Sobiborni yo'q qilish lageri - Sobibor extermination camp

"Sobibor" bu erga yo'naltiriladi. Boshqa maqsadlar uchun qarang Sobibor (ajralish).

Koordinatalar: 51 ° 26′50 ″ N 23 ° 35′37 ″ E / 51.44722 ° N 23.59361 ° E / 51.44722; 23.59361

Sobibor
Yo'q qilish lageri
Sobiborni yo'q qilish lageri ko'rinishi, 1943 yil yoz (qayta ishlangan) .jpg
Sobiborni yo'q qilish lageri, 1943 yil yozida
Boshqa ismlarSS -Sonderkommando Sobibor
Ma'lumGenotsid davomida Holokost
ManzilYaqin Sobibor, Bosh hukumat (bosib olingan Polsha)
Tomonidan qurilgan
Komendant
Birinchi qurilgan1941 yil oktyabr - 1942 yil may
Operatsion1942 yil 16 may - 1943 yil 14 oktyabr[1]
MahbuslarYahudiylar, asosan Polshadan
Mahbuslar soniIstalgan vaqtda 600-650 qul mehnati
O'ldirildiKamida 170,000–250,000
Taniqli mahbuslarSobibordan omon qolganlarning ro'yxati

Sobibor (Inglizcha: /ˈsoʊ.bmen.bɔːɹ/, Polyakcha: [sɔ.ˈbi.bur]) edi yo'q qilish lageri tomonidan qurilgan va ishlatilgan Natsistlar Germaniyasi qismi sifatida Reinhard operatsiyasi. U qishloqqa yaqin o'rmonda joylashgan edi Sobibor ichida Bosh hukumat viloyati Germaniya tomonidan bosib olingan Polsha.

A emas, balki yo'q qilish lageri sifatida kontslager, Sobibor yahudiylarni o'ldirishning yagona maqsadi uchun mavjud edi. Mahbuslarning katta qismi edi gazlangan ular kelganidan keyin bir necha soat ichida. Gazni zudlik bilan iste'mol qilmaganlar lagerning ishlashiga yordam berishga majbur bo'ldilar va bir necha oydan ozroq omon qolishdi. Sobiborda jami 170,000 dan 250,000 gacha odam o'ldirilgan va bu o'limdan keyingi to'rtinchi fashistlar lageriga aylangan. Belzek, Treblinka va Osvensim.

Lager a dan keyin o'z faoliyatini to'xtatdi mahbuslar qo'zg'oloni 1943 yil 14 oktyabrda bo'lib o'tgan. Qo'zg'olon rejasi ikki bosqichni o'z ichiga olgan. Birinchi bosqichda mahbuslar guruhlari SS zobitlarining har birini ehtiyotkorlik bilan o'ldirishlari kerak edi. Ikkinchi bosqichda 600 mahbusning hammasi kechqurun qo'ng'iroq qilish uchun yig'ilib, old eshikdan ozodlikka chiqishdi. Ammo SS ofitserlaridan atigi 12 nafari o'ldirilganidan keyin reja buzilgan. Mahbuslar tikanli simli to'siqlardan oshib o'tib, og'ir pulemyot o'qi ostida minalar maydonidan o'tib qochib qutulishlari kerak edi. 300 ga yaqin mahbus lagerdan chiqib ketishdi, ulardan 58 nafari urushdan omon qolgani ma'lum.

Qo'zg'olondan keyin fashistlar lagerni buzib, qarag'ay daraxtlari bilan o'stirishdi. Birinchi o'n yilliklar ichida sayt e'tiborsiz qoldirildi Ikkinchi jahon urushi va lagerning o'zi Holokost haqidagi mashhur yoki ilmiy ma'lumotlarda kam ishtirok etgan. Bu Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari televidenie mini-fabrikalarida tasvirlanganidan keyin yaxshi ma'lum bo'ldi Holokost (1978) va ingliz televizion filmi Sobibordan qochish (1987). Sovet Ittifoqi qulaganidan keyin Sobibor muzeyi saytda ochilgan va arxeologlar 2020 yildan boshlab davom etadigan qazish ishlarini boshlashgan. Ishlayotgan lagerning dastlabki fotosuratlari 2020 yilda Sobibor jinoyatchi albomi.

Fon

Reinhard operatsiyasi

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: Polshadagi xolokost
Evropada Xolokost xaritasi. Sobibor markazning o'ng tomonida joylashgan.

Sobibor tarkibida tashkil etilgan to'rtta yo'q qilish lagerlaridan biri edi Reinhard operatsiyasi, ning eng xavfli bosqichi Holokost.[2] Evropadagi yahudiylarni yo'q qilish faqat yuqoridan pastga qaror sifatida emas, aksincha egallab olingan ayrim hududlarga nisbatan qabul qilingan qarorlarning tuzatmasi edi.[3] Keyingi Polshaga bostirib kirish 1939 yil sentyabrda nemislar Nisko rejasi unda yahudiylar chiqarib yuborilgan gettolar Evropa bo'ylab majburiy mehnat lagerlariga Lyublin rezervatsiyasi. Lyublin tumani mintaqa, ayniqsa, noqulay sharoitlari uchun tanlangan.[4] 1940 yilda Nisko rejasidan voz kechilgan,[4][5] ammo ko'plab majburiy mehnat lagerlari ushbu hududda operatsiyalarni davom ettirdi, shu jumladan Trawniki, Lipova 7 va Dorohucza.[6]

Lyublin tumani lagerlari xaritasi. Sobibor markazda.

1941 yilda natsistlar gaz chiqaradigan yahudiylar bilan tajriba o'tkazishni boshladilar. 1941 yil dekabrda SS rasmiylari Xelmno yordamida tajribalar o'tkazdi gazli furgonlar va birinchi ommaviy gazlar o'tkazildi Osventsim kontslageri yanvar oyida. Da Vansi konferentsiyasi 1942 yil 20-yanvarda, Reynxard Xaydrix yo'q qilish lagerlari tarmog'i orqali yahudiylarni muntazam ravishda o'ldirish rejasini e'lon qildi. Ushbu reja amalga oshirildi Reinhard operatsiyasi.[7]

Sobiborni, xususan, erta rejalashtirish to'g'risida aniq bir narsa ma'lum emas.[8] Ba'zi tarixchilar rejalashtirish 1940 yildayoq bir necha yirik shaharlarni tashlab ketadigan, ammo o'z ichiga olgan temir yo'l xaritasi asosida boshlangan bo'lishi mumkin deb taxmin qilishdi. Sobibor va Belecec.[9] Natsistlarning ushbu saytga bo'lgan qiziqishining dastlabki dastlabki dalillari SS politsiyachilari temir yo'l stantsiyasi qarshisidagi erni o'rganayotganini 1941 yil kuzida payqagan mahalliy polyaklarning ko'rsatmalaridan kelib chiqadi.[10] Stantsiya kafeteryasida ishlaydigan bir ishchi SS-lardan birining qurilishi haqida so'raganida, u tez orada ko'rishini va bu "kulgi" bo'lishini aytdi.[11]

Lager qurilishi

1942 yil mart oyida SS-Hauptsturmführer Richard Tommalla Sobiborda noma'lum tarixda boshlangan qurilish ishlarini o'z zimmasiga oldi. Thomalla sobiq qurilish pudratchisi bo'lgan va yordamchi politsiya qo'mondoni va yahudiylarning majburiy mehnat masalalari bo'yicha maslahatchisi sifatida xizmat qilganligi sababli unga yuqori lavozimlarga ega bo'lgan natsistlarni sodir etgan. Odilo Globočnik qurilish bo'limi.[12] Ilgari qurilishini nazorat qilib Beletsni yo'q qilish lageri, u erda u erda olgan saboqlarini Sobiborga qo'lladi.[13] Thomalla Sobibor uchun Belececnikiga qaraganda ancha katta maydon ajratdi, manevr uchun ko'proq joy ajratdi, shuningdek lagerning barcha inshootlari uchun uning atrofini qurish uchun joy ajratdi.[14]

SS-Hauptsturmführer Richard Tommalla, Sobiborning dastlabki qurilishini boshqargan.

Lagerda urushgacha bo'lgan bir qancha binolar, shu jumladan pochta, o'rmonchilar turar joyi, o'rmon xo'jaligi minorasi va ibodatxona mavjud edi.[15] O'rmonchining uyi lager ma'muriyati binosiga aylandi, pochta esa SS uchun turar joy sifatida ishlatilgan (ammo, odatda, komendant uchun emas).[16] Temir yo'l yo'llari yaqinida joylashgan sobiq pochta aloqasi bugungi kunda ham mavjud.[17][15] SS lager ichida tugagan 800 metrlik temir yo'lni qo'shib, avvalgi temir yo'l infratuzilmasini moslashtirdi. Ushbu uchinchi temir yo'llar lagerida yangi mahbuslarning transport vositalari tushirilayotganda muntazam temir yo'l harakati to'xtovsiz davom etishi mumkin edi.[14] Ba'zi qurilish materiallari Lyublin shahridagi SS markaziy qurilish idorasi tomonidan etkazib berildi, boshqalari esa mahalliy arra va g'isht zavodlaridan, shuningdek yahudiylarning buzilgan uylari qoldiqlaridan sotib olindi.[17][18]

Lagerni qurgan ishchilarning birinchi guruhi asosan qo'shni qishloq va shaharlardan kelgan mahalliy aholi edi. Bular polshalik yoki yahudiylarning majburiy ishchilar darajasi bo'lganligi noma'lum.[19][20] Tommalla kelganidan keyin Yahudiylar kengashi yaqinda Wlodava qarorgoh qurilishiga yordam berish uchun 150 yahudiyni yuborish buyurilgan.[21] Ushbu ishchilarni ishlayotganda doimo ta'qib qilishgan va agar ular charchoq alomatlarini ko'rsatsalar, otib tashlashgan.[21] Ko'pchilik qurilish tugagandan so'ng o'ldirilgan, ammo ikkitasi qaytib qochib ketgan Wlodava, qaerda ular ogohlantirishga urinishgan Yahudiylar kengashi lager va uning maqsadi haqida. Ularning ogohlantirishlari ishonchsizlik bilan kutib olindi.[21][22]

Sobibordagi birinchi gaz kameralari Belzecdagi kabi, ammo hech qanday pechsiz qurilgan.[23] Ta'minlash uchun uglerod oksidi benzin, SS-Sharfyurer Erix Fuks ichida og'ir benzinli dvigatel sotib oldi Lemberg, zirhli transport vositasidan yoki traktordan ajratilgan. Fuks dvigatelni SS ofitserlari huzurida Sobibordagi tsement asosiga o'rnatgan Ip, Bauer, Stangl va Barbl, va dvigatelning egzoz kollektorini gaz kamerasiga olib boradigan quvurlarga ulangan.[24] 1942 yil aprel oyining o'rtalarida fashistlar deyarli tugagan lagerda eksperimental gazlarni o'tkazdilar. Xristian Virt, Belecec komandiri va Inspektor Reinhard operatsiyasi, Sobiborga mehnat lageridan olib kelingan o'ttiz-qirq yahudiy ayolni o'ldirgan ushbu gazlardan biriga guvoh bo'lish uchun tashrif buyurgan. Kryxov.[25]

Sobiborning dastlabki qurilishi 1942 yil yozida tugagan,[26] va keyinchalik mahbuslarning doimiy oqimi boshlandi.[18][27] Shu bilan birga, SS lageri butun borligi davomida doimiy ravishda kengaytirilib va ​​yangilanib turdi.[28] Bir necha oygina ishlagandan so'ng, gaz kameralarining yog'och devorlari juda ko'p ter, siydik, qon va najasni o'zlashtirdi. Shunday qilib, gaz kameralari 1942 yil yozida buzib tashlandi va yangi kattaroqlari g'ishtdan qurildi.[29] O'sha yozning oxirida SS ham obodonlashtirish loyihasini amalga oshirishga kirishdi, barak va otxonalarni tozalash tartibini belgilab, atrofni kengaytirdi va obodonlashtirdi. Vorlager keyinchalik mahbuslar tomonidan qayd etilgan "Tirol qishlog'i" ko'rinishini berish.[30] 1943 yil o'rtalarida Sobibor o'z faoliyatini to'xtatgach, SS Lager IV deb nomlanuvchi o'q-dorilar omborini qurish bilan bir qatorda edi.[31]

Maket

Sobibor atrofni to'sib qo'yish uchun qarag'ay novdalari bilan o'ralgan ikki qavatli simli to'siqlar bilan o'ralgan edi.[32] Uning shimoli-sharqiy burchagida yonma-yon ikkita eshik bor edi; biri poyezdlar uchun, ikkinchisi piyoda harakatlanish va transport vositalari uchun.[33] Sayt beshta birikmaga bo'lingan: Vorlager va to'rtta Lagerlar raqamlangan I-IV.

Sobiborning rejasi, 1943 yil yozida paydo bo'lgan.

The Vorlager (old qism) lager xodimlari uchun yashash joylari va dam olish binolarini o'z ichiga olgan. The SS zobitlari kabi rang-barang ismlar bilan yozgi uylarda yashagan Lustiger Floh (Quvnoq burga), Shvalennest (Qaldirg'ochning uyasi) va Gottes Xeymat (Xudoning uyi).[34] Shuningdek, ularda yahudiy mahbuslari ishlaydigan oshxona, bouling, sartarosh va tish shifokori bor edi.[35][36] The qo'riqchilar (Trawniki erkaklar ) Sovet asirlaridan olingan, alohida barakka va o'zlarining alohida dam olish binolariga, shu jumladan, soch saloniga va oshxonaga ega edi.[37]

Vorlagerning Merry Flea (1943 yil yozida tasvirlangan) kabi ajoyib binolari lagerning maqsadini yangi kelganlardan yashirishga yordam berdi.[35]

Natsistlar tashqi ko'rinishiga katta e'tibor berishdi Vorlager. Bu maysazorlar va bog'lar, ochiq teraslar, shag'al bilan qoplangan yo'llar va professional tarzda bo'yalgan belgilar bilan toza obodonlashtirildi.[38] Ushbu odatiy ko'rinish lagerning tabiatini mahbuslardan yashirishga yordam berdi, ular qo'shni pandusga etib kelishadi. Omon qolgan Jyul Schelvis tomonidan etib kelganida xotirjam bo'lganligini esladi Vorlager "Tirolli kottejga o'xshash barak, derazalarida yorug 'kichkina pardalari va geraniumlari bor".[39]

Lager I qamoqxonalar va mahbuslar uchun ustaxonalar mavjud edi.[40] Ushbu ustaxonalar tarkibiga tikuvchilik ustaxonasi, duradgorlar ustaxonasi, mexanika ustaxonasi, belgi chizish bo'yicha ustaxona va novvoyxona kiradi.[26] [41] Lager I faqat qo'shni orqali kirish mumkin edi Vorlagerva uning g'arbiy chegarasi suv bilan to'ldirilgan xandaq bilan qochib qutilishga imkon berdi.[42]

Lager II kattaroq ko'p maqsadli birikma edi. Bitta bo'lim Erbhof tarkibida ma'muriyat binosi, shuningdek kichik ferma bo'lgan.[43] Ma'muriyat binosi urushdan oldingi qurilish bo'lib, ilgari mahalliy Polsha o'rmon xo'jaligi xizmati tomonidan ishlatilgan.[35] Lagerning bir qismi sifatida ushbu bino ba'zi SS xodimlarini turar joy bilan ta'minlash, jabrlanganlarning yuklaridan o'g'irlangan mollarni saqlash va shuningdek, jabrlanuvchilarning yuklaridan olingan dorixonani ta'minlash uchun moslashtirilgan.[44][35] Fermada yahudiy mahbuslari SS odamlari iste'mol qilish uchun tovuq, cho'chqa, g'oz, meva va sabzavot etishtirishgan.[43]

Lager II-dagi Erbhofga kirish.

Tashqarida Erbhof, Lager II o'zlarining o'limiga yangi kelganlar tayyorlanadigan binolarni o'z ichiga olgan. Unda qurbonlardan olingan narsalarni, shu jumladan kiyim-kechak, oziq-ovqat, sochlar, oltin va boshqa qimmatbaho buyumlarni saqlash uchun ishlatiladigan saralash kazarmasi va boshqa binolar bo'lgan.[41] Sharqning oxirida bir hovli bor edi, u erda yangi kelganlar yuklarini olib ketishgan va echintirishga majbur bo'lishgan. Lagerning maqsadini yangi kelganlardan yashirish uchun ushbu maydon gulzorlar bilan bezatilgan.[45][46] Ushbu hovli tor yopiq yo'lga olib bordi Himmelstrasse (osmonga yo'l) yoki Shlauch (naycha), to'g'ridan-to'g'ri ichidagi gaz kameralariga olib bordi Lager III.[47][48] The Himmelstrasse ikki tomondan qarag'ay novdalari bilan to'qilgan to'siqlar bilan qoplangan.[47]

Lager III yo'q qilish maydoni bo'lgan. U lagerning qolgan qismidan ajratilgan bo'lib, orqadagi o'rmonga qaytib, o'zining dovonli panjarasi bilan o'ralgan.[49] Mahbuslar Lager I unga yaqinlashish taqiqlangan va agar ular ichkarida ko'rganlikda gumon qilinsa o'ldirilgan.[50][51][52] Guvohlarning ko'rsatmalari yo'qligi sababli, bu haqda kam ma'lumot mavjud Lager III uning tarkibida gaz xonalari, qabrlar va maxsus alohida korpus bor edi nilufar u erda ishlagan mahbuslar.[50][15][53]

Lager IV (deb ham nomlanadi Nordlager) 1943 yil iyulda qo'shilgan va qo'zg'olon paytida hali ham qurilayotgan edi. Boshqa lagerlarning shimolidagi o'rmonzor hududida joylashgan bu Qizil Armiya askarlaridan olingan qurollarni qayta ishlash uchun o'q-dorilar ombori sifatida ishlab chiqilgan.[54][55][56]

Lagerdagi hayot

Mahbuslarning hayoti

Sobibor an yo'q qilish lageri, u erda yashagan yagona mahbuslar lagerning ishlashiga yordam berishga majbur bo'lgan 600 ga yaqin qul ishchilar edi.[57] Tirik qolganlar esa Osvensim "tanlangan" atamasini o'lim uchun tanlangan degan ma'noni anglatadi, Sobiborda "tanlangan" kamida vaqtincha yashash uchun tanlangan degan ma'noni anglatadi.[58] Lagerdagi og'ir sharoitlar bir necha oy ichida yangi kelganlarning ko'pini hayotini olib ketdi.[59]

Ish

Mahbuslar soat 6 dan 18 gacha ishladilar, o'rtada qisqa tushlik tanaffusi mavjud edi. Yakshanba kunlari yarim kun deb belgilandi, ammo bu siyosat har doim ham kuzatilmadi.[60][61] Mahbuslar orasida zargarlik, rasm chizish, bog'dorchilik yoki tikuvchilik kabi maxsus mahoratga ega bo'lgan ko'plab ishchilar bor edi. Bunday mahbuslar rasmiy ravishda faqat lagerning asosiy operatsiyalarini qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun o'limdan qutulishgan bo'lsa-da, aslida ularning ko'p qismi SS ofitserlarining shaxsiy boyishi uchun sarflangan. Taniqli Gollandiyalik yahudiy rassom Maks van Dam nominal ravishda belgi rassomi sifatida saqlangan, ammo SS uni landshaftlar, portretlar va rasmlarni chizishga majbur qilgan hagiografik tasvirlari Gitler.[62][63] Xuddi shunday, Shlomo Szmajzner SS zobitlari uchun tilla taqinchoqlar yasaganini yashirish uchun dastgoh do'koniga mas'ul etib tayinlangan.[64] Maxsus mahoratga ega bo'lgan mahbuslar ayniqsa qadrli hisoblanib, boshqalar uchun mavjud bo'lmagan imtiyozlarga ega edilar.[65]

Maxsus ko'nikmalarga ega bo'lmaganlar boshqa har xil ishlarni bajarishgan. Ko'pchilik ishlagan Lager II baraklarni saralash, bu erda ular gaz kameralarida jabrlanganlar qoldirgan yuklarni tarashga majbur bo'ldilar va qimmatbaho buyumlarni nemis tinch aholisi uchun "xayriya sovg'alari" sifatida qayta qadoqlashdi.[66] Ushbu ishchilar yangi mahbuslarni kutib oladigan temir yo'l brigadasida xizmat qilishga chaqirilishi mumkin edi. Temir yo'l brigadasi nisbatan jozibali ish deb qaraldi, chunki u taniqli ishchilarga ko'pincha oziq-ovqat bo'lgan yuklarni olish imkoniyatini berdi.[67] Odatda yoshroq mahbuslar ishlagan putzers, fashistlar va qo'riqchilar uchun tozalash va ularning ehtiyojlarini qondirish.[68] Ayniqsa, dahshatli ish - bu gaz kamerasiga boradigan ayollarning sochlarini kesgan "sartaroshlar". Bu ish ko'pincha yosh erkak mahbuslarga ularni ham, sochlarini olayotgan yalang'och ayollarni ham kamsitishga urinish uchun majburlanardi. Sartaroshlar qurbonlarning savollariga yoki iltimoslariga javob bermasligini ta'minlash uchun qurollangan soqchilar jarayonni nazorat qildilar.[69]

Yilda Lager III, yahudiy mahbuslarning maxsus bo'linmasi yo'q qilish jarayonida yordam berishga majbur bo'ldi. Uning vazifalari jasadlarni olib tashlash, bo'shliqlarni qimmatbaho narsalarni qidirish, gaz kameralaridan qon va najasni tozalash va jasadlarni yoqish edi. Chunki ushbu qismga tegishli bo'lgan mahbuslar bevosita guvoh bo'lganlar genotsid, ular boshqa mahbuslardan qat'iy ravishda izolyatsiya qilingan va SS vaqti-vaqti bilan ishning jismoniy va psixologik zarariga berilmaydigan bo'linma a'zolarini tugatishi mumkin edi. Ishchilar yo'qligi sababli Lager III tirik qoldi, ularning hayoti va tajribalari haqida hech narsa ma'lum emas.[70]

Qachon Lager IV 1943 yil yozida qurilishni boshladi, fashistlar u erda issiqlik, pishirish va yoqib yuborish pirlari uchun yog'och kesishda ishlaydigan o'rmon qo'mondonligini yig'dilar.[68]

Mahbuslar o'zlarining mehnati ularni sherik bo'lishiga olib kelganligi bilan kurashdilar ommaviy qotillik bilvosita va xohlamagan holda bo'lsa ham.[71] Ko'pchilik o'z joniga qasd qildi.[72][73] Boshqalar bardoshli bo'lishdi, agar ramziy ma'noda bo'lsa ham qarshilik ko'rsatish yo'llarini topdilar. Qarshilikning keng tarqalgan ramziy shakllari o'liklarga ibodat qilish, yahudiylarning diniy marosimlarini bajarish,[73] va qarshilik qo'shiqlarini kuylash.[74] Biroq, ba'zi mahbuslar moddiy kurashishning kichik usullarini topdilar. Saralash saroyida ishlayotganda, Sartje Vaynberg Germaniyaga yuborilishining oldini olish uchun maxfiy kiyimlarga yashirin ravishda zarar etkazadi.[75] Urushdan keyin, Ester Terner u va Zelda Metz natsistlar oshxonasida qarovsiz bir qozon osh topganda nima qilgani haqida gapirib berdi: "Biz u erda tupurdik va qo'llarimizni yuvdik ... Mendan so'ramang, biz bu sho'rvani nima qildik ... Va ular uni yeb qo'ydilar . "[76]

Ijtimoiy munosabatlar

Mahbuslar shaxsiy munosabatlarni o'rnatish qiyin bo'lgan. Bu qisman lager aholisining doimiy aylanishiga bog'liq edi,[59] shuningdek, milliy yoki lingvistik bo'linishlar tufayli tez-tez kuchayib borayotgan o'zaro ishonchsizlik muhitiga.[77] Gollandiyalik yahudiylar odob-ahloqsizligi va cheklanganligi sababli ayniqsa istehzo va shubhaga duchor bo'ldilar Yahudiy.[78] Nemis yahudiylari Gollandiyaliklar xuddi shu shubhaga duch kelishdi, chunki ular mahbuslar bilan emas, balki asirlari bilan ko'proq tanishishlari mumkin edi.[79] Ijtimoiy guruhlar vujudga kelganda, ular odatda oilaviy aloqalarga yoki umumiy millatga asoslanib, tashqi odamlar uchun butunlay yopiq edilar.[77] Chaim Engel Gollandiyada tug'ilganlar bilan ishqiy munosabatlarni o'rnatgandan so'ng, hatto o'zini Polsha yahudiylari ham chetlab o'tdi Sartje Vaynberg.[80] Ushbu bo'linishlar G'arbiy Evropadan ko'plab mahbuslar uchun dahshatli oqibatlarga olib keldi, ular lagerda bo'lish to'g'risida muhim ma'lumotlarga ishonishmagan.[81]

Yaqinda o'limni kutishganligi sababli, mahbuslar har kuni bir qarashni qabul qildilar. Yig'lash juda kam edi[77] va kechqurunlar ko'pincha hayotdan qolgan narsalardan zavqlanish bilan o'tar edi. Qo'zg'olon tashkilotchisi sifatida Leon Feldhendler Urushdan keyin: "Yahudiylarning faqat bitta maqsadi bor edi: karpe diem va bu bilan ular shunchaki vahshiylashdilar".[82] Kechqurun mahbuslar qo'shiq va raqsga tushishdi[83] va jinsiy yoki romantik munosabatlar tez-tez bo'lib turardi.[84] Ushbu ishlarning ba'zilari, ehtimol, muomalada bo'lgan yoki majburlangan, ayniqsa, ayol mahbuslar va kaposlar o'rtasidagi ishlar, boshqalari esa asl rishtalarga asoslangan.[85] Sobiborda uchrashgan ikkita juftlik urushdan keyin turmush qurgan.[85]) Natsistlar xursandchilik muhitiga ruxsat berishdi va hatto ularni rag'batlantirishdi, mahbuslarni qurolga qurol bilan xorga jalb qilishgacha borishdi.[86] Ko'plab mahbuslar bu harakatlarni fashistlarning mahbuslarni itoatkor tutish va qochish haqida o'ylashlariga yo'l qo'ymaslik urinishlari sifatida izohlashdi.[87]

Mahbuslarning tortishish tartibi asosan nemislarga foydaliligi bilan belgilanadi. Tirik qolgan sifatida Toivi Blatt kuzatuvchilarning uchta toifasi bor edi: ularning hayoti butunlay SS rahm-shafqatiga ega bo'lgan sarflanadigan "uchuvchisiz samolyotlar", maxsus ish joylari ba'zi nisbatan qulayliklarni ta'minlaydigan imtiyozli ishchilar va nihoyat maxsus bilimlari ularni ajralmas holga keltirgan va ularni imtiyozli qilgan hunarmandlar davolash.[65] Bundan tashqari, boshqa lagerlarda bo'lgani kabi, fashistlar ham tayinladilar kapos qamoqdagi o'rtoqlarini navbatda saqlash uchun.[88] Kapos turli xil nazorat vazifalarini bajargan va o'zlarining buyruqlarini qamchilar bilan bajargan.[89] Kapos beixtiyor tayinlanganlar edi va ular o'zlarining pozitsiyalaridagi psixologik bosimlarga qanday munosabatda bo'lishlari bilan har xil edi. Oberkapo Muso Shturm simobli temperamenti uchun "Mad Moisz" laqabini oldi. U mahbuslarni provokatsiya qilmasdan dahshatli tarzda kaltaklagan va keyin histerik tarzda kechirim so'ragan. U doimo qochish haqida gaplashar, ba'zida boshqa mahbuslarni passivligi uchun ranjitsa, boshqalari amaliy rejalarni tuzishga urinardi. Shturm Herbert Naftaniel ismli quyi darajadagi kapo tomonidan xiyonat qilingandan so'ng qatl etildi.[90] "Berliner" laqabli Naftaniel Oberkapoga ko'tarilib, lagerda taniqli shaxsga aylandi. U o'zini yahudiy emas, nemis deb bilar edi va qo'zg'olondan sal oldinroq tugagan terror hukmronligini boshlagan edi, bir guruh mahbuslar uni o'ldirib o'ldirishgan. SS-Oberscharfuhrer Karl Frenzel izn.[91]

Lagerdagi bunday bo'linishlarga qaramay, mahbuslar bir-birini qo'llab-quvvatlash yo'llarini topdilar. Kasal va jarohat olgan mahbuslarga yashirin ovqat berildi[92][93] lager dorixonasidan o'g'irlangan dori-darmon va sanitariya-texnik vositalar.[94] Sog'lom mahbuslar, aks holda o'ldiriladigan kasal mahbuslarni qoplashlari kerak edi.[92] Lager hamshirasi Kurt Tixo kasal mahbuslar belgilangan uch kunlik tiklanish davridan ko'proq vaqt olishi uchun o'z yozuvlarini soxtalashtirish usulini ishlab chiqdi.[95] Temir yo'l brigadasi a'zolari yangi kelganlarni kutilayotgan qotillik haqida ogohlantirishga urinishdi, ammo ishonchsizlik bilan kutib olishdi.[96] Lagerdagi eng muvaffaqiyatli birdamlik harakati 1943 yil 14 oktyabrda qo'zg'olon bo'lib, lagerdagi barcha mahbuslarning hech bo'lmaganda qochish imkoniyati bo'lishi uchun aniq rejalashtirilgan edi.[97]

Sog'liqni saqlash va yashash sharoitlari

Mahbuslar uyqusizlikdan, to'yib ovqatlanmaslikdan va og'ir mehnat va doimiy kaltaklardan jismoniy va ruhiy azob chekishgan.[82][98] Bitlar, teri infektsiyalari va nafas yo'llarining infektsiyalari keng tarqalgan edi,[99] va tifo bazida lagerni supurdi.[100] Sobibor birinchi marta ochilganda, mahbuslar sarflanadigan deb hisoblanib, kasallik yoki shikastlanishning birinchi alomatlarida otib tashlangan.[98] Bir necha oydan so'ng, SS ulkan o'lim darajasi lagerning samaradorligini cheklashidan xavotirga tushdi. O'zining ishchi kuchining uzluksizligini oshirish va doimiy ravishda yangi ishchilarni tayyorlash zaruriyatini yumshatish uchun SS mehnatga layoqatsiz mahbuslarga uch kun tiklanishiga imkon beradigan yangi siyosat ishlab chiqardi. Uch kundan keyin hali ham ishlay olmaydiganlar otib tashlandi.[101][95]

Lagerda ovqat juda cheklangan edi. Lyublin tumanidagi boshqa lagerlarda bo'lganidek, mahbuslarga ham nonushta uchun 200 gramm non va ersatz kofe berildi. Tushlik odatda ba'zida kartoshka yoki ot go'shti bilan yupqa sho'rva edi. Kechki ovqat yana bir marta oddiygina kofe bo'lishi mumkin.[102] Ushbu ratsionda yashashga majbur bo'lgan mahbuslar ochlik tufayli o'zlarining xususiyatlarini o'zgartirgan deb topdilar.[67] Boshqalar yashirin ravishda ushbu ratsionni to'ldirdilar, masalan, o'zlarini saralash kazarmalarida yoki temir yo'l brigadasida ishlayotganda jabrlanganlarning yuklaridan oziq-ovqat olishga yordam berishdi.[85] Lagerda barter tizimi ishlab chiqilgan bo'lib, u nafaqat mahbuslarni, balki qamoqxonalarni ham qamrab olgan qo'riqchilar, kim yahudiylar va mahalliy dehqonlar o'rtasida vositachi bo'lib xizmat qilar edi, katta kesim evaziga saralash kazarmasidan qimmatbaho toshlar va naqd pullarni oziq-ovqat va spirtli ichimliklarga almashtirar edi.[103][104]

Aksariyat mahbuslarning gigiena va sanitariya sharoitlari juda kam yoki umuman yo'q edi. Hech qanday dush yo'q edi Lager I va toza suv kam edi.[105] Garchi kiyimlarni saralash kazarmasidan yuvish yoki almashtirish mumkin bo'lsa-da, qarorgoh shu qadar to'lib toshganki, unchalik ahamiyati yo'q edi.[106][107] Biroq, ba'zi mahbuslar lagerning kir yuvish joylari kabi joylarda ishlaganlar, bu ularga vaqti-vaqti bilan gigienani yaxshilashga imkon berdi.[108]

Lager xodimlari

Shuningdek qarang: Sobiborni yo'q qilish lageri xodimlarining ro'yxati

Sobibordagi xodimlar tarkibiga Germaniya va Avstriyaning SS ofitserlarining kichik bir qismi va ancha katta guruhi kiritilgan qo'riqchilar, umuman Sovet kelib chiqishi.[109]

SS garnizoni

Sobiborda o'n sakkizdan yigirma ikki kishigacha aylanadigan guruh bor edi Nemis va Avstriyalik SS zobitlari.[110] SS zobitlari, odatda, savdogarlar, hunarmandlar, fermerlar, hamshiralar va politsiyachilar sifatida ishlagan, odatda quyi o'rta sinflardan bo'lganlar.[111] Sobibor SS zobitlarining deyarli barchasi ilgari xizmat qilgan Aktion T4, fashistlarning majburiy evtanaziya dasturi.[112] Xususan, katta kontingent ilgari birga xizmat qilgan Xartxaym evtanaziya markazi. Xartxaymda ishlab chiqarilgan ko'plab amaliyotlar Sobiborda davom ettirildi, jumladan, gaz kameralariga borishda qurbonlarni aldash usullari.[113] Sobiborda ish boshlashdan oldin ular uchrashishgan Odilo Globočnik Lyublin shahrida bo'lib, maxfiylik to'g'risidagi bitimni imzoladi.[114] Faoliyat davomida 100 ga yaqin SS zobitlari Sobiborda xizmat qilishdi.[115]

Sobibor birinchi marta ochilganda uning komendanti edi SS-Obersturmführer Frants Stangl, yo'q qilish jarayoni samaradorligini oshirishda ishlagan puxta tashkilotchi.[116][42] Stangl mahbuslar bilan ozgina aloqada bo'lgan,[117] bundan mustasno Shlomo Szmajzner Stanglni "o'zining ishi va ahvolidan aniq zavqlanishi bilan ajralib turadigan behuda odam" deb esladi. Boshqalarning hech biri, garchi ular turli yo'llar bilan, undan ham yomonroq bo'lishsa-da, buni shu darajada ko'rsatmadilar. uning yuzidagi bu doimiy tabassum. "[118] Stangl transfer qilindi Treblinka 1942 yil avgustda va Sobibordagi ishi to'ldirildi SS-Obersturmführer Frants Reichleitner. Reichleitner alkogol va qat'iyatli antisemit edi, u yo'q qilish jarayonidan tashqari lagerda sodir bo'lgan narsalarga unchalik qiziqmasdi.[119][120] SS-Untersturmführer Iogann Nemann lager komendantining o'rinbosari bo'lib ishlagan.[121][122]

SS xodimlari zerikarli burga terasida bojxona xodimini xursand qilishmoqda. Yuqori sifatli ichimlik stakanlari gaz kameralarida jabrlanganlardan o'g'irlangan bo'lishi mumkin. (Chapdan o'ngga: Daschel, Reyxleytner, Niemann, Shulze, Bauer, ikki noma'lum ayol va bojxona xodimi).[123]

Kundalik operatsiyalar, odatda, hal qilingan SS-Oberscharfuhrer Gustav Vagner, Sobiborda eng qo'rqqan va nafratlanadigan odam. Mahbuslar uni shafqatsiz, talabchan, oldindan aytib bo'lmaydigan, kuzatuvchan va sadist deb hisoblashgan. Ular uni "Hayvon" va "Bo'ri" deb atashgan.[124][125] Vagnerga hisobot berish edi SS-Oberscharfuhrer Karl Frenzel, kim nazorat qilgan Lager I va lagerning "sud hokimiyati" vazifasini bajargan.[126] Kurt Bolender va de: Hubert Gomerski nazorat qilingan Lager III, yo'q qilish maydoni,[127][128] esa SS-Oberscharfuhrer Erix Bauer va SS-Sharfyurer Jozef Vallaster odatda gazni tozalash jarayonini o'zi boshqaradi.[129][130]

SS odamlari o'zlarining ishlarini jozibador deb hisoblashdi. Sobiborda ular Sharqiy frontda jang qilayotgan askarlar uchun mavjud bo'lmagan jonzotlarning qulayliklaridan bahramand bo'lishlari mumkin edi. Lagerdagi ofitser qarorgohida oshxona, bouling va sartaroshxona bor edi. "Zobitlar mamlakat klubi" biroz narida, yaqin Perepsza ko'lida edi.[111] Har bir SS odamiga har uch oyda uch hafta ta'til berilishi mumkin edi, ular sarflashlari mumkin edi Xaus Shoberstayn, SSSRga qarashli Avstriya shahridagi kurort Vaysenbax kuni Attersi ko'li.[131] Bundan tashqari, bu ish foydali bo'lishi mumkin: har bir zobit oyiga 58 ta Reyxmarksning asosiy maoshini, shuningdek, 18 ta kunlik nafaqani va maxsus bonuslarni, shu jumladan Judenmordzulage (Yahudiylarni o'ldirish uchun qo'shimcha). Umuman olganda, "Sobibor" ning xodimi oyiga 600 marka maosh olishi mumkin edi.[132] Rasmiy tovon puli bilan bir qatorda, Sobibordagi ish SS zobitlariga mehnatdan foydalanish va qurbonlarining mol-mulklarini o'g'irlash orqali o'zlarini yashirincha boyitish uchun cheksiz imkoniyatlarni taqdim etdi. Bir vaziyatda SS zobitlari 15 yoshli zargarning prodigy ismli qulini qulga olishdi Shlomo Szmajzner, kim ularni gaz kameralari qurbonlarining tishlaridan olingan oltindan halqalar va monogrammalar yasagan.[133]

Urushdan keyingi sud jarayonlarida, Reynxard operatsiyasining barcha lagerlaridan SS zobitlari, agar ular qotillikda ishtirok etmagan bo'lsalar, ular qatl etilishini aytganlar. Biroq, sudyalar Treblinka sud jarayoni SS zobitlarining qochib ketganligi uchun qatl etilganligi va kamida bitta Sobibor zobitining (Alfred Ittner ) o'zini muvaffaqiyatli topshirdi.[134]

Qo'riqchilar

Qarovchilar oldida Lager III. Fonda gaz kamerasining tomi ko'rinadi.[135]

Sobiborni taxminan 400 kishi qo'riqlagan qo'riqchilar.[136] Tirik qolganlar ularni ko'pincha shunday deb atashadi qoralar, Asqariylar, yoki Ukrainlar (garchi ko'plari ukrain bo'lmagan bo'lsa ham). Ular bo'lgan Sovet harbiy asirlarini asirga oldi fashistlarning asir lagerlarida jirkanch sharoitlardan qochish uchun SSga ixtiyoriy ravishda qatnashgan.[137][138] Qo'riqchilar nominal ravishda qo'riqchilar edi, ammo ular ish tafsilotlarini nazorat qilishlari va jazo va qatllarni o'z ichiga olgan qo'l mehnatini bajarishlari kerak edi.[139] Shuningdek, ular transport vositalarini tushirish va jabrlanganlarni gaz kameralariga kuzatib qo'yish bilan yo'q qilish jarayonida faol ishtirok etishdi.[29][140] Natsistlar, sovetlar va polshaliklarning bir-biriga mos keladigan qismlarini kiygan soqchilar, ko'pincha qora rangga bo'yalgan ("qoralar" atamasini keltirib chiqaradi).[136] Ular Waffen-SS-ga o'xshash ish haqi va ish haqi, shuningdek oilaviy nafaqa va ta'til olishdi.[141]

Garchi qo'riqchilar mahbuslar orasida dahshatga sabab bo'lgan bo'lsalar ham, ularning SSga sodiqligi cheksiz emas edi. Ular Sobiborning er osti barter iqtisodiyotida faol rol o'ynagan,[103] va taqiqlanganiga qaramay, ko'p ichishgan.[142][143] SS zobitlari qo'riqchilardan ehtiyot bo'lishdi va ularning o'q-dorilarni olish imkoniyatini cheklashdi.[137] Qo'riqchilar, shuningdek, mahalliy aloqalarni yoki atrofni bilishlarini oldini olish uchun, turli xil lagerlar o'rtasida tez-tez o'tkazib turilgan.[144] Mahbuslar qo'zg'olonidan keyin SS qo'riqchilar o'zlari qo'zg'olon qilishidan qo'rqib, hammasini qaytarib yuborishdi Trawniki qurolli qo'riq ostida. Qo'rquvchilar to'g'ri ekanligini isbotladilar, chunki qo'riqchilar SS eskortini o'ldirib qochib ketishdi.[145][146]

Mahbuslar va jinoyatchilar o'rtasidagi o'zaro munosabatlar

Mahbuslar o'zlarini tutib oluvchilardan doimo qo'rqib yashashgan. Ular chekish kabi ahamiyatsiz qonunbuzarliklar uchun jazolangan,[147] ish paytida dam olish,[88] va qo'shiq aytishga majbur bo'lganda etarli darajada g'ayrat ko'rsatmaslik.[61] Jazo nafaqat rasmiy lager qoidalarini, balki qo'riqchilarning shaxsiy injiqliklarini bajarish uchun ham ishlatilgan.[147] Eng keng tarqalgan jazo qamchilash edi. SS xodimlari gaz kamerasi qurbonlari yukidan olingan teridan foydalanib, qullik bilan mahbuslar tomonidan maxsus tayyorlangan 80 santimetr qamchini olib yurishdi.[148] Hatto qamchilash o'z-o'zidan o'limga olib kelmasa ham, agar u oluvchini ishlash uchun yarador bo'lsa, o'lim jazosi isbotlanadi.[149] Ko'plab tirik qolganlar g'ayrioddiy katta va tajovuzkorligini eslashadi Sankt-Bernard Barri deb nomlangan Kurt Bolender Pol Grot esa mahbuslarni qamrab olardi.[150][151] 1943 yil yozida, SS-Oberscharfuhrer Gustav Vagner va SS-Oberscharfuhrer Xubert Gomerski yugurish paytida ishlashga majbur bo'lgan mahbuslardan iborat jazo brigadasini tuzdi. Mahbuslar jazoni ijro etish brigadasiga uch kun muddatga tayinlangan, ammo ko'plari vaqtlari tugamasdan vafot etgan.[152][153]

SS mahbuslar ustidan mutlaq hokimiyatni qo'llagan va ularga o'yin-kulgi manbai sifatida qaragan.[132] Ular mahbuslarni ishlash paytida, yurish paytida va hatto ommaviy qatl paytida qo'shiq aytishga majbur qilishdi.[154] Tirik qolganlarning ba'zi guvohliklari, mahkumlarni masxara qilganlar haqida hikoya qiladi xo'roz janglari SS uchun, qo'llarini orqasiga bog'lab. Boshqalar "Men burni katta yahudiyman" singari kamsituvchi qo'shiqlarni kuylashga majbur bo'lganliklarini aytib berishadi.[155] Ayol mahbuslar bir necha bor jinsiy zo'ravonlikka uchragan. Masalan, urushdan keyingi sud jarayonida, Erix Bauer Rut va Gisela ismli ikki avstriyalik yahudiy aktrisalar SS kazarmasida va zo'rlangan to'dada bo'lganliklariga guvohlik berishdi. SS-Oberscharfuhrer Kurt Bolender va SS-Oberscharfuhrer Gustav Vagner, Boshqalar orasida.[156]

SS zobitlari orasida noyob, Unterscharführer Johann Klier nisbatan insonparvar ekanligi ma'lum bo'lgan va uning sudida omon qolgan bir necha kishi uning nomidan guvohlik bergan.[157][158] Bilan intervyuda Richard Rashke, Ester Terner "Men nega Sobiborda bo'lganini hatto bilmayman ... hatto boshqa fashistlar ham uni tanladilar" deb izoh berdi. [159]

Mahbuslar soqchilarni Sobibor xodimlari orasida eng xavfli deb hisoblashgan, ularning shafqatsizligi SS zobitlaridan ustun bo'lgan.[137] Tarixchi Marek Bemning so'zlari bilan aytganda: "Aytish mumkinki, ukrainalik gvardiyachilarning kinikasi SS erkaklarining oldindan o'ylashidan hech qanday kam bo'lmagan". [160] Biroq, ba'zi bir soqchilar yahudiylarga xushyoqar edilar, xizmat paytida imkon qadar minimal ishlarni qildilar va hattoki mahbuslarning qochish urinishlariga yordam berishdi.[161] Bitta hujjatlashtirilgan misolda Viktor Kisiljov va Vasil Zischer ismli ikki qo'riqchi oltita yahudiy mahbuslari bilan qochib qutulishdi, ammo xiyonat qilishdi va o'ldirishdi.[162]

Mahbuslar qiynoqqa soluvchilar bilan murakkab munosabatlarni rivojlantirdilar. Eng ashaddiy shafqatsizlikka yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun ko'pchilik SS zobitlariga g'azablanishga harakat qilishdi,[163] Masalan, ashula buyurilganda nemis xalq qo'shiqlarining maudlinini tanlash orqali.[164] Boshqa holatlarda, mahbuslar o'zlarini istamay yoqtirishgan. SS-Oberscharfuhrer Karl Frenzel yoqtirishni oldi Sartje Vaynberg, doimo unga qarab jilmayib, unga teasing bilan murojaat qiladi va Chaim Engel "kelin va kuyov" sifatida.[78] U boshqa Gollandiyalik mahbuslarga qilingan azobli ishlardan uzr so'rab, unga qarshi himoya qildi[165] 1943 yil 11-oktabrda kasal barakni tugatganda uni tejab qoldi.[166] U bu e'tibor bilan kurashdi va o'zidan minnatdorligini his qilganini sezganda o'ziga g'azablandi.[78] Sud jarayonida Frenzel "Men yahudiylarga hatto menga yoqqaniga ishonaman!" [167] garchi mahbuslar va boshqa SS zobitlari uni nihoyatda shafqatsiz va shafqatsiz deb hisoblashgan.[168] Xuddi shunday, lager komendanti SS-Obersturmführer Frants Stangl 14 yoshli zargarning "uy hayvonini yasagan" Shlomo Szmajzner va uning urushdan keyingi sud guvohligini shaxsiy xiyonat deb bilgan. Stangl, xususan, shanba kuni Smajzner kolbasalarini olib kelish odati ochlikdan o'spirinni qiynash uchun qilingan qasddan qilingan urinish bo'lgan degan xulosaga qarshi chiqdi. Szmajznerning o'zi Stanglning niyatlariga amin emas edi: "u menga yoqadigandek tuyulishi mutlaqo haqiqat ... baribir, bu kulgili edi, shunday emasmi, u doim juma kuni kechqurun olib kelgan?"[169]

Yo'q qilish

Qotillik jarayoni

1942 yil 16 yoki 18 may kunlari Sobibor to'liq ishga tushdi va ommaviy gazlarni yoqa boshladi. Poezdlar tushirish platformasi bilan temir yo'l chetiga kirishdi va bortdagi yahudiylarga tranzit lagerida ekanliklari aytildi. Ular o'zlarining qimmatbaho buyumlarini topshirishga majbur bo'ldilar, jinsi bilan ajralib, echinishni buyurdilar. Yalang'och ayollar va qizlarni uyatdan orqaga qaytarish bilan yahudiy ishchilari uch daqiqa ichida sochlarini kesib tashlashdi. Orasida Frizur (sartaroshlar) edi Toivi Blatt (15 yosh).[170] Guruhlarga bo'linib mahkum etilgan mahbuslarni 100 metrlik "Osmonga olib boradigan yo'l" bo'ylab olib borishdi (Himmelstrasse) gaz kameralariga, ular yordamida o'ldirilgan uglerod oksidi a ning egzoz quvurlaridan bo'shatilgan tank dvigatel.[171] Uning sud jarayoni davomida, SS-Oberscharführer Kurt Bolender qotillik operatsiyalarini quyidagicha ta'rifladi:

Yahudiylar echinishidan oldin, SS-Oberscharführer German Mishel ularga nutq so'zladi. Bunday holatlarda u xuddi shunday taassurot qoldirish uchun oq xalat kiyib yurardi shifokor. Mishel yahudiylarga ularni ishga yuborishlarini e'lon qildi. But before this they would have to take baths and undergo dezinfektsiya, so as to prevent the spread of diseases. After undressing, the Jews were taken through the "Tube", by an SS man leading the way, with five or six Ukrainians at the back hastening the Jews along. After the Jews entered the gas chambers, the Ukrainians closed the doors. The motor was switched on by the former Soviet soldier Emil Kostenko and by the German driver Erix Bauer dan Berlin. After the gassing, the doors were opened, and the corpses were removed by the Sonderkommando a'zolar.[172]

Local Jews were delivered in absolute terror, amongst screaming and pounding. Foreign Jews, on the other hand were treated with deceitful politeness. Yo'lovchilar Westerbork, Gollandiya had a comfortable journey. There were Jewish doctors and nurses attending them and no shortage of food or medical supplies on the train. Sobibor did not seem like a genuine threat.[173][yaxshiroq manba kerak ]

A contemporary drawing of the train tracks leading into Sobibor.

The non-Polish victims included 18-year-old Xelga Din from the Netherlands, whose diary was discovered in 2004; yozuvchi Else Feldmann from Austria; Dutch Olympic gold medalist gymnasts Helena Nordxaym, Ans Polak va Jud Simons; gym coach Gerrit Kleerekoper; va sehrgar Michel Velleman.[174]

After the killing in the gas chambers, the corpses were collected by Sonderkommando and taken to mass graves or cremated in the open air.[175][yaxshiroq manba kerak ] The burial pits were approx. 50-60m (160–200 ft) long, 10-15m (30–50 ft) wide, and 5-7m (15–20 ft) deep, with sloping sandy walls in order to facilitate the burying of corpses.[176]

O'lim soni

Asosiy maqola: List of victims of Sobibor

Between 170,000 and 250,000 Jews were murdered at Sobibor. The precise death toll is unknown, since no complete record survives. The most commonly cited figure of 250,000 was first proposed in 1947 by a Polish judge named Zbigniew Łukaszewicz, who interviewed survivors, railwaymen, and external witnesses to estimate of the frequency and capacity of the transports. Later research has reached the same figure drawing on more specific documentation,[177] although other recent studies have given lower estimates such as Jyul Schelvis 's figure of 170,165.[178] According to historian Marek Bem, "The range of scientific research into this question shows how rudimentary our current knowledge is of the number of victims of this extermination camp."[179]

One major source which can be used to estimate the death toll is the Höfle Telegram, a collection of SS cables which give precise numbers of "recorded arrivals" at each of the Reinhard operatsiyasi camps prior to 31 December 1942. Identical numbers are found in the Korherr hisoboti, another surviving Nazi document. These sources both report 101,370 arrivals at Sobibor during the year 1942,[180] but the meaning of this figure is open to interpretation. Some scholars such as Marek Bem suggest that it refers only to Jews arriving from within the Bosh hukumat.[181] Biroq, boshqalar Jyul Schelvis take it as a record of the total arrivals during that year and thus combine it with an estimate of the killings in 1943 to reach a total estimate.[182]

Other key sources of information include records of particular transports sent to Sobibor. In some cases, this information is detailed and systematic. Masalan, Dutch Institute for War, Holocaust and Genocide Studies archive contains precise records of each transport sent to Sobibor from the Netherlands, totaling 34,313 individuals.[183] In other cases, transports are only known through incidental evidence, such as when one of its passengers was among the survivors.[iqtibos kerak ]

The "Memory Mound"

Many of the difficulties in reaching a firm death toll arise from the incompleteness of surviving evidence. Records of deportations are more likely to exist when they took place by train, meaning that estimates likely undercount the number of prisoners brought on trucks, horse-drawn carts, or by foot.[184] Moreover, even records of trains appear to contain gaps. For example, while a letter from Albert Ganzenmüller ga Karl Volf mentions past trains from Varshava ga Sobibor, no itineraries survive.[185] On the other hand, estimates may count small numbers of individuals as Sobibor victims who in fact died elsewhere, or conceivably even survived. This is because small groups of new arrivals were occasionally selected to work in one of the nearby labor camps, rather than being gassed immediately as was the norm.[186] Masalan, qachon Jyul Schelvis was deported to Sobibor on a transport carrying 3,005 Dutch Jews, he was one of 81 men selected to work in Dorohucza, though the only one to survive.[187] Although these instances were rare and some are documented well enough to be accounted for, they could still have a small cumulative effect on estimates of the death toll.[186]

Other figures have been given which differ from what is indicated by reliable historical evidence. Numbers as high as 3 million appear in reports requested immediately after the war by the Central Commission for the Investigation of German Crimes in Poland.[188] Davomida Sobibor trials in the 1960s, the judges adopted a figure of 152,000 victims, though they stressed that this was not a complete estimate but rather a minimum limited by the procedural rules concerning evidence.[189] Survivors have suggested numbers of victims significantly higher than what historians accept. Many recall a camp rumour that Geynrix Ximmler 's visit in February 1943 was intended to celebrate the millionth victim,[190] and others suggest figures even higher. Historian Marek Bem suggests that survivors' estimates disagree with the record because they reflect "the state of their emotions back then, as well as the drama and the scale of tragedy which happened in Sobibor".[191] Another high figure comes from one of the perpetrators, SS-Oberscharfuhrer Erix Bauer, who recalled his colleagues expressing regret that Sobibor "came last" in the competition among the Reinhard operatsiyasi camps, having claimed only 350,000 lives.[192]

Qo'zg'olon

On the afternoon of 14 October 1943, members of the Sobibor underground covertly killed most of the on-duty SS officers and then led roughly 300 prisoners to freedom. This revolt was one of three uprisings by Jewish prisoners in extermination camps, the others being those at Treblinkani yo'q qilish lageri on 2 August 1943 and at Osventsim-Birkenau on 7 October 1944.[193]

Lead up

In the summer of 1943, rumors began to circulate that Sobibor would soon cease operations. The prisoners understood that this would mean certain death for them all, since the final cohort of Belecec prisoners had been killed at Sobibor after dismantling their own camp. The Sobibor prisoners knew this since the Bełżec prisoners had sown messages into their clothing:[194][195]

We worked at Bełżec for one year and did not know where we would be sent next. They said it would be Germany… Now we are in Sobibór and know what to expect. Be aware that you will be killed also! Avenge us!”[194]

An escape committee formed in response to these rumors. Ularning rahbari edi Leon Feldhendler, sobiq a'zosi judenrat yilda Żółkiewka. His job in the sorting barracks gave him access to additional food, sparing him from the hunger which robbed other workers of their mental acuity.[196] However, the escape committee made little progress that summer. In light of previous betrayals and the ever-looming threat of collective punishment, they needed to keep their discussions limited to roughly seven Polish Jews, but this insularity severely limited their capacity to form a plan, since none of their members had the military or strategic experience necessary to carry out a mass escape. By late September, their discussions had stalled.[196]

Leon Feldhendler, co-organizer of the Sobibor revolt, pictured in 1933.

On September 22, the situation changed dramatically when roughly twenty Jewish Qizil Armiya POWs arrived at Sobibor on a transport from the Minsk Getto and were selected for labor. Ular orasida edi Aleksandr Pecherskiy, an actor, songwriter, and siyosiy komissar who would go on to lead the revolt. The members of the escape committee approached the newly arrived Russians with excitement, but also caution. On one hand, the Russians were soldiers and thus had the expertise to pull off an escape. But on the other hand, it wasn't clear whether there was sufficient mutual trust.[197][198]

Feldhendler introduced himself to Pechersky using the alias “Baruch” and kept an eye on him for his first several days in the camp.[79] In those days, Pechersky distinguished himself by not only standing up to the SS officers, but by showing discretion in how he did so.[199] Feldhendler invited Pechersky to share news from outside the camp at a meeting in the women's barracks. Feldhendler was initially shocked to discover Pechersky's limited ability to speak Yahudiy, the common language of Eastern European Jews. However, the two were able to communicate in Russian, and Pechersky agreed to attend. At the meeting, Pechersky gave a speech and took questions while his friend Solomon Leitman translated into Yiddish. (Leitman was a Polish Jew who had befriended Pechersky in the Minsk Getto.) Feldhendler and the other members of the escape committee were concerned about Pechersky's blatant communist propaganda, but were nonetheless impressed by him.[200] They were particularly struck by Pechersky's response to a question about whether Sovet partizanlari would liberate the camp: “No one can do our work for us.”[81][201]

Aleksandr Pecherskiy, the principal organizer of the revolt.

Over the next few weeks, Pechersky met regularly with the escape committee. These meetings were held in the women's barracks under the pretext of him having an affair with a woman known as "Luka".[202][203][204] Pechersky and Feldhendler agreed that the revolt should allow all 600 prisoners at least some chance of escape, though they later concluded that they would not be able to include the fiftysome nilufar workers who were kept under strict isolation in Lager III.[205][202] At first, Pechersky and Leitman discussed a plan to dig a tunnel from the carpenter's workshop in Lager I, which was close to the south fence. This idea was abandoned as too difficult. If the tunnel was too deep, it would hit the high water table and flood. Too shallow, and it would detonate one of the mines surrounding the camp. Furthermore, the organizers doubted that they could get all 600 prisoners through the tunnel without getting caught.[202]

The ultimate idea for the revolt came to Pechersky while he was assigned to the forest brigade, chopping wood near Lager III. While working, he heard the sound of a child in the gas chamber screaming "Mama! Mama!". Overcome with his feeling of powerlessness and reminded of his own daughter Elsa, he decided that the plan could not be a mere escape. Rather, it would have to be a revolt. Over the next week, Pechersky and Leitman developed what became the ultimate plan.[206]

Qo'zg'olon

The revolt began late in the afternoon on 14 October, 1943. The plan consisted of two phases. In the first phase, the prisoners would lure the SS officers to secluded locations around the camp and kill them. These covert killings would take place in the hour before evening roll call. The second phase would begin at evening roll call, after all the prisoners had assembled in the Lager I roll call yard. The kapos would announce that the SS had ordered a special work detail in the forest outside the camp, and the entire group would calmly march to freedom out the front gate. If the watchmen found this unusual, they wouldn't be able to confirm their suspicions or coordinate a response since the SS men would be dead.[206]

Covert killings

At 4pm, Deputy Commandant SS-Untersturmführer Johann Niemann rode up to the Lager I tailor's barracks on his horse.[207][208] Earlier in the day, the head tailor had scheduled an appointment with him to be fitted for a leather jacket taken from a murdered Jew.[209] The conspirators had prioritized Niemann's execution, since he was acting commandant while Commandant Reichleitner ta'tilda edi. Even if the rest of the plan failed, they anticipated that Niemann's death alone would cause enough chaos to allow some chance of escape.[208][210] While admiring the jacket, Niemann spotted one of the Russian prisoners standing by with an axe. Niemann asked what he was doing there, but was satisfied with the head tailor's explanation that he was simply there to repair a table.[211] At the tailor's request, Niemann removed his pistol holster and put on the jacket.[211] The tailor asked Niemann to turn around, ostensibly to check if any alterations were needed in the back. When Niemann complied, two prisoners crept up behind him with axes and split his head open.[211][212] Niemann's body was shoved under a table[211] and his blood was covered up with sawdust.[213]

Iogann Nemann riding through Lager II several months before he was killed in the revolt.

Over the next hour, an SS officer was killed roughly every six minutes.[214] Other than Niemann, those killed in Lager I include SS-Unterscharführer Josef Vallaster, SS-Oberscharführer Siegfried Graetschus, Sturmfhürer Ivan Klatt, SS-Unterscharführer Friedrich Gaulstich, and Fritz Konrad (rank unknown). Those killed in Lager II include SS-Scharführer Josef Wolf and SS-Oberscharführer Rudolf Bekman. Unterscharführer Walter Ryba was killed in the Vorlager.[215] Other officers killed include Max Bree, Anton Nowak, Thomas Steffl, Ernst Stengelin.[216] The details of many of these killings are unknown.[217]

The conspirators had originally planned to kill SS-Oberscharführer Rudolf Bekman in a Lager II storage barracks, but on his way to the appointment, Beckmann had suddenly turned around and headed back to the administration building.[218] Chaim Engel volunteered to kill Beckmann in his office, after overhearing Feldhendler discussing the situation with Kapo Hersh Pozyczki, the younger brother of Oberkapo Pozyczki.[219] Engel and the younger Pozyczki went together to the administration building, and Engel stabbed Beckmann while Pozyczki restrained him. Engel Bekmanni pichoqlaganida, u "Otam uchun! Mening akam uchun! Barcha yahudiylar uchun!" Engel unga pichoq urganida, Bekel kurash olib bordi, natijada Engelning pichog'i toyib, o'z qo'lini kesib tashladi.[220] Bekmann vafot etganidan so'ng, ikki mahbus uni yashirish yoki tozalashga vaqt topolmay, jasadini stol ostiga itarishdi.[221]

While the killings proceeded, Szlomo Szmajzner went to the Vorlager to acquire additional guns from the watchmens' barracks. During the last organizational meeting on October 12, he had offered to do so himself.[222] As the camp machinist, Smajzner was often called to the Vorlager to clean and repair the stoves there, so he was able to enter the barracks carrying a replacement stovepipe over his shoulder.[223] He entered the watchmens' barracks and helped himself to six rifles and ammunition. However, he could only fit two of the rifles inside the stovepipe, so he wrapped the others in a blanket. Once he was ready to go, he decided that it might be safer to hunker down in the Vorlager and not return to Lager I until the bugle call. That way, it would seem like he'd been acting alone if he was caught.[224] Just before the bugle at 5pm, he found two child prisoners and ordered them to carry the blanket with the rifles. They were scared, so he forced them to do it at knifepoint.[225] After the bugle call, he delivered the rifles to the Russians, but demanded that they let him keep one for himself.[226]

The breakout

As roll call drew closer, Pechersky became increasingly concerned that the revolt would soon be discovered. He was surprised that the plan had succeeded so far, but nonetheless several killings had not gone as intended.[227] In particular, while his plan had required that the SS men be killed discreetly, an impulsive prisoner had killed Unterscharführer Walter Ryba in the outdoor Vorlager garage.[211] Pechersky considered beginning the breakout early, but was reluctant to do so while SS-Oberscharführer Karl Frenzel hali tirik edi. Frenzel, regarded as one of the most dangerous officers in the camp, had dallied in the shower and was late for his appointment in the carpenter's shop.[228][229] Close to 5pm, Pechersky and Leitman finally decided to give up on Frenzel and sent the bugler Judah to climb the forester's tower and blow the bugle announcing the end of the workday.[230][231]

At this point, many prisoners in Lager I had already left their jobs and were standing around in the roll call yard or hiding in the adjacent buildings.[230][232] In Lager II, the prisoners were confused by the early bugle call and gathered haphazardly for the march back to Lager I. Feldhendler was concerned that their unusual and disorderly lineup would attract attention from the guards, so he decided to lead the march on his own. He lined them up and they marched, singing the German sentimental tune Es urush va Edelveys[233] As the prisoners gathered in the roll call yard, rumors about the revolt began to spread among them.[232] When a watchman prodded them to line up faster, a group of prisoners shouted "don't you know the war is over" and killed him right out in the open, to the shock of many others.[230] Realizing that the yard had become a powder keg, Pechersky attempted to inform the group of what was going on. Toivi Blatt recalled Pechersky's speech as follows:[234]

Our day has come. Most of the Germans are dead. Let's die with honor. Remember, if anyone survives, he must tell the world what has happened here![234]

As the prisoners began to disperse, they heard shots from Lager II. These shots were fired by SS-Oberscharführer Erich Bauer kim qaytib kelgan Xelm with a truck full of vodka. Just before the bugle sounded, Bauer had ordered two child prisoners to unload the vodka and carry it into the storeroom in the administration building where Beckmann had been killed. At approximately the moment when Pechersky was making his speech over in Lager I, a watchman ran over to Bauer shouting "Ein deutsch kaput!" Thinking that the children were responsible, Bauer fired his pistol, killing one of the children but missing the other.[234] When the prisoners in Lager I heard these shots, the yard exploded, and prisoners ran in every direction.[234] A group of them dragged a watchman off his bicycle and killed him.[230] Many prisoners had to make a split second decision without knowing exactly what was going on.[235][236] The plan had been kept on a need-to-know basis, so even those who were aware of the revolt knew few details.[230] Pechersky and Feldhendler ran around the yard trying to shepherd prisoners out, but around 175 nonetheless stayed back.[235]

As the crowd surged forward, there was a moment of confusion in which the watchmen in the towers didn't react.[237] Itzhak Lichtman reported seeing some of the remaining SS men hiding, perhaps thinking that the camp was being attacked by partisans.[237] After a moment, the watchmen began shooting into the crowd,[237] and some of the prisoners shot with the rifles procured by Szmajzner and with pistols taken from dead SS officers.[220] Szlomo Szmajzner hit a watchman in a tower, later recalling "I did not do that; God did."[237][238]

The main gate as it appeared in March 1943. The fence was thatched with pine branches in order to block the view inside.[32]

One group of prisoners ran behind the carpenters shop. The carpenters had left ladders, pliers, and axes lying in the weeds next to the south fence, as a backup plan in case the main gate in the Vorlager proved inaccessible.[239][240] These prisoners scaled the fence, traversed the ditch, and began running through the minefield towards the forest. As they ran, the mines exploded, killing some of the escapees and attracting the attention of the watchmen in the towers who began shooting.[241] Esther Raab felt bullet graze her head above her right ear. She kept running, but felt herself losing strength. She reached out to hold onto a woman running next to her, but the woman pushed her off and shouted "leave me alone!"[242]

A larger group of prisoners headed for the Vorlager.[237] These prisoners tried to escape through the main gate or over the south fence, while a group of Soviet prisoners attempted to raid the armory.[237][243].[244] There, they were met with Frenzel, who at this point had gotten out of the shower and was getting himself a pre-roll call drink in the canteen. Attracted by the commotion, Frenzel had grabbed a machine gun and run outside. Seeing the crowd of prisoners heading to the main gate, he opened fire, spraying the crowd of prisoners.[239] Pechersky fired at Frenzel using Vallaster's pistol but missed.[239][245] A group of prisoners attempted to rush the main gate, but were met with another SS officer there shooting into the crowd. Some scattered, but others were pushed forward by the force of those behind them. They trampled the main gate and flooded out the gate.[239]

Others in the Vorlager tried to escape over the barbed wire behind the SS officers' barracks, correctly guessing that there would be fewer mines there. Many prisoners who attempted to get out this way got stuck on the barbed wire.[246][241] Among these prisoners was Thomas Blatt, who survived because the fence collapsed on top of him. As he lay on the ground, he saw the prisoners in front of him blown up as they crossed the minefield.[246][241] Blatt freed himself by slipping out of his coat which was stuck on the barbed wire and running across the exploded mines and into the forest.[239][247]

Roughly 300 prisoners escaped to the forest.[248][249]

Natijada

Immediately after the escape, in the forest, a group of fifty prisoners followed Pechersky. After a few days, Pechersky and seven other Russian POWs left claiming that they would return with food. However, they instead left to cross the Xato daryosi and make contact with the partizanlar. After Pechersky did not return, the remaining prisoners split into smaller groups and sought separate ways.[250]

1980 yilda, Tomas Blatt asked Pechersky why he abandoned the other survivors. Pechersky answered,

My job was done. You were Polish Jews in your own terrain. I belonged in the Soviet Union and still considered myself a soldier. In my opinion, the chances for survival were better in smaller units. To tell the people straight forward: "we must part" would not have worked. You have seen, they followed every step of mine, we all would perish. [...] what can I say? You were there. We were only people. The basic instincts came into play. It was still a fight for survival. This is the first time I hear about money collection. It was a turmoil, it was difficult to control everything. I admit, I have seen the imbalance in the distribution of the weaponry but you must understand, they would rather die than to give up their arms.— Pechersky [251]

Dutch historian and Sobibor survivor Jyul Schelvis estimates that 158 inmates perished in the Sobibor revolt, killed by the guards or in the minefield surrounding the camp. A further 107 were killed either by the SS, Wehrmacht, or Orpo police units pursuing the escapees. Some 53 insurgents died of other causes between the day of the revolt and 8 May 1945. There were 58 known survivors, 48 male and 10 female, from among the Arbeitshäftlinge prisoners performing slave-labour for the daily operation of Sobibor. Their time in the camp ranged from several weeks to almost two years.[252][sahifa kerak ]

Liquidation and demolition

Once the shooting stopped, the surviving SS secured the camp. They held the remaining prisoners in Lager I qurolda[253] and executed those found in other parts of the camp.[237] They looked for Acting Commandant Niemann,[253] continuing the search in the dark after the sun set.[253] (The prisoners had cut the powerlines.[253]) Once they found Niemann's body in the tailor's barracks, Frenzel qabul qilingan buyruq. He decided to summon reinforcements, since he expected the remaining prisoners to resist and feared that the escapees might launch a second attack.[253] After discovering that the prisoners had also cut the camp phone lines, he left the camp to use the phone and telegraph at Sobibór train station.[253][254] Starting around 8pm, he called multiple SS outposts in Lyublin va Xelm, as well as a nearby battalion of Vermaxt.[255] Reinforcements were delayed by bureaucratic confusion as well as the railway lines having been blown up by partizanlar.[256] However, a group of SS officials arrived later that night, including Gotlib Xering va Xristian Virt.[257] Wirth ordered Erix Bauer to go to summon the Sicherheitspolizei from Chełm in person, since Frenzel had been unable to reach them by phone. Bauer balked, afraid that he would be attacked on the way.[258]

During the night, the SS combed the camp for hiding prisoners. Many were armed and fought back.[249] Jakub Biskubicz, the putzer who Bauer had shot at during the revolt, witnessed this part of the search before escaping:

Until midnight I lay on the earth. I could hear shouts and screams from all directions. At midnight, I heard shooting close to me and the voices of Germans say: "Nobody is here." They left… I reached [Lager] IV. I saw the open door of a watchtower. Nobody was around. I climbed the ladder of the tower and jumped outside over the fences and mines. I fell on the railway and escaped to the forest. [259]

Early the next day, 15 October, the Sobibor SS were joined by numerous SS including Hermann Höfle,[257] as well as eighty Wehrmacht soldiers.[260] They marched the remaining 159 prisoners to Lager III and shot them.[261][262] The Nazis launched a manhunt, worried that the advancing Red Army would find the Polish countryside scattered with witnesses to their crimes.[263] SS officers, Wehrmacht soldiers, and Luftwaffe airplanes swept the surrounding area,[263][264] while locals were offered bounties for assisting.[263] Several SS officers involved in the manhunt were put up for medals for their "incisive action".[265]

Surviving German documents show that 59 escapees were caught in the villages of Sobibór and Rozanka on 17 and 18 October. The Germans recovered weapons from them, including a hand grenade.[266] A few days later, on October 21, another five Jews were killed by Wehrmacht soldiers near Adampol and an additional eight in Sawin.[266] In all, records indicate that at least 107 escapees were killed specifically by the Germans, while another 23 are known to have been killed by non-Germans. Jyul Schelvis estimates that roughly 30 died in other ways before the end of the war.[267]

19 oktyabrda SS boshliq Geynrix Ximmler ordered that the camp be closed.[248][261] Jewish slave laborers were sent to Sobibor from Treblinka in order to dismantle the camp.[268] They demolished most buildings, including the gas chambers, but left behind other structures. The work was finished by the end of the October, and all of the Jews brought from Treblinka were shot between 1 November and 10 November.[269][1]

Urushdan keyingi urush

Omon qolganlar

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: Sobibordan omon qolganlarning ro'yxati

Several thousand deportees to Sobibor were spared the gas chambers because they were transferred to slave-labour camps in the Lyublin rezervatsiyasi, upon arriving at Sobibor. These people spent several hours at Sobibor and were transferred almost immediately to slave-labour projects including Majdanek va Lyublin aerodrom lageri, where materials looted from the gassed victims were prepared for shipment to Germany. Other forced labour camps included Krychów, Dorohucza va Trawniki. Most of these prisoners were killed in the November 1943 massacre "Hosil festivali" operatsiyasi, or perished in other ways before the end of the war.[252][sahifa kerak ] Of the 34,313 Jews deported to Sobibor from the Netherlands according to train schedules, 18 are known to have survived the war.[270] In June 2019 the last known survivor of the revolt, Semyon Rosenfeld, who was born in Ukraina, died at a retirement home near Tel-Aviv, Israel, aged 96.[271]

Sinovlar

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: Sobibor trial

SS-Oberscharführer Erix Bauer was the first SS officer tried for crimes at Sobibor.[272] Bauer was arrested in 1949 when two former Jewish prisoners from Sobibor, Samuel Lerer and Esther Terner, recognized him at a fairground in Kreuzberg.[273] A year later, Bauer was sentenced to death for crimes against humanity, though his sentence was commuted to life imprisonment.[274] The second Sobibor trials occurred shortly after, against Xubert Gomerski who was given a life sentence and against Johann Klier who was acquitted.[272]

The third Sobibor trials were the Hagen Trials, whose defendants included Karl Frenzel va Kurt Bolender. Frenzel was sentenced to life imprisonment for personally killing 6 Jews and participating in the mass murder of an additional 150,000. Bolender committed suicide before sentencing.

Shlomo Szmajzner (left) confronts Gustav Vagner (right) at a Brazilian police station in 1978.

A few of the watchmen who served at Sobibor were brought to trial in the Sovet Ittifoqi, including B. Bielakow, M. Matwijenko, I. Nikifor, W. Podienko, F. Tichonowski, Emanuel Schultz, and J. Zajcew. They were convicted of xiyonat va harbiy jinoyatlar and were subsequently executed. In April 1963, at a court in Kiev where Aleksandr Pecherskiy was the chief prosecution witness, ten former watchmen were found guilty and executed. One was sentenced to 15 years in prison.[275] A third Soviet trial was held in Kiev in June 1965, where three watchmen Sobibor and Belzec were executed by a firing squad.[275]

2011 yil may oyida, Jon Demjanjuk was convicted for being an aksessuar to the murder of 28,060 Jews while serving as a watchman at Sobibor.[276] He was sentenced to five years in prison, but was released pending appeal. He died in a German nursing home on 17 March 2012, aged 91, while awaiting the hearing.[277]

The site post-war

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: Sobibor muzeyi
Statue of a mother and her child by Mieczysław Welter [pl ], near the former site of the gas chambers.

The Germans were driven out of the area in July 1944. The remaining buildings in the camp site were briefly used to house Ukrainian settlers, but these houses were soon sold to private individuals, and most of the area of the camp land was returned to the Polish forestry administration.[278] Qachon Polsha millatiga qarshi jinoyatlarni ta'qib qilish bo'yicha bosh komissiya studied the site in 1945, they found trenches dug by treasure-seekers, and human remains littered the surface.[278] Grave-digging continued in the area, despite several prosecutions in the 1960s.[279] In the first twenty years after the war, the site of the camp was practically deserted.[280] Locals visited the site to dig for valuables.[268][281] A journalist visiting the site in the early 1950s reported "there is nothing left in Sobibor".[282] Qachon Gitta Sereni visited the site in March 1972, she initially drove past it without realizing.[283] She later commented that she was struck by "the quiet, the loneliness, above all the vastness of the place, which left everything to the imagination"[284]

The first monuments to Sobibor victims were erected on the site in 1965. Installed by the Kurash va shahidlik joylarini himoya qilish bo'yicha kengash, these consisted of a memorial wall, an obelisk symbolizing the gas chambers, a sculpture of a mother and her child, and a mausoleum called the "Memory Mound".[282][279] The memorial wall originally listed Jews as just one of the groups persecuted at Sobibor, but the plaque was revised in 1993 to reflect the general historical consensus that all or nearly all victims of Sobibor were Jews.[285][279]

In 1993, the Włodawa Museum took over the memorial from the forestry administration. They established a separate Sobibór branch of the museum which opened on 14 October 1993, the 50th anniversary of the revolt.[286] The museum was housed in a post-war building within the former site of Lager II, which had previously served as a kindergarten.[287][288] In 2012, the memorial changed hands once again, this time falling under the control of the Majdanek davlat muzeyi, who held a design competition sponsored by the governments of Poland, Israel, the Netherlands and Slovakia.[289]

Sayt Vorlager, pictured in 2012. The green house is the only remaining building that was part of the camp. Today, it is a private residence.[290][291]

In 2018, the mass graves in the former area of Lager III were covered with white stones, and construction began on a new museum building.[287] However, most of the area of the site is still either privately owned or under the control of the forestry administration, and the camp's arrival ramp was used for loading lumber as recently as 2015.[291][287] Since the forestry tower was demolished in 2004 (after decaying nearly to the point of collapse),[15] the only remaining building from the camp is the green post office. This building is privately owned.[291][287]

Historical and archaeological research

Until the 1990s, little was known about the physical site of the camp beyond what survivors and perpetrators could recall. After the revolt, the camp had been dismantled and planted over with trees, concealing evidence of what happened there.[iqtibos kerak ] Archaeological investigations at Sobibor began in the 1990s.[270] In 2001, a team led by Andrzej Kola from Nikolay Kopernik universiteti yilda Yugurmoq investigated the former area of Lager III, finding seven pits with a total volume of roughly 19,000 square meters. While some of these pits appear to have been mass graves, others may have been used for open air cremation.[292] The team also found pieces of barbed wire embedded in trees, which they identified as remnants of the camp's perimeter fence. Thus, they were able to partially map out the perimeter of the former camp site, which had not previously been known.[293]

In 2007, the duo of Wojciech Mazurek and Yoram Haimi began to conduct small-scale investigations. Since 2013, the camp has been excavated by a joint team of Polish, Israeli, Slovak, and Dutch archeologists led by Mazurek, Haimi, and Ivar Schute. Ga ko'ra Yahudiy qonuni, these excavations avoided mass graves and were supervised by Polish rabbis. Their discovery of the foundations of the gas chambers, in 2014, attracted worldwide media attention. Between 2011 and 2015, thousands of personal items belonging to victims were uncovered by the teams. At the ramp, large dumps of household items, including "glasses, combs, cutlery, plates, watches, coins, razors, thimbles, scissors, toothpaste" were found, but few valuables; Schute suggests that these items are indicative of victims' hopes to survive as forced laborers. In Camp 3, the area around the gas chambers, household items were not found but "gold fillings, dentures, pendants, earrings, and a gold ring" were. Schute notes that such objects could have been concealed by naked individuals, and argues that it is evidence for the "processing" of bodies at this location.[270]

2020 yilda, Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Holokost yodgorlik muzeyi sotib olingan a collection of photographs and documents from the descendants of Iogann Nemann. These photos show daily life amongst the camp staff. Many show the perpetrators drinking, playing music, and playing chess with one another. These photos are significant because there had previously only been two known photographs of Sobibor during its operation. These materials have been published in a German language book and ebook by Metropol Verlag huquqiga ega Sobiborning fotosuratlari. The photos received voluminous press coverage because two of them appear to show Jon Demjanjuk lagerda.[294][295][296]

Dramatisations and testimonies

The mechanics of Sobibor death camp were the subject of interviews filmed on location for the 1985 documentary film Shoah tomonidan Klod Lanzmann. In 2001, Lanzmann combined unused interviews with survivor Yehuda Lerner shot during the making of Shoah, along with new footage of Lerner, to tell the story of the revolt and escape in his followup documentary Sobibor, October 14, 1943, 4 p.m.[297]

A highly fictionalized version of the Sobibor revolt was depicted in the 1978 American TV miniseries Holokost.The revolt was dramatized in the 1987 British TV film Sobibordan qochish, rejissor Jek Oltin and adapted from the book by Richard Rashke. More recently, the revolt was depicted in the 2018 Russian movie Sobibor, rejissor Konstantin Xabenskiy.[iqtibos kerak ]

Shuningdek qarang

Izohlar

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  244. ^ Qurol-yarog 'omboriga qilingan hujum muvaffaqiyatli o'tganmi yoki yo'qmi noma'lum. Rashke (1982) buni "chalkash masala" deb ta'riflaydi. Hujum sodir bo'lganligi va SS-Oberscharführer Verner Duboaning bolta yoki tayoq bilan urilgani sababli qattiq jarohat olgani aniq. Bir qator akkauntlar hujum muvaffaqiyatli kechayotganini va keyingi kundan boshlab nemislarning hisobotida bo'lgani kabi. Pecherskiyning o'zi hujum muvaffaqiyatsiz tugaganligi haqida xabar bergan bo'lsa-da, u boshqa bir guruh muvaffaqiyatli bo'lishi mumkinligiga yo'l qo'ygan. Rashke hujum muvaffaqiyatli o'tganiga shubha qilmoqda, chunki u qochib ketgan mahbuslar qurol-yarog 'joyiga bostirib kirganlarida qurollangan bo'lar edi. U Germaniya hisobotini yuzni tejaydigan ixtiro deb tushuntirishni taklif qiladi.
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  267. ^ Schelvis 2007 yil, p. 182.
  268. ^ a b Schelvis 2007 yil, p. 191.
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  270. ^ a b v Schute 2018, Sobiborning ishi: Sharqiy Polshadagi nemislarni yo'q qilish lageri.
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  273. ^ Dik de Mildt. Xalq nomi bilan: Genotsidni buzuvchilar, p. 381-383. Brill, 1996 yil.
  274. ^ Kli, Ernst, Dressen, Villi, Ress, Volker Yaxshi qadimgi kunlar: Xolokost, uni jinoyatchilar va atrofdagilar ko'rgan. ISBN  1-56852-133-2.
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  276. ^ Duglas 2016 yil, p. 2,252.
  277. ^ Duglas 2016 yil, 253, 257 betlar.
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  279. ^ a b v Kuperlar va boshq. 2020, p. 274.
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  281. ^ Bem 2015, 292-293 betlar.
  282. ^ a b Bem 2015, p. 340-342. Xatoning havolasi: "FOOTNOTEBem2015340-342" nomli ma'lumot bir necha marotaba turli xil tarkib bilan aniqlangan (qarang: yordam sahifasi).
  283. ^ Sereny 1974 yil, p. 114.
  284. ^ Sereny 1974 yil, p. 145.
  285. ^ Rashke 2013 yil, 493,512-bet.
  286. ^ Bem 2015, p. 11,337,353.
  287. ^ a b v d Kuperlar va boshq. 2020, p. 275.
  288. ^ Bem 2015, p. 352.
  289. ^ Bem 2015, p. 353.
  290. ^ Kuperlar va boshq. 2020, 137,275-betlar.
  291. ^ a b v Bem 2015, p. 360.
  292. ^ Bem 2015, 220-221 betlar.
  293. ^ Bem 2015, 106-107 betlar.
  294. ^ Sopke, Kerstin; Moulson, Geir (2020 yil 28-yanvar). "Berlin muzeyi Demiborukning Sobibor o'lim lageridagi fotosuratlarini ochib beradi". Isroil Times. Olingan 5 iyun 2020.
  295. ^ Lebovich, Mett (3-fevral, 2020 yil). "Sobibor fotoalbomi 1943 yilda mahbuslar qo'zg'oloni bilan mashhur bo'lgan fashistlarning o'lim lagerini qayta tuzadi". Isroil Times. Olingan 5 iyun 2020.
  296. ^ Kuperlar va boshq. 2020.
  297. ^ Vaysman-2020, p.139.

Adabiyotlar

Qo'shimcha o'qish

  • Bialovits, Filipp; Bialovits, Jozef (2010). Sobibordagi va'da. Viskonsin universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0-299-24800-0.
  • Blatt, Tomas (1997). Sobibor kulidan: omon qolish haqida hikoya. Shimoli-g'arbiy universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0-8101-1302-2.
  • Freiberg, Dov (2007). Sobibordan omon qolish uchun. Gefen nashriyoti. ISBN  978-965-229-388-6.
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