uchun ham halok bo'ldi. Keyinchalik Britaniya armiyasining mojaroni o'rganishi ushbu davrni (1970-72), AIR kampaniyasining "qo'zg'olon bosqichi" deb ta'rifladi.^[24]

Ularning kampaniyasining yana bir elementi bombardimon qilish edi tijorat do'konlar va korxonalar kabi maqsadlar. AIR o'zining bombardimon kampaniyasi uchun ishlab chiqqan eng samarali taktikasi bu edi avtomashinada bomba, bu erda katta miqdordagi portlovchi moddalar mashinaga o'ralgan, u maqsadiga etkazilgan va keyin portlatilgan. Seán Mac Stíofáin, birinchi Muvaqqat IRA shtabi boshlig'i, bomba qo'yilgan avtomobilni taktik va strategik qurol sifatida tavsifladi. Taktik nuqtai nazardan, u Belfastdagi va boshqa shaharlarda va Shimoliy Irlandiyadagi yirik shaharlarda ko'plab ingliz qo'shinlarini bog'lab qo'ydi. Strategik jihatdan u Britaniya ma'muriyati va hukumatiga to'sqinlik qilib, uning iqtisodiy tuzilishiga bir vaqtning o'zida zarba berdi.^[25] AIRning tijorat maqsadlariga qaratilgan aksariyat hujumlari qurbonlarni keltirib chiqarishni mo'ljallamagan bo'lsa-da,^[26] ko'p hollarda ular tinch aholini o'ldirishgan. Bunga bombalarning portlashi misol bo'la oladi Abercorn restorani 1972 yil mart oyida Belfastda ikki yosh katolik ayol o'ldirilgan va 130 kishi jarohat olgan, bu hech qachon mas'uliyatni tan olmagan AIRga tegishli, shuningdek, bombardimon qilingan La Mon restorani yilda County Down 1978 yil fevral oyida, bu o'n ikki protestant fuqarolik mijozining o'limiga olib keldi va boshqalar nogiron bo'lib jarohat olishdi.^[27]

Janub kabi qishloq joylarda Armagh (bu katoliklarning ko'pchiligiga yaqin joy Irlandiya chegarasi ), IRA bo'linmasining eng samarali quroli "truba bombasi" bo'lib, u erda bomba qishloq yo'llariga drenaj ostiga qo'yilgan. Bu Britaniya armiyasining patrullari uchun shunchalik xavfli bo'lib chiqdiki, bu hududdagi deyarli barcha qo'shinlar vertolyotda olib ketilishi kerak edi,^[28] bu siyosat 2007 yilgacha davom etgan, Britaniya janubidagi Armiyaning so'nggi bazasi Janubiy Armaghda yopilgan.^[29]

Otashkesimlar - 1972 va 1975 yillar

Muvaqqat AIR 1970-yillarda qurolli operatsiyalarini vaqtincha to'xtatib, ikkita sulh e'lon qildi. 1972 yilda AIR rahbariyati Buyuk Britaniya Shimoliy Irlandiyani tark etish arafasida deb o'ylardi. Buyuk Britaniya hukumati 1972 yilda Shimoliy Irlandiya tarkibidagi murosaga erishish asosida sulhni ta'minlashga urinish uchun Muvaqqat AIR rahbariyati bilan maxfiy muzokaralar o'tkazdi. Muvaqqat AIR 26-iyundan 9-iyulgacha vaqtincha sulhni to'xtatishga rozi bo'ldi. 1972 yil iyulda Muvaqqat rahbarlar Shon Mac Stífain, Daití Ó Conaill, Ivor Bell, Seamus Twomey, Gerri Adams va Martin Makginness boshchiligidagi Britaniya delegatsiyasi bilan uchrashdi Uilyam Whitelaw. AIR rahbarlari Buyuk Britaniyaning 1975 yilgacha chiqib ketishi, Britaniya armiyasining baraklarga chekinishi va respublika mahbuslarini ozod qilish majburiyatini o'z ichiga olmagan tinchlik kelishuvini ko'rib chiqishni rad etishdi. Inglizlar rad etdi va muzokaralar tugadi.^[30] Yoqilgan Qonli juma 1972 yil iyul oyida Belfastda 22 ta bomba portladi, to'qqiz kishi halok bo'ldi va 130 kishi jarohat oldi.^[31] Qonli juma, Eronning sulh bitimidan keyin kuchini namoyish qilish uchun mo'ljallangan edi, ammo hukumat kichik maydonda bir vaqtning o'zida ko'plab bomba ogohlantirishlarini bajara olmaganligi sababli, Eron uchun halokat bo'ldi.^[32]

70-yillarning o'rtalariga kelib, Muvaqqat AIR rahbariyatining tezkor harbiy g'alabaga bo'lgan umidlari susaygani aniq edi. AIR rahbarlari o'rtasidagi maxfiy uchrashuvlar Ruairí Ó Bradaigh va Billi Makki inglizlar bilan Shimoliy Irlandiya bo'yicha davlat kotibi Merlin Ris 1975 yil fevraldan keyingi yilning yanvarigacha IRA sulhini ta'minladi. Dastlab respublikachilar bu Buyuk Britaniyani olib chiqishning uzoq muddatli jarayonining boshlanishi deb ishonishdi. Biroq, bir necha oydan so'ng, AIRda ko'pchilik inglizlar Muvaqqat harakatni ularga hech qanday kafolat bermasdan tinchlikparvar siyosatga olib borishga harakat qilayotganiga ishonishdi.^[33]

AIR rahbariyatining tanqidchilari, xususan, Gerri Adamsning ta'kidlashicha, sulh Eron uchun halokatli bo'lib, u ingliz informatorlari tomonidan kirib kelishiga, ko'plab faollarning hibsga olinishiga va Eron intizomining buzilishiga olib keldi, bu esa o'z navbatida "tot-for-tat" ga olib keldi. Buyuk Britaniyaning sotilishidan qo'rqib, sodiq guruhlar bilan qotillik va rasmiy Iroqdagi boshqa respublikachilar bilan janjal. 1976 yil boshiga kelib, pul, qurol va a'zolarga etishmayotgan AIR rahbariyati kampaniyani bekor qilish arafasida edi.^[34] Buning o'rniga 1976 yil yanvar oyida sulh buzilgan.^[35]

1970-yillar oxiri va "Uzoq urush"

1976 yildan 1979 yilgacha Roy Meyson, Merlin Ris "sifatida almashtirish Shimoliy Irlandiya bo'yicha davlat kotibi, ko'plab sabablarga ko'ra o'lim darajasining pasayishi, shu qatorda sodiq zo'ravonlikning pasayishi bilan tavsiflangan (Meyson davrida siyosiy tashabbuslarning yo'qligi bilan bog'liq),^[36] va o'tgan yilgi otashkesim paytida zaiflashgandan keyin IRA taktikasining o'zgarishi.^{[37][sahifa kerak ]} Meyson harbiylashtirilgan zo'ravonlikni "xavfsizlik muammosi" sifatida qarash foydasiga siyosiy yoki harbiy echimni rad etgan siyosat ishlab chiqdi. Bundan tashqari, RUC Chief Constable Kennet Nyuman favqulodda vaziyatlar bo'yicha vakolatlar to'g'risidagi qonunlardan foydalanib, gumon qilinayotgan IRA a'zolariga "intensiv va tez-tez qo'pol" etti kunlik so'roqlarni o'tkazdi.^[38] Buyuk Britaniyaning razvedka ma'lumotlarini yig'ish va informatorlarni jalb qilish bo'yicha konsentratsiyasi 1975 yilgi otashkesim jarayonida tezlashdi va Meyson davrida ham davom etdi, demak bu davrda AIR a'zolarini hibsga olish keskin ko'tarildi. 1976 yildan 1979 yilgacha 3000 kishi "terroristik jinoyatlar" da ayblangan.^[38] 800 respublika mahbuslari bo'lgan Long Kesh 1980 yilga kelib yolg'iz.^[39]

1972 yilda Shimoliy Irlandiyada 12000 dan ortiq otish va bombardimon hujumlari sodir bo'ldi; 1977 yilga kelib bu 2800 taga kamaydi.^[40] 1976 yilda Shimoliy Irlandiyada 297 o'lim bo'lgan; Keyingi uch yil ichida bu raqamlar 112, 81 va 113 edi. Bir IRA fuqarosi "bizni deyarli Meyson mag'lub etdi" deb da'vo qildi va Martin MakGinness shunday fikr bildirdi: "Meyson bizdan chiqqan narsalarni urdi".^{[iqtibos kerak ]} Meysonning "jinoyatchilik" siyosati olib keldi adyol noroziligi qamoqxonalarda.^[41] 1979 yilda Meyson lavozimini tark etgach, IRA "mag'lubiyatga bir necha hafta qoldi" deb bashorat qilgan.^[42]

Mojaroning dastlabki yillaridan so'ng, AIR uchun qurolli harakatlarida ko'p sonli erkaklardan foydalanish unchalik keng tarqalmadi. Buning o'rniga kichikroq, ammo ko'proq ixtisoslashgan guruhlar doimiy xurujlarni amalga oshirdilar. 1975 yilgi otashkesim va undan keyin ko'plab AIR ko'ngillilarining hibsga olinishiga javoban, Eron 1977 yilda o'z tuzilmalarini kichik hujayralardagi bo'linmalarga qayta tashkil etdi. Bularga kirish qiyinroq bo'lgan bo'lsa-da, maxfiylik AIR va xayrixoh fuqarolar o'rtasida masofa paydo bo'lishiga olib keldi. Shuningdek, ular "uzoq urush" deb nomlanuvchi strategiyani - Britaniya hukumati Shimoliy Irlandiyada qolish bilan bog'liq siyosiy, harbiy va moliyaviy xarajatlardan charchamaguncha, qurolli kampaniyani muddatsiz davom ettirishga asoslangan eskirish jarayonini boshlashdi.^[43] Britaniya armiyasi IRA kampaniyasidagi ushbu o'zgarishni "qo'zg'olon" dan "terroristik bosqich" ga o'tish sifatida tavsifladi.^[24]

IRA hujumi natijasida eng yuqori harbiy o'lim soni 1979 yil 27 avgustda qayd etilgan Warrenpoint pistirmasi yilda County Down, Parashyut polkidan bo'lgan 18 ingliz askari, joylashtirilgan ikkita suv o'tkazgich bombasi bilan o'ldirilganda Janubiy Armagh brigadasi, aql-idrok etishmovchiligidan muvaffaqiyatli saqlanib qolganligi sababli hujayra tuzilishini qabul qilishga ehtiyoj sezmagan birlik. Xuddi shu kuni, IRA ularning eng mashhur qurbonlaridan birini The Birmaning graf tog'i, ikkita o'spirin (14 va 15 yoshda) va The bilan birga o'ldirilgan Sovg'a Lady Brabourne yilda Sligo okrugi, uning qayig'iga joylashtirilgan bomba bilan. 1970-yillarning oxirlarida tuzilgan yana bir samarali IRA taktikasi uy sharoitida ishlab chiqarish edi minomyotlar politsiya va armiya bazalariga qarata otilgan yuk mashinalarining orqasiga o'rnatilgan. Ushbu minomyotlar birinchi marta 1974 yilda sinovdan o'tgan, ammo 1979 yilgacha hech kimni o'ldirmagan.^[44][45]

Diniy hujumlar

AIRning ta'kidlashicha, uning kampaniyasi protestant va ittifoqchi odamlarga emas, balki Buyuk Britaniyaning Shimoliy Irlandiyadagi davlat xavfsizlik kuchlarida namoyon bo'lishiga qaratilgan. Biroq, ko'plab ittifoqchilar AIRning kampaniyasi bo'lganligini ta'kidlaydilar mazhabparast va tashkilot protestant fuqarolarini nishonga olgan ko'plab hodisalar mavjud. 1970-yillar muammolarning eng zo'ravon yillari edi. Xavfsizlik kuchlariga qarshi kampaniyasi bilan bir qatorda, AIR o'n yil o'rtalarida sodiq harbiylar bilan mazhablararo qotilliklarning "tat uchun tit" tsikliga qo'shildi. Bunga eng yomon misollar 1975 va 1976 yillarda sodir bo'lgan. Masalan, 1975 yil sentyabr oyida Iroq a'zolari avtomat qurol bilan qurollangan Apelsin zali yilda Newtownhamilton, beshta protestantni o'ldirish. 1976 yil 5-yanvarda Armagda, AIR a'zolari proksi-server nomi ostida ishladilar Janubiy Armagh respublika harakat kuchlari o'nta protestant qurilish ishchilarini otib o'ldirgan Kingsmill qirg'ini.^[46]

Shunga o'xshash voqealarda AIR 1974-76 yillarda 91 nafar protestant fuqarosini qasddan o'ldirdi.^{[iqtibos kerak ]} AIR rasmiy ravishda bu qotilliklarni da'vo qilmadi, lekin 1976 yil 17-yanvarda qilgan bayonotida ularni oqladi: "Irlandiya Respublikachilar armiyasi hech qachon mazhablararo qotillikni boshlamagan ... [ammo] agar so'nggi to'rt yil ichida 300 dan ortiq mazhablar suiqasdlari uchun mas'ul sodiq elementlar bo'lsa. hozirda bunday qotillikni to'xtating, shunda har qanday manbadan qasos olish masalasi paydo bo'lmaydi ".^[47] 1976 yil oxirida AIR rahbariyati sodiq harbiylashtirilgan guruhlar vakillari bilan uchrashdi va tasodifiy mazhablararo qotilliklarni va fuqarolarning nishonlariga avtoulovlarda bombardimon qilishni to'xtatishga kelishib oldi. Sadoqatchilar 1979 yilda, IRA Lord Mountbattenni o'ldirgandan so'ng, bu shartnomani bekor qildilar, ammo shunga qaramay, pakt 80-yillarning oxiriga qadar sodiq guruhlar katoliklarni yana ko'p sonda o'ldirishni boshlaguncha, mazhablararo qasos qotilliklarini to'xtatdi.^[48]

Inglizlar o'zlarining "Ulsterisation "1970-yillarning o'rtalaridan boshlab, IRA qurbonlari tobora ko'proq RUC safidan kelib chiqdilar va Ulster mudofaa polki shu jumladan ishdan tashqari va nafaqaga chiqqan xodimlar. Ularning aksariyati protestant va ittifoqchilar edi, shu sababli qotilliklarni ko'pchilik mazhablararo qotillik kampaniyasi sifatida tasvirlashdi va qabul qilishdi. Tarixchi Genri Patterson bu haqda aytgan Fermanagh "qotilliklar protestantlar jamoatining ma'naviyati, xavfsizlik hissi va mintaqaga tegishli ekanligiga ta'sir qilganligi inkor etilmadi".^[49] esa Demokratik ittifoqchilar partiyasi rahbar Yan Paisli Fermanagadagi IRA kampaniyasi "genotsid" bo'lgan deb da'vo qildi.^[50]

Reychel Kovalsakining ta'kidlashicha, AIR umuman mazhablararo faoliyat bilan shug'ullanmagan, aksincha ular Shimoliy Irlandiyadagi Britaniya hukmronligi uchun mas'ul deb hisoblagan kishilarni nishonga olgan va ular odatda faqat harbiylar va politsiya a'zolarini nishonga olgan va fuqarolarning o'limidan saqlanish uchun harakat qilgan. Biroq, Kovalsakining ta'kidlashicha, PIRA ular o'zlarini birlashgan Irlandiya uchun kurashayapmiz deb o'ylashlari mumkin bo'lsa-da, ularning xatti-harakatlari ko'pincha Shimoliy Irlandiya ittifoqchilari tomonidan protestantlarga qarshi mazhablararo hujumlar sifatida qabul qilingan.^[51] Xuddi shunday dalilni Lyuis va boshqalar PIRA mafkurasi - irland protestantlari va ittifoqchilarning bir qismi deb hisoblagan. tasavvur qilingan jamiyat Irlandiya millatiga mansub va mustamlaka zulmi orqali o'zlarini ingliz deb o'ylash bilan aldanganlar - bu tashkilot ommaviy mazhabparastlikka qarshi mafkuraviy cheklovga ega ekanligini anglatadi. Shu bilan birga, mualliflarning ta'kidlashicha, xuddi shu e'tiqod ularni o'zlarining kampaniyalarining haqiqiy oqibatlaridan ko'r qilib qo'yishi mumkin, chunki ular Shimoliy Irlandiya ittifoqchilari o'zlarini alohida jamoat deb bilishini va shu tariqa PIRA faoliyatini mazhabparastlik sifatida qabul qilishlarini tan olishmagan.^[52]

Timoti Shanaxanning ta'kidlashicha, AIR qonuniy nishonlarga qarshi hujumlar uyushtirgan bo'lsa (xavfsizlik xizmatlari xodimlari deb ta'riflanadi), xavfsizlik xizmatlarining ko'pgina a'zolari, masalan, RUC va UDR, o'zlari protestant bo'lib, protestant deb taxmin qilinadi. IRA. Shunday qilib, ushbu qonuniy nishonlarga qilingan har qanday hujumlar protestantlar jamoatining a'zolarini o'ldirishda etarli bo'ladi, chunki protestant fuqarolariga qarshi mazhablararo hujumlarga ehtiyoj yo'q edi. Shunday qilib, Shanaxonning ta'kidlashicha, AIR ba'zi sodiq harbiylar kabi mazhabiy bo'lmasligi mumkin, ammo u jamoat da'vo qilganidek mazhabga qarshi bo'lmasligi mumkin.^[53] Shu kabi dalillarni Stiv Bryus ham aytgan, u katolik RUC a'zolari nomutanosib ravishda nishonga olingan deb ta'kidlagan, bu Bryusning ta'kidlashicha, ularni o'z jamoalariga xiyonat qilish deb hisoblashgan, bu faqat mazhablararo mojaro mohiyatida.^[54] Jeyms Dingli, AIRning birlashgan va mustaqil Irlandiya g'oyasiga e'tiborini qaratdi, deb ta'kidlamoqda amalda mazhabparast, chunki u Ulster Unionistlarini qonuniy guruh deb tan olmagan va zo'ravonlik bilan Shimoliy Irlandiya aholisining aksariyati qarshi bo'lgan maqsadlarga erishish uchun foydalanmoqchi bo'lgan.^[55]

Protestantlar okruglarning qishloq chegaralaridagi hududlarida Fermanagh va Tyrone o'ldirilgan xavfsizlik kuchlari a'zolari soni ko'p bo'lgan joyda, Eronning kampaniyasini ko'rib chiqdilar etnik tozalash.^[56] Ushbu qarashlar e'tirozga uchradi. Boyl va Xaddenning ta'kidlashicha, ayblovlar jiddiy tekshiruvga to'g'ri kelmaydi,^[57] millatchilar ushbu atamaga ittifoqchilar tomonidan katoliklarning ozchilikni tashkil etadigan joylarda shu kabi o'ldirish yoki chiqarib yuborilishini tasvirlashda foydalanmasliklari sababli qarshi chiqmoqdalar.^[58] Genri Patterson, siyosat professori Olster universiteti, xulosasiga ko'ra, AIRning kampaniyasi muqarrar ravishda mazhabparastlik qilgan bo'lsa-da, bu etnik tozalash bilan bog'liq emas.^[59] Garchi AIR diniy mansubligi sababli bu odamlarni aniq nishonga olmagan bo'lsa-da, ko'proq protestantlar xavfsizlik kuchlariga qo'shilishdi, shu sababli hamjamiyatning ko'plab odamlari hujumlar mazhabparastlik deb hisoblashgan.^[56] IRA ko'ngillisi Tommi MakKerni Britaniya hukumati tufayli deb ta'kidlaydi Ulsterisation mahalliy yollangan RUC va UDR rolini oshiruvchi siyosat, Eron ularni mahalliy bilimlari tufayli ularni nishonga olishdan boshqa iloji yo'q edi, ammo protestantlar buni o'z jamoalariga mazhablararo hujum sifatida qaraganliklarini tan olishdi.^[56][60] Gerri Adams, 1988 yilgi intervyusida, doimiy Britaniya armiyasini nishonga olish "juda afzal", deb da'vo qilmoqda, chunki u "azobning eng yomoni Irlandiyadan xalos qiladi" va "mojaroning mazhablararo tomonlarini tarqatadi, chunki sodiqlar buni hujum deb hisoblamaydilar" ularning hamjamiyati to'g'risida ".^[61]

Muammolarning oxiriga kelib, AIR o'z kampaniyasini yanada kengaytirdi, RUC va Britaniya armiyasi bilan fuqarolik ishida ishlagan odamlarni o'ldirishni o'z ichiga oldi. Bu ishchilar asosan protestantlar edi, ammo katolik sudyalari, magistrlari va pudratchilari ham Iroq tomonidan o'ldirilgan edilar. 1992 yilda IRA bombasi sakkiz protestant qurilish ishchilarini o'ldirdi Teebanedagi Britaniya armiyasining bazasida ishlayotganlar.^[62]

Shimoliy Irlandiya tashqarisidagi hujumlar

Angliya

1970-yillar

Vaqtinchalik IRA asosan Shimoliy Irlandiyada faoliyat yuritgan, ammo 1970-yillarning boshidan boshlab u o'zining bombardimon kampaniyasini Angliyaga ham olib borgan. 1972 yil iyun oyida IRA armiyasining vaqtinchalik kengashi yig'ilishida, Seán Mac Stíofáin "Belfast va Derridan issiqlikni olish" uchun Angliyada bombardimon qilingan maqsadlarni taklif qildi. Biroq, armiya kengashi Angliya hukumati bilan o'tgan yilgi muzokaralar buzilganidan so'ng, 1973 yil boshigacha Angliyada bomba portlashiga rozi bo'lmadi.^[63] Ular bunday bombardimon Britaniya jamoatchiligi orasida o'z hukumatining Shimoliy Irlandiyadan chiqib ketishini talab qilishiga yordam beradi deb ishonishgan.^[64]

Angliyaga yuborilgan birinchi Iroq guruhi Belfastda to'rtta mashinani o'g'irlab, ularga portlovchi moddalar o'rnatgan va London orqali olib borgan Belfast brigadasining o'n bir a'zosini o'z ichiga olgan. Dublin va "Liverpul". Jamoa haqida xabar berildi^{[JSSV? ]} uchun London Metropolitan Politsiyasi va ulardan bittasidan tashqari barchasi hibsga olingan. Shunga qaramay, bombalarning ikkitasi portlab, bir kishi halok bo'ldi va 180 kishi jarohat oldi.^[65]

Shundan so'ng, Angliyada IRA portlashlari ustidan nazorat topshirildi Brayan Kinan Belfastdan. Kinan sobiq a'zosi Piter MakMullenni boshqargan Britaniya parashyut polki, 1973 yilda bir qator portlashlarni amalga oshirish uchun. MakMullen tomonidan joylashtirilgan bomba kazarmada portladi. Yorkshir, oshxona ishchi ayoliga shikast etkazish.^[66] 1973 yil 23 sentyabrda ingliz askari Birmingemdagi ofis binosi oldida IRA bombasini zararsizlantirishga urinish paytida olti kundan keyin yaralanganidan vafot etdi.^[67]

AIRning bombardimon kampaniyasining eng beparvo bombardimon qilingan hujumlari va qotilliklaridan ba'zilari IRA tarkibiga kirgan sakkizta a'zodan iborat bo'linma tomonidan amalga oshirildi. Balcombe Street Gang, ular 1974 yil boshida Londonga yuborilgan.^[68][69] Ular ko'zga tashlanmaydigan bo'lib qolish uchun va u erda haftasiga bitta hujum uyushtirishni maqsad qilgan Irlandiya jamoati bilan aloqa qilishdan qochishdi. Bomba portlashlaridan tashqari, ular bir necha marta suiqasd uyushtirishgan. Ross McWhirter, bombardimonchilarni hibsga olishga olib kelgan ma'lumot uchun 50 ming funt mukofot taklif qilgan o'ng qanot siyosatkori o'z uyida otib o'ldirildi. Keyinchalik guruh suiqasd qilishga urinish qildi Edvard Xit.^[70] Oxir-oqibat ular eksklyuziv restoranga avtomat hujumidan so'ng hibsga olingan Mayfair. Politsiya tomonidan ta'qib qilinib, ular ikki kishini garovga olishdi (er-xotin) va taslim bo'lishdan oldin Balcombe ko'chasidagi kvartirada olti kun o'zlarini to'sib qo'yishdi. Balcombe Street qamal. Ular jami oltita qotillik uchun har biri o'ttiz yilga hukm qilindi.^[71] Ularning sudida guruh ushbu javobgarlikni tan oldi Guildford pubidagi portlashlar 1974 yil 5 oktyabrda sodir bo'lgan, bu besh kishini o'ldirgan (ulardan to'rt nafari ishdan bo'shatilgan askarlar) va 54 kishi jarohatlangan, shuningdek, bir pubni bombardimon qilgan Vulvich, bu yana ikki kishini o'ldirgan va 28 kishini jarohatlagan.^[72]

1974 yil 21-noyabrda ikkita pablar bombardimon qilindi Birmingemdagi pubdagi portlashlar (bu harakat keng AIRga tegishli, ammo ular tomonidan da'vo qilinmagan), bu 21 tinch aholini o'ldirgan va 162 kishining tan jarohati olgan. Bir bomba uchun etarli bo'lmagan ogohlantirish berilgan, ikkinchisiga esa hech qanday ogohlantirish berilmagan.^[73] Ikkala pab bilan bog'liq harbiy maqsadlar yo'q edi. The Guildford Four va Maguire Seven, va Birmingem olti, tegishli ravishda Gildford va Birmingemdagi portlashlar uchun qamalgan, ammo har bir guruh o'zlarining aybsizligiga norozilik bildirishgan. Oxir-oqibat ular Balcombe Street Street guruhi javobgarlikni tan olgan bo'lishiga qaramay, uzoq muddatli qamoq jazolarini o'tab, sudlangan va ozod qilingan.^[74]

1980-yillar

1970-yillarning o'rtalaridagi kampaniyadan so'ng, AIR 1980-yillarning oxirlari va 1990-yillarning boshlariga qadar Angliyada yana katta bombardimon kampaniyasini o'tkazmadi. Biroq, oraliq davr mobaynida ular Angliyada bir qator shov-shuvli bombardimon hujumlarini amalga oshirdilar.

1981 yil oktyabr oyida IRA buni amalga oshirdi "Chelsi" barakasini portlatish, tirnoq bombasi qaytayotgan askarlarga qaratilgan edi "Chelsi" barakasi, ammo portlashda o'tayotgan ikki tinch fuqaro halok bo'ldi, hujumda 40 kishi jarohat oldi, ularning 23 nafari ingliz askarlari.^[75][76]Xuddi shu oyda Britaniyalik bomba yo'q qilish bo'yicha mutaxassis Kennet Robert Xovort, IRA bombasini zararsizlantirishga urinishda o'ldirilgan Oksford ko'chasi, London.^[77]

1982 yilda Hyde Park va Regent's Parkdagi portlashlar Britaniya armiyasining tantanali paradida 11 askarni o'ldirdi va 50 ga yaqin askarni va tinch aholini yaraladi Hyde Park va Britaniya armiyasi guruhining chiqishlari Regent parki Londonda.^[78][79]

1984 yilda, yilda Brayton mehmonxonasini portlatish, IRA inglizlarni o'ldirmoqchi bo'ldi Bosh Vazir Margaret Tetcher va uning kabineti. U tirik qoldi, ammo Sir ham bo'lgan besh kishi Entoni Berri, a Konservativ partiya Parlament a'zosi, Partiyaning shimoli-g'arbiy partiyasi raisi Erik Teylor va partiya rasmiylarining uchta rafiqasi (Muriel Maclean, Jeanne Shattock va Roberta Wakeham) o'ldirildi. Margaret Tebbit, xotini Norman Tebbit, butunlay qoldirildi nogiron.^[80][81]

1985 yilda AIR London va ingliz tillarida doimiy bombardimon kampaniyasini rejalashtirgan dengiz kurortlari shu jumladan Bornmut, Sauthend va Buyuk Yarmut.^[82] IRA yakshanba kunlari bundan mustasno, iyuldan boshlab o'n olti kun ketma-ket bomba portlashni rejalashtirgan.^[83][84] Zarar etkazish bilan bir qatorda turistik sanoat, IRA politsiya resurslaridan foydalanib, siyosiy va harbiy maqsadlarga qarshi general va shu qatorda suiqasd kampaniyasini boshlashga umid qilmoqda. Frank Kitson.^[83] Patrik Meygi, undan keyin "Brayton" mehmonxonasini portlatish bilan bog'liq qidiruvda bo'lgan palma bosmasi mehmonxona reestridan topilgan, politsiya nazorati ostida bo'lgan va u ularni boshqa IRA a'zolariga olib borishiga umid qilgan.^[82] U IRA a'zosi bilan uchrashdi Carlisle temir yo'l stantsiyasi va ularga ergashishdi Glazgo, qaerda ular 1985 yil 24 iyunda hibsga olingan xavfsiz uy uch kishi bilan birga, shu jumladan Martina Anderson va ega bo'lgan Gerri McDonnell Labirint qamoqxonasidan 1983 yilda qochgan.^[82][83] 1986 yil 11-iyunda ular uchun hukm qilindi fitna uyushtirish portlashlarni keltirib chiqarish va qabul qilish umrbod hukmlar, Mage, shuningdek, Brayton mehmonxonasida sodir etilgan portlashda aybdor deb topilgan va umrbod qamoq jazosini olgan, eng kam tavsiya etilgan 35 yillik qamoq jazosi bilan.^[85][86]

Yana bir necha marotaba, Muvaqqat AIR Angliyada joylashgan ingliz qo'shinlariga hujum qildi, ulardan eng halokatli bo'lgan Baraklarni bombardimon qilish, unda 11 Royal Marines Band xizmati bandsmenlar 1989 yilda o'ldirilgan.^[87]

Respublikachilarning ta'kidlashicha, ushbu portlashlar Britaniya hukumatida Shimoliy Irlandiyadagi zo'ravonliklardan ko'ra ko'proq "fikrlarni jamlagan". AIR Angliyadagi (Shotlandiya yoki Uelsga emas) maqsadlarga zarba berishni maqsad qildi,^[88] garchi ular bir vaqtlar kichkina bomba joylashtirgan bo'lsalar-da neft terminali ichida Shetland orollari o'sha kuni 1981 yil may oyida Qirolicha Yelizaveta II terminalning ochilishini nishonlash uchun yaqin atrofdagi funktsiyaga tashrif buyurgan. Bomba portladi, qozonxonaga zarar yetdi, ammo hech kim jabrlanmadi va marosim davom etdi.^[89][90] AIRning Angliyadagi 25 yillik kampaniyasi davomida deyarli 500 ta hodisadan 115 o'lim va 2134 jarohatlar haqida xabar berilgan.^[91]

1990-yillarning boshlari

1977 yildan 1989 yilgacha Angliyada IRA hujumlari to'rt kundan ortiq sodir bo'lgan yil bo'lmagan.^[92] 1990-yillarning boshlarida AIR Angliyada bombardimon kampaniyasini kuchaytirdi, 1990 yilda 15 ta, 1991 yilda 36 ta, 1992 yilda 57 ta bomba joylashtirdi.^[93] 1991 yil fevralda Buyuk Britaniya bosh vazirining idorasiga uchta minomyotdan o'q uzildi yilda Dauning ko'chasi Londonda Vazirlar Mahkamasi yig'ilishi paytida, bu AIR uchun tashviqotni kuchaytirdi.^[94]

Ushbu davrda AIR Angliyaning shaharlarida, xususan Londonda mulkiga juda katta miqdordagi jismoniy va iqtisodiy zarar etkazadigan juda xavfli iqtisodiy bombardimon kampaniyasini boshladi. Ularning maqsadlari orasida London shahri, Bishopsgate va Boltiq birjasi Londonda, bilan Bishopgate portlashi dastlab 1 milliard funt sterlingga zarar etkazgan va Baltic Birjasida portlash £ 800 million zarar.^[95][96] Ayniqsa, taniqli bomba portlash edi Warrington bomba hujumi 1993 yilda ikki yosh bolani o'ldirgan Tim Parri va Jonatan Ball. 1994 yil mart oyining boshlarida uchta minomyot hujumi sodir bo'ldi Xitrou aeroporti Londonda, bu hokimiyatni uni yopishga majbur qildi.^[97]

Ushbu bombardimon kampaniyasi Angliya hukumatini (Shimoliy Irlandiyaga qarshi mojaroni u bilan ushlab turishga umid qilgan edi) ishontirdi Ulsterisation siyosat) bilan muzokara olib borish Sinn Feyn AIR 1994 yil avgust va 1997 yil iyul oyidagi sulhdan so'ng.^[98]

Boshqa joyda

Shuningdek, Muvaqqat IRA ingliz askarlari joylashgan G'arbiy Germaniya, Belgiya va Niderlandiya kabi boshqa mamlakatlarda ham hujumlar uyushtirdi.^[99] 1979-1990 yillar orasida ushbu hujumlarda sakkiz qurolsiz askar va olti fuqaro halok bo'ldi, shu jumladan Britaniyaning Niderlandiyadagi elchisi Sir Richard Sykes va uning valeti Karel Straub.^[100] 1988 yil may oyida AIR uch RAF odamini o'ldirdi va uch kishini yaraladi Gollandiyada ikkita alohida hujumda.^[101] Bir safar, IRA avstraliyalik ikki sayyohni otib o'ldirdi Niderlandiyada o'z a'zolarini ularni ishdan bo'shatilgan ingliz askarlari deb adashganliklarini da'vo qilish.^[102] Boshqa safar, IRA qurolli odam otib o'ldirildi Heidi Hazell, nemis ayol, mashinasida yolg'iz o'tirganida.^[103] U to'rtinchi chorakda Britaniyalik armiya yaqinida to'xtab qoldi Unna. Ular uni "Britaniya armiyasi garnizoni a'zosi ekanligiga ishongan holda" otib tashlashganini da'vo qilishdi Dortmund "Uning eri Britaniya armiyasining shtab serjanti edi. Xans Engelxard, G'arbiy Germaniya adliya vaziri buni "ko'r fanatikning aqldan ozgan harakati" deb atadi.^[104]

AIR shuningdek, qurol-yarog 'importi, moddiy-texnika ta'minoti va razvedka operatsiyalari bo'yicha a'zolarni turli vaqtlarda Evropa, Kanada, AQSh, Avstraliya, Afrika, G'arbiy Osiyo va Lotin Amerikasiga yubordi. Hech bo'lmaganda IRA a'zolari sayohat qilishdi Kolumbiya.^[105]

Liviya qurollari

AK-47 avtomati, ularning 1000 dan ortig'i noqonuniy olib o'tilgan Muammar Qaddafiy 1980-yillarda Muvaqqat AIRga

1980-yillarning o'rtalarida Muvaqqat IRA ko'plab zamonaviy qurollarni, shu jumladan og'ir qurollarni, shu jumladan og'ir pulemyotlar, 1000 dan ortiq miltiq, bir necha yuz qurol, raketa bombalari, otashinlar, yer-havo raketalari va plastik portlovchi Semtex, ning Liviya rejimidan Muammar Qaddafiy. 1985 yildan 1986 yilgacha to'rtta muvaffaqiyatli yuk tashish bo'ldi; ushbu sayohatlarning uchtasi trauler tomonidan amalga oshirilgan Kasamara to'rtinchisi, neftni qayta ishlash uskunasini to'ldiruvchi tomonidan Villa. Hammasi aytganda, ular 110 tonna qurol olib kelishdi.^{[106][107][108]} Sohil bortidagi beshinchi qurol yuk Eksund tomonidan ushlangan Frantsiya dengiz floti 1987 yilda.^[109] Bu vaqtinchalik IRA ning yangi imkoniyatlarini Irlandiya chegarasining har ikki tomonidagi hokimiyat e'tiboriga havola etdi. Besh kishi qayiq bilan qo'lga olindi; uchta IRA a'zosi, shu jumladan Gabriel Kliari, qamoq jazosini oldi.^[110] Xabar qilinishicha, Qaddafiy ikkita piyoda batalyoniga teng keladigan qurol-yarog 'sovg'a qilgan.^[111]

Shuning uchun AIR muammolarning ikkinchi qismida juda yaxshi qurollangan edi. Britaniya armiyasiga etkazgan zararlarining aksariyati, 1970-yillarning boshlarida sodir bo'lgan edi, garchi ular mojaro davomida ingliz armiyasi, RUC va UDRga katta yo'qotishlarni keltirib chiqarmoqda. Muallifning fikriga ko'ra Ed Moloney, IRA Armiya Kengashi 1980-yillarning oxirlarida mojaroni keskin avj oldirish uchun rejalari bor edi, ularni ular bilan taqqoslaganlar Tet Offensive ning Vetnam urushi, Liviyadan olingan qurollar yordamida.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Chegara bo'ylab bir nechta hududlarni egallash va ushlab turish, Britaniya armiyasini chegara hududlaridan chiqib ketishga majbur qilish yoki ularni qayta olish uchun maksimal kuch ishlatishga majbur qilish rejalashtirilgan edi - shu tariqa mojaroni Muvaqqat AIR Britaniyaning jamoatchilik fikri deb o'ylagan nuqtadan tashqariga chiqardi. qabul qiladi.^[112] Biroq, bu hujum amalga oshmadi. IRA manbalari keltirilgan AIRning maxfiy tarixi Ed Moloney tomonidan aytilganlarning tutilishi Eksund jo'natish ushbu hujum uchun ular kutgan hayratlanish elementini yo'q qildi. "Tet Offensive" ning erdan yiqilib tushishida AIR tarkibidagi informatorlarning roli ham katta rol o'ynaganga o'xshaydi.^[110] Shunga qaramay, etkazib beriladigan yuklar AIRga 1980-yillarda kuchli kampaniyani boshlashga imkon berdi.^[113] Qurol kontrabandasining muvaffaqiyati Britaniya razvedkasining mag'lubiyati bo'ldi va Shimoliy Irlandiyadagi mojaroning burilish nuqtasi bo'ldi.^[114] Liviya qurollari IRAga abadiy urush olib borishga imkon berdi.^[115]

Ning namunalari Semtex -H va C4 plastik portlovchi moddalar

Ushbu vaziyatda, masalan, AIRning yangi og'ir qurollari yer-havo raketalari (SAM) va otashinlar, were never, or very rarely, used. The only recorded use of flamethrowers took place in the attack in Derryard, County Fermanagh, when two soldiers were killed when a permanent checkpoint manned by the Shohning Shotlandiya chegarachilari was the target of a multiple weapons attack on 13 December 1989.^[116][117] The SAMs turned out to be out of date models, unable to shoot down British helicopters equipped with anti-missile technology.^[118] The missiles were eventually rendered useless when their batteries wore out.^[119] The Semtex plastik portlovchi proved the most valuable addition to the IRA's armoury.^[120]

As it was, the numbers of members of the British and Northern Ireland military personnel killed by the IRA increased in the years 1988–1990, from 12 in 1986 to 39 in 1988, but dropped to 27 in 1989 and decreased again to 18 in 1990. The death toll by 1991 was similar to that of the mid-1980s, with 14 fatalities. 32 members of the RUC were killed in the same period.^[121][122]

By the late 1980s, the Provisional IRA, in the judgement of journalist and author Brendan O'Brayen, "could not be beaten, it could be contained". Politically and militarily, that was the most significant factor.^[123] By the late 1980s and early 1990s, roughly nine out of every ten IRA attacks were aborted or failed to cause casualties.^[124] Republican sources such as Mitchel McLaughlin va Denni Morrison argued that by the early 1990s, the Provisional IRA could not attain their objectives by purely military means.^[125]

A campaign to pressure Libya to pay compensation to IRA victims was derailed by the Liviya inqirozi.^[126]

Incidents with British special forces

The IRA suffered some heavy losses at the hands of British special forces like the Maxsus havo xizmati (SAS), the heaviest being the killing of eight IRA members in the Loughgall pistirmasi in 1987, as they attempted to destroy the Loughgall RUC stantsiyasi.^[127] The Sharqiy Tyronlar brigadasi was hit particularly hard by British killings of their members in this period, losing 28 members killed by British forces in the period 1987–1992, out of 53 dead in the whole conflict.^[128] In many of these cases, Provisional IRA members were killed after being ambushed by British special forces. Some authors alleged that this amounted to a campaign of suiqasd on the part of state forces (see shoot-to-kill policy in Northern Ireland ).^[129]

Another high-profile incident took place in Gibraltar in March 1988, when three unarmed IRA members were shot dead by an SAS unit while scouting out a bombing target (see "Flavius" operatsiyasi ).^[130] The subsequent funerals of these IRA members in Belfast were attacked by loyalist gunman Maykl Stoun. At a funeral of one of Stone's victims, two plainsclothes British Army corporals were abducted, beaten and shot dead by the IRA after driving into the funeral procession (see Kapitallarni o'ldirish ).^[131]

There were, however, a number of incidents in which undercover operations ended in failure, such as a shoot-out at the village of Kappag on 24 March 1990, where plain-clothes members of the security forces were ambushed by an IRA unit, and Amaliyotni saqlash, which was thwarted by the IRA's South Armagh Brigade and one British soldier was shot dead in a counter-ambush.^[132] On 2 May 1980, Djo Derti, Angelo Fusko, Pol Mage and another IRA member were arrested after being cornered by the SAS in a house in Belfast.^[133] SAS commander Captain Herbert Westmacott was hit by machine gun fire and killed instantly.^[134]

Loyalists and the IRA – killing and reprisals

The IRA and Sinn Feyn suffered from a campaign of assassination launched against their members by loyalist paramilitaries from the late 1980s. These attacks killed about 12 IRA and 15 Sinn Féin members between 1987 and 1994.^[135] This tactic was unusual as the vast majority of loyalist victims were Catholic civilians.^[136] In addition, loyalists killed family members of known republicans; John (or Jack) McKearney and his nephew, Kevin McKearney, and Kevin's parents-in-law, Charles and Teresa Fox (whose son, Peter, was an IRA volunteer) were all targeted by the UVF. Two of Kevin's brothers, Padreyg and Sean, were IRA volunteers killed during the Troubles.^[137][138] According to recently released documents, British military intelligence stated in a secret 1973 draft report that within the Ulster mudofaa polki (UDR) it was likely there were soldiers who were also loyalist paramilitaries. Despite knowing this, the British Government stepped up the role of the UDR in "maintaining order" within Northern Ireland. British Government documents released on 3 May 2006 show that overlapping membership between British Army units like the Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR) and loyalist paramilitary groups was a wider problem than a "few bad apples" as was often claimed.

The documents include a draft report titled "Subversion in the UDR" which detailed the problem. In 1973; an estimated 5–15% of UDR soldiers were directly linked to loyalist paramilitary groups, it was believed that the "best single source of weapons, and the only significant source of modern weapons, for Protestant extremist groups was the UDR", it was feared UDR troops were loyal to "Ulster" alone rather than to "Her Majesty's Government", the British Government knew that UDR weapons were being used in the assassination and attempted assassination of Roman Catholic civilians by loyalist paramilitaries.^[139]

Loyalists were aided in this campaign by elements of the security forces, including the British Army and RUC Special Branch (see Stevens Report ). Loyalist sources have since confirmed that they received intelligence files on republicans from members of British Army and police intelligence in this period. A British Army agent within the Ulster mudofaa assotsiatsiyasi (UDA), Brayan Nelson, was convicted in 1992 of the killings of Catholic civilians. It was later revealed that Nelson, while working as a British Army agent, was also involved in the importation of arms for loyalists from South Africa in 1988.^[140]

In 1993, for the first time since the 1960s, loyalist paramilitaries killed two more people than republican paramilitaries. In 1994, loyalists killed eleven more people than republicans, and in 1995, they killed twelve more. In the latter case (1995 period), the Provisional IRA 1994's cease-fire was still in place.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

In response to these attacks, the IRA began a reactive assassination campaign against leading members of the UDA and UVF. By the late 1980s, the IRA Army Council would not sanction attacks on Protestant areas with a high likelihood of civilian casualties, but only on named, identified loyalist targets. The main reason for this was the negative impact of attacks on civilians on the republican movement's electoral appeal. The IRA issued a statement in 1986 saying: "At no time will we involve ourselves in the execution of ordinary Protestants, but at all times we reserve the right to take armed action against those who attempt to terrorise or intimidate our people into accepting British/unionist rule".^[141] Gerri Adams stressed his party's point of view in 1989; "Sinn Féin does not condone the deaths of people who are non-combatants".^[142]

To maximise the impact of the tactic, the IRA targeted senior loyalist paramilitary figures. Among the leading loyalists killed were John McMichael, Djo Bratti, Raymond Elder va Rey Smolvudlar of the UDA and Jon Bingem va Robert Seymur of the UVF.^[142][143] Mechanic Leslie Dallas, shot dead by the IRA along with two elderly Protestants in 1989, was also claimed by the IRA to be a member of the UVF^[144] but his family and the UVF denied this. He is listed in the Sutton Index as a civilian.^[145]

Bittasi IRA bombasi on 23 October 1993 caused civilian casualties, when a bomb was planted at a Shankill yo'li fish shop. The bomb was intended to kill the entire senior leadership of the UDA, including Johnny Adair, who sometimes met in a room above the shop. Instead, the bomb killed eight Protestant civilians, a low-level UDA member and also one of the bombers, Tomas Begli, when the device exploded prematurely. In addition, 58 more people were injured.^[146] This provoked a series of retaliatory killings by the UVF and UDA of Catholic civilians with no political or paramilitary connections.^[147][148]According to the Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN), Olster universiteti statistics, the Provisional IRA killed 30 loyalist paramilitaries in total. Yo'qotilgan hayot gives a figure of 28^[149] out of a total number of loyalists killed in the Troubles of 126.^[150]

Ga binoan The Irish War by Tony Geraghty, the IRA killed 45 loyalists.^[151] These killings intensified just before the IRA ceasefire of 1994, with UDA members Ray Smallwoods being killed on 11 July, Joe Bratty & Raymond Elder on 31 July & a UVF commander Billi Rayt had been seriously injured by the IRA in June. As well as these IRA killings the other Republican paramilitary the Irlandiya milliy ozodlik armiyasi killed three UVF men during the same period including UVF Belfast commander Trevor King. The loyalist groups called their ceasefire six weeks after the IRA ceasefire of that year and they argued that it was the killing of Catholic civilians and republicans that had forced the IRA ceasefire by placing intolerable pressure on nationalists, a view echoed by former deputy leader of the Ulster Unionist partiyasi, Jon Teylor, Baron Kilkluni.^[152]

Campaign up to and after the 1994 ceasefire

1990-yillarning boshlari

The improvised mortar was the weapon of choice for the Provisional IRA during the 1990s.

By the early 1990s, although the death toll had dropped significantly from the worst years of the 1970s, the IRA campaign continued to severely disrupt normal life in Northern Ireland.

• In 1987, the IRA carried out almost 300 shooting and bombing attacks, killing 31 RUC, UDR and British Army personnel and 20 civilians, while injuring 100 security forces and 150 civilians.^[124]
• In 1990, IRA attacks killed 30 soldiers and RUC members and injured 340.^[153][154]
• In 1992, the figure for IRA attacks was 426.^[155]

The IRA was capable of carrying on with a significant level of violence for the foreseeable future. On the other hand, the goal of the British government in the 1980s was to destroy the IRA, rather than find a political solution.^{[156][157][158]} Moreover, in addition to those killed and injured, the conflict had a substantial economic cost. The UK had to devote an enormous budget to keep their security system in Northern Ireland running indefinitely.^[159][160]

Journalist Kevin Toolis states that from 1985 onward, the IRA carried out a five-year campaign against RUC and Army bases that resulted in 33 British security facilities destroyed and nearly a hundred seriously damaged.^[161] The attacks and bombings in the early 1990s forced the UK government to dismantle several bases and security posts, whose maintenance or reconstruction was not affordable.^[162][163] The presence of the British Army in the region increased from its lowest ebb of 9,000 men in 1985 to 10,500 by 1992 after an escalation of the IRA's mortar attacks.^[164]

In South Armagh, in contrast to other brigade areas, IRA activity increased in the early 1990s. Travelling by road in South Armagh became so dangerous for the British Army that by 1975 they began using helicopters to transport troops and supply its bases, a practice continued until the late 1990s.^[165] The IRA there shot down five helicopters (one in 1978,^[166] another one in 1988 and 1991^[167] and two in 1994), and damaged at least another three in this period, using DShK heavy machine guns and improvised mortars.^[168] Another one was brought down in early 1990 in County Tyrone by the IRA's Sharqiy Tyronlar brigadasi, wounding three crew members.^[169][170]

One of several methods the IRA used to counter British body armour was the use of high velocity Barrett Light 50 va Belgian FN snayper miltiqlari, several of which the IRA imported from the USA. Ikki snipers teams of the South Armagh Brigade killed nine members of the security forces in this way. To avoid the jamming of wireless-triggered detonators, the organisation began to employ radar beacons to prime their explosive devices, improving dramatically the effectiveness of the attacks.^[171][172] By 1992, the use of long-range weapons like mortars and heavy machine guns by the IRA had forced the British Army to build its checkpoints one to five miles from the border in order to avoid attacks launched from the Republic.^[173]

Another IRA technique used in 1990 on three occasions was the "proksi-bomba ", where a victim was kidnapped and forced to drive a avtomashinada bomba uning maqsadiga. All three victims were Catholic men employed by the security forces. Their families were held hostage to ensure the proxies did as they were directed. The first proxy, at Coshquin (near Derry), died, along with six soldiers. The second proxy, at Cloghoge (or Cloghogue; near Newry), escaped but a soldier was killed. The third incident, at Omag, produced no casualties due to a faulty detonator. This practice was stopped, reportedly due to the revulsion it caused among nationalists.^[174]

In the early 1990s the IRA intensified its campaign against commercial and economic targets in Northern Ireland. For example, in May 1993 over four days the IRA detonated car bombs in Belfast, Portadaun va Magherafelt, County Londonderry, causing millions of pounds worth of damage.^[175] On 1 January 1994, the IRA planted eleven incendiary devices in shops and other premises in the Greater Belfast area in a "firebomb blitz" that caused millions of pounds worth of damage.^[176]

The ceasefires

In August 1994, the Provisional IRA announced a "complete cessation of military operations". This was the culmination of several years of negotiations between the Republican leadership, led by Gerri Adams va Martin Makginness, various figures in the local political parties, the Irish government and British government. It was informed by the view that neither the UK forces, nor the IRA could win the conflict and that greater progress towards Republican objectives might be achieved by negotiation.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

The devastation on Corporation Street in Manchester after the IRA bombing of 1996

While many Provisional IRA volunteers were reportedly unhappy with the end of armed struggle short of the achievement of a united Ireland, the peace strategy has since resulted in substantial electoral and political gains for Sinn Feyn, the movement's political wing. It may now be argued that the Sinn Féin political party has eclipsed the Provisional IRA as the most important part of the republican movement. The ceasefire of 1994 therefore, while not a definitive end to Provisional IRA operations, marked the effective end of its full scale armed campaign.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

The Provisional IRA called off its 1994 ceasefire on 9 February 1996 because of its dissatisfaction with the state of negotiations. They signaled the end of the ceasefire by detonating a truck bomb at Kanareykalar Wharf in London, which caused the deaths of two civilians and massive damage to property. In the summer of 1996, another truck bomb devastated Manchester shahar markazi. However, the Provisional IRA campaign after the ceasefire was suspended during this period and never reached the intensity of previous years. In total, the IRA killed 2 British soldiers, 2 RUC officers, 2 British civilians, and 1 Garda in 1996–1997 according to the CAIN project.^[177] They resumed their ceasefire on 19 July 1997.^[178]

These Provisional IRA military activities of 1996–97 were widely believed to have been used to gain leverage in negotiations with the British government during the period.^[179] Whereas in 1994–95, the British Konservativ partiya government had refused to enter public talks with Sinn Feyn until the IRA had given up its weapons, the Mehnat partiyasi government in power by 1997 was prepared to include Sinn Féin in peace talks before IRA decommissioning. This precondition was officially dropped in June 1997.^[180]

Another widespread interpretation of the temporary breakdown in the first IRA ceasefire is that the leadership of Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness tolerated a limited return to violence in order to avoid a split between hardliners and moderates in the IRA Army Council. Nevertheless, they emphasized in every public statement since the fall of 1996 the need for a second truce. Once they had won over or removed the militarists from the council, they re-instated the ceasefire.^[6]

Zarar ko'rgan narsalar

Ga ko'ra Internetdagi nizolar arxivi (CAIN), a research project at the Olster universiteti, the IRA was responsible for 1,705 deaths, about 48% of the total conflict deaths.^[181] Of that figure:

• 1,009 (59.2%) were members or former members of the British security forces, including:
  • 697 British military personnel: 644 from the Britaniya armiyasi (shu jumladan Ulster mudofaa polki /Irlandiya qirollik polki ), 4 from the Qirollik havo kuchlari, 1 dan Qirollik floti, and 43 former British military personnel.^[4]
  • 312 British law enforcement personnel: 270 Qirollik Ulster konstitutsiyasi (RUC) officers, 14 former RUC officers, 20 Shimoliy Irlandiya qamoqxona xizmati (NIPS) officers, 2 former NIPS officers, and 6 English police officers.^[4]
• 508 (29%) were classed as civilians, including 17 siyosiy faollar.^[4]
• 133 (7.8%) were members of the IRA, killed as informers or in premature explosions of bombs.^[4]
• 39 (2.2%) were sodiq paramilitary members: 26 Ulster mudofaa assotsiatsiyasi (UDA) members, 12 Ulster ko'ngillilar kuchlari (UVF) members and 1 Qizil qo'l qo'mondoni (RHC) member.^[4]
• 8 (0.4%) were members of the Irish security forces, including 6 Gardaí, 1 Irish Prison Service officer, and 1 Irlandiya armiyasi askar.^[4]
• 5 (0.2%) were members of other republican paramilitary groups: 4 Rasmiy IRA members and 1 IPLO a'zo.^[4]

Another detailed study, Yo'qotilgan hayot,^[5] states the Provisional IRA was responsible for the deaths of 1,781 people up to 2004. It says that, of this figure:

• 944 (53%) were members of the British security forces, including: 638 British military (including the UDR), 273 Qirollik Ulster konstitutsiyasi (including RUC reserve), 23 Northern Ireland Prison Service officers, five British police officers and five former British soldiers.
• 644 (36%) were civilians.
• 163 (9%) were Republican paramilitary members (including IRA members, most caused their own deaths when bombs they were transporting exploded prematurely).
• 28 (1.5%) were loyalist paramilitary members.
• 7 (0.3%) were members of the Irish security forces (6 Gardaí and one Irish Army).

Yo'qotilgan hayot states that 294 Provisional IRA members died in the Troubles.^[150] The IRA lost 276 members during the Troubles according to the CAIN figures. Bundan tashqari, bir qator Sinn Feyn activists or councillors were killed, some of whom were also IRA members. Foblaxt gives a figure of 341 IRA and Sinn Féin members killed in the Troubles, indicating between 50–60 Sinn Féin deaths if the IRA deaths are subtracted.^[182]

About 120 Provisional IRA members caused their own deaths, almost all when they were killed by their own explosives in premature bombing accidents – 103 deaths according to CAIN, 105 according to an RUC report of 1993. Nine IRA members died on ochlik e'lon qilish.^[183] Yo'qotilgan hayot gives a figure of 163 killings of republican paramilitary members (this includes bombing accidents and feuds with republicans from other organisations).^[149] Of the remaining 200 or so IRA dead, around 150 were killed by the British Army, with the remainder killed by loyalist paramilitaries, the RUC and the UDR.

Far more common than the killing of IRA volunteers however, was their imprisonment. Journalists Eamonn Mallie and Patrick Bishop estimate in Vaqtinchalik IRA (1988), that between 8–10,000 Provisional IRA members were, up until that point, imprisoned during the course of the conflict, a number they also give as the total number of IRA members during the Troubles.^[3] The total number of Provisional IRA members imprisoned must be higher, once the figures from 1988 onwards are included.

Baholash

IRA poster

British Army official report

An internal British Army document released under the Axborot erkinligi to'g'risidagi qonun 2000 yil in 2007 stated an expert opinion that the British Army had failed to defeat the IRA by force of arms but also claims to have "shown the IRA that it could not achieve its ends through violence".^[184][185] The report examined 37 years of British troop deployment and was compiled following a six-month study by a team of three officers carried out in early 2006 for General Sir Mayk Jekson, the British Army's Chief of the General Staff. The military assessment describes the IRA as "professional, dedicated, highly skilled and resilient".^[186]

The paper divides the IRA activity and tactics in two main periods: The "insurgency" phase (1971–1972), and the "terrorist" phase (1972–1997).^[187] The British Army claims to have curbed the IRA isyon by 1972, after Motorman operatsiyasi. The IRA then reemerged as a cell-structured organisation.^[187] The report also asserts that the government efforts by the 1980s were aimed to destroy the IRA, rather than negotiate a political solution,^[188] and that the British campaign produced no final victory "in any recognisable way".^[189] One of the conclusions from the paper reveals the failure of the British Army to engage the IRA at strategic level and the lack of a single campaign authority and plan.^[190]

Other analyses

Some authors, including Brendan O'Brien, Patrick McCarthy, Piter Teylor, Tom Xeyden, Fergus Finlay and Timothy J. White, also concluded that, unlike previous IRA campaigns, the Provisionals had not been defeated but had arrived at the conclusion of a bloody stalemate in which neither side could destroy the other.^{[191][192][193][194][195][196]} According to O'Brien, the IRA "could end its armed campaign from a avowed position of strength, discipline and military capacity. They had not been defeated."^[197] Political analysts Brian Barton and Patrick Roche maintain that while the IRA, although undefeated, fell short of their goal of a united Ireland, the IRA campaign was eventually legitimised by the peace process and the Good Friday Agreement.^[198]

Boshqa tadbirlar

Apart from its armed campaign, the Provisional IRA was also involved in many other activities, including "policing" of nationalist communities, qaroqchilik va o'g'irlash for the purposes of raising funds, fund raising in other countries, involvement in community events and parades, and intelligence gathering. The Mustaqil monitoring komissiyasi (IMC), a body supervising the ceasefire and activities of paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland has judged the Provisional IRA to have ceased all of the above activities. The IMC issues a bi-yearly public report on the activities of all paramilitary groups operating and known of in Northern Ireland.^[199]

Paramilitary policing

Activities deemed punishable by the Provisional IRA (often described as "anti-social activities"), included collaboration with the RUC and/or British Army i.e. ma'lumot berish, drug dealing, criminal activity outside of the Provisional IRA, quvonch minish, spreading of dissent, and any other activities which might either damage the Provisional IRA or interests of the community as defined by the Provisional IRA. For the most part, the list of activities deemed punishable by the Provisional IRA coincided with those deemed punishable by the community at large. Punishments ranged in severity from verbal warnings to physical attacks, through to wounding by gunshot, progressing to forcing the suspect to flee Ireland for their lives and death. This process was often described as "qisqacha adolat " by the political establishment and media. In the majority of cases the Provisional IRA claimed that there had been a full investigation and that guilt had been established before their sentence was carried out. The process, which was widely known of in nationalist communities, worked on a sliding scale of severity – in the case of a petty thief a warning to stop may initially be issued, escalating to a physical attack known as a "punishment beating" usually with baseball bats or similar tools. If the behaviour continued then a more serious physical assault known as a "knee-capping " (gunshot wounds to limbs, hands, joints) would occur. The final level would be a threat of death against the suspect if they did not leave the island of Ireland, and if this order was not adhered to, death. The IMC has noted that the Provisional IRA has repeatedly come under pressure from nationalist community members since its cessation of violence to resume such policing but has resisted such requests.^[200]

Shubhali informers and those who cooperated with the RUC and British Army (sometimes referred to as hamkorlar ) were generally dealt with by a qarshi razvedka unit titled the Ichki xavfsizlik bo'limi (ISU), sometimes referred to as the "nutting squad". Typically, the ISU would abduct and interrogate suspects frequently using torture to extract confessions. The interrogations would often be recorded and played back to senior Provisional IRA members at a secretly held board of inquiry. This board would then pronounce judgement, usually a fatal gunshot to the head. A judgement as severe as death was frequently made public in the form of a communique released to the media but in some cases, for reasons of political expediency, the Provisional IRA did not announce responsibility. The bodies of killed informers were usually found shot dead by roadsides in isolated areas. On occasion recordings of their confessions were released to the media.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

This style of summary justice, often meted out based on evidence of dubious quality, by untrained investigators and self-appointed judges frequently led to what the Provisional IRA has acknowledged as horrific mistakes.^{[iqtibos kerak ]} As of February 2007, the IMC has stated that the Provisional IRA has issued "instructions to members not to use physical force" and noted what it describes as "the leadership’s maintenance of a firm stance against the involvement of members in criminality." Where criminality has been engaged in by Provisional IRA, members of the IMC note that "we were satisfied these individual activities were contrary to the express injunctions of the leadership".^[200]

Internal republican feuds

The Provisional IRA has also targeted other republican paramilitary groups and dissenting members of the Provisional IRA who refuse or disregard orders. In 1972, 1975 and 1977, the Rasmiy IRA and Provisional IRA engaged in attacks on the opposing organisation leaving several dead on either side. In 1992, The Provisional IRA attacked and eliminated the Irlandiya xalqini ozod qilish tashkiloti (IPLO), which was widely perceived as being involved in drug dealing and other criminality in West Belfast. One IPLO member was killed, several knee-capped and more ordered to disband. The last known example of this practise as of February 2007 took place in 2000 and involved the shooting dead of a Haqiqiy Irlandiya respublika armiyasi (RIRA) member for his opposition to the Provisionals' ceasefire.^[201]

Activities in Republic of Ireland

Although the Provisional IRA's General Order No.8 forbids military action "against 26 County forces under any circumstances whatsoever",^[202] a'zolari Garda Siochana (the Republic of Ireland's police force) have also been killed, including Detective Garda Jerry McCabe. McCabe was killed by machine-gun fire as he sat in his patrol car in Adare Limerik okrugi during the escort of a pochta delivery in 1996. Sinn Féin has called for the release of his killers under the terms of the Xayrli juma shartnomasi. In total, the Provisional IRA killed six Gardaí and one Irlandiya armiyasi soldier, mostly during robberies.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Robberies and criminal enterprise

The Provisional IRA has carried out numerous bank and post office robberies across Ireland throughout its existence. An RUC estimate from 1982–83, puts the amount stolen in such raids by the Provisional IRA at around £700,000 (sterling).^[202] Also in the 1980s, the Provisional IRA were involved in the kidnapping and ransom of businessmen Gaelen Weston, Ben Dunne and Don Tidey. Activities such as these were linked to the IRA's fund-raising. Gardaí estimate that the Provisional IRA got up to £1.5 million from these activities.^[202] Faoliyat turlari kiradi kontrabanda, sale of stolen items and kontrabanda including cigarettes, qizil dizel, tovlamachilik, protection rackets, and pul yuvish. Most recently, the Provisional IRA have been blamed for carrying out the Shimoliy bankni talon-taroj qilish in December 2004, although no proof was ever forwarded and this crime remains unsolved. The IMC note that in their view the Provisional IRA has not had any "organisational involvement in robbery or other such organised crime".^[200]

Tomas Merfi, a prominent Provisional IRA leader from South Armagh, has been the subject of repeated rumours of organised crime including diesel smuggling and tax evasion. In 2006 both Irish and British security forces mounted a major joint raid on his farm, and in December 2015 he was arrested and put on trial in Dublin's Maxsus jinoiy sud charged with tax evasion.^[203] He was found guilty of tax evasion on 17 December 2015.^[204]

Adabiyotlar

Manbalar

• J. Bowyer Bell, Yashirin armiya: IRA. ISBN  0-8156-0597-8
• Martin Dillon, 25 yillik terrorizm - AIRning inglizlarga qarshi urushi. ISBN  0-553-40773-2
• Richard inglizcha, Qurolli kurash - IRA tarixi. ISBN  0-330-49388-4
• Piter Teylor, Niqob ortida - IRA va Sinn Féin. ISBN  1-57500-061-X
• Ed Moloney, AIRning maxfiy tarixi. ISBN  0-393-05194-3
• Eamonn Mallie va Patrik Bishop, Vaqtinchalik IRA. ISBN  0-552-13337-X
• Tobi Xarnden, Bandit-mamlakat - IRA va Janubiy Armagh. ISBN  0-340-71736-X
• Brendan O'Brayen, Uzoq urush - IRA va Sinn Féin. ISBN  0-8156-0319-3
• Tim Pat Kugan, Muammolar. ISBN  0-312-29418-2
• Toni Jeraghty, Irlandiya urushi. ISBN  0-8018-6456-9
• Kevin Toolis, Isyonchilar yuraklari. ISBN  0-312-15632-4
• Devid MakKitrik, Seamus Kelters, Brayan Feni, Kris Tornton, Devid Makvi, Yo'qotilgan hayot. ISBN  1-84018-227-X