Jan Kretien - Jean Chrétien
Jan Kretien | |
|---|---|
 Kreten 2010 yilda | |
| 20-chi Kanada bosh vaziri | |
| Ofisda 1993 yil 4 noyabr - 2003 yil 12 dekabr | |
| Monarx | Yelizaveta II |
| General-gubernator | Rey Xnatishin Roméo LeBlanc Adrienne Klarkson |
| O'rinbosar | Sheila Copps O'simlik kulrang Jon Manli |
| Oldingi | Kim Kempbell |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Pol Martin |
| Muxolifat lideri | |
| Ofisda 1990 yil 21 dekabr - 1993 yil 4 noyabr | |
| Oldingi | O'simlik kulrang |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Lucien Bouchard |
| Lideri Liberal partiya | |
| Ofisda 1990 yil 23 iyun - 2003 yil 12 dekabr | |
| Oldingi | Jon Tyorner |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Pol Martin |
| 2-chi Kanada bosh vazirining o'rinbosari 18-chi Tashqi ishlar bo'yicha davlat kotibi | |
| Ofisda 1984 yil 30 iyun - 1984 yil 17 sentyabr | |
| Bosh Vazir | Jon Tyorner |
| Oldingi | Allan MacEachen |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Erik Nilsen (Bosh vazir o'rinbosari) Djo Klark (Tashqi ishlar) |
| 7-chi Energetika, konlar va resurslar vaziri | |
| Ofisda 1982 yil 10 sentyabr - 1984 yil 30 iyun | |
| Bosh Vazir | Per Trudeau |
| Oldingi | Mark Lalonde |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Jerald Regan |
| 36-chi Kanada adliya vaziri va bosh prokurori | |
| Ofisda 1980 yil 3 mart - 1982 yil 16 sentyabr | |
| Bosh Vazir | Per Trudeau |
| Oldingi | Jak Flinn |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Mark Makguygan |
| A'zosi Kanada parlamenti uchun Sankt-Moris | |
| Ofisda 1994 yil 17 yanvar - 2004 yil 23 may | |
| Oldingi | Denis Pronovost |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Saylov okrugi bekor qilindi |
| Ofisda 1968 yil 12 sentyabr - 1986 yil 27 fevral | |
| Oldingi | Okrug tashkil etildi |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Gilles Grondin |
| Parlament a'zosi uchun Beuséjour | |
| Ofisda 1990 yil 10 dekabr - 1993 yil 25 oktyabr | |
| Oldingi | Fernand Robichaud |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Fernand Robichaud |
| Shaxsiy ma'lumotlar | |
| Tug'ilgan | Jozef Jak Jan Kreten 1934 yil 11-yanvar Shovinigan, Kvebek, Kanada |
| Siyosiy partiya | Liberal |
| Turmush o'rtoqlar | |
| Bolalar | 3, shu jumladan Frantsiya Kreten Desmarais |
| Qarindoshlar | Mishel Kretien (aka) Raymond Kretien (jiyani) |
| Olma mater | Université Laval |
| Kasb | Yurist |
| Imzo |  |
Jozef Jak Jan Kreten Kompyuter OM CC QC (Frantsuzcha talaffuz:[kʁe.tsjẽ]; 1934 yil 11-yanvarda tug'ilgan) - 20-yil bo'lib xizmat qilgan kanadalik siyosatchi Kanada bosh vaziri 1993 yildan 2003 yilgacha.
Tug'ilgan va o'sgan Shovinigan, Kvebek, Kretien yuridik fakultetini tugatgan Université Laval. U birinchi bo'lib saylangan Kanadaning jamoatlar palatasi 1963 yilda. Bosh vazir huzurida turli xil kabinet lavozimlarida ishlagan Per Trudeau, eng taniqli sifatida Adliya vaziri, Moliya vaziri va Hindiston ishlari va shimoliy taraqqiyot vaziri. U ikkinchi bo'lib xizmat qildi Kanada bosh vazirining o'rinbosari va Tashqi ishlar bo'yicha davlat kotibi yilda Jon Tyorner qisqa muddatli hukumat. U etakchiga aylandi Kanada Liberal partiyasi 1990 yilda bo'lib xizmat qilgan Muxolifat lideri partiyani a .ga olib borishdan oldin ko'pchilik hukumat ichida 1993 yilgi federal saylov. U boshqa ko'pchiliklar bilan qayta saylandi 1997 va 2000.
Kreten bunga qat'iy qarshi edi Kvebek suvereniteti harakati rasmiy ikki tilli va multikulturalizmni qo'llab-quvvatladi. U federalistlar lagerining etakchisi sifatida tor g'alabani qo'lga kiritdi 1995 yil Kvebekdagi referendum va keyin kashshof Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun bo'lajak referendum savollarida noaniqlikka yo'l qo'ymaslik. U shuningdek, ilg'or Yoshlar uchun jinoiy adliya to'g'risidagi qonun parlamentda. Garchi uning va Liberal partiyaning mashhurligi ketma-ket uchta federal saylovda hech qanday qiyinchilik tug'dirmasa ham, u bosh vazirligining keyingi yillarida turli siyosiy tortishuvlarga duch keldi. U nomaqbul xatti-harakatlarda ayblangan homiylik mojarosi, garchi u har qanday qonunbuzarlikni doimiy ravishda rad etib kelgan bo'lsa-da. U Liberal partiyaning uzoq yillik siyosiy raqibiga qarshi uzoq davom etgan kurashiga aralashdi Pol Martin. 2003 yil dekabr oyida u bosh vazir lavozimidan iste'foga chiqdi va nabiralari bilan ko'proq vaqt o'tkazish uchun jamoat hayotini butunlay tark etdi. Yilda retrospektiv so'rov, Kretien olimlar va jamoatchilik orasida yuqori o'rinlarni egallaydi.
Hayotning boshlang'ich davri
Kretien 1934 yil 11 yanvarda tug'ilgan Shovinigan, Kvebek, 19 bolaning 18-si (10 nafari go'dakligidan omon qolmagan) sifatida,[1] Mari (tug'ilgan joyi Boisvert, 1954 yilda vafot etgan) va Uelli Kretien (1980 yilda vafot etgan). Kretenlarning ishchi oilasi kambag'al edi va Kretiyen aka-ukalari kiygan kiyimni kiyishlari kerak edi, chunki ota-onasi u uchun yangi kiyim sotib olishga qodir emas edi.[2] Kretyenning ota-onasi o'z farzandlarining o'sha paytda Kvebekdagi universitetda o'qish uchun yagona usul bo'lgan klassik kollejlarga o'qishga kirib, Shovinigondagi ishchi hayotidan qochib qutulishlarini istashgan.[2] Kretienning otasi uni lug'atni yosh bolaligida o'qishga majbur qildi. Kretienning akasi Moris o'zi ishlayotgan sug'urta kompaniyasida stipendiyani yutib oldi, bu unga tibbiyot maktabiga o'qishga kirishga imkon berdi va tibbiy amaliyotidan olgan foydasi bilan singillarini klassik kollejlarga o'qishga kirishiga imkon berdi.[3] Wellie Kretien sodiq liberal edi, u bir paytlar o'z qahramoni bilan yoshligida qo'l berib ko'rishga majbur bo'lgan, Ser Uilfrid Laurier.[4] Mahalliy cherkov ruhoniysi, Ota Auger, uning tarafdori Union Nationale barcha liberallarni "xudosiz" deb yomon ko'rgan, Libert Kretenlar oilasi haqida g'arazli mish-mishlarni tarqatgan va u hech qachon o'spirin qizni hech bir Kriten o'g'illari bilan bemalol uchrashuvga yo'l qo'ymasligini aytgan va bu yosh Jan Kretien bilan yomon munosabatda bo'lishiga sabab bo'lgan. Katolik cherkovi.[5]
Ikkinchi Jahon urushi paytida kanadalik millatchi Uelli Kretien urush harakatlarining qat'iy tarafdori bo'lganligi va ayniqsa, Shavinigan shahridagi chaqiriluvchilarni yuborishni ommaviy ravishda qo'llab-quvvatlashni istagan kam sonli fransuz-kanadaliklardan biri bo'lganligi sababli jamoatchilikning noroziligini tortgan edi. Zombi ") chet elda jang qilish uchun.[6] 1940 yil ostida Milliy resurslarni safarbar qilish to'g'risidagi qonun, federal hukumat kanadaliklarni faqat Kanada mudofaasi uchun chaqirishi mumkin edi va 1944 yil oxirigacha faqat ko'ngillilar chet elda jang qilish uchun borgan. 1940-yillarda Kvebekda ko'plab frantsuz-kanadaliklar Kanadaning urushda qatnashishiga, ayniqsa, "zombi" larning chet elga yuborilishiga qarshi bo'lganlar, bu Uelli Kretien va uning oilasini quvg'in qildi.[4] Bundan tashqari, davomida Grande Noirceur ("Katta zulmat") Kvebek jamiyatida buzilgan Union Nationale patronaj mashinasi hukmronlik qilganida, Kretenlar oilasi urushni qo'llab-quvvatlaganligi sababli Kretenlar oilasi chetlashtirildi.[7] Union Nationale Premer Moris Duplessis Ikkinchi Jahon Urushida Kanadaliklarning ishtirok etishining ashaddiy raqibi bo'lgan. 1964 yilgacha Kvebekda davlat maktablari bo'lmagan va Kretien katolik maktablarida ta'lim olgan. Kreten uni tarbiyalagan katolik ruhoniylarini yoqtirmasdi va o'z navbatida ular tomonidan Kriotening sobiq o'qituvchilardan biri, ota François Lanoue tomonidan yoqtirilmas edi, chunki u Kretiyen o'z sinfida o'zini o'pirganligi sababli urish kerak bo'lgan yagona talaba edi.[8] Kreten intervyuda o'zining ta'limini "g'ayritabiiy" deb atadi, chunki ruhoniylar uzoq o'qitish orqali o'qitishda o'zlarining vakolatlarini shubha ostiga olishga jur'at etgan har qanday qonli odamni kaltaklagan o'ta qattiq rejimni esladilar.[9] Kretienning sinfdoshlaridan biri "Bizda his-tuyg'ularga ega bo'lish yoki ularni ifoda etish huquqimiz yo'q edi" deb esladi.[9]
Yoshligidayoq Kretien zo'ravonlikni yaxshi ko'rishi bilan va boshqa talabalar bilan mushtlashganda eng xursand bo'lgan mahalliy qattiq odam sifatida o'z obro'sini yoqtirgan kishi sifatida tanilgan edi.[10] Kretienning sinfdoshlaridan biri, uning "shafqatsiz g'azabi" tufayli juda qo'rqqanini esladi.[11] Kretien ishtirok etdi Sen-Jozef-de-Trois-Rivyer va huquqshunoslikda o'qigan Université Laval. Trois-Rivieres o'quvchisi bo'lganida, keyinchalik Kretien o'zining o'sha maktabdagi eng yaxshi kuni, o'zining o'zidan balandroq bo'lgan boshqa o'quvchini provokatsiya qilmasdan hujum qilgan birinchi kuni ekanligini eslab, uni mag'rurlik bilan eslashga undagan edi: "Men uni haqiqatan ham yomon payqab qoldim. barchaning oldida! "[12] Kretien uning hujumi boshqa talabalarga xabar yuborish uchun mo'ljallanganligini esladi: "Kreten bilan aralashmang!"[12] Biografisi Lourens Martinning intervyusida o'rta maktabda qaysi fanni yaxshi o'qiganligi haqidagi savoliga Kretien javob berdi: "Men ko'cha janjallari bilan eng yaxshi bo'lganman".[13] Séminaire Saint-Joseph-da o'stirgan shafqatsiz qiyofasiga qaramay, Kretienning kurslari yuqori edi, asosan Katolik ilohiyoti, klassikalari, falsafasi va frantsuz tillariga e'tibor qaratdi, ammo Kretien ruhoniylarning Parij fransuz tilida gaplashishiga qarshi turdi. .[14] Kretien Séminaire Sen-Jozefni tugatganida, Duplessis sinfga chiqish uchun kelgan va Kretyen bilan uchrashganida, uning bobosi bir paytlar Sent-Etien-des-Gres meri bo'lib ishlagan Français Kretiyenmi, otasi Uelli Kretiyenmi va undan keyinmi? ikkala savolga ijobiy javoblarni olgach, nafrat bilan dedi: «Unday bo'lsa, senga la'nat rouge".[15] Kretienning baholari unga Lavalda, frantsuz-kanadalik elitaning mashg'ulot maydonida qatnashish uchun etarli darajada yaxshi edi.[16]
Keyinchalik Lavalda Kreten huquqshunoslik fakulteti berganiga norozilik bildirdi Kvebekning qayta ko'rib chiqilgan nizomi Liberal talabalar buning uchun 10 dollar to'lashi kerak bo'lgan paytda Union Nationale talabalariga bepul, bu esa Duplessisni o'z ofisida kutib olish uchun oilasi yaxshi bog'liq bo'lgan boshqa talabadan foydalanishga olib keldi.[17] Duplessis Kretenga Union Nationale-ga faqat "imonga ega bo'lganlarni" mukofotlashini aytdi va agar u kitobni bepul istasa, u holda "imon" ga ega bo'lishi kerak edi, chunki Kvebekda "Le Chef" kabi "huquqlar" yo'q edi. ("boshliq").[18] Lavalda Kretien Yosh Liberallar partiyasida faol ishtirok etdi va hech kim bu ishni xohlamaganligi sababli prezident bo'ldi, chunki ko'pchilik talabalar Union Nationale-ga qarshi chiqishdan qo'rqib ketishdi.[19] 1958 yilda u Ottava shahrida bo'lib o'tgan Liberal konferentsiyada ishtirok etib, Lester Pirsonni partiya rahbari etib tanladi va u erda Kreten qo'llab-quvvatladi Pol Martin Sr.[20]
Keyinchalik u o'zini "le petit gars de Shawinigan" deb atab, kamtarin kelib chiqishiga e'tibor qaratdi.[21] yoki "Shoviniganlik kichkina yigit". Yoshligida u hujumdan aziyat chekdi Bellning falaji, yuzining bir tomonini qisman falaj qilib qoldirgan.[22] Kretien o'zining birinchi Liberal etakchilik kampaniyasida bundan foydalangan va o'zini "Og'zining ikkala tomonidan gapirmaydigan bitta siyosatchi" deb aytgan. Shuningdek, u bir qulog'ida kar bo'lgan.[23]
1957 yil 10 sentyabrda u turmushga chiqdi Aline Chainé. Ularning bitta o'g'li (Xubert Kreten), boshqasi asrab olgan o'g'li (Mishel Kretien) va bitta qizi (Frantsiya Kreten Desmarais ). Kretienning katolik cherkovi bilan yomon munosabatlarini aks ettirgan holda, Shavinigan shahridagi mahalliy ruhoniy Ota Oger, o'z cherkovida Kretienga turmushga chiqishni rad etib, faqatgina xira (blues, ya'ni Union Nationale tarafdorlari) uning cherkovida xush kelibsiz va rouges (qizil ranglar, ya'ni liberallar) yo'q edi.[5]
Dastlabki siyosiy martaba
Kretien Shawinigan firmasida advokatlik bilan shug'ullangan Aleksandr Gélinas va Djo Lafond[24] u birinchi marta saylangunga qadar Kanadaning jamoatlar palatasi haydashdan liberal sifatida Sent-Mauris – Lafléche ichida 1963 yilgi saylov. U Shawinigan-ga asoslangan ushbu haydashni namoyish etdi va qayta nomlandi Sankt-Moris 1968 yilda, keyingi 41 yil ichida sakkizdan tashqari barchasi uchun. Binicilik g'olib bo'lgan Ijtimoiy kredit 1962 yilgi saylovda partiya ishtirok etdi va Kretien 1963 yilgi saylovda Liberal nomzodini qo'lga kiritdi, chunki parlamentning avvalgi Liberal a'zosi (MP) nafaqaga chiqishga qaror qildi.[25] Saylovda Kretien Ijtimoiy kredit bo'yicha deputatni tasvirlash orqali g'alaba qozondi Jerar Lami frantsuz-kanadaliklarni ahmoqona ko'rinishga keltirgan "buffoon" sifatida.[26] Kariyerasining boshida Kreten tomonidan tasvirlangan Dalton lager "qochib ketadigan avtoulov haydovchisi" ga o'xshab, u bilan bog'liq bo'lgan va jurnalistlar va boshqalar uning butun faoliyati davomida tez-tez aytilgan va odatda uning oxirigacha erishgan muvaffaqiyatlarini hisobga olgan past baho.
Sal oldin 1965 yilgi saylov, u juda qisqacha xizmat qildi parlament kotibi Bosh vazirga Lester B. Pearson 1965 yilda, ammo Kretien unga 1965 yilda saylov o'tkazishga qarshi maslahat berganda, Pirson o'zi qidirayotgan ko'pchilik ovozni qo'lga kirita olmasligini (to'g'ri) bashorat qilganida, ikkalasi bir-biridan ajralib qolishdi.[27] Pirson o'z kabinetiga Jan Markand, Jerar Pelletier va Per Trudodan iborat "Uch dono odam" ni jalb qilganida, Kretien uni chetlab o'tib ketganidan xafa bo'lib, Pirsonga kabinetga ko'tarilishga loyiqligini aytdi.[27] 1966 yildan boshlab parlament kotibi sifatida ancha vaqt xizmat qildi Moliya vaziri, Mitchell Sharp. Sharp Kretyenning ustozi va homiysi sifatida xizmat qilishi kerak edi va asosan Sharpning ta'siri ostida Kretien saflarga ko'tarildi.[28] Uning ustozi Sharp singari, Kretien ham 1960-yillarda Liberal partiyaning o'ng qanoti bilan tanilgan va 1970-yillarga qadargina Kretiyen birinchi marta liberallarning chap qanoti bilan tanila boshlagan.[29] O'zining himoyasi haqida Sharpning intervyusida aytgan so'zlari keltirilgan Piter C. Nyuman:
Jan mendek yoki siz kabi o'qishga odatlanmagan va shuning uchun biz uni shu asosda hukm qilishga moyilmiz. Biz har xil narsalarni o'qiymiz; Kreten bunday qilmaydi. Kretenning o'qishi cheklangan. U instinktiv yondashuvga ega va muammoga duch kelganida, u doimo oqilona javoblar bilan chiqadi va shuning uchun men uning so'zlarini hech qachon yemasligini aytaman.[30]
1967 yilda Kretien Kanadaning g'arbiy qismiga birinchi marta tashrif buyurdi, uni ko'rishni xohladi.[31] Yilda Vankuver u Kvebek uchun ko'proq vakolatlar talablarini Union Nationale Premier tomonidan qo'yiladigan talablar haqida so'zladi Daniel Jonson Kvebekda shov-shuvga sabab bo'lgan "Kvebek uchun alohida maqomni yoqlaydiganlar (ko'pincha KPK uchun) ayirmachilar ekanliklarini tan olishni istamaydilar"). .[32] Frantsiya prezidenti qachon Sharl de Goll Monrealga tashrifi chog'idagi nutqida "Vive le Québec libre!"(" Yashasin Bepul Kvebek! ") Va ingliz-kanadaliklarni fashistlar bilan taqqoslaganda, Kreten vazirlar mahkamasi yig'ilishida Pirsondan de Gollni rasmiy ravishda e'lon qilishini talab qildi persona non grata va Kanadan ketishini iltifot bilan so'rash o'rniga, haydab chiqarildi va bu Pirson tutgan yo'l edi.[33]
U tayinlanish uchun tanlangan Milliy daromad vaziri 1968 yil yanvar oyida Pearson tomonidan uni kabinetda kichik vazirga aylantirdi. Davomida 1968 yil Liberal etakchilik poygasi, Kretien Liberal partiyani boshqarishga intilgan ustozi Sharp nomidan qattiq kurashdi.[34] Faqat Sharpning anjuman oldidan va Sharp poygadan chiqib ketganidan keyin Liberallar etakchisini yutishga umid qilmaganligi aniq bo'lganida, Kriten Sharpni qo'llab-quvvatlab, oxir-oqibat poygada g'olib chiqqan odamni qo'llab-quvvatladi. Per Trudeau.[34]
Keyin 1968 yil iyun saylovlari, u tayinlandi Hindiston ishlari va shimoliy taraqqiyot vaziri asosan Bosh vazirni ko'ndirgan Sharpning ta'siri tufayli Per Trudeau Kretien kabinetda katta portfelga loyiq edi.[29] Trudeau va Kretien intellektual Trudeau bilan qat'iyan intellektual bo'lmagan Kriten o'rtasidagi jarlik juda keng bo'lgani uchun hech qachon yaqin yoki hatto do'stona munosabatda bo'lmagan, ammo Trudeau Kretenni nihoyatda sodiq va vakolatli vazir sifatida va "qattiq yigit" muammosini hal qiluvchi sifatida qadrlagan. kim qiyin topshiriqlarni bajara olardi.[35] Kretien hech qachon Trudoning yaqin doiralari a'zosi bo'lmagan, ammo uning Trudeau hukumatining "ijrochisi" maqomi uning Trudeau hukumatining siyosiy qarorlarini bajarishda ko'pincha muhim rol o'ynaganligini anglatar edi. Trudeau va uning PMOdagi intellektual maslahatchilari (Bosh vazirning idorasi ) Kretenni frantsuz tilida ishchi sinfining urg'usi bilan gapiradigan va odob-axloqi ravon bo'lmagan kishi sifatida xo'rlaydilar, ammo ular uning qattiqligi va ishlarni bajara olish qobiliyatini qadrlashadi.[36]
Xretiyning Hindiston ishlarida eng katta yutug'i bu edi 1969 yil Oq qog'oz, bekor qilish taklifi Hindiston akti.[37] Qog'oz keng qarshilik ko'rsatdi Birinchi millatlar guruhlar va keyinchalik tark qilingan. Aynan 1969 yil Oq kitob Kriteni birinchi bo'lib ingliz Kanadasida keng jamoatchilik e'tiboriga tushirdi. Oq qog'ozni e'lon qilgan matbuot anjumanida Kretien hindistonlik faollar bilan birinchi millat ayollaridan biri bilan Kretendan "Biz qachon o'zligimizni yo'qotib qo'ydik?" Deb so'rab, ochiqchasiga to'qnashdi va u: "Shartnomalarni imzolaganingizda" deb javob berdi. .[38] Brantforddagi Iroquois qo'riqxonasida yashovchi yana bir ayol Kretyendan "Qanday qilib bu erga kelib, bizdan fuqaro bo'lishimizni so'rashingiz mumkin, biz bu erda sizdan ancha oldin bo'lganmiz?" Deb so'rab, Crown Grand River vodiysiga: Jozef Brant 1784 yilda, Krioten bunga javob bermagan.[38] Kri faol Garold Kardinal 1969 yilda nashr etilgan eng yaxshi kitobida Oq qog'oz uchun Kretien va Trudoga hujum qildi Adolatsiz jamiyat, ularni Birinchi millatlarga qarshi "madaniy genotsid" da ayblash.[39] Bunday tanqidlarga qarshi turish uchun Kretien an qabul qildi Inuit 1970 yilda tashrif buyurgan mahalliy bolalar uyining bolasi Shimoli-g'arbiy hududlar.[40] Hindiston ishlari vaziri sifatida Kretien Kanadaning uzoq shimolini sevib qoladi, uning go'zalligi uni hayajonga soladi va u har yili yozda Hindiston ishlari portfelini ushlab turib shimolda dam olardi.[41]
Davomida Oktyabr inqirozi 1970 yil, Kriot Trudoga "hozir harakat qiling, keyinroq tushuntiring" deb aytdi, qachon Trudeau uni chaqirishga ikkilanib turganda Urush choralari to'g'risidagi qonun. Kanadaliklarning 85 foizi bu harakatga rozi bo'ldi. 1972 yilgi saylovlarda 1968 yilda deyarli mag'lubiyatdan qo'rqib ketgan Kretien, do'sti Antonio Genestning Progressive Conservative (PC) nominatsiyasida g'olib chiqqan va keyin qayta saylanishini ta'minlash uchun ataylab inept kampaniyasini olib borgan.[42] Robert Bourassa, Kvebekning liberal bosh vaziri, tez-tez federal hokimiyatni o'z viloyatiga o'tkazib yuborish uchun tez-tez bosim o'tkazib, uni Trudoning mulkiga aylantirgan millatchi edi. bête noire, ikki kishi ochiq janjal bilan.[43] 1971 yilda, Burassa hukumati boshlaganida Jeyms ko'rfazidagi loyiha quyiladigan daryolarda gidroelektr to'g'onlarini rivojlantirish Jeyms Bey Bu yerni rivojlantirishga mo'ljallangan deb da'vo qilayotgan mahalliy Kri guruhlari tomonidan qarshi chiqilgan bo'lsa, Kriten Krit tomoniga aralashdi.[43] O'z nutqida Kretien Bourassa "do'zaxga tushishi mumkin", Kri tomonidan talab qilingan erni qurish yoki suv bosish huquqiga ega emasligini aytdi va sudlarda Kri uchun bahslashish uchun advokatlarni yolladi.[43] 1973 yil noyabr oyida sudya Kri uchun qaror chiqardi, ammo bir necha kun apellyatsiya sudi Kvebek uchun qaror chiqardi.[43]
1974 yilda u tayinlandi G'aznachilik kengashi prezidenti; va 1976 yildan boshlab u xizmat qildi Sanoat, Rrade va savdo vaziri. G'aznachilik kengashida Kretien "Doktor Yo'q" nomi bilan mashhur bo'ldi, chunki u boshqa vazirlardan o'z bo'limlari uchun ko'proq pul so'rab iltimos bilan rad etdi.[44] 1970-yillar inflyatsiyaning tez sur'atlarda bo'lgan davri bo'lib, Kretien ko'pincha ish haqi miqdorini oshirishni talab qilgan davlat sektori kasaba uyushmalari bilan to'qnashdi.[45] Kamomadlar ko'payib borayotgan va Trudeau hukumati kengashib ketgan deb ko'rilgan bir paytda, Kretyenning "qattiq yigit" qiyofasi unga ommaviy axborot vositalarida ko'pchilikning e'tiborini tortdi, chunki u Trudo kabinetidagi qattiq qarorlarni qabul qilishga tayyor bo'lgan kam sonli kishilardan biri.[46] Sanoat vaziri sifatida Kretien Trudeau hukumatining Osiyo va Evropa bilan, kamroq AQSh bilan savdo qilish orqali iqtisodiyotni "diversifikatsiya qilish" bo'yicha harakatlarini boshqargan.[47] Kretien tez-tez Kanada dollarining balandligidan uning savdoni "diversifikatsiya qilish" harakatlariga to'sqinlik qilayotganidan shikoyat qilar edi va u past dollar qiymatiga ishonishi bilan tanilgan.[47] Sanoat vaziri sifatida Kretien chap tomonga o'tib, populist siyosati bilan tanilgan, Kanadada ko'proq ishlab chiqarishni rag'batlantirish uchun chet elda ishlab chiqarilgan kiyim-kechaklarga bojlar joriy qilgan va hukumat Challenger samolyotini ishlab chiqarishni moliyalashtirgan.[48]
1977 yilda, moliya vaziri iste'foga chiqqandan keyin Donald MacDonald, Kreten uning o'rnini egalladi. U birinchi edi frankofon moliya vaziri va ushbu lavozimni egallagan uchta frankofondan biri bo'lib qolmoqda. Kretienning moliya sohasidagi faoliyati uning "majburlovchi" maqomini, ya'ni Trudeoning siyosatini tez-tez bajarishda yordam bergan, ammo siyosatni amalga oshirishda kamdan-kam yordam bergan shaxs sifatida ta'kidladi.[49] Moliya paytida Trudeau Kreteni moliyaviy siyosatni amalga oshirishda har qanday roldan butunlay chetlashtirdi, aksincha Kretien o'zi va PMO dagi maslahatchilari oldindan qaror qilgan siyosatni Kretyen bilan umuman maslahatlashmasdan amalga oshirishini kutgan edi.[49] Trudeau G'arbiy Germaniya kansleriga nihoyatda yaqin edi Helmut Shmidt va davomida 1978 yil G7 Bonnda bo'lib o'tgan sammit, Trudeau do'sti Shmidt bilan 1979 yilda qayta saylanishda eng yaxshi g'alaba qozonish to'g'risida keng muhokamalar o'tkazdi.[50] Shmidt Trudoga o'zining tanqisligi haqidagi tanqidlarga javoban xarajatlarni qisqartirish orqali javob berishni taklif qildi.[51] 1978 yilda Trudeau matbuot bayonotida Kretyeni nima qilishga qaror qilgani to'g'risida oldindan xabardor qilishdan bosh tortmasdan 2 milliard dollarlik qisqartirishni e'lon qildi va natijada uning moliya vaziri matbuotga bergan intervyusida beparvo bo'lib qoldi.[52] Kreten bu tajribani shunchalik haqoratli deb topdiki, u norozilik sifatida iste'foga chiqishni jiddiy o'ylab ko'rdi.[52] Kresler Shmidtga nima bo'lishini u haqida yaxshiroq bilishi, uning Trudeoning yaqin doirasi a'zosi emasligini ta'kidlab, Kretyeni ayniqsa xor qildi.[52] Kretien 1978 yilda ikkita federal byudjetni uyning binosiga taqdim etdi Aprel ikkinchisi esa Noyabr.
Liberallar 1979 yil may oyida bo'lib o'tgan federal saylovda ozchilikni tashkil etgan Konservativ hukumatga yutqazdilar Djo Klark. Qachon Per Trudeau 1980 yil fevral oyida hokimiyatni qayta tikladi, u Kreteni tayinladi Adliya vaziri va Bosh prokuror. Ushbu rolda u asosiy kuch edi 1980 yil Kvebekdagi referendum, kampaniya davomida "erda" asosiy federal vakillardan biri bo'lish. Uning otashin va hayajonli nutqlari federalistik olomonni ajralish oqibatlari to'g'risida ochiqchasiga ogohlantirishi bilan hayratga soladi. 1980 yilgi referendum davomida Kretien Kvebek liberallari etakchisi bilan sahna ortida qattiq kurashgan, Klod Rayan raisi bo'lib ishlagan bo'lmagan Kritening Kanadadagi millatparast xabaridan farqli o'laroq, Rayan ko'proq Kvebek millatchi xabarini ma'qullagan holda, eng yaxshi yo'l haqida.[53] O'z nutqlarida Kreten Prairiyalar va Rokki tog'larni ko'rgan birinchi oq tanlilar frantsuz-kanadalik bo'lganligi bilan maqtandi. sayohatchilar va Coureur des bois 17-18 asrlarda Rokki va Buyuk tekisliklar Frantsiyaning Kanadadagi merosining bir qismi ekanligini aytib, Québécois o'z merosidan qanday voz kechishi mumkinligini so'radi.[54] Kreten buyuk frantsuz mo'yna savdogarlarini maqtadi Per-Esprit Radisson, Medard des Groseilliers va La Verendrye G'arbga borgan, ular topgan narsalari butun Frantsiyaning Kanadasiga tegishli ekanligini aytgan va ko'pincha nutqlarini "Men ularni [toshlar va buyuk tekisliklarni] bolalarim va nabiralarim uchun xohlayman!" .[55] Kretien, 1980 yilgi referendum davomida kuniga o'rtacha Kvebek bo'ylab oltita yoki etti marta nutq so'zladi va har doim har bir nutqida mahalliy ma'lumotnomada ishlashga muvaffaq bo'ldi.[56]
Shuningdek, u ijtimoiy rivojlanish bo'yicha davlat vaziri va konstitutsiyaviy muzokaralar uchun mas'ul vazir bo'lib ishlagan va bunda muhim rol o'ynagan patriatsiya ga olib kelgan 1980–81 yillardagi kurash Kanada konstitutsiyasi 1982 yilda. 1981 yil 28 sentyabrda Oliy sud federal hukumat patriatsiya qilishi mumkinligi to'g'risida qaror chiqardi Britaniya Shimoliy Amerika qonuni viloyatlarning roziligisiz, shuningdek, bu "g'alati" bo'lar edi.[57] Kretien patriatsiyaga qarshi bo'lgan "8-to'da" bosh vazirlariga Ottava Konstitutsiyani bir tomonlama patri qilishini, ammo yakuniy konferentsiyada gaplashishga tayyorligini ma'lum qildi.[58] 1981 yil noyabr oyida bo'lib o'tgan birinchi vazirlarning konferentsiyasida "8 ta to'da" premer-sardorlaridan ikkitasi, Saskaçevanning yangi Demokratik bosh vaziri Allan Blakeney va Manitobaning konservativ bosh vaziri Sterling Lion o'zlarining taklif qilingan printsipial e'tirozlarini aniq ko'rsatib berishdi. Huquq va erkinliklar to'g'risidagi Xartiya bu qadimiy ingliz an'analarini buzgan edi parlament ustunligi.[59] Beri 1688 yilgi ulug'vor inqilob, har doim parlament bu erdagi qonun chiqaruvchi oliy organ bo'lgan degan tamoyil bo'lgan va Blakeni ham, Lion ham Xartiya sudlarga haddan tashqari kuch berishidan xavotirda edilar.
Kretien "deb nomlanadigan narsaning bosh muzokarachisi edi"Oshxona kelishuvi, "to'qqizta viloyatning patriatsiya to'g'risida kelishuviga olib kelgan kelishuv. Oshxona kelishuvida Kretien, Roy MakMurtri va Roy Romanov kelishuvga kelishdi. 33-bo'lim, Parlament va viloyat qonun chiqaruvchilariga Xartiya ishlarida sudlarni bekor qilishga imkon beradigan "bandga qaramay" deb nomlangan.[59] Krioten Trudoning 33-bo'lim g'oyasini "yomon ko'rishini" va unga aytishi kerakligini esladi: "Pyer, agar siz ushbu bandga qaramay, sizning Nizomingiz yo'q".[59] Trudeau 33-bo'limni faqat Ontario Premer-ligasida qabul qildi Bill Devis, Nyu-Brunsvik Premer bilan birga Richard Xetfild, federal hukumatni qo'llab-quvvatlagan yagona premerlar unga qo'ng'iroq qilib, agar Trudeau 33-bo'limni qabul qilmasa, "8 to'dasi" ga qo'shilishini aytdi, bu Kriotening eslashi Trudoning munosabatini butunlay o'zgartirdi.[60] 2012 yilgi intervyusida, Kretien bahsli 33-bo'limni himoya qilib shunday dedi: "Chunki ba'zilar jamiyatda saylangan odamlar sudyalar emas, balki oliy darajadagi hokim bo'lishlari kerak, deb ta'kidlaydilar va men bunga obuna bo'laman. Qo'shma Shtatlarda nima bo'lganini ko'ring sudyalar o'zlarining falsafasi bo'yicha hukmronlik qilishadi.[60] Parti Québécois Kvebek Premeri bundan mustasno Rene Lévesque, "Gang of 8" ning barcha premyeralari 33-bo'limning murosasini qabul qilishdi. Kretyenning muomaladagi roli, shu bilan birga uning tug'ilgan viloyati Kvebekda ham unutilmas edi. Konstitutsiya to'g'risidagi qonun, 1982 yil (garchi Kanada Oliy sudi Kvebek unga bog'langan deb qaror qildi). Trudoning yordamchilaridan biri, Barri Strayer, keyinchalik Kretyenning konstitutsiyaviy jangdagi roli haqida shunday degan edi: "U Trudoning uddasidan chiqa olmaydigan murosalar haqida o'ylashga qodir edi. Hamma uni halol vositachi deb bilar edi. Usiz siz bunday bo'lmas edi".[61]
1982 yilda Kreten tayinlandi Energetika, konlar va resurslar vaziri. Energetika vaziri sifatida Kretien ushbu dasturni bajarishga mas'ul bo'lgan Milliy energiya dasturi (NEP), bu Alberta shahridagi nafratlanuvchi shaxsga aylanishiga yordam bergan rol.[62] Kretyenning o'zi NEP qiymatiga shubha bilan qaragan, u energetika vaziri etib tayinlangan paytda "biz ishonchimizni yo'q qilmasdan NEPdan orqaga qaytishimiz kerak" deb aytgan, ammo Trudeau va uning o'ng qo'li ekanligini bilib, Moliya vaziri Mark Lalonde, NEPni davom ettirish tarafdori bo'lgan, Kretien bir kun Liberal etakchini yutib olish imkoniyatini xavf ostiga qo'ymasdan, navbatda turishga qaror qildi.[63] Kretenning Alberta Premer bilan bo'lgan janglari Piter Lugid NEP orqali u faqat o'z viloyatlariga qiziqadigan millat hisobiga kichik odamlar deb bilgan viloyat siyosatchilariga nisbatan nafratini tasdiqlashga yordam berdi.[64]
1984 yil: birinchi rahbarlik taklifi
Trudeau 1984 yil boshida Liberal partiyaning etakchisi va bosh vaziri sifatida iste'foga chiqishini e'lon qilgandan so'ng, Kretien partiyaning etakchisiga murojaat qilgan nomzodlardan biri edi Kanada Liberal partiyasi. Kreten uchun bu tajriba juda og'ir bo'ldi, chunki uning ko'p yillik hukumat sheriklari taklifni qo'llab-quvvatladilar Jon Tyorner, kim ko'proq saylanadigan deb hisoblansa, Kretyeni qattiq xafa qildi.[65] 1984 yil bahoridagi etakchilar poygasi paytida Kretien Trudeau davrining himoyachisi sifatida qatnashdi va Trudeau bilan tanaffusga va'da bergan Tyornerdan farqli o'laroq, Trudeoning barcha siyosatini davom ettirishga va'da berdi.[66] Etakchilik poygasi davomida Kretien o'zini o'zini chap qanot populisti sifatida ko'rsatdi va Tyornerni o'ng qanot deb mazax qildi Bay ko'chasi oddiy odamlar bilan aloqada bo'lmagan snob.[67] Kretien Ternerga milliy defitsit muammo emasligini aytdi va nutqida: "Biz odamlarimiz qadr-qimmatini saqlash uchun bu defitsitdan foydalanishimiz kerak", deb bahslashdi.[67] Tretner munozarali ravishda eng yaxshi kampaniyani olib bordi va Tyorner boshqargan hamma narsadan kattaroq va g'ayratli olomonni jalb qildi, ammo Liberal partiyaning aksariyat tashkiloti 1984 yil mart oyida o'z nomzodini e'lon qilganda Tretnerga qarshi to'p surdi va bu Kretien uchun engib bo'lmaydigan nogironlik bo'ldi.[68] Liberal partiyaning ikkita etakchi kuch ishlab chiqaruvchilari, Mark Lalonde va senator Keyt Deyvi ("Yomg'ir ustasi") 1984 yilda Tretnerni qo'llab-quvvatladilar, chunki ular Kreteni juda "pastki bozor" deb hisoblashdi va so'nggi yillarda Trudo bilan unchalik mashhur bo'lmagan "oltin bola" jok-olimi Tyornerni eng yaxshi nomzod sifatida ko'rishdi. saylovda g'alaba qozonish uchun.[69] Kretyeni a. Deb o'ylashdi qora ot oxirigacha, lekin ikkinchi ovoz berishda Tyornerga yutqazdi etakchilik anjumani o'sha iyun. Iona Campagnolo shafqatsiz tarzda Kreteni "saylov byulletenida ikkinchi, lekin qalbimizda birinchi o'rinda" deb tanishtirdi. Kretien 1984 yilgi etakchilik poygasida Terner g'olib bo'lguncha g'alaba qozonishiga ishongan va keyin mag'lubiyatini juda yomon qabul qilgan.[70] Kretien nihoyat Tyornerga yutqazganda, avvalgi o'zini dahshatli adolatsizlik qurboni deb bildi, u faqat orqa xonaning makintajlari bilan uni haqli deb bilgan narsasidan aldab, yutqazdi. Kreten Tyornerni mag'lub etgani uchun kechirishga qodir emasligini isbotladi.[71] Tyorner Kretyonni tayinladi bosh vazir o'rinbosari va tashqi ishlar bo'yicha davlat kotibi.
Etakchilik poygasida g'olib chiqqandan so'ng, Tyorner Kretien bilan kelishilgan holda kelayotgan umumiy saylovlarda birlashgan partiyani boshqarish uchun kurashmoqchi edi va shuning uchun Kretyendan qanday shartlarni qabul qilishini so'radi.[71] Etakchilik poygasida mag'lub bo'lganidan g'azablangan Kreten Tyorner unga hech qachon berolmasligini biladigan shartlarni so'radi. Kreten tayinlanishini talab qildi Kvebek leytenanti, Kvebekdagi homiylik va tashkilot nazorati bilan. Tyorner ushbu pozitsiyani allaqachon va'da qilgan edi André Ouellet etakchilik poygasida qo'llab-quvvatlash evaziga.[71][72] Bu Tyornerni Ouelletga bergan va'dasini buzishga majbur qilgan bo'lar edi va shu sababli Tretner Kreten, Ouellet va Lalondadagi Kvebekdagi liberal operatsiyalarni boshqarish uchun uchlik tuzish orqali murosaga keldi.[72] Uchlik yolg'on edi va 1984 yildagi umumiy saylovlar paytida uchlik a'zolari konservatorlarga qarshi kurashishdan ko'ra ko'proq vaqt davomida bir-birlari bilan janjallashishgan.[72]
Kretienning Kvebek leytenantiga bo'lgan talabi uni Tyornerdan ajratib turadigan yagona narsa emas edi. Deyarli darhol Kreten va Tyorner muddatidan oldin saylovlar masalasida to'qnash kelishdi. Kreten Tyornerga bu narsani so'ramaslikni maslahat berdi general-gubernator Parlamentni tarqatib yuborish, ammo 1985 yil boshida bo'lib o'tgan qishki saylovlarda qatnashish uchun hukumatga rekord berish uchun Parlamentni 1984 yil kuzida sessiyada ushlab turish. Oxirgi saylov fevralda bo'lgani uchun saylovni 1985 yil fevralidan kechiktirmasdan tayinlash kerak edi. 1980 yil.[73] Tyorner 1984 yil iyun oyi oxirida bosh vazir bo'lganidan so'ng, saylov uchastkalarining kuchayishi parlamentni 1984 yil sentyabr oyida bo'lib o'tadigan saylovlar uchun tarqatib yuborilishini so'rashga asos bo'lganiga ishonganligi sababli, Kretyenning maslahati inobatga olinmadi.[74] Ikkala munosabatlar, ayniqsa liberallar qattiq mag'lubiyatga uchraganidan keyin keskinlashdi 1984 yilgi saylov. U Kvebekdan saylangan 17 nafar liberal deputatdan biri edi (partiya 1980 yilda 75 o'rindan 74tasini qo'lga kiritgan). U, shuningdek, viloyat tashqarisida sayr qilib saylangan to'rt nafar deputatdan biri edi Monreal.
1986 yil: etakchilikni ko'rib chiqish va uning oqibatlari
Kreten Tyornerdan noroziligining asosiy nuqtasi bo'lgan, ko'plab so'rovnomalar uning mashhurligini ko'rsatgan. Uning 1985 yildagi kitobi, To'g'ri yurakdan, uning dastlabki hayoti haqida hikoya qiluvchi bir lahzali bestseller edi Shovinigan, uning yillari Kanadaning jamoatlar palatasi ham parlament a'zosi, ham vazirlar mahkamasi a'zosi sifatida va uning 1984 yildagi muvaffaqiyatsiz taklifi. 1985 yilgi intervyusida, Frenk Mur aytdi Piter C. Nyuman:
O'tgan hafta men Kreten bilan baliq ovlashda tushgan edim va u haqiqatan ham Tyornerni ehtiros bilan yomon ko'radi. U Tyorner Liberallar etakchisi etib qayta saylansa, Tori-larga qo'shilishdan manfaatdor bo'lishi mumkin, garchi bu juda ko'p munozarani talab qilsa ham.[75]
Ed Broadbent keyinroq Kreten Tyornerga nisbatan katta darajada adovat saqlaganini esladi: "Men Kretienning lobbilarda Jon Tyorner haqida har qanday salbiy fikr bildirishi mumkinligini payqadim, u buni qiladi. Menga bu yoqmadi."[76]
1986 yil fevral oyida Terner bilan munosabatlari juda yomon bo'lgan Kretien o'z lavozimidan iste'foga chiqdi va bir muncha vaqt jamoat hayotini tark etdi. 1986 yil 27 fevralda Kretien o'zining maxsus ijrochi yordamchisi bilan birga Jan Karl, iste'fosini topshirish uchun Tyornerning ofisiga bordi.[77] Turner forced Chrétien to wait a considerable period of time during which Carle broke down in tears, and Chrétien was visibly angry when Turner finally received them, making for a tense and barely civil meeting.[78] Chrétien's resignation was largely motivated by his desire to organise against Turner better in the leadership review, which was due in the fall of 1986.[69] Now working in the private sector again, Chrétien sat on the boards of several corporations, including the Power Corporation of Canada subsidiary Consolidated Bathurst, the Toronto-Dominion Bank, va Brick Warehouse Corporation. Chrétien professed to be retired from politics, but he told reporters within days of his retirement, "I will always be a politician. I love politics."[79] Crucially, Chrétien did not disband the campaign organization that he founded in 1984, which suggested that his retirement had always been intended to be temporary. In November 1986, when the Liberals held a leadership review, Chrétien attempted to organize against Turner, which led to a bruising battle between factions loyal to the two men.[69] To topple Turner, Chrétien used Turner's penchant for heavy drinking to spread rumors that Turner was an alcoholic who was simply too drunk most of the time to lead the Liberals to power effectively.[80] Chrétien formally claimed to be neutral on the question of the leadership review of Turner's management of the Liberal Party, but behind the scenes, he lobbied as many Liberal MPs and senators as possible for their support in bringing down Turner.[81] Two Liberal leading powerbbrokers, Marc Lalonde va senator Keith Davey ("the Rainmaker"), backed Turner in 1984, and in the aftermath of that year's election, both decided they had made a huge mistake with Turner, which they were determined to rectify in 1986 by installing Chrétien as the leader who could best return the Liberals to power.[69] The intense emotions stirred up by the 1986 leadership review were well-illustrated when Chrétien arrived to vote in the review, which led a "chaotic melee" on the convention floor at the Ottawa Convention Centre, as pro-Turner and pro-Chrétien Liberals fought one another with their fists, which led to the police being called to end the violence.[82] Turner won the leadership review by the mass signing up of immigrants as "instant Liberals," who provided a loyal bloc of delegates.[69] It is quite likely that without the support of those "instant Liberals," Turner would have lost the leadership review since many within the Liberal Party were deeply angry at him for losing the 1984 election.[69] Many Liberals believed that if only Chrétien had won the 1984 convention instead of Turner, they would not have lost the 1984 election or at least have lost it less badly.
The Chrétien-Turner feud was only just the beginning of Liberal in-fighting. Bosh Vazir Brayan Myulroni 's two signature policies of the late 1980s, free trade with the United States va Meech Lake accord, had badly fractured the Liberals in ways that cut across traditional left-right lines, which was at least part of Mulroney's intention in introducing those policies so that he could use them as wedge issues that would unite the PC base and divide the Liberals.[83] The Liberal strategist John Duffy illustrated how badly Meech and free trade had divided the Liberals by pointing out the positions on each of four prominent Liberals of the late 1980s: the leftist Sheila Copps (anti-free trade, pro-Meech), the rightist Don Johnston (pro-free trade, anti-Meech), the rightist Raymond Garneau (pro-free trade, pro-Meech), and the leftist Lloyd Axworthy (anti-free trade, anti-Meech).[84] That was to be the context of Chrétien's return to politics in 1990.
In April 1988, a group of Liberal MPs that had strongly supported Chrétien in 1984 and in 1986 attempted to depose Turner as party leader. The coup misfired but still had the effect of damaging Turner's leadership.[85] Speaking about the repeated attempts to depose Turner as a leader in favor of Chrétien in the 1980s, David Collenette stated in an interview, "A lot of things were going on which I don't even want to talk about."[76] Chrétien's status as an alternative leader-in-waiting again came to the fore in mid-October 1988 during the 1988 election, when several senior Liberals such as Senator Michael J. L. Kirby va André Ouellet were caught thinking aloud that the best way to win the election was to depose Turner and install Chrétien as the new leader, a "crazy plan born of panic" according to the Liberal strategist John Duffy that came to nothing but still showed how widespread the feeling had become that only Chrétien could return the Liberals to power again.[86]
1990: winning of Liberal leadership
After Turner's resignation as leader in 1990, Chrétien announced that he would run for the party leadership at the June 1990 Liberal leadership convention yilda Kalgari, Alberta. At a press conference in Ottawa on January 23, 1990, Chrétien declared that he would run to be the leader and proudly stated to the assembled reporters that this day would be remembered as the beginning of the "Chrétien era" in Canada.[87]
Chrétien's principal opponent, Pol Martin, was generally seen as the ideological heir to Jon Tyorner, and Chrétien was seen to be the ideological heir to Trudeau. The fact that most of the Liberals who had supported Turner in the 1980s supported Martin in 1990 confirmed Chrétien's disdain for Martin, whom he saw as a Bay Street "big shot," like Turner.[88] Patrick Lavelle, who ran Chrétien's campaign in Ontario, later stated in an interview, "I don't think Chrétien had any warm feelings about Martin–ever!"[89]
The most controversial issue facing Canada in the first half of 1990 was the Meech Lake Accord of 1987. It proposed a set of constitutional amendments that would have seen a significant devolution of federal powers to the provinces and a clause that would have recognized Quebec as a "distinct society " within Canada. Chrétien had announced in a speech in January 1990 that he was an opponent of Meech Lake but stated that he would support the accord with amendments such as scrapping the controversial "distinct society" clause as written; having the preamble to the constitution instead declare that Quebec was a "distinct society;" and adding a new clause saying if any conflict arose between the constitutional recognition of Quebec as a "distinct society" and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, the latter would always prevail.[90] The "distinct society" clause theoretically could have been the basis of a wide-ranging devolution of federal power since the clause might have empowered the Quebec government to pass any law short of secession to protect the "distinct society." That made the clause very popular in Quebec and arouse much passionate opposition by many quarters in English Canada. In a much-discussed essay, Trudeau had warned that giving Quebec the constitutional right to be a "distinct society" would mean that Quebec could quite legally start to expell its anglophone minority. Chrétien's proposed amendments would have meant that the constitution would have recognized Quebec as a "distinct society" but effectively gut any attempt to use that to grant any special powers to Quebec.[90] In private, Chrétien opposed Meech Lake, but the accord was extremely popular in Quebec and so running as an out-and-out opponent of Meech was judged to be too risky politically. That caused Chrétien's public conditional opposition.[91] Meech Lake placed Chrétien in a difficult position, as it was very popular in Quebec and was loathed by the Trudeau wing of the Liberals, both of whose support Chrétien needed.[92] Chrétien tried to avoid talking about Meech as much as possible, which was a minefield issue for him! He instead stuck to generalities about national unity.[93] Martin, by contrast, had declared himself an unconditional supporter of Meech Lake as it was; he was also quite willing to talk about his support.[94]
Chrétien's key campaign man was Jim Karygiannis, who became known in the Liberal Party for being ruthless.[95] Chrétien told Lavelle that what he wanted was "A tough guy. A guy who could go on a search-and-destroy mission, who could do a kamikaze raid for our side," who Chrétien decided was Karygiannis[95] At a meeting to select Liberal delegates for the Kitchener-Vaterloo riding, Martin's supporters attempted to call on the pay phones as many potential Martin supporters as possible to come to the meeting, which led Karygiannis to put chewed gum into all of the pay phone coin slots, which won Kitchener-Waterloo for Chrétien.[95] At another delegate selection meeting, Karygiannis verbally attacked a pro-Martin Liberal official with such rage that the man was hospitalized for angina.[95] Karygiannis specialized in signing up immigrants to serve as delegates for Chrétien and personally signed 9,500 immigrants as Chrétien delegates between January and June 1990, which led one pro-Martin official to lament, "We were getting Greeked. And if we weren't getting Greeked, we were getting Sikhed."[95] Karygiannis later boasted in an interview, "I signed up anything that moved."[95] Chrétien is said to have praised Karygiannis with the remark "Whatever it takes to win, Jimmy, whatever it takes to win."[96] In large part because of Karygiannis and his team, Chrétien had by late April 1990 signed up 1,500 delegates, which made him the clear front-runner compared to Martin's 500 delegates.[96]
A key moment in the race took place at an all-candidates debate in Montreal on June 2, 1990. The discussion quickly turned to the Meech Lake Accord, which had emerged as the major policy issue that divided Martin and Chrétien. At the debate on June 2, 1990, Martin attempted to force Chrétien to abandon the latter's nuanced position on Meech Lake and speak out for or against it by arguing that Chrétien's position of opposing Meech Lake as it is but being willing to support it with amendments was trying to have it both ways.[97] When Chrétien refused to endorse Meech as it was, young Liberal delegates crowding the hall began to chant vendu ("sellout" in French), "you're selling out to the Anglos" and "Yahudo " at Chrétien.[98] One of Chrétien's aides frenetically asked that Martin "get the #### out there and do something," as the Young Liberals continue shouting abuse at Chrétien, to his clear discomfort, only to be told that Quebec youth were "hotheads," whom nobody could control.[99] In private, Chrétien was deeply enraged by the incident, claimed that the delegates shouting vendu at him were actually Martin supporters from Toronto, and charged that their poor French had betrayed that they had not been from Quebec.[99] Martin denied involvement in "coordinating" any response from the floor or a similar outburst by his supporters at the convention.[99]
The differences between Martin and Chrétien on Meech Lake mirrored those between Turner, who had signed and voted for Meech Lake in 1987, and Trudeau, who from his retirement had been a ferocious critic of Meech Lake.[100] The Canadian political scientist Brooke Jeffrey argued that the real divisions within the Liberal Party were not so much between right and left, despite such divisions existing, but between those wanted a strong federal government and those who did not.[101] There were "hard federalists," like Trudeau and Chrétien, who wanted a highly-centralized federation, with a powerful federal government and weak provincial governments as the best way of maintaining national unity, and "soft federalists," like Turner and Martin, who claimed that an powerful federal government would alienate people, especially in Quebec, and so wanted a decentralized federation that had federal power devolved to the provinces.[101] One of Chrétien's aides, David Zussman, recalled about Chrétien's plans for Confederation: "I think he's a centralizer. He sees a very vigorous role for the federal government."[102] Ultimately, Chrétien defeated Martin on the first and only ballot, but Chrétien's position on Meech Lake had irreversibly damaged his reputation in his home province.
Leader of the Official Opposition
As his victory at the convention on June 23, 1990, occurred on the same day that the Meech Lake accord died, Chrétien was heavily criticized in the Quebec media for his opposition to Meech Lake. Photographs of Chrétien embracing Newfoundland Premier Clyde Wells, a prominent opponent of Meech at the convention attracted much negative comment in Quebec.[103] His leadership was also shaken by the defection from the caucus of francophone MPs (and Martin loyalists) Jean Lapierre va Gilles Rocheleau, who claimed that they could not serve under the anti-Meech Chrétien and so left to join the newly founded Bloc Québécois. In a by-election for Laurier—Sainte-Marie on August 13, 1990, Chrétien's hand-picked candidate, Denis Koder was badly defeated by the Bloc Québécois's Gilles Duceppe, costing the Liberals a riding that they had held since the 1917 election; many attributed this to Chrétien's opposition to the Meech Lake Accord.[104] Chrétien appeared indecisive in the Oka Crisis, having almost nothing to say about the stand-off at Oka for the first two months of the crisis, which began on July 11, 1990.[104] When Chrétien finally did call a press conference about the Oka Crisis on September 23, 1990, Chrétien declared that he could not answer certain questions about First Nations land claims because "I'm not a lawyer", which prompted widespread ridicule as Chrétien had been a member of the Quebec Bar Association since 1958.[105][106] The federal Liberals were disorganized and dropped in the polls from 50 percent in June 1990 to 32 percent in September.[106] Upon becoming Liberal leader, Chrétien appointed his friend Eddie Goldenberg as his chief of staff, and formed a leadership team comprising John Rae and David Zussman as his policy advisors, his "surrogate son" Jean Carle as his special executive assistant, Warren Kinsella as his media adviser, and George Radwanski as his speech-writer.[107] All of the Chrétien leadership team that was created in 1990 were later to play prominent roles in the omnipotent Bosh vazirning idorasi during Chrétien's time as prime minister.[107]
In September 1990, Chrétien seeing a chance to make a strong impression on public opinion after a shaky start as a leader reaped a major windfall after Mulroney introduced an unpopular Goods and Services Tax (GST), which Chrétien decided to vigorously oppose.[108] Traditionally in Canada, the government had levied a 13.5 percent Manufacturer's Sales Tax (MST), which was paid by manufacturers, who passed on the cost of the tax to consumers in the form of higher prices. Since foreign manufacturers did not pay the MST, this placed Canadian companies at a competitive disadvantage in their home market, and to compensate the government had levied tariffs on manufactured imports to maintain a level playing field. When the free trade agreement with the United States came into effect in 1989, the government could no longer levy tariffs on American imports, which led to furious complaints from Canadian industry about having to compete with American companies who did not pay the MST. To save Canadian industry and the jobs of those Canadians employed in manufacturing from being destroyed by American competition, the Mulroney government decided in late 1989 to abolish the MST and replace it with the 7 percent GST, whose costs would be borne by consumers. On the proposed GST, Chrétien was torn between his belief that the GST was economically necessary vs. his desire to score political points by opposing a proposed tax that most Canadians hated, and as such, he was initially vague about where he stood about the GST.[109] It was only in September 1990 after months of vacillation did Chrétien finally make up his mind to oppose the GST.[110]
Chrétien's decision to oppose the GST in 1990 was taken for reasons of political expediency rather than for principle, namely that Chrétien needed an issue to oppose the government on that would allow him to connect with the public; sources close to Chrétien were later to claim that he had wanted to support the GST bill, but had been forced by his caucus against his will to oppose it.[111][112] At a Liberal event in the fall of 1990, Chrétien stated that if he became prime minister "the Mulroney GST will disappear", going on to say: "I am opposed to the GST. I have always been opposed to it. And I will be opposed to it, always".[113] To capitalize on widespread public dislike on the proposed GST, Chrétien ordered the Liberal-dominated Senat to defeat the GST bill in late September 1990, leading Mulroney on September 27, 1990, to appoint 8 Conservative senators to give the Tories a majority using a never-before-used section of the Constitution Act, the so-called "Deadlock Clause".[114] At that point, Chrétien ordered the Liberal senators to filibuster the GST bill, reducing the Senate to scenes of chaos for the entire fall of 1990.[115] On October 24, 1990, a poll revealed that the Liberals had fallen behind the New Democrats, which Chrétien admitted in an interview might have something to do with the scenes of obstructionist, often childish behaviour by the Liberal senators.[116]
Finally on December 13, 1990, the Conservative senators changed the procedure rules in the Senate to break the Liberal filibuster and passed the GST bill.[117] Public opinion polls taken in the fall of 1990 showed between 75 and 85 percent of Canadians were opposed to the GST bill, but at the same time, most people wanted an end of the "circus" in the Senate as the Liberal senators filibustered using such tactics such as "...hooting, catcalls, shouting, blowing kazoos, interminable reading of petitions name by name and other delaying measures".[117] Though the often undignified behaviour of the filibustering Liberal senators was not popular with the Canadian public, the GST was even more unpopular with 75 percent of Canadians saying in a 1991 poll that they were hostile to the new tax, which worked to Chrétien' benefit.[118] In order to reinvigorate his leadership and reorganize his office which was in chaos under the leadership of Goldenberg, he hired an old friend and classmate, Jean Pelletier, as his chief of staff in December 1990.[119]
In December 1990, Chrétien returned to the House of Commons after winning a by-election in the safe Liberal riding of Beauséjour, New Brunswick. The incumbent, Fernand Robichaud, stood down in Chrétien's favour, which is traditional practice when a newly elected party leader does not have a seat in House of Commons. Initially, Chrétien had planned to wait until the next general election before running, but was advised by Herb Gray that: "To have credibility, you're got to be in the House. You can't afford to wait two more years until a general election".[120] Gray's appeal changed Chrétien's mind about when to seek a seat in the House of Commons. For much of 1991–92, Chrétien found himself emotionally exhausted after his adopted son Michel was charged with kidnapping, rape, and sodomy against a Montreal woman and was convicted.[121] Michel Chrétien suffered from fetal alcohol spectrum disorder and had a long history of legal trouble.[121]
In October 1991, Chrétien first gave his views about how best to end the recession which had begun in 1990. Chrétien argued that the answer was a policy of slow devaluation where the dollar would be allowed to decline against other major world currencies, which would have the effect of both pricing out foreign imports and by giving Canadian firms a competitive advantage in world markets, boost exports.[122] However, Chrétien concluded that his planned export offensive powered by a low dollar would come to nothing if other nations maintained tariffs to keep Canadian goods out of their markets.[122] In order to make his plans to export Canada back into prosperity work, Chrétien decided that the solution was globallashuv.[122] Besides for globalization, Chrétien also argued to combat the recession, the federal government needed to make the system of unemployment insurance less generous, and to end the policy of high interest rates maintained by the Bank of Canada Hokim John Crow to achieve his target of zero percent inflation, which Chrétien argued was needlessly crippling the economy.[122]
In November 1991, Chrétien organised a party conference in Aylmer, Quebec where the Liberals formally disallowed most of the economic nationalism and protectionism of the Pearson-Trudeau years, and instead embraced globalization as the cure for the recession of the early 1990s.[123] Reflecting the changed emphasis, at the Aylmer conference, the Liberals declared their support for the 1987 free trade agreement with the United States, which the party had famously promised to tear up if they won the 1988 election, and instead Mulroney was now denounced for not going far enough in opening up the economy by signing more free trade agreements with other nations.[123] Reflecting the changed emphasis, Chrétien in a pointed symbolic move, had the outspoken pro-free trade Liberal Roy MacLaren sitting next to him on his right while the equally outspoken anti-free trade Liberal Lloyd Axworthy sat at some distance from Chrétien on his left.[123] Delivering the keynote speech at the Aylmer conference, Chrétien came out firmly in support of globalization, stating that: "Protectionism is not right wing or left wing. It is simply passé. Globalization is not right wing or left wing. It is simply a fact of life".[124] Chrétien's biographer Lawrence Martin wrote that the Aylmer conference marked Chrétien's first real achievement as Liberal leader, as it was the first time that he put forward a positive vision for Canada, instead of automatically opposing everything that Mulroney was doing without offering a constructive alternative.[124] In an interview with Martin, Chrétien called himself a centrist by inclination, and stated that Aylmer conference was the beginning of his efforts to bring the Grits to the political centre.[124]
At the same time that Chrétien's poll numbers started to improve in English Canada, he was attacked by several columnists in the Quebec media like Lise Bissonnette va Alain Dubuc in late 1991 as a simpleton who spoke Joual (a working class Montrealais dialect of Quebec French ) with a strong working class accent instead of the Parisian French favoured by Quebec elites who saw his use of joual as a sign that he was an "Uncle Tom" to English Canada.[125] In a column in Le Devoir, Bissonnette called Chrétien a "happy slave" to the Anglos, a man whose inability to speak Parisian French and whose "hard federalism" proved he would always be submissive to English Canada.[126] Pictures of Chrétien stirring the sugar in his coffee with a fork angered many in Quebec who saw them as confirmation of their view of him as a backwoods bumpkin; a rustic and unsophisticated man who represented Quebec's past, not its future.[127] The "soft federalist" Dubuc in a guest column in the Toronto Star wrote that for most Québécois Chrétien was an "embarrassment", a vulgar relic from the 1950s who was almost an Anglo caricature of an ultra-patriotic French-Canadian brought to life whose style of federalism did not reflect the desires of most federalist Québécois who wanted more power devolved down to the provinces.[128] In December 1991, Chrétien wrote a column in the Toronto Star accusing his detractors like Bissonnette and Dubuc of "snobbery" and boosted that his working class origins and his use of working class joual instead of elitist Parisian French was something to be proud of.[128]
Chrétien revealed himself to be a staunch "hard federalist" favouring a strong federal government at the expense of the provinces, much along the same lines as his predecessor Trudeau. However unlike Trudeau, Chrétien supported the Charlottetown Accord of August 1992, which proposed devolving federal powers to the provinces and once again recognized Quebec as a "distinct society".[129] At the urging of Pelletier, Chrétien met secretly with Trudeau at the Royal York Hotel in Toronto, where the two men argued about the meaning of "distinct society" for more than two hours. While the two did not resolve their differences, Trudeau promised to refrain from undermining Chrétien's authority in public. Trudeau denounced the Accord at the Maison Egg Roll in Montreal on October 1, 1992.[119] Chrétien had major reservations about the Charlottetown accord, but as his opposition to Meech had done him much damage in Quebec, he was anxious not to be seen as an opponent of another set of constitutional amendments designed to secure Quebec's ratification of the 1982 constitution, especially as Charlottetown was very similar to the amendments that Chrétien had proposed to Meech Lake in 1990.[129] Chrétien endorsed the Charlottetown accord on the rather negative grounds that the constitutional debate of the late 1980s-early 1990s were destroying Canada, saying it "was bleeding the nation to death" and that Charlottetown was the best way of ending that debate in order to move political debate back to the economic recession, which had begun in 1990.[129] At a Liberal caucus meeting on September 8, 1992, Chrétien declared that "if we had been the government we would not have made this deal", and that only reason to support Charlottetown was that to reject it would increase support for Quebec separatism.[130] The unity minister Joe Clark recalled that Chrétien did not champion the Charlottetown accord in the 1992 referendum with any great conviction or passion, stating: "We were trying to bring everybody into the tent on it, and I made a practice taking proposals to the other party, particularly Chrétien...I just didn't think he was following the issue...I don't know what it was...But it left me with was the belief that here was a guy for whom the substance of things doesn't matter much."[131] During the 1992 referendum, Chrétien kept a low profile, and delivered only a few speeches in favour of Charlottetown.[132]
Qachon Progressiv konservativ Bosh Vazir Brayan Myulroni began to lose ground in the polls, Chrétien was the major beneficiary. In preparation for the 1993 election, Chrétien won the right to have the final say over riding nominations and to veto any candidate that displeased him.[131] Chrétien's use of this power caused some protests within the Liberal Party with John Nunziata publicly complaining that "The backroom guys have taken control of the party. I guess they think they can muzzle us all".[131] Chrétien told one prospective Liberal candidate Hec Clouthier, who informed Chrétien that was probably going to win the nomination to be the Liberal candidate for Renfryu - Nipissing - Pembrok, defeating the incumbent Len Hopkins that: "Well, you might [win the nomination]. But you're not going to get the chance...I am the boss. I have the right to make this decision. I have an agenda for this country. I want to be prime minister and do great things, and I've got to put people in place who I can know can win".[133] Chrétien added that he knew Hopkins could win because he won his seat eight times in a row while Clouthier had no equivalent record.[133] When Clouthier refused to withdraw his candidacy as ordered and looked certain to win the Liberal nomination for Renfrew—Nipissing—Pembroke, he was expelled from the Liberal Party.[134] Chrétien was so confident that he was going to win the 1993 election that he formed his transition team in October 1992 to prepare for the hand-over of power 13 months before it actually happened.[134]
Prime Minister (1993–2003)
The 1993 election
Mulroney announced his retirement in February, and was succeeded by Minister of National Defence Kim Kempbell iyun oyida. Campbell pulled the PCs to within a few percentage points of the Liberals by the time the writs were dropped sentyabrda.
On September 19, Chrétien released the Liberal platform. The 112-page document, Creating Opportunity, quickly became known as the Red Book because of its bright red cover. Pol Martin, the man who led the team that produced the Red Book was less complimentary about the Red Book in private as during his time in office as Finance Minister, he was often reported to have said: "Don't tell me about the Red Book, I wrote the damn thing, and I know that it is a lot of crap!".[135]
The Liberals promised to remove the GST, which had previously been imposed by the Conservatives.[108] Sheila Copps famously promising to resign within a year of taking office if the GST was not repealed.[108]
Chrétien promised to renegotiate the Shimoliy Amerika erkin savdo shartnomasi (NAFTA), and reform to the unemployment insurance tizim. The Liberals were in favour of a free trade agreement for North America in principle, but went on to accuse Mulroney of having given away too much to the Americans and Mexicans when he signed NAFTA in 1992, and stated that the Liberal government would renegotiate NAFTA on more favourable terms to Canada within six months of taking office. Failing that, Chrétien promised that Canada would renounce NAFTA. The main emphasis was on a promise to spend $6 billion on improving infrastructure in a Keynesian move to fight the recession of the early 1990s.[136] As regarding the debt situation, Chrétien promised to reduce Canada's deficit to 3 per cent of GDP (the same deficit to GDP ratio required to enter the European Union) within three years of taking office.[137] Chrétien made it clear that the 3 percent deficit to GDP ratio would apply only to the federal government, whereas the Maastrixt shartnomasi of 1991 which set out the 3 percent deficit to GDP ratio in order to enter the European Union stated that this applied to all levels of government.[137] The Liberal government promised to achieve its goal of reducing the deficit to 3 percent of the GDP by cancelling the contract to replace the Sea King helicopters, privatizing Toronto Pearson Airport, and by eliminating unspecified "waste" in the government. After the 3 percent target had been achieved within the first three years of taking office, Chrétien promised the deficit would be eliminated at some unspecified time in the future. Martin wanted to promise to eliminate the deficit altogether, but had been overruled by Chrétien, who had wanted to present the Liberals as the "caring" party that would defend social programs, unlike the "heartless" Conservatives and the Reform Party who Chrétien claimed wanted to eliminate the deficit within two or three years by gutting social programs with no thought for any suffering that this might cause.[138] Chrétien claimed in his campaign speeches that Reform's plans for eliminating the deficit within two or three years of taking office would cause at least a 25 percent unemployment rate, if not higher, which Chrétien claimed starkly in a series of speeches would cause a bloody "revolution".[139] Chrétien had personally chosen the target of reducing the deficit to 3 percent of GDP as it made the Liberals seemed fiscally responsible while at the same time promised that the Liberals would not inflict too much economic pain to achieve that fiscal responsibility.[137] One Liberal candidate Herb Dhaliwal recalled that for Chrétien at time of the 1993 election that the national deficit was not a major issue and that: "His attitude was that the deficit is ok as long as you can manage it".[140]
During the 1993 election campaign, Chrétien criticized the Conservative government for planning to spend $5.8 billion to replace the Kanada kuchlari ' aging fleet of Labrador va Sea King helicopters. The aircraft were used for maritime surveillance, search and rescue va anti-submarine warfare operations. The government's announced choice of the EH-101 was derided by Chrétien as an overly-expensive "Cadillac" aircraft.
| Tashqi video | |
|---|---|
 A 1993 CBC news segment on the "face ad" and the various responses to it. |
—Jean Chretien responding to the "face ad", 1993. Source video
By late September 1993, the Liberals had a double-digit lead in most opinion polls. By October, the Liberals were the favourites to win at least a ozchilik hukumati. Even at this stage, however, Chrétien's personal approval ratings were far behind those of Campbell. Realizing this, the PC campaign team released a series of ads attacking Chrétien. The ads were viewed as a last-ditch effort to keep the Liberals from winning a majority. The second ad, released on October 14, appeared to mock Chrétien's facial paralysis, and generated a severe backlash from all sides.[141] Even some Tory candidates called for the ad to be removed. Campbell was not directly responsible for the ad, and ordered it off the air over her staff's objections.
Chrétien, taking advantage of the furor, likened the PCs to the children who teased him when he was a boy in Shawinigan. "When I was a kid people were laughing at me," he said at an appearance in Yangi Shotlandiya. "But I accepted that because God gave me other qualities and I'm grateful." The speech, which one Conservative described as one Chrétien had waited his whole life to deliver, moved many in the audience to tears. Chrétien's approval ratings shot up, nullifying the only advantage the PCs still had over him.
On October 25, the Liberals were elected to a majority government, winning 177 seats – the third-best performance in the Liberals' history, and their most impressive win since their record of 190 seats in 1949. The PCs were nearly wiped out, winning only two seats in the worst defeat ever suffered by a governing party at the federal level. Chrétien himself yielded Beauséjour back to Robichaud in order to run in his old riding, Saint-Maurice. However, he was unable to lead the Liberals back to their traditional dominance in Quebec. He was one of only four Liberal MPs elected from that province outside the Monreal maydon. With few exceptions, most of the support that had switched from the Liberals to the PCs nine years earlier flowed to the Bloc Quebecois, which became the Official Opposition.
First mandate (1993–1997)
On November 4, 1993, Chrétien was appointed by General-gubernator Ray Hnatyshyn as prime minister. While Trudeau, Joe Clark and Mulroney had been relative political outsiders prior to becoming prime minister, Chrétien had served in every Liberal cabinet since 1965. This experience gave him knowledge of the Canadian parliamentary system, and allowed Chrétien to establish a very centralized government that, although highly efficient, was also lambasted by critics such as Jeffrey Simpson and the media as being a "friendly dictatorship" and intolerant of internal dissent.[142] The political scientist Donald Savoie wrote that under Chrétien's authoritarian style of leadership that "Cabinet has now joined Parliament as an institution being by-passed" while Simpson wrote that Chrétien possessed " a streak of terrible pettiness and vengeance directed against those who have crossed him".[143] Reflecting the relative impotence of Parliament, the most powerful advisors to Chrétien were a triumvirate comprising his wife Aline, his shtat boshlig'i Jean Pelletier and his right-hand man Eddie Goldenberg, none of whom held a seat in the House of Commons.[144] Chrétien liked to present himself as the heir to Trudeau, but his governing style had little in common with the intense bouts of governmental activism that had characterised the Trudeau era. The Chrétien government had a cautious, managerial approach to governing, reacting to issues as they arose, and was otherwise inclined to inactivity.[145] The most common critique of the Chrétien government, especially in its first 15 months or so from late 1993 to early 1995 was that the government had been "sleepwalking".[145]
In 1993, Chrétien canceled the contract to buy the EH-101 helicopters, requiring the search for new helicopters to start over, and paid a $478 million termination fee ga AgustaWestland.[146][147]
Chrétien cancelled the privatization of Toronto's Pearson airport.[148] The consortium that was due to take ownership of Pearson sued for breach of contract, which led the government to settle out of court in April 1997 for $60 million in damages.[149]
Chrétien phoned U.S. President Bill Klinton in November 1993 to ask him to renegotiate aspects of NAFTA.[150] Clinton bluntly refused, saying that it had been extremely difficult to get Congress to ratify NAFTA, and if NAFTA was renegotiated, then he would have to submit the renegotiated treaty again for ratification, which was not something that he was going to do just for the sake of Chrétien.[150] Clinton informed the prime minister that he could either scrap NAFTA or accept it as it was, and that the most he could offer were a few cosmetic concessions like writing a letter saying the United States was not interested in taking over Canada's energy and water.[150] Chrétien chose the latter, and sought to portray Clinton's letter as a major American concession that constituted a renegotiated NAFTA, though in fact Clinton's letter was not legally binding and meant nothing.[150] Only treaties ratified by Congress are legally binding on the U.S. government and presidential letters impose only a moral obligation, not a legal one, on the U.S government.[151]
A major issue for the first Chrétien government was the large national debt that had been inherited from the Trudeau and Mulroney eras. One of Chrétien's first acts had been to not to renew the contract of the governor of the Bank of Canada, John Crow, who was replaced with Gordon Thiessen on February 1, 1994.[152] Crow's policy of high interest rates in the early 1990s to achieve zero percent inflation had made him almost as unpopular as the GST, indeed so unpopular that Chrétien had promised to fire him if he should become prime minister. Chrétien who was fearful of the market reaction if he should sack the Bank of Canada governor, sent the new finance minister Pol Martin to meet with Crow in December 1993 to tell him that he could remain as governor provided that he was willing to forgo his zero percent inflation target and end the punishingly high interest rates, which Chrétien believed to be a major cause of the recession.[153] Crow told Martin that the government should mind its own business, at which point Chrétien decided to keep his promise.[153] An important debate that took place within the Chrétien government upon taking office concerned what to do with the deputy ministers left over from the Mulroney era, many of whom were Conservatives holding patronage positions within the bureaucracy.[154] Many Liberals wanted a purge of all civil servants associated with the PCs, but Chrétien's aide David Zussman convinced Chrétien that such a purge would be counter-productive, arguing that it would demoralize the civil service and lead to fears that Chrétien was planning on firing all the civil servants who served under Mulroney.[154] Instead, Chrétien summoned all of the deputy ministers to inform them that there would be no purge, but that anyone who did anything that might threaten the Liberals' chance of re-election would be sacked.[154] Because deputy ministers often knew their portfolios considerably better than did the Cabinet ministers in charge, there were subtle bureaucratic forces pushing the Chrétien government to the right.[154]
The first budget introduced by Martin, in February 1994, was described as a "mild and tame" budget focused only on the target of reducing the deficit to 3 percent of Gross National Product (GNP) within three years, and brought in modest cuts, mostly to defence spending.[155] Until the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, the Chrétien government tended to be hostile towards defence spending with the government's white paper "Defence 94" declaring that in a post-Cold War world there would be less and less need for armed forces, which accordingly meant reduced budgets for the military.[156] The Canadian historian Jack Granatstein in his 2004 book Who Killed the Canadian Military? Kreten hukumatini 1990-yillarda harbiylarni noqulay ahvolga solib qo'yishda ayblab, bir vaqtning o'zida mudofaa xarajatlarini qisqartirganda va ko'proq BMTning tinchlikparvarlik missiyalarini bajarishi kerak edi.[156] Granatstayn Kretyeni "Kanada kuchlarini tugatganlikda" harbiylarni chuqur shaxsiy yoqtirmasligidan ilhomlanib, harbiylarni urushga tayyorlanishga emas, balki BMTning tinchlikparvar kuchlari sifatida ishlatishda aybladi.[157] Mudofaa xarajatlari tashqarisida, 1994 yil byudjetida ozgina qisqartirishlar mavjud edi. 1994 yil mart oyida Ron Kolister bilan radio intervyusida Kretien shunday dedi: "Bizning maqsadimizga erishish uchun Yalpi ichki mahsulotning 3 foizini tashkil etish uchun barcha qisqartmalar byudjetda e'lon qilindi. Yangi tur bo'lmaydi".[158] Diplomatning so'zlariga ko'ra Jeyms Bartleman, Kretien unga 1994 yil boshida mudofaadan tashqari davlat xarajatlarini jiddiy qisqartirish haqida gap bo'lishi mumkin emasligini aytdi va buning o'rniga u iqtisod o'z-o'zidan etarlicha o'sishiga umid qilib, defitsit hech qanday qisqartirishsiz yo'qoladi.[159] 1994 yil boshida Kretyonning iqtisodiy o'sishni rejalashtirgan rejalari eksportga qarshi hujum iqtisodiyotni 90-yillar boshidagi turg'unlik davridan boshlab rag'batlantiradi, deb iloji boricha ko'proq davlatlar bilan globallashuv va erkin savdo-sotiqni qo'llab-quvvatlash orqali eksportni ko'paytirishdan iborat edi.[159] Kabi jurnalistlar tomonidan 1994 yil byudjeti keng tanqid qilindi Endryu Koyn uch yil ichida defitsitni yalpi ichki mahsulotning 3 foizigacha qisqartirish bo'yicha maqsadga erishishda foydasiz bo'lib, defitsitni yo'q qilish u yoqda tursin va Coyne va Martin o'rtasidagi kengash zalida taniqli to'qnashuvga olib keldi. Globe and Mail gazeta.[160] Investorlarning 1994 yilgi byudjetga munosabati juda salbiy edi, chunki ko'pchilik liberallarning qarz muammosini hal qilishda jiddiy qiziqishi yo'q degan xulosaga kelishdi va bitta iqtisodchi 1994 yilgi byudjetdan keyin iqtisodchilar o'rtasida kelishuv "Ular buni olishmaydi. Ular buni olishmaydi ".[161] Devid A. Dodj, moliya vazirining o'rinbosari, 1994 yil davomida Martinga bir necha bor shikoyat qildi, chunki Kanada Evropa Ittifoqiga qo'shilishni rejalashtirmaganligi sababli 3 foizli maqsad ma'nosiz, 1994 yilgi byudjetda ko'rsatilgan qisqartirishlarning hozirgi darajasi bilan bunga erishish mumkin emas va erishilgan taqdirda ham iqtisodiyotga yordam beradigan hech narsa bo'lmaydi.[158] Shunga ko'ra, Dodj ancha keskin qisqartirishni, 1994 yil oxirigacha Martin va Kretien 1995 yil boshigacha e'tiborsiz qoldirgan siyosat maslahatlarini himoya qildi.[158] Dodj 1992 yilda Mulroney tomonidan moliya vazirining o'rinbosari etib tayinlangan va shu sababli uning fikri Martin va Kretenning o'ng tomonida bo'lgan. 1994 yil aprel oyida Kanadadagi foiz stavkalari 1995 yil boshigacha davom etadigan barqaror o'sishni boshladi.[158]
1994 yil fevral-mart oylarida Kanadaning Kigalidagi elchixonasining batafsil hisobotlari Kanada hukumati dunyoning kelajagi to'g'risida dunyodagi eng yaxshi xabardor davlatlardan biri ekanligini anglatardi. Ruanda genotsidi.[162] Tashqi ishlar vaziri André Ouellet Ruandadan kelgan xabarlarni na o'zi va na kabinetda boshqa hech kim ko'rmaganligini da'vo qildi.[162] 1994 yil 6 aprelda Ruanda genotsidi boshlandi. Ottava hukumati, diplomatlar va BMTning tinchlikparvar kuchlari sifatida xizmat qiladigan Kanada kuchlari tomonidan sodir bo'layotgan voqealar to'g'risida yaxshi xabardor bo'lib turishgan.[162] ammo genotsid Kanada uchun katta muammo deb hisoblanmadi, chunki Kretyen hukumati boshqa kuchlar genotsidni to'xtatadi degan qarashda edi.[162] Hukumat birinchi marta 1994 yil aprel oyida Ruandada faqat fuqarolar urushi bo'lganligini ta'kidladi va genotsid boshlangani aniq bo'lgandan so'ng, 1994 yil 2 mayda Uellet jamoat palatasida hukumat uchun so'z olib, insonparvarlik yordamini va'da qildi va Afrika birligi tashkiloti genotsidni to'xtatish uchun biron bir ish qiladi deb umid qilaman.[162] 2010 yilda Kanada hukumati Ruanda xalqidan 1994 yilgi genotsidga befarqligi uchun uzr so'radi.[162]
1994 yil may oyida qarz holatining moliyaviy bosimiga qo'shimcha ravishda, Moody's yuqori qarz darajasi va defitsit bilan kurashish uchun siyosiy iroda etishmasligidan xavotirlanib, Kanadaning qarzini pasaytirdi.[161] Yomon doira yaratilgan edi. 1994 yildagi byudjet liberallar defitsitni yo'q qilishga jiddiy yondashmaganligining belgisi sifatida qabul qilindi, bu esa o'z navbatida Kanada hukumat zayomlarini ushlab turadigan yoki sotib olishni o'ylaydigan investorlar o'rtasida zayomlarning muddati tugagandan so'ng qaytarib berilishi to'g'risida jiddiy shubha tug'dirdi. Natijada, sarmoyadorlar Kanada hukumati zayomlarini sotib olishni to'xtatdilar, bu esa Kanada banki Kanada xaridorlarini jalb qilish uchun foiz stavkalarini oshirishga majbur qildi. Foiz stavkalarining ko'tarilishi, iqtisodiy faoliyatga to'sqinlik qilish va shu bilan hukumatning soliqlarni yig'ish qobiliyatiga zarar etkazish bilan bir qatorda, mavjud bo'lgan milliy qarzga xizmat ko'rsatish xarajatlarini oshirdi, bu esa o'z navbatida investorlar tomonidan ularning qaytarilishini shubha ostiga qo'ydi va shu bilan butun doirani boshladi. yana. 1994 yil kuzida investorlar ishonchining yo'qligi va foiz stavkalarining ko'tarilishi natijasida yuzaga kelgan ayanchli davr davom etar ekan, 3 foizli maqsad tobora kamroq haqiqatga aylana boshladi va Martin Dodjning maslahatidan tobora ko'proq ta'sirchan bo'lib, unga nisbatan keskinroq narsa qilish kerak edi. 3 foizga erishish.[163]
1994 yil sentyabrda Kvebekning liberal premeri Daniel Jonson tomonidan mag'lub bo'ldi Parti Québécois (PQ) boshchiligida Jak Parizo ichida 1994 yil Kvebekdagi saylov.[164] PQning g'alabasi yana bir referendum kafolatlanganligini anglatar edi, ammo Kreten buni Kvebek suverenitet harakatini bir umrga yo'q qilish uchun imkoniyat deb bildi.[165] Parizeau mutlaqo mustaqil Kvebekka sodiq bo'lgan "qattiq ayirmachilar" edi va shu tariqa "yumshoq ayirmachilar" ga qaraganda mag'lubiyatga uchratishning eng oson raqibi sifatida qaraldi. Rene Lévesque yoki Lucien Bouchard, Kvebekning suveren bo'lishini xohlagan, ammo baribir Kanada bilan ba'zi aloqalarni shaklda saqlab turgan suverenitet-assotsiatsiya.[165] Kretien Liberal kokusga "Biz ularni burchakka burkab oldik" deb aytdi va Parizoning PQni boshqarishi bilan aytiladiki, bo'lginchilar keyingi referendumda shunday mag'lubiyatga uchrashi mumkinki, bu Kvebek separatizmining oxiri bo'ladi.[165]
Kreten a bo'lganligi ma'lum bo'lgan Sinofil va muxlislari Xitoy Xalq Respublikasi. 1994 yil noyabr oyida u to'rtlikning birinchisini boshqargan "Kanada jamoasi" o'zi va Xitoyning 9 ta premerlaridan iborat savdo missiyalari (Kvebek Premeri) Jak Parizo borishdan bosh tortgan holda), bu ularning maqsadi sifatida Xitoy-Kanada savdosini oshirish edi. Team Team Kanada missiyasi iqtisodiyotni turg'unlik davridan chiqarishni rag'batlantiradigan eksport hujumining boshlanishi, shuningdek, 1970-yillarga borib, AQSh bilan savdo-sotiqga kam bog'liq bo'lgan Kanada iqtisodiyotining Kretienning maqsadiga erishishi kerak edi.[166][167] Uning rahbarligida Xitoy va Kanada bir qator ikki tomonlama munosabatlar to'g'risida bitimlar imzoladilar. Kanada jamoasi missiyalari Kretyenning faqat iqtisodiy masalalar bilan bog'liqligi, Xitoyning kambag'al inson huquqlari mavzusini kamdan-kam ko'targanligi va bir necha bor eslatib o'tganligi tanqidlarga sabab bo'ldi. Xitoyda inson huquqlari u mezbonlarini xafa qilmaslik uchun o'z yo'lidan chiqib ketdi.[168] Bundan tashqari, Kretien inson huquqlarining yaxshilanishi to'g'risidagi ishni sof iqtisodiy nuqtai nazardan taqdim etgani uchun tanqidni tortdi va inson huquqlarining yaxshilanishi Xitoyning JSTga a'zo bo'lishiga va shu tariqa G'arbga ko'proq mol sotishiga imkon berishini ta'kidladi. U hech qachon inson huquqlari o'z-o'zidan ijobiy maqsad ekanligi haqida bahs yuritmagan.[168] Kretyenning ta'kidlashicha, Xitoyning inson huquqlari holatini tanqid qilishning foydasi yo'q, chunki xitoyliklar hech qachon bunday tanqidlarni tinglamagan va aksincha, G'arb rahbarlari tomonidan inson huquqlarining yomon ahvoli to'g'risida ma'ruzalar o'qishgan.[169] Kanada haqiqatan ham Xitoy rahbarlarining inson huquqlari borasidagi qarashlarini o'zgartirish uchun hech narsa qila olmasligini hisobga olib, Kretien eng yaxshi narsa inson huquqlari mavzusiga e'tibor bermasdan, Xitoy-Kanada iqtisodiy munosabatlarini yaxshilash ekanligini ta'kidladi.[169]
1995 yil yanvar oyida, The Wall Street Journal tomonidan yozilgan tahririyat maqolasini nashr etdi John Fund "Kanada bankrotmi?" 1994 yil oxirida Meksika iqtisodiyotining qulashi, Kanada dollarining keskin pasayishi va foiz stavkalarining ko'tarilishi natijasida yuzaga kelgan inqiroz muhiti sharoitida Kreten hukumatining defitsitga qarshi kurashini qattiq tanqid qilib, Kreten hukumatiga ko'proq harakat qilish uchun kuchli bosim o'tkazdi. defitsitni kamaytirish.[170] The Wall Street Journal's tahririyati "Bankrot Kanada?" Kanadada ommaviy axborot vositalarining katta e'tiborini tortdi va milliy moliya bilan hammasi yaxshi emasligining belgisi sifatida qabul qilindi.[170] Xususan, 1995 yil boshiga kelib, foiz stavkalarining ko'tarilishi 3 foizli defitsit maqsadini tobora haqiqatga aylantira boshladi va shu tariqa hukumatni bozorlarni defitsit yaqin orada kamaytirilmasdan, yo'q qilinishiga kafolat beradigan byudjetni joriy etishga majbur qildi. kelajak.[171] Bu orqali Kanada iqtisodiyotiga to'g'ridan-to'g'ri ta'sir ko'rsatmadi Meksika iqtisodiy inqirozi 1994 yil dekabrda, bir millat o'z mablag'larini to'g'ri boshqarolmaganligi va ehtimol, Kanada jamoatchiligining elementlarini qisqa muddatli og'riqlarga qaramay, defitsitni yo'q qilish maqsadiga yanada ochiq bo'lganida sodir bo'lgan voqealarning grafik va dahshatli namunasi bo'lib xizmat qildi.[161] Keyinchalik Kanadaga bosim o'tkazish, Moody's tomonidan 1995 yildagi byudjetda defitsitni yo'q qilish bo'yicha ishonchli rejasi bo'lmasa, Kanada qarz reytingi yana pasaytirilishi to'g'risida ogohlantirish edi.[172] Martin 1995 yil boshida Kanada obligatsiyalarini sotib olishga bo'lgan qiziqishni kuchaytirish uchun turli moliya markazlari bo'ylab sayohatga borgan va investorlar bunday qiziqish yo'qligini aniqlab, Kanadada 1970-yillardan beri defitsit bilan shug'ullanishni va'da qilganligini aytib, ular xohlagan Bu safar so'zlar emas, balki harakat.[173]
Kretien hukumat xarajatlarini chuqur qisqartirishni xohlamagan edi, ammo foiz stavkalarining osmonga ko'tarilishi sababli yuzaga kelgan inqirozni "istamay" qaror qilgani uchun alternativa yo'q edi.[152] U va'da qilganidan ko'ra chuqurroq qisqartirishga qaror qilgandan so'ng, Kretien yangi yo'nalishni qat'iy qo'llab-quvvatlaganligini isbotladi va boshqa vazirlarning shikoyatlariga qaramay Martinning boshqa bo'limlarga qisqartirilishini qo'llab-quvvatladi.[174] Kretenning maslahatchisi Eddi Goldenberg keyinchalik boshqa vazirlarning o'z bo'limlarini "zaxira qilish" uchun qilgan harakatlari paytida Kretien qat'iyatli emasligini esladi va Kreten "Agar biror narsani o'zgartirsam, hamma narsa ochiladi" deb davom etayotganini esladi.[152] 2011 yilda bergan intervyusida Kreten 1995 yilgi byudjet haqida shunday esladi: "Biz bugungi Yunoniston bo'lgan kunimiz bo'lar edi. Men o'zaro aloqada ekanligimizni bilar edik va biz biron narsa qilishimiz kerak edi".[175] Chriten chap qanot liberallari va vazirlar mahkamasi vazirlarining e'tirozlarini sukut saqlash uchun Dasturlarni ko'rib chiqish qo'mitasi tomonidan boshqarilishini ta'minladi Marsel Masse Qaysi dasturlarni tugatish va qaysi birini qisqartirish qarorini chap qanot deputatlar tashkil etgan Brayan Tobin, Sheila Copps, Serxio Marchi va O'simlik kulrang Odatda, kesish dasturlarini qo'llab-quvvatlamaydigan odamlar va shu bilan inqirozning jiddiyligini ta'kidladilar.[176] Faqatgina Martin 1995 yil 27 fevralda byudjet bilan Kreten hukumati bozorlarni tinchlantirish uchun defitsitni yo'q qilishga qaratilgan qisqartirish siyosatini boshladi.[177]
Kretien Martinni qisqartirish rejalarida qo'llab-quvvatlagan bo'lsa-da, u Martinga turli xil ijtimoiy dasturlarni qisqartirish va federal hukumat xarajatlarini kamaytirish usuli sifatida viloyatlarga sarflash vakolatlarini berishni xohlaganicha borishiga yo'l qo'ymadi.[178] "Qattiq federalist" sifatida Kreten "yumshoq federalist" Martinning defitsitni qisqartirish niqobi ostida federal hukumat kuchini zaiflashtirishga urinishlariga qattiq e'tiroz bildirdi.[179] Keyinchalik katta liberallardan biri Kreten-Martinning keksa yoshdagi xavfsizlikni isloh qilish haqidagi munozarasi haqida esladi:
Bosh vazir Martinga uch marta "yo'q" degan edi va u baribir turib oldi ... uning itoatsizligi misli ko'rilmagan edi. Gap shu darajaga yetdiki, Kretien qumga chiziq chizib, "Men bosh vazirman, siz esa moliya vaziri bo'lasiz va men yo'q deb aytaman!"[180]
Liberal guruhning katta qismi 1995 yildagi byudjetdan chuqur norozi bo'lib, bu ular 1993 yilda saylangan narsa emasligini, faqat bosh vazir alternativa yo'qligini ma'lum qilganini ta'kidladilar.[181] Kretyenning o'zi o'zining radiokanalga bergan intervyusida o'zining baxtsizligini byudjetidan izohladi Piter Gzovskiy 1995 yil mart oyida byudjet to'g'risida shunday degan edi: "Bu bizning mamnuniyat emas, janob, men sizga shuni aytishim kerak: men anchadan beri bo'lganman. Bu umuman zavq emas. Men doktriner emasman, o'ng qanot himoyachisi. Men liberalman va o'zimni liberal kabi his qilyapman va bu juda og'riqli. Ammo bunga ehtiyoj bor ".[181]
Hukumat viloyat transfertlari va davlat moliyasining boshqa sohalarini chuqur qisqartirish dasturini boshladi. Bosh vazir lavozimida ishlagan davrida 42 milliard dollarlik defitsit yo'q qilindi, beshta ketma-ket ortiqcha profitsit qayd etildi (qisman qulay iqtisodiy vaqt tufayli), 36 milliard dollar qarzdorlik to'ladi va soliqlar 100 milliard dollarga (kumulyativ ravishda) beshdan kamaydi yil.[182][183] Soliqqa tortilgandan so'ng, daromadlarning past ko'rsatkichlaridan foydalangan holda, 1993 yilda kam daromadli bo'lgan kanadaliklarning ulushi 14,1 foizni tashkil etdi; 1995 yilda, byudjet kiritilganda, bu ko'rsatkich 14,5 ga ko'tarildi; 2003 yilda, Kretenning ish vaqtining oxiri, bu raqam atigi 11,6 foizga tushgan.[184] Doimiy qashshoqlikda yashovchi kanadaliklarning ulushi (ya'ni 6 yildan kamida 3 yil davomida kam daromad) 1990 yillarning o'rtalaridan 2010 yilgacha deyarli yarmiga kamaydi.[184] Ijtimoiy xarajatlar YaIMga nisbatan foizda 1993 yilda 20,35 foizdan, 1995 yilda 18,35 foizga tushib, oxir-oqibat 1997 yilda 16,94 foizga va 2000 yilda 15,76 foizga tushib, 2003 yilda 16,29 foizga ko'tarildi.[185] 1995 yil byudjeti, tomonidan chaqirilgan Piter C. Nyuman yaqinda birinchi marta kimdir defitsit bilan kurashish uchun jiddiy harakat qilganini, xalqaro bozorlarning ijobiy reaktsiyasini qo'lga kiritganini va foiz stavkalarining zudlik bilan pasayishiga olib kelganligini ko'rsatadigan "suv havzasi hujjati".[186] Biroq, bu harakat bilan bog'liq inkor etilmaydigan xarajatlar mavjud edi. Qisqartirishlar natijasida davlat xizmatlari kamaydi, ayniqsa sog'liqni saqlash sohasida, chunki viloyatlarga federal moliyalashtirishning katta qisqarishi xizmat ko'rsatishni sezilarli darajada qisqartirishni anglatardi. Bundan tashqari, kengashning qisqartirilishi aksariyat federal idoralarning faoliyati va vakolatiga erishishga ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Ko'plab qisqartirishlar Kretienning lavozimida bo'lgan keyingi yillarida tiklandi.[187] Shuningdek, 1995 yil fevral oyida Kanada havo-desant polki 1992 yilda suratga olingan irqchi hazing videolaridan so'ng tarqatib yuborilgan.[188] Ikki oydan keyin Mudofaa vaziri Devid Kollenet 1993 yilda Somalida xizmat qilgan paytida havo-desant polki tomonidan sodir etilgan qotillik va boshqa inson huquqlarini buzish bo'yicha uzoq muddatli tergovni buyurdi. Somali ishi.[188]
Kretienning asosiy tashvishlaridan biri Kvebek viloyatini ajratish edi suverenist Parti Québécois deyarli butun muddati davomida. Qachon 1995 yil Kvebek mustaqilligi bo'yicha referendum sentabrda boshlangan, Kretien bo'shashgan va g'alabaga ishongan edi, chunki so'rovnomalar federalist kuchlar katta farq bilan etakchilik qilganini ko'rsatdi.[189] Federal hukumat va raisi o'rtasidagi munosabatlar bo'lmagan qo'mita,[Izohlar 1] "yumshoq federalist" Kvebek liberal Daniel Jonson, unchalik yaxshi emas edi - bilan bo'lmagan qo'mita raisining o'rinbosari Liza Frulla ochiqchasiga Kretyeni qidirilmayotganini aytdi bo'lmagan saylov kampaniyasi - lekin Kreten Parizeau bilan bahslashdi oui qo'mita[Izohlar 2] bu muhim emas edi.[190] 1995 yil 8 oktyabrda xarizmatik Lucien Bouchard sifatida Parizeau o'rnini egalladi amalda kafedrasi oui qo'mitasi va, o'sha paytda, uchun qo'llab-quvvatlash oui tomoni keskin o'sishni boshladi bo'lmagan qo'mitaning xotirjamligi (ular g'alabani tabiiy ravishda qabul qilishgan).[191] "Qattiq bo'lginchi" Parizodan farqli o'laroq (u uchun mutlaqo mustaqil Kvebek respublikasidan kam bo'lmagan narsa etarli bo'lar edi), "yumshoq ayirmachilar" Buchard suverenitet uyushmasi haqida bahs yuritdi, bu esa ko'plab Kvebeklar uchun kelajakni yanada jozibali ko'rinishiga aylantirdi.[191] Biroq, Kreten Parizoning o'rnini Buchard bilan almashtirishni kuchsizlik belgisi deb hisobladi; faqat oktyabr davom etgandan keyingina u Buchard Parizoga qaraganda ancha dahshatli raqib ekanligini tushundi.[192] Kretyonning bir nechta vazirlari Devid Kollenet, Sheila Copps va Brayan Tobin Kretienni vazminlikda ayblab, vazirlar mahkamasi yig'ilishida "eshakdan tushing, aks holda biz mamlakatni yo'qotib qo'yamiz" deb aytdi.[193]
Bundan tashqari, referendum Chretyen bilan Martin o'rtasidagi eski mojaroni qayta boshladi va "yumshoq federalist" Martinga "millatchilarga yumshoq" va "imtiyozlar berishni juda istaganligi sababli" milliy birlikka ishonish mumkin emas "degan fikrni qabul qildi. viloyatlarga ".[194] 1995 yil 30 oktyabrda bo'lib o'tadigan referendumga qadar bir necha hafta ichida federal hukumat qo'rquv va vahima bilan qo'lga olindi, chunki saylovlar Buchard boshchiligida oui tomon g'alaba qozonmoqchi edi.[195] Demoralizatsiyaga qo'shimcha hissa qo'shish bo'lmagan tomonida paydo bo'lgan ochiq bo'linish edi bo'lmagan qo'mita raisi, "yumshoq federalist" Daniel Jonson, federal hukumatdan Kvebekni "ajralib turadigan jamiyat" deb tan olgan konstitutsiyaviy tuzatish kiritishni so'radi, "qattiq federalist" Kretien qat'iyan rad etildi.[196] Ishiga yordam berish uchun bo'lmagan qo'mita, Kreten PMO kabi ba'zi xodimlarini yubordi Dominik LeBlanc va Jan Karl.[197] PMO federal liberallari Kvebekdagi liberallarni esladi bo'lmagan qo'mita ularni istalmagan va istalmagan his qilishlariga qaror qildi.[197] Kretyenning shtab boshlig'i Jan Pelletier esladi: "Aloqalar yaxshi emas edi. Biz xafa bo'ldik, bilasizmi ... Va hatto Kvebekdagi federal liberallarni ham viloyat liberallari kutib olishmadi, bu menimcha yong'oq".[197] Uchun qo'shimcha muammo bo'lmagan tomon Fransiyaning Gaullist prezidenti, Jak Shirak televizion intervyusida Frantsiya nafaqat bir vaqtning o'zida mustaqil Kvebekni tan olishi, balki Evropa Ittifoqidagi ta'siridan foydalanib, boshqa Evropa Ittifoqi davlatlari ham Kvebekni tan olishi kerakligini aytdi, bu bayonot oui yon tomon.[198] Chirakning so'zlariga ko'ra, Kretyenning xavotiri shuki, odatda Kanadaning ichki ishlariga amerikaliklarning aralashuvidan zarba beradigan har qanday narsadan qattiq norozi bo'lgan bosh vazir - AQSh prezidentini lobbi qildi Bill Klinton birlashgan Kanada foydasiga Amerika bayonoti uchun parda ortida.[198] Kretienning sa'y-harakatlari samara berdi va Klinton televideniye orqali bergan intervyusida nafaqat federalist tomon uchun juda kuchli chiqdi, balki mustaqil Kvebek avtomatik ravishda NAFTA a'zosi bo'lib qolmasligini aytdi. oui tomoni da'vo qilayotgan edi.[198]
Federal kuchlar ochiq tartibsizlikda va saylov uchastkalari shuni ko'rsatadiki oui Baliqchilik vaziri tomon g'alaba qozonmoqchi edi Brayan Tobin Monrealda ulkan "birlik mitingini" tashkil qilishni taklif qildi.[199] Kabinetning ko'p qismi Tobinning g'oyasiga qarshi edi, ammo Kretien mitingni qo'llab-quvvatlashga qaror qildi va Tobinga Vazirlar Mahkamasida "Brayan - Ket!"[199] Kretyenning shtab boshlig'i Jan Pelletier keyinchalik "biz mushakbozlik qildik" deb esladi bo'lmagan Jonson sifatida kuchlar, nominal etakchisi bo'lmagan qo'mita, referendumni o'zi yutqazadigan noaniq rahbar deb hisoblangan.[199] Mag'lubiyatga duch kelganda, Kretien burilish yasadi, dedi 24 oktyabrdagi nutqida Verdun federal hukumat endi konstitutsiyada Kvebekni "alohida jamiyat" sifatida tan olish g'oyasiga ochiq bo'lganligi.[198] 25 oktabr kuni Liberal kokus oldidagi nutqida, Kreten mag'lub bo'lish imkoniyatini ochiq tan oldi va Kvebek ommaviy axborot vositalariga qarshi chiqishga yo'l qo'ygan "katta axlatni" surishda aybladi. oui odamlarni g'alaba qozonish uchun tomon va agar u iste'foga chiqishi mumkinligini taklif qildi oui tomon g'alaba qozondi.[200] 1995 yil 26 oktyabrda, Monreal radio stantsiyasining diskli jokeyi Per Brassard Qirolicha telefon qildi Yelizaveta II o'zini Kreten kabi ko'rsatmoq; u kutilayotgan referendumni muhokama qildi, shuningdek, Qirolicha Xellouin bayramida qanday kiyinishi va uning sovg'asini qo'yish kabi g'alati mavzular haqida gapirdi. Kanada shinasi pul. Keyinchalik qirolicha Kretyenga shunday dedi: "Men sening ovozingni o'zingga o'xshataman deb o'ylamagan edim, lekin o'tirgan barcha tazyiqlarni hisobga olgan holda, siz mast bo'lishingiz mumkin edi".[201] Tobinning sa'y-harakatlari natijasi Birlik mitingi 1995 yil 27 oktyabrda, 100000 kishi paydo bo'lganida.[202] Referendum o'tkaziladigan tunda g'alaba qozonish ehtimoli oui Mudofaa vaziri shunchalik real edi Devid Kollenet harbiylarga Kvebekdagi federal mulkni bo'lginchilar zabt etishidan himoya qilish uchun favqulodda vaziyat rejalarini boshlashni buyurdi.[203] 1995 yil 30 oktyabrda federalist bo'lmagan tomonlar eng tor farqlar bilan g'alaba qozonishdi. Kreten, Kvebek liberallarining Jonson boshchiligidagi tor g'alabasini aybladi, chunki u o'zini xiyonat qilgan deb da'vo qildi, agar u ilgari referendumga aralashganida edi, federalistlar bundan ham yaxshiroq ish qilgan bo'lar edi va bo'lmagan "yumshoq federalist" o'rniga trudo uslubidagi "qattiq federalizm" nuqtai nazaridan bo'lmagan Jonson tomonidan taqdim etilgan, unda Konfederatsiyaning afzalliklari aniq iqtisodiy jihatdan tasvirlangan va qat'iy millatchi (federalist bo'lsa ham) til ohangiga ega bo'lgan.[204]
Referendumda erishilgan tor g'alabadan so'ng, Kretien 1995 yil oxirida yangi "qattiq sevgi" siyosatini boshladi, u "B rejasi" nomi bilan ham tanilgan, bu erda federal hukumat Kvebek separatizmini xalqiga tushunarli qilib, obro'sizlantirishga intilgan. Kvebek Kanadani tark etish qanchalik qiyin bo'lar edi.[205] Kretien referendumda g'alaba qozonish uchun Kvebekni "alohida jamiyat" deb tan olishni konstitutsiyada belgilashga va'da bergan bo'lsa-da, Gretadan keyin Kreten Ontario Premer-ligasining ashaddiy qarshiligini ta'kidlab, bu va'da tezda unutildi. Mayk Xarris Kvebekni "alohida jamiyat" deb tan olish uchun konstitutsiyaga o'zgartirish kiritish imkonsiz qildi.[206] Buning o'rniga, Kretien Parlamentda Kvebekni konstitutsiyaviy kuchga ega bo'lmagan va faqat ramziy qadam bo'lgan "alohida jamiyat" deb tan olishga qaror qildi.[206] Garchi Xarrisning konstitutsiyadagi har qanday "alohida jamiyat" bandiga veto qo'yish to'g'risidagi va'dasi Kretyenning konstitutsiyaga bunday bandni kiritish majburiyatini bajarishini imkonsiz qilgan bo'lsa-da, Kretien "alohida jamiyat" bandi g'oyasini hech qanday katta ishonch bilan qo'llab-quvvatlamagan ko'rinadi.[206]
1995 yil 5-noyabrda Kretien va uning rafiqasi qachon jarohatdan qutulishdi André Dallaire, pichoq bilan qurollanib, bosh vazirning rasmiy qarorgohi sindirilgan 24 Sasseks Drive. Xavfsizlik kelguniga qadar Aline Kretyon yotoqxonaning eshigini yopdi va qulflab qo'ydi, Kretien esa tosh tutdi Inuit tayyor holda o'ymakorlik.[207] 1995 yil noyabrda uzoq davom etgan Airbus ishi sarlavhalarni urdi. 1995 yil 18-noyabrda sızdırılan bir xat paydo bo'ldi Moliyaviy post qaerda Adliya vazirligi boshchiligida Allan Rok Shveytsariya hukumatidan sobiq bosh vazirga tegishli deb taxmin qilingan ba'zi bank hisob raqamlarini tekshirishni so'radi Brayan Myulroni va Nyufaundlendning sobiq premeri Frenk Mur 1988 yilda Mulroney hukumati tomonidan Airbus samolyotlarini sotib olish bilan bog'liq bo'lgan taxmin qilingan kickback sxemasidan tushgan mablag 'saqlangan.[208] Mulroney 1995 yil 23-noyabrda Kvebekdagi referendumda mag'lubiyatga yaqin e'tiborni chalg'itish uchun PMO maktubi oshkor bo'lganligi va 50 million dollar miqdorida tovon puli to'lashini talab qilgan.[208]
1996 yil boshida federal hukumat Kvebekda Kanadaning mavjudligini oshirish uchun reklama dasturini boshladi, bu siyosat, Kretien 1995 yildagi mag'lubiyat takrorlanishidan qochadi va oxir-oqibat bu Homiylik mojarosi.[209] Kvebek ayirmachiligiga qarshi kurash bo'yicha o'zining "B rejasi" doirasida 1996 yil yanvar oyida Kriten nutqida Kvebekni bo'linish g'oyasini ma'qulladi. oui ovoz bergan Kvebekning barcha mintaqalarini bildirgan holda boshqa referendumda ovoz bering bo'lmagan Kvebek ayirmachilari qanday fikrda bo'lishidan qat'i nazar, Kanadaning bir qismi bo'lib qoladi.[210] 1996 yil 15 fevralda Kreten Kvebekning Xall shahrida yurish paytida namoyishchi Bill Klennet bilan to'qnashdi. Kreten bunga bo'g'ib qo'ydi. Matbuot uni "Shovinigan bilan qo'l berib ko'rishish "(uning tug'ilgan shahri nomidan).[211] 1996 yil mart oyida Kreten hukumati o'zining uchinchi byudjetini taqdim etganida, Liberal-deputat Jon Nunziata 1993 yilda liberallar va'da qilganidek GSTni bekor qila olmaganligi sababli byudjetga qarshi ovoz berdi va uning sobiq tanqidlari uchun ajralib chiqdi Sichqoncha to'plami hamkasb Sheila Copps, agar 1993 yilgi saylovlar paytida GST bekor qilinmasa, bir yil ichida iste'foga chiqishga va'da bergan.[212] Kretyenning javobi Nunziatani Liberal guruhdan chiqarish edi.[212] Biroq, Nunziataning chiqarib yuborilishi, agar GST bekor qilinmasa, bir yil ichida iste'foga chiqishga va'da berganiga qaramay, Copps hali ham o'z lavozimida bo'lganligiga e'tibor qaratdi.[212] Kretiyen dastlab Copps 1993 yilda va'da berganiga qaramay parlamentda qolishini aytdi, ammo keyin jamoatchilik tomonidan o'tkazilgan kuchli bosim (Copps qo'shimcha saylovda g'olib bo'lishini ko'rsatadigan so'rovnoma bilan birga) Coppsni parlamentdan ketishga majbur qildi.[212] Iste'foga chiqqandan so'ng, Copps keyinchalik yuzaga kelgan qo'shimcha saylovlarda bahslashdi, u erda u g'alaba qozondi va keyin yana kabinetga qaytdi.[212] GST masalasi bo'yicha g'azabni tinchlantirish uchun 1996 yil bahorida Kreten hukumati ko'chib o'tdi savdo soliqlarini uyg'unlashtirish (Viloyat soliqlari bilan GST) to'rtta Atlantika viloyatining uchtasi bilan kelishuv imzolash orqali; boshqa viloyatlarni uyg'unlashtirish bo'yicha federal taklif qiziqtirmadi.[212]
1996 yil bahorida Somali tergovi 1993 yilda havo-desant polki tomonidan Somalining o'ldirilishini keng yashirish dalillarini topdi.[188] Surishtiruvni ko'rib chiqayotgan voqealar Mulroney hukumatining so'nggi kunlarida sodir bo'lgan bo'lsa-da, ko'plab davlat xizmatchilari va zobitlari hali ham 1996 yilda xizmat qilishgan.[188] 1993 yil mart oyida Somali o'spirin Shidane Arone o'ldirilganda, uzoq vaqt davomida mudofaa vazirining o'rinbosari bo'lib ishlagan Robert Fauler mudofaa vazirini xijolatga soladigan hech narsa yuzaga chiqmasligi kerakligi to'g'risida eslatma chiqargan edi Kim Kempbell. Fowler Kretyen boshchiligidagi katta diplomat bo'lib xizmat qildi. Kretien Somalidagi tergovdan g'azablanganligini ozgina yashirgan va bu surishtiruv davlat xizmatchilariga "deyarli jinoyatchilar kabi" munosabatda bo'lishini va "Hatto Votergeyt ham olti yoki etti hafta ichida Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotiga joylashtirilgan" ekan, surishtiruv juda uzoq davom etayotganini aytgan. Shtatlar "(Watergate surishtiruvi aslida 20 hafta davom etdi).[188] Keyinchalik 1996 yilda Kretien bir guruh o'rta maktab o'quvchilari oldida nutq so'zladi, u erda Ottava bog'ida doimiy ravishda uysiz odam bilan uchrashib, tez-tez maslahat so'rab murojaat qilgan.[213] O'sha paytda jurnalistlar parkda Kretienning uysiz maslahatchisini topishga harakat qilishdi va u erda bunday odamning izini topa olmadilar, bu esa Kretyeni 1993 yilda bosh vazir bo'lganidan beri uysizlar bilan uchrashmaganligini tan olishga majbur qildi.[213]
Keyin 1995 yilgi referendum Kriten Kvebek suvereniteti to'g'risidagi taklifni juda tor mag'lubiyatga uchratdi va natijada Kretien chempion bo'lishni boshladi Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun uning "B rejasi" ning bir qismi sifatida. 1996 yil avgustda advokat Gay Bertran suverenitet masalasi nafaqat federal va Kvebek hukumatlari o'rtasidagi siyosiy masala, balki sud qarorlariga bo'ysunadigan huquqiy masala ekanligini e'lon qilgan Kvebek sudida chiqarilgan qarorni qo'lga kiritdi.[214] Ushbu qarordan keyin Kretien bu erda Kvebek suverenitet harakatini mag'lub etish vositasi deb qaror qildi va 1996 yil sentyabrda Adliya vaziriga buyruq berdi. Allan Rok Oliy sudga Kvebekning ajralib chiqishi qonuniyligi to'g'risida savol berish.[214] Stefan Dion Kretenga agar federal hukumat kutilganidek Oliy sudga murojaatnomani qo'lga kiritgan bo'lsa, hukumat Kvebekning tark etishning aniq qoidalari to'g'risida qonun loyihasini ishlab chiqishi kerakligini aytdi - agar Kvebek xalqiga ketish qanchalik qiyin bo'lishini ko'rsatsa, Kretenga aytishi kerak. , keyin ayirmachilikni qo'llab-quvvatlash tushib qoladi.[215] Xuddi shu qatorda, Dion Kvebek vazirlariga ayirmachilar ishi ortidagi taxminlarga shubha ostiga qo'ygan ochiq xatlarni yuborishni boshladi.[216] Kvebekka nisbatan "B rejasi" ning yangi siyosati Vazirlar Mahkamasida katta keskinlikni keltirib chiqardi: Martin boshchiligidagi "yumshoq federalistlar" fraktsiyasi "B rejasi" siyosatiga qarshi, ayniqsa Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonunBuning o'rniga, Kriten boshchiligidagi "qattiq federalistlar" fraktsiyasiga qarshi Kvebekning Buchard hukumatiga qarshi kurashish va konstitutsiyadagi har qanday imtiyozlarga qarshi kurashish uchun yangi Meich Leykka o'xshash konstitutsiyaviy bitimni afzal ko'rdi.[209] "Qattiq federalist" Kreten fraktsiyasi shafqatsiz tarzda "yumshoq federalist" Martin fraktsiyasini "tinchlantiruvchi" deb atashga qaror qildi.[209]
1996 yil oktyabr oyida uzoq vaqt davom etgan Somalidagi surishtiruv General paytida taniqli jabrdiydani talab qildi Jan Boyl sifatida iste'foga chiqishga majbur bo'ldi Mudofaa shtabining boshlig'i u surishtiruv ishiga to'sqinlik qilmoqchi bo'lganligi va u 1993 yilda Somalini yashirishda gumon qilinadigan rolida surishtiruv oldidan ko'rsatma berganida yolg'on guvohlik berganligi haqidagi ayblovlarga yo'l qo'ydi.[217] Xuddi shu oy, Devid Kollenet Boyl iste'foga chiqqandan keyin uning pozitsiyasi keng tarqalgan bo'lib qabul qilindi, chunki u Boylni shaxsan o'zi tanlaganligi sababli, mudofaa vaziri lavozimidan iste'foga chiqdi, go'yo axloq qoidalarini ozgina buzganligi sababli uning o'rniga Dag Young.[217] Yosh, 1996 yil oxirida bergan intervyusida, "shubhasiz, surishtiruv davom etayotgan holda saylov kampaniyasida bo'lishni xohlamasligini" tan oldi.[218] 1997 yil boshida Young komissarlarning ishi hali tugamaganligi haqidagi shikoyatlariga qaramay, tergovni to'xtatishni buyurdi.[218] Bu ning samarali yakunini belgilab berdi Somali ishi. Tergovning yopilishi haqida gapirganda, komissarlardan biri, Piter Desbarats "Kretyenning minusul siyosiy ustunligi uchun mustaqil surishtiruv kabi narsalarni buzishga tayyorligi, men shunchaki voy, agar u buni qilsa, u hamma narsani qiladi" deb o'yladim.[219] Desbaratsning ta'kidlashicha, u bir vaqtlar Kretenning muxlisi bo'lgan, ammo Somalidagi so'rovning yopilishi "mening unga qarashimni butunlay o'zgartirib yubordi".[219]
Kretien jamoatchilik fikri so'rovlarida o'z mavqeidan va konservativ ovozlarning bo'linishi davom etishidan foydalanishga umid qilib 1997 yil bahorida muddatidan oldin saylovlarni tayinladi. Progressiv konservativ partiya va boshlovchi Kanadaning islohotlar partiyasi. So'rovnomalar siljishiga qaramay, u general-gubernatorga qo'ng'iroq qilishni maslahat berdi 1997 yilgi saylov, muddatidan bir yil oldin. O'zining ko'plab deputatlari uni ushbu harakati uchun, ayniqsa halokatli sharoitda tanqid qildilar Qizil daryo toshqini, bu befarqlik ayblovlariga olib keldi. Liberal deputat Jon Godfri saylovda qatnashish uchun platforma sifatida Kanadadagi shahar qashshoqligini yo'q qilish bo'yicha katta rejada Kretienni qiziqtirmoqchi bo'lib, unga veto qo'ydi. Eddi Goldenberg va PMO vakili Jon Re, Kretyeni har qanday katta loyihani xavf ostiga qo'yishdan ko'ra, kichik o'zgarishlarning "bosqichma-bosqich" yo'nalishiga rioya qilish yaxshiroq ekanligiga ishontirdi.[220] Progressive Conservatives mashhur yangi rahbarga ega edi Jan Charest va Yangi demokratlar ' Alexa McDonough partiyasini Atlantika Kanadasidagi yutuqqa olib keldi, u erda liberallar 1993 yilda bitta o'rindan boshqasini yutib oldilar. Chreten, islohot partiyasi Angliyaning Kanadadagi televidenie reklamasini mamlakatga frantsuz-kanadalik siyosatchilar hukmronlik qilmoqda, deb e'lon qilganida foydalandi. ayblash uchun ishlatilgan Preston Manning frantsuzlarga qarshi bo'lish.[221] 1997 yilda Liberallar Atlantika Kanadasi va G'arbiy Kanadadagi bir nechta o'rindiqlardan tashqari barchasini boy berishdi, ammo Ontarioda doimiy hukmronligi tufayli ko'pchilik hukumatni saqlab qolishga muvaffaq bo'lishdi.
Ikkinchi mandat (1997–2000)
Kretien 1997 yil noyabr oyida yana tortishuvlarga aralashdi Osiyo-Tinch okeani iqtisodiy hamkorligi (APEC) sammiti bo'lib o'tdi Britaniya Kolumbiyasi universiteti (UBC) Vankuverdagi kampus. The APEC sammiti ko'plab Osiyo va Tinch okeani mamlakatlari yig'ilishi bo'lib o'tdi va UBC talabalar shaharchasida talabalar ushbu rahbarlarning ba'zilarining inson huquqlarini himoya qilish amaliyoti yomonligi sababli ularning uchrashuviga norozilik bildirishdi. O'sha paytda Indoneziya prezidenti eng ko'p tanqid qilingan rahbarlardan biri edi Suxarto uchun kamida 500 ming kishini o'ldirish u 1965 yil 30 sentyabrda davlat to'ntarishi va hokimiyatni egallash uchun kelganida Sharqiy Timordagi yaqin genotsid kampaniyasi. Namoyishchilar to'siqni yiqitib, qalampir sepdilar Kanada qirollik politsiyasi (RCMP). Other peaceful demonstrators were subsequently pepper-sprayed as well. There was debate over whether the action was necessary. It was alleged that the initiative for the RCMP assault on the demonstrators was because of complaints from the President Suharto of Indonesia and President Tszyan Tsemin of China to the Canadian government about the demonstrators. The Indonesian and Chinese leaders both came from countries where demonstrators were routinely shot down by the government, and both found the demonstrators in Canada to be deeply upsetting, which led to pressure especially from Suharto on the Canadian government to silence the demonstrators.[222][223] Suharto had made clear that his coming to Canada was dependent upon his "dignity" not being insulted by any demonstrators.[224][225] In response to Suharto's concerns about his "dignity" being called into question by protests, he had been promised by the Canadian government that no protesters would be allowed to get close and in early August 1997 the RCMP was informed by the PMO that the prime minister did not wish for any "distractions" at the up-coming conference.[225] During the protests, a First Nations leader claimed to have overheard Chrétien giving orders to the RCMP to remove the signs protesting against the human rights violations in China and Indonesia at once before Suharto or Jiang had a chance to see them.[222]
Chrétien responded to the media's questions about the incident at a press conference. He was asked about the pepper-spraying by a Vancouver-based comedic reporter known as "Nardwuar the Human Serviette ", a frequent contributor to Canada's MuchMusic network, known for his high-pitched voice and odd attire, who told Chrétien that there was a song released by a pank-rok band called "The Nomads" (a fictitious band Nardwuar had made up) called "The Suharto Stomp".[226][ishonchli manba? ] Nardwuar then asked Chrétien "Do you think, if you were say 40 years younger, that you too would be writing punk songs about Suharto and protesting against APEC?" Chrétien replied that he himself had protested as a student, and that in a democracy, protests were to be expected. Nardwuar followed up by telling Chrétien that "Some of the protesters were maced." Chrétien asked, "What do you mean by that?" Nardwuar then clarified, "Mace? Pepper spray ?" Chrétien then stated abruptly, "I don't know, these techniques did not exist in those days", which received big laughs from everyone in the room. Nardwuar simply smiled at Chrétien's joke, and Chrétien concluded his answer by adding "For me, pepper, I put it on my plate", with a smile while pantomiming shaking pepper onto a plate. This line also received laughter. However, allegations soon arose that someone in the Prime Minister's Office or Chrétien himself gave the go-ahead for the pepper-spraying of protesters. Chrétien denied any involvement, and it has never been proven.[227]
In January 1998, Chrétien's government announced that the CH-113 helicopters would be replaced by a scaled-down search-and-rescue variant of the EH101, carrying the designation CH-149 Cormorant. Unlike the Petrel/Chimo contract which Chrétien had cancelled in 1993, these 15 aircraft were to be built entirely in Europe with no Canadian participation or industrial incentives. The first two aircraft arrived in Canada in September 2001 and entered service the following year. His Maritime Helicopter Project was supposed to find a low-cost replacement aircraft. The candidates were the Sikorsky S-92, NHIndustries NH90 and the EH-101, although critics accused the government of designing the project so as to prevent AgustaWestland from winning the contract. A winner, the Sikorsky CH-148 Cyclone, would not be announced until after Chrétien retired.[228][229][230][231]
In February 1998, for the first time since 1969 a balanced budget was presented by the government.[232] Shortly afterwards, the Chrétien government introduced the National Child Benefit program for the children of low-income parents.[233] Though Chrétien and Martin still disliked each other on the account of the bruising 1990 leadership race, a cordial working relationship was established indirectly with Chrétien's right-hand man Eddie Goldenberg regularly meeting with Martin's aide Terrie O'Leary to work out mutually acceptable policies for the government to pursue.[233] In March 1998, Chrétien won the leadership review required after every election by 90 percent.[234] According to one of Chrétien's staffers at the PMO, Terry Mercer that: "It was not long after the 98 convention that we began to see the first evidence that the Martin camp had no intention of letting nature take its course, and this began to cause problems throughout the system".[235] In April 1998, the government attracted much criticism when the Health Minister Allan Rock waged a successful battle to limit the number of Canadians stricken with Gepatit C through government negligence who could collect compensation for their suffering.[236] Chrétien's biographer Lawrence Martin wrote that the attitude of Chrétien to the Hepatitis C victims was not unlike the "heartless" attitude that he during his time in the opposition he accused Mulroney of holding.[236] Rock had wanted to compensate all of the hepatitis C victims, but was overruled by Chrétien, who told him the government would compensate only those afflicted between 1986 and 1990.[237] Liberal backbencher Carolyn Bennett was later to claim in an interview that it was unconscionable on the part of Chrétien to refuse to compensate all of the hepatitis C victims, and then to spend $57 million in legal fees in a successful effort to stop hepatitis C activists from getting a ruling from the courts to compensate all victims.[238]
By the spring of 1998, many in the media had taken to describing the Liberals under Chrétien as the "couch potato party" and the "do-nothing party" that did very little.[239] Critics pointed out that in the 1997–98 session of Parliament, in which the Liberals held a majority, the main achievements of the government had to ratify tax treaties with Croatia and Algeria, allowing the government of Canada to exchange tax information concerning dual citizens who were Croat-Canadian and Algerian-Canadian with those two nations to club tax evasion.[239] Chrétien for his part defending this record, arguing that he was doing a fine job as a prime minister, and the Canadian people did not want major changes to their nation.[239] One of the few areas that the government was active on was national unity. In August 1998, the Supreme Court of Canada in the Reference Re Secession of Quebec ruled in favor of the federal government's claim that a unilateral declaration of independence on the part of Quebec was illegal, that to leave Confederation would require Quebec to negotiate with the federal government, and that Quebec could only leave after achieving a settlement with Ottawa granting independence. This ruling created the legal background to the bill that became the Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun.
In October 1998, the APEC controversy came to the fore again when the New Democrat MP Dick Proctor claimed during a flight to have overheard the solicitor general, Andy Scott, tell his travelling companion Fred Toole that the inquiry into the APEC protests was going to be a white-wash, and that it had already decided before the inquiry had even began that Chrétien was going to be cleared of wrongdoing.[240] Chrétien denied Proctor's account of what he claimed to have heard Scott say, and initially Chrétien stated that Scott would stay on as solicitor general.[241] But as the controversy increased, Scott suddenly resigned, to be replaced with Lawrence MacAulay.[241]
In late 1998 and early 1999, tensions between the Chrétien and Martin camps started to come out in the open with backbenchers loyal to the two men leaking unflattering stories to the press about their rival patrons.[242] Chrétien rarely changed the composition of the Cabinet, and so as a result, there had emerged by the late 1990s a group of deeply disgruntled Liberal backbenchers, who believed themselves to be Cabinet-worthy MPs, and were extremely frustrated that the prime minister would not elevate them to the Cabinet.[243] This group become Martin's strongest supporters as they believed that only by deposing Chrétien could they achieve the promotion to the Cabinet that they so desperately desired.[243] A major advantage enjoyed by the Martin fraction was that in a process starting in 1995 they were able to take control of much of the Liberal Party apparatus reaching a point about 1999 where Martin supporters had an almost undisputed control of the Liberal party as opposed to the government.[244] When asked in an interview about why Chrétien allowed this to happen, Sergio Marchi said: "He just became complacent".[245] Chrétien tended to focus his efforts on controlling the government via the PMO with one of his aides at the PMO, Terry Mercer making the revealing remark during a meeting of the Liberal national executive in 1998 that: "I don't work for the party, I work for Jean Chrétien".[246] This tendency had become especially acute by the late 1990s when Chrétien was widely seen to have lost touch with the Liberal Party apparatus and caucus, and was described by Marchi as living in a "bubble" comprising himself and his people at the PMO with relations with those outside of the "bubble" growing more cold and distant as time went by.[247] Chrétien was well aware of the Martin group and its ambitions, but as he believed that Martin had trouble making difficult decisions that the danger was minimal because "Mr. Dithers" Martin would never make up his mind.[248] An additional problem for Martin in challenging Chrétien was that beyond the differences between Chrétien's "hard federalist" approach to Quebec and Martin's "soft federalist" approach, there were no major policy differences between him and Chrétien.[249] Beri Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun and Chrétien's entire "Plan B" approach to Quebec were very popular in English Canada, challenging Chrétien on that issue was considered to be unwise, and with no other issue to take a stand on, it was hard for Martin to make a case that Chrétien needed to go.[249] Martin was not very likely to rally much support in English Canada on the thesis that Chrétien needed to be deposed because he was being too tough with the separatist provincial government in Quebec.[250] Through Martin did not publicly oppose the Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun, he also initially refused to voice support for it in public and several of his supporters (known as "Martinista") aides and MPs leaked the news to the media that the finance minister did not believe that the Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun was a wise piece of legislation.[250]
In February 1999, the Social Union Framework Agreement (SUFA) was signed between Ottawa and the 9 of the 10 provinces (Quebec Premier Lucien Bouchard refused to sign the agreement).[251] The SUFA had been promoted by Intergovernment Affairs Minister Stefan Dion as a way of promoting a new era of federal-provincial harmony, but Chrétien himself was unenthusiastic, taking the view that the SUFA had given too much to the provinces and Chrétien had only signed the SUFA as a way of gaining the support of the 9 English provinces in his battles against the Bouchard government in Quebec.[252] The SUFA turned out to be largely meaningless as the provinces and the federal government spent money on various social programs with little effort at the sort of co-operation that the SUFA had envisioned.[253]
In the spring of 1999, Chrétien supported Canada's involvement in the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) bombing campaign of Yugoslaviya over the issue of Kosovo, even through the operation was unsanctioned by the Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Xavfsizlik Kengashi thanks to a Russian veto of an Anglo-American resolution asking for the Security Council's approval of the NATO bombing. The idea of bombing Yugoslavia caused some discomfort within the ranks of the Liberal party as the NATO campaign effectively meant supporting Kosovo separatists against a government determined to prevent Kosovo's secession from Yugoslavia. Chrétien was personally uncomfortable with the idea of bombing Yugoslavia, but supported the war because he valued good relations with the United States far more than he cared about Yugoslavia.[254] Chrétien's foreign minister at the time, Lloyd Axworthy justified Canada's involvement in Yugoslaviyani NATO tomonidan bombardimon qilish under the grounds that allegations of massacres against ethnic Albanians in Kosovo made the use of force legitimate on humanitarian grounds, even without the approval of the UN Security Council.[254] Likewise, Chrétien was later to tell Lawrence Martin that it was far better to intervene in the internal affairs of Yugoslavia to stop human rights violations in the Kosovo region by Serbian forces than to do nothing.[254]
In June 1999, Peter Donolo, Chrétien's well liked communications director, retired to be replaced with Françoise Ducros.[255] Donolo was not part of Chrétien's inner circle, which comprised Eddie Goldenberg, Jean Pelletier and his wife Aline, but he often exercised a certain stabilizing influence on Chrétien, and was able to maintain good relations with the Martin camp.[255] Donolo did not approve of some of Chrétien's other advisors like Warren Kinsella, whom Donolo accused of being overtly aggressive and of seeing enemies everywhere.[255] Kinsella for his part saw Martin and his followers as almost much an enemy as the opposition parties, and favored working against as opposed to working with the Martin fraction.[256] Reflecting the changed media team of Ducros and Kinsella, after a minor cabinet reshuffle in the summer of 1999, a story was leaked from the PMO that the reshuffle was a "shot across the bow" that was intended to send the message that Chrétien would be seeking a third term, a message that Donolo felt was unwise as it was bound to provoke a response from the Martin camp.[257]
In August 1999, the Anglo-Canadian media magnate Conrad Black was due to receive a British peerage.[258] Two days before Black was to receive his title, Chrétien advised the Queen not to accord Black a title of nobility, citing the 1917 Nickle Resolution, where the Canadian House of Commons asked King George V not to grant any titles of nobility or knighthoods to Canadians, and thereby ensured that Black was not raised to the peerage as he was expecting to be.[259] However, the Nickle resolution like all parliamentary resolutions was only symbolic, was in no way legally binding on Chrétien and several Canadians had been either knighted or raised to the House of Lords after 1917.[260] Chrétien's biographer Lawrence Martin wrote that Chrétien's argument that he had no choice, but to prevent Black from given a title because of the Nickle resolution was "shaky".[260] Many saw Chrétien's blocking Black from a peerage not as a case of the prime minister merely enforcing the Nickle Resolution as Chrétien claimed, but rather as an act of revenge for the often critical coverage that Chrétien received from the Milliy pochta, which was owned by Black at that time.[261] The columnist Mark Steyn da yozgan Milliy pochta that Chrétien blocking Black from created a nobleman was "an exquisite embodiment of psychologically crippled small-mindedness".[261] By contrast, Chrétien's close associate Eddie Goldenberg was later to claim that Chrétien cared deeply about the Nickle Resolution, and would have had blocked Black from being raised to the peerage even if the Milliy pochta were more friendly to him.[261] Black-who felt humiliated by this episode-sued Chrétien for what he alleged to be an abuse of power, leading to the legal case of Black v. Chrétien.[261] In 2001, the court ruled in favor of Chrétien, stating it was the prime minister's prerogative to advise the Queen not to raise Canadians to the British peerage if he felt so inclined, and thereforth this was not an abuse of power as Black had claimed.[262]
In 1999, Chrétien decided to follow up his victory in Reference Re Secession of Quebec in 1998 by passing the Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun. Jean Pelletier recalled in an interview about the genesis of the Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun:
The Clarity Act was Jean Chrétien's idea. I don't want to minimize the role of Dion, but in the beginning, he was not in favour of it. In fact, when the Act was brought to cabinet, there was only one vote in favour, and it was Jean Chrétien. Everyone else was against or unsure, including Dion. We tried twice to get Jean Charest to carry the ball for the Act. We met him twice, Dion and me, but he refused. There was one meeting in the spring and another in the autumn of 1999. The package was ready, the law was printed and it was ready to be introduced.[263]
In December 1999 the Chrétien government tabled the Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun, which passed Parliament in June 2000. The Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun, which was Chrétien's response to his narrow victory in the 1995 referendum requires that no Canadian government may acknowledge any province's declaration of independence unless a "clear majority" supports a "clear question" about sovereignty in a referendum, as defined by the Kanada parlamenti, and a constitutional amendment is passed. The size of a "clear majority" is not specified in the Act. Keyin Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun had passed by the House of Commons in February 2000, a poll showed that the federalist forces enjoyed a 15 percent lead in the polls on the question if Quebec should become independent, which Chrétien argued meant that the sovereignty option was now effectively off the table as Bouchard had always said he would only call another referendum if he could obtain "winning conditions", which he plainly did not possess at the moment.[264]
Relations between Chrétien and Martin were frequently strained, and Martin was reportedly angling to replace Chrétien as early as 1997. Martin had long hoped that Chrétien would just retire at the end of his second term, thereby allowing him to win the Liberal leadership, and were greatly disappointed in January 2000 when Chrétien's communications director Françoise Ducros had fired "a shot across the bow" by confirming what had been strongly hinted at since the summer of 1999 in an announcement to the caucus that Chrétien would seek a third term.[265][266] Martin met with his supporters in what appeared to be a half-hearted attempt at a coup to discuss how best to replace Chrétien at the Regal Constellation Hotel near Toronto's Pearson airport in March 2000 during a Liberal convention, which Chrétien later cited as the 'breaking point' of their relationship.[267] The secret meeting at the Constellation Hotel was called in response to Ducros's announcement with the aim of finding the best way of removing Chrétien, through Martin and his advisors were not quite sure about how best to do this, or if they even wanted to depose Chrétien at this point in time.[268]
Chrétien called another early election in the fall of 2000, again hoping to take advantage of the split in the Canadian right and catch the newly formed Kanada alyansi and its neophyte leader Stockwell Day off guard. At the funeral of Pierre Trudeau in September 2000, the Cuban president, Fidel Kastro happened to meet with Day.[269] Later that same day, Chrétien met with Castro, where Chrétien asked Castro about his assessment of Day and if he should call an early election or not.[269] Castro advised Chrétien to dissolve Parliament early as he considered Day to be a lightweight, and as Castro was a leader whom Chrétien respected, his advice was an important reason for the election.[269] Moliya vaziri Pol Martin released a 'mini-budget' just before the election call that included significant tax cuts, a move aimed at undermining the Alliance position going into the campaign. Chrétien formed a "war room" comprising his communications director Françoise Ducros, Warren Kinsella, Duncan Fulton and Kevin Bosch to gather material to attack Day as some sort of fascist who would plunge Canada into the Dark Ages, and to put forward the thesis to the Canadian people that Day had a "hidden agenda", which was so horrifying that Day dared not to reveal it to the people of Canada until after he won power.[270] In the first weeks of the 2000 election, the Canadian Alliance gained in the polls while voters expressed a certain coolness to Chrétien, whom most voters complained had overstayed his time in office and had no agenda beyond staying in power for the sake of staying in power.[271] The fact that the Red Book of 2000 consisted almost entirely of recycled promises from the Red Books of 1993 and 1997 and various banal statements further reinforced the impression of a prime minister with no plans or vision for Canada and whose only agenda was to hang onto power as long as possible.[272] For a moment in October 2000 it appeared possible that the Alliance might win the election as the poll numbers continued in its favor.[271] However, the Liberal claim that Day planned to dismantle the health care system to replace it with a "two-tier" health care system together with a number of gaffes on Day's part started to turn opinion decisively against the Canadian Alliance, despite the fact that most voters were growing tired of Chrétien.[273] A CBC report on November 16, 2000, stated: "Transport Minister David Collenette is said to have admitted at a strategy meeting that Chrétien is a problem and voters are saying they want Finance Minister Paul Martin to lead the party".[274] However, the Liberal attacks against Day as a right-wing fanatic affected the voters more than did wariness with Chrétien. The climax of the Liberal effort to paint the Canadian Alliance as a gang of far-right-wing extremists came on November 16, 2000, when the Liberal MP Elinor Caplan gave a much publicised speech, in she declared about the rank and file of the Canadian Alliance: "Their supporters are Holocaust deniers, prominent bigots and racists".[274] Leading a certain degree of credibility to the Liberal claim that the Alliance was a party of racists was a speech on November 18, 2000, by the Alliance candidate Betty Granger in Winnipeg where she ominously warned that Canada was faced with the threat of an "Asian invasion", by which Granger meant that Canada was accepting too many Asian immigrants for its own good.[275] Historically, the fear of the "Sariq xavf " had obsessed Canadians which led to laws like the Chinese Exclusion Act, 1923, and Granger's "Asian invasion" speech hearkened back to the "Yellow Peril" fears of former times. Through Day promptly apologised, forced Granger to suspend her candidacy and insisted that the Alliance was opposed to racism, the damage had been done, and the Liberals made extensive use of the "Asian invasion" speech to suggest to Canadians, especially Osiyo-kanadaliklar that the Alliance was a haven of white supremacists'.[275] On November 22, 2000, Chrétien gave a speech in New Brunswick in which he implied that people from Alberta were not quite normal, saying: "I like to do politics with people from the East. Joe Clark and Stockwell Day are from Alberta. They are a different type".[276][277][278]
In November 2000 during the election, the Grand-Mere Affair, also known as the Shawinigate scandal broke. After initial denials, Chrétien acknowledged having lobbied the Business Development Bank of Canada, owned by the Government of Canada, to grant a $2 million loan to Yvon Duhaime. Duhaime was a friend and constituent to whom the Prime Minister stated that he had sold his interest in the Grand-Mère Inn, a local Shawinigan-area hotel and golf resort, eventually providing evidence of the sale—a contract written on a cocktail napkin. Duhaime was a local businessman with an unsavoury reputation and a criminal record, who received a loan from the Business Development Bank that he was ineligible to collect on the account of his criminal record (Duhaime did not mention his record when applying for the loan).[279] The Business Development Bank had turned down the initial loan application, but later approved a $615,000 loan following further lobbying by Chrétien. When the Business Development Bank refused to extend the loan in August 1999 under the grounds that Duhaime was a businessman with a bad reputation with a history for losing money on past business ventures and that he was already behind on his current payments, the president of the bank, François Beaudoin was fired by Chrétien in September 1999, which led to a wrongful dismissal suit that Beaudoin was to win in 2004.[280] It was revealed that Chrétien had never been paid for his share in the sale of the adjoining golf course, and criminal charges were laid against Duhaime. The prime minister's ethics counsellor Howard Wilson, who was appointed by and reported to the prime minister,[281] determined that Chrétien had not violated any conflict-of-interest rules, noting that there were no clear rules on lobbying Crown corporations for making loans to business ventures that the prime minister may or may not had a stake in. There was no comment on ethics of Chrétien's lobbying by the ethics counsellor Wilson. The revelation of the Grand-Mère affair did not affect the outcome of the 2000 election. Chrétien and his circle believed that the breaking of the Grand-Mère story during the election was the work of the Martin fraction.[282]
Day turned in a generally weak performance during the campaign that did little to allay media concerns about his socially-conservative views. A particular campaign stunt that attracted much attention occurred, when Warren Kinsella, often known as Chrétien's "attack dog", went on the Canada A.M TV show with a stuffed Barney dinosaur doll to mock's Day's purported belief that dinosaurs and humans once co-existed, saying that: "I just want to remind Mr. Day that Flintstones was not a documentary. And this is the only dinosaur that recently co-existed with humans" while holding up the Barney doll.[283][284] After the "Barney moment", Kinsella's debating partner, Tim Powers of the Alliance is said to have remarked to Kinsella: "We're ######. We are well and truly ######".[285] Kinsella had gotten the idea for the Barney stunt after a meeting with Chrétien's close associate Jan Karl to discuss a documentary about Day where several people claimed that Day had given a speech in 1997 where he was alleged to have stated his belief that humans and dinosaurs had co-existed.[286] According to Kinsella, Chrétien phoned him to congratulate him on the Barney stunt, and found it so funny that he asked Kinsella to repeat his retelling of the "Barney moment" several times.[285] The Barney stunt was part of a gambit by Kinsella to win New Democratic voters for the Liberals, as Kinsella believed if they could be convinced that Day was a "crazy" Protestant fundamentalist fanatic, then they would vote for the Liberals as the best party to stop Day rather risk Vote splitting chapda.[286] The New Democrats and Bloc Québécois also ran lacklustre campaigns, while the Progressiv konservatorlar, led by former prime minister Djo Klark, struggled to retain official party status. The relentless Grit attacks meant to demonize the Alliance as a gang of crazed right-wingers with a "hidden agenda" had the effect of causing many New Democratic voters to support the Liberals as the best party to stop the Alliance. The Liberals secured a strong majority mandate in the 2000 yilgi saylov, winning nearly as many seats as they had in 1993, largely thanks to significant gains in Quebec and in Atlantic Canada. Yo'q Jean Charest as leader, the PCs who had done well in winning the popular vote in Quebec in 1997 fared poorly in 2000, and most of their voters defected over to the Liberals.[287] Many voters in English Canada expressed the view that they had voted Liberal less of affection for the "natural governing party" than because the alternative in the form of Day was so much more worse.[288] The fact that Martin attracted more enthusiasm from the public on the campaign trail than did Chrétien was much noticed within the Liberal Party.[288]
Uchinchi mandat (2000-2003)
Chrétien's major policy initiative in the first half of 2001 was increasing the pay of MPs by 20 percent.[289] As a result, the pay of MPs went from $109,000 per year to $131,000 per year while Chrétien's own salary went from $184,000 per year to $262,000 per year.[289] Chrétien was due to face a leadership review in February 2002, but the Liberal national executive, which was controlled by partisans of Paul Martin, agreed to Chrétien's request in early January 2001 that the leadership review be pushed back to February 2003.[289] In agreeing to this request, Martin believed that this was the quid pro quo for allowing Chrétien a decent interval to retire with dignity sometime in 2002, an interpretation that Chrétien did not hold.[289] Chrétien saw the extra year as merely giving him more time to win the leadership review.
In what Chrétien saw as a personal triumph, on January 11, 2001, Quebec Premier Lucien Bouchard resigned, saying he did not foresee the necessary "winning conditions" for another referendum emerging at that time.[290] Chrétien argued that the Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun had prevented the "winning conditions" from appearing, and maintained that if the charismatic Bouchard could not create the necessary "winning conditions", then his more dour successor Bernard Landry would certainly not.[291] Chrétien took the view that effectively the Quebec sovereignty movement had been neutered by the Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun, and that it did not matter if the PQ remained in office or not because they could not win a referendum.[292] By contrast, the Martin fraction of the Liberals argued that the decline of the PQ was due more to an improving economy—which they credited Paul Martin for—rather than with the Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun and "Plan B", which they saw as pointlessly aggressive towards Quebec.[293]
In early 2001, politics were dominated by questions about the Grand-Mere Affair. Both the Canadian Alliance and the Progressive Conservatives frequently charged that Chrétien had broken the law in regards to his lobbying for Business Development Bank for loans to the Auberge Grand-Mère inn.[294] Questions were especially centered around the firing of Business Development Bank president François Beaudoin, and the involvement of Jan Karl, formerly of the PMO, in sacking Beaudoin.[294] Carle served as Chrétien's chief of operations between 1993 and 1998 before leaving to take up an executive post at the Business Development Bank, and was described by Maclean's in 1998 as being so close to the prime minister as to be almost a member of the Chrétien family.[295] Carle and Chrétien were so close that in the 1980s, Chrétien had allowed Carle to live rent-free in his basement at his Ottawa house.[296] Carle was widely seen within the Liberal ranks as Chrétien's "surrogate son".[297] Patrick Lavelle, the chairman of the Business Development Bank, tried to block Carle's appointment on the grounds that he was unsuitable for the post, but after a meeting with Carle's patron Chrétien, felt he had "no choice" but to accept Carle.[298] Chrétien claimed that Carle was not involved in any way with the loans to the Grand-Mere Inn, only to be countered by Djo Klark, who produced a leaked document showing that he was.[299] On February 19, 2001, the RCMP announced that there they did not find sufficient evidence to lay criminal charges against anyone in regards to the Grand-Mere Affair, and Chrétien accused Clark of waging a "witch hunt" against the Liberals.[294] On March 2, 2001, the federal ethics counselor Howard Wilson again cleared Chrétien of wrongdoing in the Grand-Mere Affair.[294] The opposition parties charged that because Wilson was accountable only to the Prime Minister, not Parliament, that he was a puppet of Chrétien's who would never rule against his boss.[300] Recalling that the Red Book of 1993 had promised that the Liberals would appoint an ethics counselor responsible to Parliament, the Canadian Alliance tabled a motion that was a verbatim copy of the Red Book promise, which Chrétien then ordered the Liberals to vote against.[300] One Grit backbencher complained to the media that Chrétien had made the entire caucus "feel like goddamned hypocrites".[300] On April 5, 2001, the Milliy pochta received documents purportedly from an anonymous source within the Business Development Bank, dealing with Chrétien's interest in the Auberge Grand-Mère inn, one of which contained a footnote indicating that Chrétien was still owed $23,040 by Duhaime for his share in the Auberge Grand-Mère at the time in 1997 when he was lobbying the Business Development Bank to make a loan to the Auberge Grand-Mère,[301] in which case, presuming the documents are genuine, Chrétien would have broken the law on conflict-of-interest.[301] Chrétien maintained and still maintains that the documents are forgeries done by persons unknown, designed to discredit him.[301] Since 2001, the RCMP has been investigating the alleged forgery, through no suspect has yet emerged, and some such as the journalist Colby Cosh have expressed doubts about Chrétien's forgery claim.[301] The complex issues concerning conflict-of-interest laws, ownership of the Grand-Mere Inn and its golf course, and the firing of Beaudoin did not excite much interest on the part of the Canadian public.[iqtibos kerak ]
In the spring of 2001, Chrétien, through making clear that he intended to serve out his entire term, announced that he had nothing against cabinet ministers fund-raising for a future leadership battle when he finally did retire.[302] Chrétien's decision sparked a fierce battle to raise funds by Paul Martin, Brian Tobin va Allan Rock, who all saw themselves as future prime ministers. In July 2001, Jean Pelletier, Chrétien's long-time chief of staff, retired to be replaced with Percy Downe.[303] Canadian journalist Lawrence Martin wrote that Downe was not the chief of staff that Pelletier had been, and after that the departure of Pelletier, the power of Eddie Goldenberg va Françoise Ducros correspondingly increased.[303] Both Goldenberg and Ducros favored a more aggressive, combative approach to handling issues, which in time would lead to a decline in Chrétien's relations with the Liberal caucus.[303] The communications director, Ducros, was one of Chrétien's most loyal supporters, but was widely disliked by the press and Liberal caucus due to her abrasive personality.[304] Typical about the media's view of Ducros was a story about her in Globe and Mail that had as the title "A Style That Grates on Enemies-and Friends", while the columnist Hugh Winsor wrote that Ducros had a "prickly personality and strident manner" that did not endear her to journalists.[305] Through many Liberal MPs expressed concern about Ducros and Chrétien's other advisor Warren Kinsella, but both Ducros and Kinsella were favorites of Aline Chrétien, who prized both as ultra-loyal with Ducros being especially close to the Prime Minister's wife, which meant the complaints about Ducros and Kinsella were ignored.[306]
On August 7, 2001, the APEC report was issued by Judge Ted Hughes, which cleared Chrétien of wrongdoing, but stated that Jan Karl of the PMO had improperly pressured the RCMP to attack the protesters.[307] Hughes concluded that the RCMP had used excessive force that was in violation of the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.[308] Hughes ruled that the use of force by the RCMP had gone beyond the legitimate security need to protect the visiting leaders at the APEC summit, and was intended to silence the protests altogether, which thus violated the right to freedom of expression guaranteed to all Canadians by the Charter of Rights and Freedoms.[308] Judge Hughes accused Carle of "throwing his weight around" and attempting to interfere with security arrangements.[309] Lawrence Martin expressed some skepticism about Judge Hughes's report, asking if were really possible for Carle, who was Chrétien's chief of operations at the PMO in 1997 and was someone who was especially close to Chrétien, to be directing the RCMP to attack protesters without him knowing.[307] One Liberal later recalled about the Carle-Chrétien relationship that: "I don't know why Chrétien kept a guy like him around. He was always getting him in trouble".[296] Shortly after the Hughes report was issued, Carle became chief of operations at the Just for Laughs comedy festival in Montreal, which promptly received a doubling of federal sponsorship money by Public Works and Government Services Canada boshchiligidagi Alfonso Gagliano, and then a rare retroactive grant of $100,000.[307] Chrétien and Gagliano both denied that Carle's presence had anything to do with the increased grants.[307] In December 2001, the RMCP raided the home of François Beaudoin to investigate alleged wrongdoing that Beaudoin was said to have committed during his time as president of the Business Development Bank of Canada, which the opposition charged was part of an attempt to intimidate Beaudoin for suing for wrongful dismissal.[310] Solicitor General Lawrence MacAulay rejected claims that government was pursuing a vendetta against Beaudoin, and accused opposition members of trying to smear the RCMP.[310]
Keyingi 11 sentyabr hujumlari, Canadian forces joined with multinational to pursue al-Qoida yilda Afg'oniston. AQSh prezidenti Jorj V.Bush had also commended how Canada responded to the crisis. Among them included "Sariq lenta" operatsiyasi and the memorial service on Parliament Hill three days after 9/11. In January 2002, Chrétien together with the Defence Minister Art Eggleton were accused of misleading Parliament. When asked in Question Period if Canadian troops had handed over captured Taliban and al-Qaeda members in Afghanistan to the American forces amid concerns about the treatment of POWs at Guantanamo qamoqxonasi, Chrétien stated this was only a "hypothetical question" that could not be answered as the Canadians had taken no POWs.[311] Critics of the government such as Djo Klark then pointed out that in the previous week, The Globe & Mail had run on its front page a photo of Canadian soldiers turning over POWs to American troops.[311] Eggleton maintained that he and the rest of the Cabinet been kept unaware that the Canadian Forces were taking POWs in Afghanistan and turning them to the Americans, claiming that he had only learned of the policy of handing over POWs several days after the photo had appeared in Globe and Mail.[311] When pressed by opposition critics about his apparent ignorance of what was Canada's policy on turning over POWs captured in Afghanistan, Eggleton then claimed that he had not only forgotten that he had been briefed by senior bureaucrats that Canadian Forces were to hand over POWs to the Americans, but that he had also forgotten to inform the Cabinet.[312] When pressed by the opposition critics to fire Eggleton under the grounds that the he was either lying to Parliament or, if his story was true, that someone so forgetful should not be directing the Department of National Defence in the midst of a war, Chrétien informed the House of Commons that: "Myself, cabinet and the Liberal Party have confidence in the abilities and dedication of the Minister of National Defence", and that Eggleton would stay on.[312]
One year after the 9/11 attacks, Chretien gave controversial remarks about what led to the attacks, suggesting they were a reaction to Western foreign policy. During the 2002 CBC interview, Chretien said "I do think that the Western world is getting too rich in relations to the poor world. And necessarily, we’re looked upon as being arrogant, self-satisfied, greedy and with no limits. And the 11th of September is an occasion for me to realize it even more. When you are powerful like you are, you guys, it’s the time to be nice. And it is one of the problems — you cannot exercise your powers to the point of humiliation of the others. And that is what the Western world — not only the Americans but the Western world — has to realize.” The comments were condemned by domestic political opponent and Canadian Alliance leader Stephen Harper, who charged Chretien with victim blaming, while the leaders of the New Democratic Party and Progressive Conservative Party did not interpret Chretien's comments as critical of the United States.[313][314]
In early January 2002, Chrétien's Kvebek leytenanti Alfonso Gagliano resigned as public works minister following allegations from the "whistle-blower" chairman of Canada Lands Jon Grant that Gagliano had involved in improper activities with Canada Lands by selling off Crown land at below market rates to politically well connected buyers.[315] About the sale of a Montreal property valued at $9 million which was sold to Entreprises El-Pine Inc, a firm owned by a well known Liberal contributor for $4 million, the real estate agent Shelia Weitzman told the Monreal gazetasi: "That price was a joke".[315] Grant alleged that an aide of Gagliano's had told him in 1998: "The rest of Canada is yours, Quebec is ours", meaning Grant should not concern himself with any land sales in Quebec.[315] Grantning ta'kidlashicha, u 1998-2001 yillar oralig'ida Gagliano va Kvebekdagi ba'zi erlarni sotish borasidagi xavotirlarini bildirish uchun Vazirlar Mahkamasi va PMOga uch marta borgan va natijada uni ayblovlari bilan jamoatchilikka murojaat qilishga undagan.[316] Kretiyen va Gagliano ikkalasi ham Kanadadagi Landsda bo'lgan har qanday qonunbuzarlikni rad etishgan bo'lsa-da, Muqaddas Taxt Vatikanga elchi etib tayinlanishiga veto qo'ygandan so'ng Gagliano Daniyadagi elchining homiylik lavozimini qabul qilishdan voz kechdi.[317]
2002 yil 15 yanvarda sanoat vaziri Brayan Tobin shaxsiy hayotga chiqish uchun Vazirlar Mahkamasidan to'satdan iste'foga chiqdi. 2001 yil oxirlarida Tobin butun Kanadani keng polosali Internet tarmog'iga ulash bo'yicha bir milliard dollarlik reja ishlab chiqdi va bu reja uning narxini ko'targan Martinning g'azabiga sabab bo'ldi.[318] Tobin o'zining Internetdagi keng polosali loyihasi ortida do'sti Kreten borligiga ishongan.[318] Eddi Goldenberg Kretyenning eng yaqin maslahatchilaridan biri bo'lgan PMO-ning ham Tobinni ichki organlar yoqtirmasdi va keng polosali aloqa Tobinni "burama qilish" uchun eng yaxshi imkoniyat deb bilardi.[319] Goldenberg Tretenni Tobinning sxemasini qo'llab-quvvatlashni to'xtatishga va keyin Tobinga oldindan xabar bermasdan talab qilgan 1 milliard dollar miqdoridagi Tobinni kiritmagan "mini byudjet" ni chiqarishga Tobinni xo'rlashiga ishontirdi.[320] Oltinberg tomonidan "vidalanish" bilan xafa bo'lgan va xo'rlangan Tobin keyinchalik jamoat hayotidan voz kechdi.[321] Tobinning iste'foga chiqishi Martinning liberal merosxo'rlikdagi eng jiddiy raqibini yo'q qildi va Kretyeni 2002 yildagi etakchilik janglarida ortida qo'llab-quvvatlashga qodir bo'lgan bitta vazirdan mahrum qildi.[320] Xuddi shu oyda Kreten majbur qildi O'simlik kulrang noaniq sabablarga ko'ra nafaqaga chiqish.[322] Xabar qilinishicha, Kreten Greyni juda yoshi o'tgan deb qaror qildi va uni o'rniga bosh vazir o'rinbosari lavozimiga yoshroqni tayinladi Jon Manli uning hukumati obro'sini yaxshilash uchun.[323] Grey o'nlab yillar davomida Liberal partiyaning boshqaruvchisi bo'lib, Pirsondan beri har bir bosh vazirning kabinetlarida va Kretienning sodiq kishisida xizmat qilgan, shuning uchun Greyga katta homiylik lavozimini taklif qilmasdan majburan nafaqaga chiqish Liberal partiyadagi ko'pchilikni xafa qildi.[322]
2002 yil boshida Martin bilan uzoq vaqt davom etgan xushomad boshiga keldi. 2002 yil boshiga qadar bosh vazir va moliya vaziri o'rtasidagi munosabatlarni yomonlashtirgan alohida tashvish, Martinning Liberal partiya apparati ustidan nazorati, xususan a'zolik shakllarini chiqarishni nazorat qilishi, asosan u o'z tarafdorlari uchun saqlanib qolgan.[324] 2002 yil yanvar oyida, Brayan Tobin Libertiya partiyasining texnikasi Martinning izdoshlari tomonidan "qo'lga olingan" deb Kretiydan shikoyat qildi, endi boshqa birovning o'z izdoshlarini ro'yxatdan o'tkazishi imkonsiz bo'lgan darajada.[325] Bu Kretien uchun katta muammo tug'dirdi, chunki Liberallar 2003 yil fevral oyida etakchilarni qayta ko'rib chiqishlari kerak edi va Martinning partiyaning texnikasini boshqarishi tufayli Kreten shunchalik kam ustunlik bilan g'alaba qozonishi mumkin edi, chunki u xo'rlovchi yoki hatto etakchilik sharhini yo'qotish.[326] 2002 yil yanvar oyida Kretienning Liberal kokus bilan aloqalariga katta zarar etkazadigan voqea yuz berdi. 2002 yil yanvar oyi oxirida Kretien Vazirlar Mahkamasini qayta tuzgandan so'ng, Liberal deputat Kerolin Bennet Kretiyni kokus yig'ilishida Vazirlar Mahkamasiga ko'proq ayollarni tayinlamaganligi uchun tanqid qildi.[327] Kretien Bennettning tanqididan g'azablanib portladi va shunchaki orqa tomon sifatida u kongress oldida bosh vazirni tanqid qilishga haqli emasligini aytdi va unga shunday g'azab bilan hujum qildi, Bennett ko'z yoshlari bilan yiqilib tushdi.[328] Sog'liqni saqlash vaziri Anne McLellan bir intervyusida esladi: "U shunchaki portlatdi. Rixter shkalasidan uzoqda!".[328] Hatto Bennett ko'z yoshlarini to'kkanidan va shu qadar tashvishga tushganki, u endi turolmay turganda ham, Kreten rahm-shafqat qilmadi va unga nisbatan haqoratli qichqiriqni davom ettirdi, bu hukumatlararo ishlar vaziri Stefan Dion xulosa qilish uchun, Kreten uning g'azabini to'xtatmoqchi edi, lekin Bennettga shunchalik g'azablandiki, u o'zini bunga ko'tara olmadi.[328] Bennett bosh vazirning g'azabi uning ta'siriga bog'liq deb da'vo qildi aloqa bo'yicha direktor, Françoise Ducros "Frensi unga ##### nima ekanligini aytgandir", deya ko'proq ayol vazirlarni tiqishtirishda (Dyukros va Bennett bir-birlarini juda yoqtirmasliklari ma'lum bo'lgan).[329] Uchrashuv tugagandan so'ng, Liberal guruhning katta qismi Bennettni qo'llab-quvvatlashni taklif qilishdi, shu bilan birga Kretenni e'tiborsiz qoldirishdi, o'sha kuni Pol Martin va uning rafiqasi Bennett va uning turmush o'rtog'ini Ottavaning eng qimmat restoranlaridan biriga tasalli berish uchun kechki ovqatga olib ketishdi.[329] Liberal deputat Bonni Braun Kretyenning Bennett bilan tilini og'dirishini himoya qilgan kam sonli deputatlardan biri bo'lib, u "har bir kokteyl partiyasida Karolin Bennett Bosh vazirga og'zaki gapirgan" deb aytgan, Bennett faqat Kretenni tanqid qilgan, chunki u uni tayinlamaganligi uchun Vazirlar Mahkamasi va "Sizning kabinetingizda hurmat qilmaydigan odamlar bo'lishi mumkin emas. U hurmat qilishda juda katta".[328] Bennett voqeasi Liberal guruhning aksariyat qismini Kretien kuch-qudratli bezoriga aylanganiga va liberallarning yangi rahbarga ega bo'lish vaqti kelganiga ishontirdi.[329] Kretyendan noroziligini aks ettirgan holda, 2002 yil fevral oyining boshida liberallar guruhi o'zlarining raisi etib saylandilar, Martinni qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan ochiq deputat Sten Kays (kim u 2001 yilda Kretenning ketishi vaqti kelganligi to'g'risida ochiqchasiga aytgan edi), Kreten tarafdorini mag'lub etgan Stiv Mahoney.[330] Kretien Mahoneyni g'alaba qozonishini kutgan edi va Keysning g'alabasi haqida bilganida hayratda qolgani xabar qilindi, endi Martin kongressni boshqarish huquqini qo'lga kiritdi.[330]
Keyingi Kreten yillarining asosiy tortishuvlari quyidagilardan iborat edi Homiylik mojarosi, dan jalb qilingan 100 million dollardan ko'proq mablag 'jalb qilingan Bosh vazirning idorasi juda mas'uliyatsiz Kvebek federal va Liberal partiyasi manfaatlariga.[331] 2002 yil 8 mayda Bosh auditor, homiylik mojarosi buzildi. Sheila Freyzer, Public Works byurokratlarini Monreal reklama firmasiga 1,6 million dollar mukofot berishda "kitobdagi deyarli barcha qoidalarni" buzganlikda ayblagan hisobot chiqardi. Guruhlanish Marketing Inc.[330] Uchta shubhali shartnomada Groupaction kompaniyasiga berilgan pullar g'oyib bo'lib tuyuldi va firma uzoq vaqt liberallarga xayriya qilgan.[330] Bundan tashqari, muxolifat tanqidchilari o'sha paytda jamoat ishlari vaziriga, Alfonso Galyano Kretien buyuk vatanparvar deb maqtagan, shunchaki Freyzer aniqlagan homiylik dasturi bilan bog'liq bo'lgan shubhali aloqalarni kuzatuvchi emas edi.[330] Jamoatchilikning g'azabiga javoban, Kretien Vinnipegdagi nutqida bularning barchasi Kvebek ayirmachiligini to'xtatish uchun zarur deb ta'kidladi va natijalar bilan oqlandi: "Ehtimol, bu jarayonda o'g'irlangan bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan bir necha million dollar bor edi. Ammo biz birlashgan davlat sifatida Kanadada barqarorlikni tiklaganimiz uchun qancha million dollarlarni tejab oldik? Agar kimdir pulni o'g'irlagan bo'lsa, ular sud oldida javob berishadi. Ammo men kanadaliklardan kechirim so'ramayman. "[332] Kretienning homiylik dasturida uzr so'raydigan hech narsasi yo'qligi haqidagi va uning Kanadani qutqarish natijalari bilan oqilona korruptsiyani ochiqdan-ochiq qabul qilganligi, bosh vazirni avtokratik rahbar sifatida qabul qila boshlagan Kanada jamoatchiligi bilan yomon munosabatda bo'ldi. shafqatsiz chiziq.[332] Keyinchalik 2002 yil may oyida o'tkazilgan so'rovnoma shuni ko'rsatdiki, kanadaliklarning yarmidan ko'pi Kreten hukumati buzuq deb hisoblashadi.[333]
2002 yil may oyida yangi jamoat ishlari vaziri, Don Budriya, 16-17 mart kunlari hafta oxiri Groupe Everest reklama firmasi prezidenti Klod Buleyga tegishli mulkda o'tkazgan edi, u rahbari jamoat ishlari bo'limidan 55 million dollarlik shartnomalarni, ehtimol aftidan bepul olgan.[334] Boudriyaning Boulay mulkida bo'lganligi haqidagi voqea may oyida boshlangandan keyingina Boulay Boudriyadan 2002 yil 16 martdagi 800 dollarlik chekni naqd qildi; ko'pchilik buni juda qulay deb topdi va muxolifat tanqidchilari, chegara Boudria tomonidan katta axloqiy buzilish bo'lganligini tushuntirish uchun eskirgan edi, deb taxmin qilishdi.[335] Boudria 26 may kuni iste'foga chiqishga majbur bo'ldi, uning o'rnini egalladi Ralf Gudeyl.[335] Qo'shimcha janjal oyning oxirida milliy mudofaa vaziri ekanligi aniqlangandan keyin boshlandi Art Eggleton sobiq sevgilisi Maggi Mayerga sobiq askarlar orasida ruhiy kasalliklarni tendersiz tadqiq qilish uchun 36,500 dollarlik shartnomani mukofotlagan edi, shu bilan birga Milliy Mudofaa vazirligi xuddi shu mavzuni o'rganish uchun ekspertlar guruhini yollagan edi.[333] Eggleton Pol Martinning tarafdori bo'lganligi sababli, Xretson 2002 yil 27 mayda Xovard Uilsonning Eggleton manfaatlar to'qnashuvi qoidalarini buzganligi to'g'risidagi qaroridan so'ng uni tezda ishdan bo'shatdi.[333] Ba'zilar, masalan, sharhlovchi Don Martin Martinning tarafdori Eggletonga qarshi Uilsonning tezkor harakatlari Martinni shubha ostiga qo'yganiga ishongan, Uilson bir kun ichida Martin Eggleton manfaatlar to'qnashuvi qoidalarini buzgan deb yozgan, Martin shunday deb yozgan edi: "Ammo siz bosh vazirning Crown korporatsiyasi bilan suhbatini nima deb ataysiz? bankir golf maydonchasi bilan bog'langan mehmonxonani qutqarish uchun unga hali ham qiziqishi mumkin bo'lishi mumkinmi? Qiziq, odob-axloq bo'yicha maslahatchisi Xovard Uilson "bu hisobda yomonlikni ko'rmaslik" maymun rejimida bo'lgan.[336]
2002 yil may oyi oxirida Kretien Martinning Liberal partiyada etakchilik takliflari uchun pul yig'ishni to'xtatish uchun Vazirlar Mahkamasiga ma'ruza o'qib, partiya rahbariyati uchun olib borgan ochiq-oydin kampaniyasini cheklashga urindi. 2002 yil 30 mayda bo'lib o'tgan "bo'ronli" Vazirlar Mahkamasi yig'ilishida Kretien o'z muddatini oxiriga etkazmoqchi ekanligini aytdi va barcha rahbarlar uchun mablag 'yig'ishni tugatishni buyurdi.[337] Martin o'zining kabinetidan 2002 yil 2-iyun kuni chiqib ketdi. Martin Kreten uni vazirlar mahkamasidan bo'shatdi deb da'vo qilgan bo'lsa, Kreten Martin iste'foga chiqqanligini aytdi.[267] Kretien o'z xotiralarida Martinni bir necha yil oldin ishdan bo'shatmaganidan afsusda ekanligini yozgan.[267] Martinning Vazirlar Mahkamasidan chiqib ketishidan so'ng, 2002 yil 5 iyunda g'azablangan kokus yig'ilishi bo'lib o'tdi, u erda kokusning katta qismi Martinni qo'llab-quvvatlab chiqdi; undan nafratlanadigan aloqa direktorini ishdan bo'shatishni talab qildi Françoise Ducros ko'pgina deputatlar bilan ishlashning iloji yo'q deb da'vo qilgan, natijada deputatlar xorida "Butrusni qaytaring, Butrusni qaytaring" (Dukrosning avvalgisiga ishora) Piter Donolo ); va Martinni qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan bir nechta deputatlar Kretyeni iste'foga chiqishini so'rashdi.[338] Liberal deputat Dan McTeague Kriotenga "Siz Pol Martin uchun qaror qabul qildingiz. Siz ham xuddi shunday qarorni o'zingiz qabul qilishingiz kerak" deb aytdi.[339] Ko'pgina deputatlar PMOni qo'pol muomalada bo'lganlikda aybladilar va bosh vazirni bezori sifatida aybladilar.[340] Liberal deputat Kerolin Parrish o'sha kokus yig'ilishi haqida eslaganida, Martinni qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan deputatlar deb ataganidek, "######## ning bu noshukur o'g'illari" Kretienga kongresslar kengashida shunchalik ochiqchasiga hujum qilishiga ishonolmasdi.[339] Kretienning reaktsiyasi uchun Parrish: "Uning yuzi yomon edi. Uning ko'zlari akulaning ko'zlariga o'xshar edi" va u nega u tashqariga chiqmasligini tushunolmay, "Boshqa biron bir odamga, ayniqsa, ularning # ####### "bu sizning paltolaringizda minadigan liberal chiptada bo'lmaganingizda, bu sizni itni saylay olmasligini aytdi".[339]
Martinning ketishi Martinning tarafdorlari tomonidan keskin reaktsiyaga sabab bo'ldi, ular partiya mexanizmlarining katta qismini boshqarar edilar va barcha belgilar ular Kretyonni haydab chiqarishga tayyor ekanliklarini ko'rsatar edi. etakchilikni ko'rib chiqish 2003 yil fevral oyida. Rahbariyatni qayta ko'rib chiqishda g'olib chiqish uchun Kretien 2002 yil iyun oyining boshlarida uning yaqin sheriklari Jon Reyndan tarkib topgan guruh tuzdi, Devid Kollenet, Jan Karl va Devid Smitga rahbarlikni qayta ko'rib chiqish uchun iloji boricha ko'proq Kretiyen ("Xrétienist") liberallarini ro'yxatdan o'tkazishni buyurdilar.[341] Milliy ommaviy axborot vositalarida keng yoritilgan ochiq bo'linish, tobora Kretienni bo'yalgan oqsoq o'rdak. 2002 yil yozida Martin bilan bog'langan bir qator orqa tarafdagi liberal deputatlar Kretienning rahbariyatini ochiq tanqid qila boshladilar va uni hozir iste'foga chiqishga yoki etakchilik obro'sini yo'qotib, xo'rlik ko'rishga chaqirdilar.[342] 2002 yil iyulda Martinni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi liberal deputat Liza Frulla Monreal radiostantsiyasiga, agar Kretien zudlik bilan iste'foga chiqsa, kokus ichida "umumiy yengillik" bo'lishini aytdi.[342] Mojaro avjiga chiqqanda, Kreten Torontodagi nutqida shunday dedi: "1993 yilda biz butun yozda yulduzli bo'lganimizni, keyinroq yulduzni chaqirganimizni eslayman. Uning yozgi ishi bor edi. Bu Kim Kempbell edi" va ketdi. Kempbellni Martin bilan solishtirish uchun.[343] Martin javob berdi: "U meni yulduz deb ataganiga ancha bo'ldi, otib tashladi yoki boshqacha".[343] - deb so'radi Kreten Jim Karygiannis 1990 yilda uning tarafdorlarini ro'yxatdan o'tkazishda shu natijani takrorlash uchun shu qadar samarali ish olib borganki, faqat Karygiannisning aytishicha, Kreten uni hech qachon kabinetga tayinlash bilan mukofotlamagan, chunki u ko'p yillar davomida so'raganidek, hatto qaytib kelmagan uning telefonga qo'ng'iroqlari uning vazirlar mahkamasiga tayinlanishi va hozir Martin kishisi bo'lganligini muhokama qilish uchun yig'ilish tashkil etish uchun.[344] Kretien Karygiannisning fikrini o'zgartirishga urinib ko'rdi, vafot etayotgan otasini Gretsiyada chaqirib, unga yaxshilik tilashga muvaffaq bo'ldi.[344] Shundan so'ng Karigiannis matbuot anjumanini 2002 yil 13 iyulda chaqirdi va u erda Kretienni bo'linishi mumkin bo'lgan xavfga emas, balki «munosib ravishda» nafaqaga chiqishga chaqirdi. etakchilikni ko'rib chiqish.[345] Tomas Worrall Kent, Pearson va Trudeau bilan chambarchas bog'liq bo'lgan liberal oqsoqol davlat arbobi bergan intervyusida, Kretien PMO-da sykofantlar bilan o'ralgan va kanadaliklar bilan aloqani uzgan.[344] Kent so'zlarini davom ettirdi: "Siz, albatta, o'zingizning ajoyibligingizdan boshqa hech narsa demaydigan qurbaqalar bilan o'ralashishga moyilsiz ... Hozirgi kabinet shu nuqtai nazardan achinarli ko'rinishga ega".[344] Kent intervyuni yakunlab, Kretienning Tyornerga qanchalik sodiq bo'lganligini keskin so'radi.[344] Ko'p o'tmay, Liberal partiya prezidenti Stiven LeDryu Kretien bilan yashirincha uchrashib, agar u etakchilikni qayta ko'rib chiqish amalga oshirilsa, agar u delegatlarning 20 foizini qo'llab-quvvatlasa, Kreten yaxshi ish olib borishini ma'lum qildi va uni mansabini shu tarzda tugatmaslik uchun iste'foga chiqishga undadi.[343] 2002 yil avgust oyida uni qo'llab-quvvatlash majburiyatini olgan kongressning yarmidan kamrog'idan, kelgusi rahbariyatni ko'rib chiqishda Bosh vazirni qo'llab-quvvatlashlarini ko'rsatuvchi xatga imzo chekib, Kretien partiyani keyingi saylovlarga olib bormasligini va iste'fosini belgilashini e'lon qildi 2004 yil fevral oyi. Martin 2004 yil ketish kunidan mamnun emas edi, chunki Kretien 2002 yil oxirida iste'foga chiqishini ma'qul ko'rdi, ammo agar Kreten iste'foga chiqsa, uni 2003 yilgi rahbariyatni qayta ko'rib chiqishda mag'lubiyatga uchratishdan ko'ra yaxshiroq deb bildi, bu ko'proq bo'lar edi bo'linish va bosh vazirning o'z partiyasi tomonidan boshqa biron sabab bilan ishdan bo'shatilishining dahshatli pretsedentini o'rnatgan bo'lar edi.[346]
2002 yil oktyabr oyida, Lourens Makolay axloq bo'yicha maslahatchisi Xovard Uilsonning Makolay hukumatni akasi boshchiligidagi Holland kollejida politsiya tayyorlash sxemasini moliyalashtirish uchun lobbichilik qilish orqali manfaatlar to'qnashuvi qoidalarini buzganligi to'g'risidagi qaroridan so'ng bosh advokat lavozimidan iste'foga chiqishga majbur bo'ldi.[347] Kretien ham, uning yaqin hamkori ham Eddi Goldenberg Makoleyga qo'yilgan ayblarni bema'ni deb bildi, Kriten Uilsonga "Biz o'z ishimizda evronik bo'lishimizni xohlaysanmi?"[347] 2002 yil 21-noyabrda Kretenning aloqa bo'yicha direktori Françoise Ducros tomonidan eshitildi Robert Fayf "Qanday ahmoq!" AQSh prezidenti Bush haqida, Fayf keyinchalik ushbu bayonotni keyingi kun nashrida e'lon qildi Milliy pochta.[348] Ertasi kuni Kretien matbuotga Bushning do'sti bo'lganligini va "U umuman moron emas", deb aytgan va shu bilan matbuotda "Kretiyen Bushning moron ekanligini inkor etadi" kabi sarlavhalar paydo bo'ldi.[348] Kretien o'zining sodiq tarafdorlaridan biri bo'lgan Dyukrosni ishdan bo'shatishni juda istamas edi.[304] Dukrosni, ayniqsa, liberallarning Martin fraktsiyasi nafratlantirganligi, Kretien Dukrosni qo'zg'atgan ommaviy bo'roniga qaramay, uni ishdan bo'shatishni istamasligining yana bir sababi edi.[305] Va nihoyat, Dukrosning doimiy borligi Kanada-Amerika munosabatlariga yordam bermasligini jimgina aniq aytgan Amerika hukumatining kuchli bosimi ostida, Kretien Dukrosni 2002 yil 26 noyabrda ishdan bo'shatdi.[349] Ducrosning kommunikatsiya bo'yicha direktori, Jim Munson, sobiq jurnalist va o'zini yoqtirgan shaxs edi, bu o'tgan yili Kreten hukumatining ommaviy axborot vositalari bilan aloqalarini sezilarli darajada yaxshilagan.
Kretien hukumati AQSh boshchiligidagi mamlakatni qo'llab-quvvatlamadi 2003 yil Iroqqa bostirib kirish. Uning fikricha urush BMT Xavfsizlik Kengashining sanktsiyasiga ega emas edi; Kanada Xavfsizlik Kengashining a'zosi bo'lmagan taqdirda ham, BMTning Iroqdagi qurol-yarog 'tekshiruvlarini qisqa (ikki-uch oy) uzaytirgandan keyin kuch ishlatishga ruxsat beruvchi rezolyutsiya bo'yicha kelishuvga erishishga urindi. (Tanqidchilar, shuningdek, u oppozitsiyada bo'lganida, AQSh boshchiligidagi birinchi odamga ham qarshi chiqqanligini ta'kidladilar Ko'rfaz urushi BMT Xavfsizlik Kengashi tomonidan ma'qullangan va 1999 yilda Xavfsizlik Kengashi tomonidan tasdiqlanmagan Serbiyaning NATOga qarshi havo hujumlarini qo'llab-quvvatlagan.) Qo'shma Shtatlar bilan munosabatlarga putur etkazmaslik uchun, Kretiyen Kanada qo'shinlarini boshqa va kattaroq joylashtirishga rozi bo'ldi. Afg'oniston 2003 yil 12 fevralda, bo'lajak Iroq urushiga qarshi bo'lishiga qaramay, Kanadaning hali ham Amerikaning yaxshi ittifoqchisi ekanligini isbotlash uchun.[350] Armiya qo'mondoni general Mayk Jeferi, "Bizda strategik ko'tarilish yo'q edi, bizda ba'zi strategik faollar, razvedka turlari, aloqa turlari yo'q edi. Bizning logistika qobiliyatimiz sust edi" va ko'pchilik Kanadada Afg'onistonga joylashtirilganiga qarshi edi. Afg'onistondagi atigi 500 askarni qo'llab-quvvatlash imkoniyatiga ega.[351] Jefferining qarashlari inobatga olinmadi va Kanada 2003 yil yozida Afg'onistonga 2000 nafar askarini yubordi.[351] 2003 yil dekabrda Milliy Mudofaa vazirligi, agar BMT Xavfsizlik Kengashi ruxsat bergan bo'lsa, Iroqqa 800 ga qadar kanadalik harbiylarni yuborish uchun Kanadaga rejalar tayyorlaganligi ma'lum bo'ldi; ammo, BMTning Kanadalik askarlarni Afg'onistonga joylashtirilishini kengaytirish to'g'risidagi iltimosnomasi ushbu variantni jadvaldan olib tashladi.[iqtibos kerak ] Bu Chretienning ba'zi chap urushdagi tanqidchilarini uni hech qachon urushga to'liq qarshi emaslikda ayblashlariga olib keldi.[iqtibos kerak ] Shunga qaramay, Kanadada AQSh boshchiligidagi koalitsiya a'zosi bo'lmagan birinchi bo'lib, urushdan keyin qayta qurish ishlariga Kanadaning kattaligiga nisbatan muhim moliyaviy yordam ko'rsatdi. Ushbu harakat Kanada kompaniyalariga rekonstruksiya shartnomalari bo'yicha takliflar berish imkoniyatini berdi.
Keng jamoatchilik uchun Kretien bir nechta o'zgarishlar tufayli muddatining oxiriga yaqin yuqori reyting reytingini saqlab qoldi. Kretyen boshchiligidagi hukumat yangi va keng qamrovli dasturni ham joriy etdi Yoshlar uchun jinoiy adliya to'g'risidagi qonun o'rnini bosgan 2003 yil aprel oyida Yosh jinoyatchilar to'g'risidagi qonun va Kanadada jinoyatlar uchun yoshlarni jinoiy javobgarlikka tortish usulini o'zgartirdi. Federal, viloyat va munitsipal hukumatlarning hamkorligi Vankuverga mezbonlik qilish g'olibligini qo'lga kiritdi 2010 yilgi qishki Olimpiya o'yinlari. The saylovdagi g'alaba federalist Jan Charest 2003 yil aprel oyida butun mamlakat bo'ylab Kvebek suverenitet harakati orqaga chekinayotgani keng tarqalgan edi, garchi Charestning g'alabasi charchagan va birlashgan PQ hukumatining saylovchilar tomonidan rad etilishi bilan ko'proq bog'liq bo'lsa ham, 1990-yillardagi Kretienning "qattiq sevgi" dasturidan ko'ra ko'proq edi.[iqtibos kerak ] Uning ishtirok etmaslik to'g'risidagi qarori Iroq urushi Kanadaliklarning katta qismi tomonidan mashhur bo'lgan, ammo AQSh bilan Kanada biznes manfaatlariga zarar etkazishi mumkinligi tanqid qilingan. 2003 yil 30 aprelda, Globe and Mail gazetasi Kretienning rahbarligini maqtagan va "... biz hozir" Sakkizlik "guruhidagi eng yaxshi boshqariladigan mamlakatmiz" deb da'vo qiladigan tahririyat maqolasini chop etdi.[352] 2003 yil iyul oyida Kretien a yuz ilgari qarshi bo'lgan geylar nikohi mavzusida (1999 yilda Kretien islohot tomonidan homiylik qilingan rezolyutsiya uchun ovoz bergan edi, bu nikoh faqat erkak va ayolning birlashmasi edi).[353] Toronto sudi gomoseksual nikohni taqiqlovchi qonunlarni buzgan degan qaror chiqargandan keyin Huquq va erkinliklar to'g'risidagi nizom, Kretien birdan gomoseksuallar nikohi g'oyasini qabul qildi va jamoatlar palatasida Rim katolik cherkovining Kalgari episkopi bilan juda qattiq qarshilik ko'rsatishiga qaramay, Kretyenning "abadiy najoti" bo'lganligi haqidagi va'zida geylarning nikohini qonuniylashtirgan qonun loyihasini taqdim etdi. xavf ostida.[354]
Martin lagerining kuchaygan bosimi tufayli, Kretien endi 2004 yil fevral oyida iste'foga chiqadigan kunni munosib deb bilmaydi. Uning jamoatchilik palatasidagi so'nggi yig'ilishi 2003 yil 6-noyabrda bo'lib o'tdi. U 13-noyabr kuni partiyada hayajon bilan xayrlashdi. 2003 yil Liberal rahbariyat konvensiyasi. Ertasi kuni Martin uning o'rnini egalladi. U2 qo'shiqchi Bono anjumanda qatnashdi va nutq so'zladi, "Bu ikkisi kelishishi mumkin bo'lgan yagona narsa menman" deb hazillashdi.
2003 yil 12-dekabrda Kreten rasmiy ravishda bosh vazir lavozimidan iste'foga chiqdi va hokimiyatni Martinga topshirdi. Kreten advokatlik firmasiga qo'shildi, Xenan Bleyki advokat sifatida 2004 yil 5 yanvarda. Firma Ottavadagi ofislarida haftasiga to'rt kun ishlab, har hafta Monreal ofisiga tashrif buyurishini e'lon qildi. 2004 yil boshida ko'p narsalar yuz berdi jangda Libertiya partiyasi tarkibida Kreten bilan bog'liq bo'lgan bir nechta liberal deputatlar bilan Sheila Copps va Charlz Kakkiya Martin sodiqlariga qarshi nomzodlik janglarini boy berib.
Iste'fo
2004 yil 18 fevralda Fransua Bodo Kanada ishbilarmonlik rivojlanish bankiga qarshi ishdan bo'shatish to'g'risidagi da'vosini yutib chiqdi.[355] Adliya Andre Denis Bodoinning 1999 yilda Grand Mère Inn qarzini to'lashga urinish uchun siyosiy sabablarga ko'ra ishdan bo'shatilganligi to'g'risidagi da'vosini qondirdi va Chretienning sobiq yordamchisi Jan Karl va Mishel Vennat Bodoinga qarshi sudga da'vo qilgani uchun uni obro'sizlantirish uchun unga nisbatan yolg'on jinoiy va fuqarolik ayblovlarini qo'zg'ashda aybdor edi, Karlni sud paytida yolg'on guvohlik berganlikda ayblab, "so'zsiz adolatsizlik" tufayli azob chekkanini e'lon qildi, hukumatga uning qaroriga qarshi shikoyat qilmaslik kerakligini aytdi. agar shunday qilsalar, ular soliq to'lovchilarning pullarini behuda sarf qilar edilar.[355] 2002 yildagi homiylik mojarosining uzoq muddatli oqibatlari Liberal partiyani 2004 yilgi saylov, bo'lginchilar ishini kuchaytirgan va hukumatning mag'lubiyatiga hissa qo'shgan bo'lishi mumkin 2006 yilgi saylov. Janjal RCMP tomonidan uzoq davom etgan, chuqur tekshiruvlarga olib keldi, federal tergov, Gomery komissiyasi, Adliya raisligida Jon Gomeri (2004 yilda Martin tomonidan chaqirilgan) va bir nechta jinoiy javobgarlikka tortish va sudlash; sud jarayoni janjal boshlanganidan o'n yildan ko'proq vaqt o'tgach, 2011 yil oxirigacha davom etdi.
Jan Kretien Gomery komissiyasiga tegishli ko'rsatma berdi homiylik mojarosi 2005 yil fevralida. O'sha yilning boshida uning advokatlari Adolatni o'rnatishga urinishgan, ammo muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lishgan Jon Gomeri unga xolislik etishmayotganini ta'kidlab, komissiyadan chiqarildi.[356] Kretien Gomery komissiyasi uning obro'siga putur etkazish uchun tuzilgan va bu adolatli tergov emas deb ta'kidlaydi. U Gomery uni "kichik shaharcha" deb atagan, homiylik dasturini "halokatli darajada yomon" deb atagan va chaqirgan sharhlarni keltirib o'tdi. Chak Gite "maftunkor scamp". Birinchi hisobot chiqarilgandan so'ng, Kretien harakat qilishga qaror qildi Federal sud komissiya hisobotini Gomery "tarafkashlikdan oqilona qo'rqishini" ko'rsatganligi va ba'zi xulosalar "daliliy" asosga ega bo'lmaganligi sababli ko'rib chiqish.[357] Kretenning tayinlanishiga ishonadi Bernard Roy, Kompaniya sobiq bosh vaziri Brayan Myulronining sobiq shtab boshlig'i, komissiya bosh maslahatchisi sifatida xato qilgan, chunki u ba'zi tegishli guvohlarni chaqira olmagan. Don Budriya va Ralf Gudeyl. Homiylik mojarosi uchun javobgarlik to'g'risidagi 2005 yil 1-noyabrdagi hisobotida Adliya Gomeri Kreten Kvebekdagi millionlab o'g'irlangan reklama shartnomalarini berish uchun javobgar emas, deb qabul qildi, ammo qabul qildi Charlz Gite u qaysi dasturni homiylik qilishi va har bir dasturga qancha pul sarflashi to'g'risida ko'rsatmalar olganini da'vo qilmoqda Jan Pelletier, shtat boshlig'i 1993 yildan 2001 yilgacha PMO-da va Jan Karl, haqiqat sifatida 1993 yildan 1998 yilgacha PMO-da operatsiyalar bo'yicha direktor.[358]
2004 yil sentyabr oyida "qattiq federalist" Kretien "yumshoq federalist" Martinning "assimetrik federalizm" ni quchoqlashidan federal hukumatning viloyatlar bilan ishlashning yangi printsipi sifatida chuqur xafa bo'lganligi aytilgan edi.[359] Kretenga sodiq senator Terri Merser liberallar 20-asrda ishlagan va ishongan barcha narsalarga xiyonat sifatida va milliy birlikka tahdid soluvchi sifatida "assimetrik federalizmga" qarshi chiqish qildi.[359] Merserning nutqi odatda Kretyenning "assimetrik federalizm" haqidagi qarashlarini aks ettirgan deb ishonilgan.[359]
2007 yil aprel oyida Kreten va Kanadadagi kitob nashriyotlari Knopf Kanada va Éditions du Boréal uning xotiralarini nashr etishlarini e'lon qilishdi, Bosh vazir bo'lgan yillarimbu Kretyenning bosh vazir lavozimidagi faoliyati haqida hikoya qiladi. Nomli kitob e'lon qilindi Siyosat uchun ehtiros. Kitob do'konlariga 2007 yil oktyabr oyida ingliz va frantsuz tillarida kelib tushdi, ammo reklama safari yurak jarrohligi tufayli kechiktirildi. Shuningdek To'g'ri yurakdan Liberal partiyaning etakchisi sifatida siyosatga qaytishi va 1993 yildagi saylovda g'olib bo'lganligi haqida yangi muqaddima va ikkita qo'shimcha bob bilan qayta nashr etildi. Nashriyotchi Key Porter kitoblari qayta nashr etish vaqti nashr etilgan vaqtga to'g'ri keladi Bosh vazir bo'lgan yillarim.
2007 yil 1-oktabrda Kretiyen o'ynagan Monreal golf klubi, Monreal shimolida, xayriya golf tadbirida. Bilan birga o'ynash kardiolog, u o'zining bezovtaligini eslatib, "bir muncha vaqtdan beri alomatlar ko'rganini" aytdi va shifokor tekshiruvga kelishni maslahat berdi. Tekshiruvdan so'ng Kretien kasalxonaga yotqizildi Monreal yurak instituti, bilan beqaror angina, yurak xuruji yaqinlashishi mumkin bo'lgan belgi. U o'tkazildi to'rt marta yurakni aylanib o'tish operatsiyasi Natijada, 2007 yil 3 oktyabr kuni ertalab operatsiya Kretyeni o'z kitobi uchun reklama turini kechiktirishga majbur qildi. Uning "to'liq va to'liq tiklanishini kutishgan".[360]
2008 yil noyabrda Kretien va sobiq NDP rahbari Ed Broadbent Liberallar, Yangi Demokratik Partiya va Blok Quécois o'rtasidagi rasmiy koalitsiya shartnomasi bo'yicha muzokaralar olib borish uchun pensiyadan chiqdi, 1917-18 yillardagi Ittifoq hukumati davridan beri chaqirilgan inqirozga javoban tashkil topgan Ittifoq hukumati davridan beri birinchi kuch taqsimoti koalitsiyasi. Birinchi jahon urushi, Bosh vazir hukumati o'rniga yangi hukumat tuzish uchun Stiven Xarper. Harperning parlamentni birinchi o'ringa qo'yish haqidagi iltimosi general-gubernator tomonidan qondirildi Mixail Jan, muxolifatning ishonchsizlikni rejalashtirilgan harakatini to'xtatib qo'ydi.[361]
2010 yil 5 avgustda Kretien yurishda qiynalayotganidan shikoyat qildi va kasalxonaga yotqizildi.[362][363] Ertasi kuni miyani skanerlash o'tkazildi va uning kengligi 3 santimetr ekanligi aniqlandi subdural gematoma miyasiga 1,5 santimetrni itarayotgan edi. O'sha kuni tushdan keyin shoshilinch operatsiya o'tkazildi va qon muvaffaqiyatli tushirildi.[363] U kasalxonadan 2010 yil 9 avgustda chiqarildi. Sog'ayish tezligidan hayratga tushgan shifokorlar uni ikki-to'rt hafta davomida dam olishga buyurdilar.[364]
U a'zosi Shirak fondatsiyasi sharaf qo'mitasi,[365] Frantsiyaning sobiq prezidenti Jak Shirak tomonidan jamg'arma dunyoda tinchlikni targ'ib qilish maqsadida 2008 yilda tashkil etilganidan beri.
Shuningdek, u Madrid klubi, demokratiyani mustahkamlash va global inqirozlarga javob berish uchun ishlaydigan demokratik mamlakatlarning sobiq rahbarlari guruhi.[366]
2013 yil mart oyida Kretiyen Stiven Xarperning tashqi siyosatini tanqid qilib, Kanadaning ikki bosh vazirlar rahbarligida tashqi siyosatda turli darajadagi ta'sir o'tkazish borasida munozaralarga sabab bo'ldi.[367] Uning intervyusi Globe and Mail tomonidan ta'qib qilingan maqolani taklif qildi Konrad Qora ichida Milliy pochta.[368] 2015 yil 12 sentyabrda Kretien Kanadalik saylovchilarga ochiq xatni bir nechta gazetalarda e'lon qildi, unda u Harperning javobini tanqid qildi Evropadagi migrantlar inqirozi, Harper Kanadani "sovuq yurak" millatiga aylantirganligi va u "Kanadani sharmanda qilgani" haqida. "Men 10 yildan kamroq vaqt ichida Harper hukumati Kanadaning deyarli 60 yillik tinchligini va taraqqiyotini barpo etuvchi obro'siga putur etkazganini ko'rganimdan afsusdaman", dedi Kretiyen saylovchilarni Harper hukumatini ag'darishga chaqirishdan oldin. yaqinlashib kelayotgan saylov.[369]
Kreten nomi Jannat hujjatlari, tegishli maxfiy elektron hujjatlar to'plami offshor investitsiyalar nemis gazetasiga tushgan Süddeutsche Zeitung.[370]
Meros
Umuman olganda, Kretien qo'llab-quvvatladi Per Trudeau ning ideallari rasmiy ikki tilli va multikulturalizm, lekin uning hukumati eroziyani nazorat qildi ijtimoiy davlat ostida qurilgan va qurilgan Uilyam Lion Makkenzi King, Lui Sent-Loran, Lester Pirson va Per Trudeau. Uning hukumati himoya qildi neo-liberal bir qator iqtisodiy jabhalarda siyosat, viloyatlarga o'tkaziladigan to'lovlarni kamaytirish va ijtimoiy dasturlar, qo'llab-quvvatlash globallashuv va erkin savdo va shaxsiy va korporativ soliqlarni kamaytirishni amalga oshirish. Biroq, 1999 yilda uning hukumati muzokaralar olib bordi Ijtimoiy uyushma doiraviy shartnomasi, bu Kanada bo'ylab ijtimoiy dasturlarning umumiy standartlarini ilgari surdi.[371] 2000 yildan 2003 yilgacha Kanadaning soliqning YaIMga nisbati 34,8 foizdan 32,8 foizga tushdi.[372] Shaxsiy daromad solig'i YaIMga nisbatan 1997 yilda 13,496 foizdan 2000 yilda 12,807 foizga tushdi va 2003 yilda 11,263 foizga etdi.[373] Shaxsiy daromad solig'i barcha soliqqa tortilishning foizida 1997 yildagi 37,58 foizdan 2000 yilda 36,81 foizgacha tushdi va 2003 yilda 34,32 foizga etdi.[373] 1997 yildan 2003 yilgacha soliq tushumi 1997 yildagi 327 838 million dollardan 390 234 million dollarga ko'tarildi va 2003 yilda 410 302 dollarga yetdi.[374] 1995 yildan 2008 yilgacha real YaIM har yili o'rtacha 3 foizga o'sdi; u 1999 va 2000 yillarda 5,5 foizga etdi.[375]
Siyosatchilar saylangan lavozimda faqat besh yil ishlagandan so'ng, umrbod pensiya oladigan "oltin qo'l siqish" deb nomlangan "oltin qo'l siqish" ni bekor qilish kabi saylovlardagi asosiy va'dalarni bajarmaganligi uchun Kretien ham raqiblari va tarafdorlari tomonidan bir necha bor hujumga uchragan. . Saylovning boshqa noma'lum va'dalariga GSTni almashtirish va Shimoliy Amerika erkin savdo shartnomasini qayta ko'rib chiqish kiradi. Ba'zilar "no" natijasini ishora qiladilar 1995 yil Kvebekdagi referendum suverenitet haqida Kretienning siyosiy g'alabasi, boshqalari esa nihoyatda nozik marjani Kriten "Yo'q" kampaniyasining amaldagi rahbari sifatida javobgar bo'lgan falokatga yaqin deb talqin qilmoqda. Biroq, ba'zilar uning referendumdan so'ng suverenitet masalasini, xususan Aniqlik to'g'risidagi qonun, qat'iy federalist bosh vazir sifatida uning merosini mustahkamlaydi.[iqtibos kerak ]
Kretienning so'nggi prezidentlik yilidagi eng dolzarb muammolardan biri Kanadaning AQSh bilan munosabatlari edi. Kretien bilan yaqin munosabatlarga ega edi Prezident Bill Klinton, lekin ilgari hujum qilgan Brayan Myulroni ikkalasi bilan ham do'stona munosabatda bo'lish uchun Ronald Reygan va Jorj H. V. Bush va u bilan iliq munosabatda bo'lmagan Prezident Jorj V.Bush yoki. Nafaqaga chiqqanidan ko'p o'tmay, Kretenning merosini buzgan homiylik mojarosi. Shunga qaramay, uning ko'plab yaqin va uzoq yillik siyosiy ittifoqchilari vorisi tomonidan hukumat ishlaridan chetlashtirildi Pol Martin, u bilan u achchiq etakchilik jangini o'tkazgan. Ushbu mojaro, shuningdek, turli xil mojarolar tufayli, ayniqsa, vazirlar mahkamasi vaziri bilan bog'liq holda, iste'fodan ancha oldin so'ralgan Kretyenning afzal ko'rgan boshqaruv uslubiga nisbatan savol belgisini qo'ydi. Alfonso Galyano.[iqtibos kerak ]
Martin, who was cleared by Justice Gomery, moved to sharply distance himself from the Chrétien legacy, although this was also due to the at times bitter political rivalry between the two men. Chrétien's supporters have accused Martin of trying to elude responsibility by blaming the scandal on the former. In an unprecedented move, many of Chrétien's most loyal ministers were not included in Martin's cabinet and many of those were also forced to contest their nominations in uphill contests against Martin's appointed candidates. As a result, most of them were forced to retire, although Sheila Copps contested and lost the Liberal nomination in her riding. The Chrétien-Martin rift has also divided the Liberals in the 2004 and 2006 elections, with some Chrétien supporters such as Terry Mercer, John Rae and Peter Donolo complaining of being sidelined despite their extensive campaign expertise.[376]
During his tenure as prime minister, Chrétien was active on the world stage and formed close relationships with world leaders such as Jak Shirak, John Major va Bill Klinton. His name was rumoured as a replacement for Kofi Annan kabi secretary-general of the United Nations.[377]
Chrétien was appointed a Companion of the Kanada ordeni on June 29, 2007.[378][379] U tayinlangan Faxriy xizmat ordeni Qirolicha tomonidan Yelizaveta II in July 2009[380] and received the insignia of the order from the Queen on October 20, 2009.[381]
Jean Chrétien is an Honorary Member of The International Raoul Wallenberg Foundation.[382]
The character Guy Gagné in the 2013 animated film Turbo is based on Chrétien.[383]
Chrétien was ranked the 9th greatest prime minister in a survey of Canadian historians in 1999 which appeared in Prime Ministers: Ranking Canada's Leaders tomonidan J.L. Granatstein va Norman Hillmer.[iqtibos kerak ] Maclean's has consistently ranked Chrétien in the top ten on their assessments of Canadian prime ministers; he was ranked the 9th greatest in 1997, the 6th greatest in 2011 and the 7th greatest in 2016.
Bob Plamondon yozish Policy Options pointed out that "After demonizing Chrétien, Quebec nationalists could not reconcile themselves to the reality that he gave their province new tools to protect the French language and culture. Canada had not been as united in the previous 50 years as when Chrétien left office. Economists were left to wonder how Chrétien turned around the national finances without triggering a recession. Canadians said in a survey that staying out of Iraq was the country’s greatest foreign policy achievement. University presidents still marvel at how Chrétien rebuilt Canada’s intellectual infrastructure, turning a brain drain into a brain gain."[384]
Shaxsiy hayot
 | Ushbu bo'lim a tirik odamning tarjimai holi emas o'z ichiga oladi har qanday ma'lumotnomalar yoki manbalar. (2012 yil yanvar) (Ushbu shablon xabarini qanday va qachon olib tashlashni bilib oling) |
Chrétien married Aline Chaîné of Shawinigan on September 10, 1957. They were married 63 years before Aline’s death at 84 years of age, on September 12, 2020. They had three children. Their eldest is daughter Frantsiya Kreten Desmarais (b. 1958), who is a lawyer, and is married to André Desmarais, o'g'li Paul Desmarais, Sr., and the president and co-chief executive officer of his father's company the Power Corporation, based in Montreal, Canada.
His nephew Raymond Kretien was appointed by his uncle as the Canadian ambassador to the United States.
Oliy sud tayinlovlari
Chrétien chose the following jurists to be appointed as justices of the Kanada Oliy sudi tomonidan general-gubernator:
- Michel Bastarache (September 30, 1997 – June 30, 2008)
- William Ian Corneil Binnie (January 8, 1998 – October 21, 2011)
- Louise Arbour (September 15, 1999 – June 30, 2004)
- Louis LeBel (January 7, 2000 – November 30, 2014)
- Beverly McLachlin (as chief justice, July 7, 2000 – December 15, 2017; appointed a puisne justice under Prime Minister Mulroney, March 30, 1989)
- Marie Deschamps (August 7, 2002 – August 7, 2012)
- Morris J. Fish (August 5, 2003 – August 31, 2013)
Senatga tayinlash
Chrétien advised 75 appointments to the Senate.[385]
| Senator | Mintaqa | Date appointed |
|---|---|---|
| Doris Margaret Anderson | St. Peter's, Kings County, Prince Edward Island | 1995-09-21 |
| Lise Bekon | De la Durantaye, Quebec | 1994-09-15 |
| George Baker | Nyufaundlend va Labrador | 2002-03-26 |
| Tommy Banks | Alberta | 2000-04-07 |
| Michel Biron | Mille Isles, Quebec | 2001-10-04 |
| Bernie Boudreau | Yangi Shotlandiya | 1999-10-04 |
| John G. Bryden | Nyu-Brunsvik | 1994-11-23 |
| Peggy Butts | Yangi Shotlandiya | 1997-09-22 |
| Catherine S. Callbeck | Shahzoda Eduard oroli | 1997-09-22 |
| Sharon Carstairs | Manitoba | 1994-09-15 |
| Thelma Chalifoux | Alberta | 1997-11-26 |
| Maria Chaput | Manitoba | 2002-12-12 |
| Marie Charette-Poulin | Northern Ontario, Ontario | 1995-09-21 |
| Ione Christensen | Yukon | 1999-09-02 |
| Joan Cook | Nyufaundlend va Labrador | 1998-03-06 |
| Jane Cordy | Yangi Shotlandiya | 2000-06-09 |
| Joseph A. Day | Saint John-Kennebecasis | 2001-10-04 |
| Percy Downe | Sharlottaun, shahzoda Eduard oroli | 2003-06-26 |
| Ron Duhamel | Manitoba | 2002-01-15 |
| Marisa Ferretti Barth | Repentigny, Quebec | 1997-09-22 |
| Sheila Finestone | Montarville, Quebec | 1999-08-11 |
| Isobel Finnerty | Ontario | 1999-09-02 |
| Ross Fitzpatrick | Okanagan-Similkameen, British Columbia | 1998-03-06 |
| Jean Forest | Edmonton, Alberta | 1996-05-16 |
| Joan Fraser | De Lorimier, Quebec | 1998-09-17 |
| George Furey | Nyufaundlend va Labrador | 1999-08-11 |
| Jean-Robert Gauthier | Ontario | 1994-11-23 |
| Aurélien Gill | Wellington, Quebec | 1998-09-17 |
| Mac Harb | Ontario | 2003-09-09 |
| Céline Hervieux-Payette | Bedford, Quebec | 1995-03-21 |
| Elizabeth Hubley | Shahzoda Eduard oroli | 2001-03-08 |
| Mobina S. B. Jaffer | Britaniya Kolumbiyasi | 2001-06-13 |
| Archibald Johnstone | Shahzoda Eduard oroli | 1998-03-06 |
| Serge Joyal | Kennebec, Quebec | 1997-11-26 |
| Betty Kennedy | Ontario | 2000-06-20 |
| Richard Kroft | Manitoba | 1998-06-11 |
| Joseph P. Landry | Village of Cap-Pelé, New Brunswick | 1996-02-26 |
| Laurier LaPierre | Ontario | 2001-06-13 |
| Jean Lapointe | Saurel, Quebec | 2001-06-13 |
| Raymond Lavigne | Montarville, Quebec | 2002-03-26 |
| Viola Léger | Acadie, New Brunswick | 2001-06-13 |
| Rose-Marie Losier-Cool | Tracadie, New Brunswick | 1995-03-21 |
| Shirley Maheu | Rougemont, Quebec | 1996-02-01 |
| Frank W. Mahovlich | Toronto, Ontario | 1998-06-11 |
| Marian Maloney | Surprise Lake, Ontario | 1998-06-11 |
| Paul J. Massicotte | De Lanaudière, Quebec | 2003-06-26 |
| Terry M. Mercer | Northend Halifax, Nova Scotia | 2003-11-07 |
| Pana Merchant | Saskaçevan | 2002-12-12 |
| Léonce Mercier | Mille Isles, Quebec | 1996-08-09 |
| Lorna Milne | Brampton, Ontario | 1995-09-21 |
| Wilfred P. Moore | Chester/Stanhope St./South Shore, Nova Scotia | 1996-09-26 |
| Yves Morin | Lauzon, Quebec | 2001-03-08 |
| Jim Munson | Ottawa, Ontario | 2003-12-10 |
| Landon Pearson | Ontario | 1994-09-15 |
| Lucie Pépin | Shawinegan, Quebec | 1997-04-08 |
| Melvin Perry | Shahzoda Eduard oroli | 1999-08-11 |
| Gerard Phalen | Yangi Shotlandiya | 2001-10-04 |
| Madeleine Plamondon | The Laurentides, Quebec | 2003-09-09 |
| Vivienne Poy | Toronto, Ontario | 1998-09-17 |
| Pierrette Ringuette | Nyu-Brunsvik | 2002-12-12 |
| Fernand Robichaud | Nyu-Brunsvik | 1997-09-22 |
| Bill Rompkey | Nyufaundlend va Labrador | 1995-09-21 |
| Jean-Louis Roux | Mille Isles, Quebec | 1994-08-31 |
| Calvin Ruck | Yangi Shotlandiya | 1998-06-11 |
| Raymond Setlakwe | The Laurentides, Quebec | 2000-06-20 |
| Nick G. Sibbeston | Shimoli-g'arbiy hududlar | 1999-09-02 |
| David P. Smith | Cobourg, Ontario | 2002-06-25 |
| Raymond Squires | Nyufaundlend va Labrador | 2000-06-09 |
| Nicholas Taylor | Bon Accord/Sturgeon, Alberta | 1996-03-07 |
| Marilyn Trenholme Counsell | Nyu-Brunsvik | 2003-09-09 |
| James Tunney | Grafton, Ontario | 2001-03-08 |
| Eugene Whelan | South Western Ontario, Ontario | 1996-08-09 |
| Jack Wiebe | Saskaçevan | 2000-04-07 |
| Lois M. Wilson | Toronto, Ontario | 1998-06-11 |
Hurmat
| Ip | Tavsif | Izohlar |
 | Faxriy xizmat ordeni (O.M.) | |
 | Companion of the Kanada ordeni (C.C.) |
|
 | Centennial Anniversary of the Confederation of Canada Medal |
|
 | Queen Elizabeth II Silver Jubilee Medal for Canada |
|
 | 125th Anniversary of the Confederation of Canada Medal |
|
 | Queen Elizabeth II Golden Jubilee Medal for Canada |
|
 | Queen Elizabeth II Diamond Jubilee Medal for Canada |
|
 | Order of Friendship dan Rossiya Federatsiyasi |
|
 |
|
Faxriy darajalar
Shuningdek qarang
Izohlar
Adabiyotlar
- ^ "The Life and Times of Jean Chrétien". Kanada teleradioeshittirish korporatsiyasi. 2003. Archived from asl nusxasi on December 14, 2006. Olingan 29 yanvar, 2007.
- ^ a b Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will To Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 27.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will To Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 28–29.
- ^ a b Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will To Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 44.
- ^ a b Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will To Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 89.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will To Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 25 & 44.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will To Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 26.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will To Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 34–35.
- ^ a b Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will To Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 56.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 50–52.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 23.
- ^ a b Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 51.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 page 3.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 66–67.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 58.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 74–75.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 76.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 77.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 94.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 93.
- ^ Jean Chrétien (October 6, 1995). "Notes by Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, Shawinigan, Quebec". Privy Council Office. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2007 yil 19 avgustda. Olingan 5 dekabr, 2006. Iqtibos jurnali talab qiladi
| jurnal =(Yordam bering) - ^ "Jean Chretien: Veteran fighter". November 28, 2000. Olingan 7-noyabr, 2020.
- ^ Gray, Jeff. "Jean Chrétien: Ambition or arrogance?". Globe and Mail. Toronto. Olingan 1-noyabr, 2012.
- ^ Martin, Chrétien, pp. 104–05.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 124–125.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 131.
- ^ a b Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 163.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 183.
- ^ a b McWhiney, Edward Chrétien Politics and the Constitution 1993–2003, Vancouver: Rosedale Press, 2003 page 31.
- ^ Newman, Peter C. The Secret Mulroney Tapes Toronto: Vintage Canada, 2006 page 355.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 177.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 177–178.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 179.
- ^ a b Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 184–185.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 pages 280–281.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 222.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 196–197.
- ^ a b Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 198.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 199.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 202.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 211.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 228–230.
- ^ a b v d Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 224.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 238–239.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 240.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 242.
- ^ a b Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 246.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 247.
- ^ a b Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 262–266.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 264.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 262.
- ^ a b v Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 265–266.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 281–282.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 284.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 284–285.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 286.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 302.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 302–303.
- ^ a b v Siddiquic, Haroon (April 15, 2012). "Canada's cherished Charter could not have happened without "kitchen accord"". Toronto Star. Olingan 29-noyabr, 2015.
- ^ a b Faguy, Yves (March 2012). "Interview with Jean Chrétien". Milliy. Olingan 29-noyabr, 2015.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 306.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 314–315.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 314–316.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 318.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 333.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 331–332.
- ^ a b Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 332.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 331–336.
- ^ a b v d e f Duffy, John Fights of our lives: elections, leadership and the making of Canada, HarperCollins: Toronto, 2002 page 321.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 336–339.
- ^ a b v Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 339–340.
- ^ a b v Simpson, Jeffery "The Vincible Liberals" pages 15–28 from The Canadian General Election of 1984: Politicians, Parties, Press and Polls edited by Alan Stewart Frizzell & Anthony Westell, Ottawa: Carleton University Press, 1985 page 23.
- ^ Weston, Greg Reign of Error, Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1988 page 73.
- ^ Weston, Greg Reign of Error, Toronto: McGraw-Hill Ryerson, 1988 pages 73–75
- ^ Newman, Peter C. The Secret Mulroney Tapes Toronto: Vintage Canada, 2006 page 354.
- ^ a b Martin, Lawrence Temir odam, Viking: Toronto, 2003 page 12.
- ^ Jeffrey, Brooke Divided Loyalties: The Liberal Party of Canada, 1984–2008, Toronto: University of Toronto Press page 52.
- ^ Jeffrey, Brooke Divided Loyalties: The Liberal Party of Canada, 1984–2008, Toronto: University of Toronto Press pages 52–53.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 358.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 page 359.
- ^ Martin, Lawrence Chrétien: The Will to Win, Toronto: Lester Publishing, 1995 pages 360–361.
- ^ Jeffrey, Brooke Divided Loyalties: The Liberal Party of Canada, 1984–2008, Toronto: University of Toronto Press page 86.
- ^ Duffy, John Fights of our lives: elections, leadership and the making of Canada, HarperCollins: Toronto, 2002 pages 320–324.
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- ^ Martin, Lawrence Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 176 bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 181 bet.
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- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam: Jan Kretenning qat'iyatli hukmronligi Toronto: Viking Kanada, 2003 yil 203 bet.
- ^ a b Martin, Lourens Temir odam: Jan Kretenning qat'iyatli hukmronligi Toronto: Viking Kanada, 2003 yil 204 bet.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil, 328 bet.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil, 329 bet.
- ^ a b Martin, Lourens Temir odam: Jan Kretenning qat'iyatli hukmronligi Toronto: Viking Kanada, 2003 yil 204–205 betlar.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 206 bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens. Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003, 205 bet.
- ^ a b v Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 234-bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam: Jan Kretenning qat'iyatli hukmronligi Toronto: Viking Kanada, 2003 yil 200–201 betlar.
- ^ a b Martin, Lourens. Temir odam: Jan Kretenning qat'iyatli hukmronligi Toronto: Viking Kanada, 2003 yil, 201 bet.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010, 335–336 betlar.
- ^ a b Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil, 335 bet.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil 324–328 betlar.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil 328-bet.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil, 331 bet.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil, 324-bet.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil, 336 bet.
- ^ a b Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking 2003 yil 244 bet.
- ^ a b Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil, 321 bet.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil, 315 bet.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil, 316 bet.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010, 316-317 betlar.
- ^ a b v Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 217 bet.
- ^ a b v Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 240-bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 39-bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 241–242 betlar.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 229 bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 229-230 betlar.
- ^ a b Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 230-bet.
- ^ a b v d Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 231 bet.
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- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 243 bet.
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- ^ Martin, Lourens. Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003, 291 va 300 betlar.
- ^ a b Martin, Lourens. Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003, 292 bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens. Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003, 290–291 betlar.
- ^ Martin, Lourens. Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003, 290–294 betlar.
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- ^ Xarrison, Trevor Engil vazn uchun rekvizit, Monreal: Qora atirgul kitoblari, 2002 yil 85-bet.
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- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 222–223 betlar.
- ^ "'Shawinigate 'bank exec ishdan bo'shatish da'vosida g'olib chiqdi ". CBC News. 2004 yil 3 mart. Olingan 26 avgust, 2013.
- ^ "CBC News Indepth: Kanada hukumati". Kanada teleradioeshittirish korporatsiyasi. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2010 yil 1 fevralda. Olingan 20 aprel, 2010.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Tornto: Viking, 2003 yil 297 bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Tornto: Viking, 2003 yil 299 bet.
- ^ Kinsella, Uorren Urush xonasi: biznes, nodavlat notijorat tashkilotlari va g'alaba qozonishni istaganlarning siyosiy strategiyalari, Toronto: Dundurn, 2007 yil 143 bet.
- ^ a b Kinsella, Uorren Urush xonasi: biznes, nodavlat notijorat tashkilotlari va g'alaba qozonishni istaganlar uchun siyosiy strategiyalar, Toronto: Dundurn, 2007 yil 144-bet.
- ^ a b Kinsella, Uorren Urush xonasi: biznes, nodavlat notijorat tashkilotlari va g'alaba qozonishni istaganlar uchun siyosiy strategiyalar, Toronto: Dundurn, 2007 yil 141 bet.
- ^ Dornan, Kristofer va Pammett, Jon H. Kanadadagi 2000 yilgi umumiy saylovlar, Toronto: Dundurn Press, 2001 yil 21-bet.
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- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 305-bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 305–306 betlar.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 306-bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 306–307 betlar.
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- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi: Kanada Liberal partiyasi, 1984–2008, Toronto: Toronto universiteti matbuot sahifasi 198.
- ^ Martin, Lourens, Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 239 bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003, 314-bet.
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- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking 2003 yil 375 bet.
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- ^ a b Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Viking: Toronto, 2003 yil 402–403 betlar.
- ^ a b Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Viking: Toronto, 2003 yil 403 bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Viking: Toronto, 2003 yil 375 bet.
- ^ a b v d Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 328-bet.
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- ^ Linda Diebel, "Karl sodiq odam", Toronto Star, 2004 yil 3 mart, A1.
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- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 347 bet.
- ^ a b Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 349 bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 349–350 betlar.
- ^ a b Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 349–351 betlar.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 350-bet.
- ^ a b Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 352-bet.
- ^ rooke, Jeffri Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi: Kanada Liberal partiyasi, 1984–2008, Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil 399-bet.
- ^ Bruk, Jefri Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi: Kanada Liberal partiyasi, 1984–2008, Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil 367-bet.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi: Kanada Liberal partiyasi, 1984–2008, Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil 367-bet.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi: Kanada Liberal partiyasi, 1984–2008, Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil 363 bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 355 bet.
- ^ a b v d Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 356 bet.
- ^ a b v Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 357-bet.
- ^ a b v d e Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 358 bet.
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- ^ a b Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 359 bet.
- ^ a b v Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 361 bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 361–362 betlar.
- ^ a b Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 362 bet
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 362 bet.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi: Kanada Liberal partiyasi, 1984–2008, Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil 372-bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 373-375 betlar.
- ^ a b v Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 374-bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam ", Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 374-bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 381 bet.
- ^ a b Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi: Kanada Liberal partiyasi, 1984–2008, Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil 375–376-betlar.
- ^ a b v Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi: Kanada Liberal partiyasi, 1984–2008, Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil 382-bet.
- ^ a b v d e Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking 2003 yil 383 bet.
- ^ Harper, Tim (2002 yil 13-iyul). "Anjumanda qon to'kilishidan saqlaning sobiq sodiq Bosh vazirga". Toronto Star. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2007 yil 29 sentyabrda. Olingan 24 iyul, 2006.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 391 bet.
- ^ a b Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking, 2003 yil 399 bet.
- ^ a b Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Viking: Toronto, 2003 yil 402 bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Viking: Toronto, 2003 yil 403 bet.
- ^ Spektor, Norman (2009 yil 16-iyul). "Jan Kretien urushi". Globe and Mail. Toronto. Olingan 24 avgust, 2013.
- ^ a b "Kreten hukumati afg'onni joylashtirish bo'yicha harbiylarning maslahatini rad etdi: sobiq armiya boshlig'i". CBC News. 2006 yil 18 oktyabr. Olingan 24 avgust, 2013.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking 2003 yil 428-bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking 2003 yil 420-bet.
- ^ Martin, Lourens Temir odam, Toronto: Viking 2003 yil 421 bet.
- ^ a b Makintosh, Endryu (2004 yil 19 fevral). "BDC eks-prezidentga qarshi ish bo'yicha sud qaroridan shikoyat qilmaydi". Milliy pochta. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2007 yil 28-noyabrda. Olingan 26 avgust, 2013.
- ^ "Kreten advokatlari Gomerini olib tashlash uchun sudga murojaat qilishadi". CBC News. 2005 yil 3 mart. Olingan 5 dekabr, 2006.
- ^ "Kreten sudda Gomery hisobotiga qarshi chiqadi". CTV.ca. 2005 yil 2-noyabr. Olingan 5 dekabr, 2006.
- ^ Gomeri, Jon (2005 yil 1-noyabr). "Kim javob beradi?" (PDF). Kanadaning o'ng qirolichasi qirolichasi. Olingan 26 fevral, 2014.
- ^ a b v Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press, 2010 yil 545-bet.
- ^ "Kreten to'rt marta aylanib o'tgandan keyin juda yaxshi". Kanada teleradioeshittirish korporatsiyasi. 2007 yil 4 oktyabr. Olingan 6 iyun, 2015.
- ^ 2008–2009 yillarda Kanada parlamentidagi nizo, Vikipediya: 2008–2009 yillarda Kanada parlamentidagi nizo.
- ^ "Jan Kretien shoshilinch miya jarrohlik amaliyotidan so'ng yaxshi kayfiyatda | Joylandi". Milliy pochta. 2010 yil 7-avgust. Olingan 28 yanvar, 2011.
- ^ a b "Kriten miya jarrohlik amaliyotidan so'ng o'zini yaxshi ko'rsatmoqda". Kanada teleradioeshittirish korporatsiyasi. 2010 yil 7-avgust. Olingan 6 iyun, 2015.
- ^ "Kretien kasalxonadan chiqdi". Kanada teleradioeshittirish korporatsiyasi. 2010 yil 9-avgust. Arxivlangan asl nusxasi 2012 yil 21 iyulda.
- ^ "Hurmat qo'mitasi". Shirak fondatsiyasi.
- ^ "Sobiq davlat va hukumat rahbarlari | Madrid klubi". Clubmadrid.org. Olingan 5-noyabr, 2012.
- ^ "Jan Kreten va hech qachon bo'lmagan oltin asr". ipolitics.ca. 2013 yil 19 mart. Olingan 23 mart, 2013.
- ^ "Jan Kretien qobiliyatli yordamchi, ammo davlat arbobi yo'q". milliypost.ca. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2013 yil 11 aprelda. Olingan 23 mart, 2013.
- ^ "Jan Kretienning aytishicha, Stiven Xarper" Kanadani sharmanda qildi'". 2015 yil 12 sentyabr.
- ^ "Ofshor ma'lumotlarining katta tarqalishi qirolichadan tortib sobiq bosh vazirlargacha bo'lgan global elitalarning moliyaviy sirlarini ochib beradi". CBC News. 2017 yil 5-noyabr. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2017 yil 5-noyabrda. Olingan 5-noyabr, 2017.
- ^ Kanada hukumati, Ijtimoiy uyushma, yangiliklari, "Kanadaliklar uchun ijtimoiy ittifoqni takomillashtirish doirasi: Kanada hukumati va viloyatlar va hududlar hukumatlari o'rtasidagi kelishuv, 1999 yil 4 fevral. "2015 yil 6-iyun kuni olindi.
- ^ "Daromadlar statistikasi 2018 - Kanada" (PDF). OECD. 2019 yil 9 aprel. Olingan 9 aprel, 2019.
- ^ a b "Soliq - shaxsiy daromad solig'i - OECD ma'lumotlari". OECD. Olingan 9 aprel, 2019.
- ^ "Soliq tushumi tafsilotlari - Kanada". stats.oecd.org. Olingan 9 aprel, 2019.
- ^ Di Matteo, Livio. "Federal moliyaviy tarix: Kanada, 1867–2017" (PDF). Freyzer instituti. Olingan 9 aprel, 2019.
- ^ Jeffri, Bruk Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi: Kanada Liberal partiyasi, 1984–2008, Toronto: Toronto universiteti Press-sahifa 503.
- ^ Frensis, Dian (2006 yil 16 sentyabr). "Mulroney Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotiga yo'l olganmi?". Milliy pochta. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2007 yil 18 oktyabrda. Olingan 5 dekabr, 2006.
- ^ "General-gubernator Kanada ordeni uchun yangi tayinlanishlarni e'lon qildi". 2007 yil 29 iyun. Olingan 6 iyun, 2015.
- ^ "Kanada ordeni". Archive.gg.ca. 2009 yil 30 aprel. Olingan 28 yanvar, 2011.
- ^ a b "Kreten qirolichaning sharafi uchun minnatdor". CBC News. 2009 yil 14-iyul. Olingan 26 yanvar, 2020.
- ^ Taber, Jeyn (2009 yil 20 oktyabr). "Jan Kretien" Buyuk xizmatlari uchun "ordeni bilan taqdirlandi". Globe and Mail. Toronto. Olingan 24 aprel, 2011.
- ^ "Fundación Internacional Raul Wallenberg". Raulwallenberg.net. Olingan 20 aprel, 2010.
- ^ DreamWorks animatsion filmi xarakteri Jan Kreten tomonidan ilhomlangan
- ^ "Jan Kretien, yaxshi populist". Siyosat parametrlari. Olingan 5-yanvar, 2020.
- ^ "Senatorlar".
- ^ https://www.thegazette.co.uk/notice/L-59131-872343
- ^ "Kanada general-gubernatori> Qabul qiluvchini toping".
- ^ a b v d e "Kanadadagi Qirolicha hukmronligining esdalik medallari". Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2015 yil 7 fevralda. Olingan 7 dekabr, 2015.
- ^ "Rossiyadan sevgi bilan: Kretien Moskvadan do'stlik mukofotiga sazovor bo'ldi". O.canada.com. 2014 yil 5 mart. Olingan 26 iyun, 2017.
- ^ http://reg.gg.ca/heraldry/pub-reg/project.asp?lang=e&ProjectID=2930&ShowAll=1
- ^ "Wilfrid Laurier universiteti - universitet kotibiyati - senat - faxriy daraja oluvchilar". Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2014 yil 5 iyunda. Olingan 23 aprel, 2015.
- ^ "Laurentian universiteti - faxriy doktorlik". Laurentian universiteti. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2017 yil 1-iyulda. Olingan 23 aprel, 2015.
- ^ "Faxriy daraja oluvchilar". Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2015 yil 18 martda.
- ^ "P". Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2016 yil 4 martda. Olingan 2 avgust, 2016.
- ^ https://www.lakeheadu.ca/sites/default/files/uploads/22/Honorary%20Degree%20Recipient%20List%20-%20Updated%20January%202015.pdf
- ^ "CHRETIEN, Jan - Prezidentning idorasi - Ottava universiteti".
- ^ "Szkoła Główna Handlowa w Warszawie - Doktorzy sharafli sabab (rok nadania tytułu)". Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2012 yil 5 sentyabrda.
- ^ "Arxivlangan nusxa". Arxivlandi asl nusxasi 2015 yil 30 martda. Olingan 23 aprel, 2015.CS1 maint: nom sifatida arxivlangan nusxa (havola)
- ^ "Faxriy doktorantlar - Quddusning ibroniy universiteti".
- ^ "Arxivlangan nusxa" (PDF). Arxivlandi asl nusxasi (PDF) 2015 yil 19 martda. Olingan 25 may, 2015.CS1 maint: nom sifatida arxivlangan nusxa (havola)
- ^ http://www.queensu.ca/registrar/sites/webpublish.queensu.ca.uregwww/files/files/HDrecipients.pdf
- ^ http://www.mcmaster.ca/univsec/reports_lists/S_HD_Recipients.pdf
- ^ http://www.uwo.ca/univsec/pdf/senate/honorary/honorary_degrees_by_year.pdf
- ^ "Faxriy darajadagi ma'lumotnoma - Jan Kreten".
- ^ "Vinnipeg universiteti Jan Kretienga faxriy unvon beradi". CTV yangiliklari.
- ^ "Jan Kretien".
Qo'shimcha o'qish
Arxivlar
- Jan Kreten yaxshi ko'radi. Ottava, Ontario: Kanada kutubxonasi va arxivlari.
Bibliografiya
- Kreten, Jan (2007). Bosh vazir bo'lgan yillarim. Toronto: Knopf Canada. ISBN 978-0-676-97900-8.
Kanada bosh vazirlari.
- Kreten, Jan (1985). To'g'ri yurakdan. Toronto: Key Porter Kitoblar. ISBN 1-55013-576-7.
- Jeffri, Bruk (2010). Bo'lingan mualliflik haqi: Kanada Liberal partiyasi, 1984–2008. Toronto: Toronto universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 978-1442610651.
- Martin, Lourens (1995). Kreten: G'alaba qozonish uchun iroda. Toronto: Lester nashriyoti. ISBN 1-895555-95-7.
- Martin, Lourens (2003). Temir odam: Jan Kretenning qat'iyatli hukmronligi. Toronto: Penguen guruhi (Kanada). ISBN 0-670-04310-9.
- Ikki tomonlama ko'rish: hokimiyatdagi liberallarning ichki hikoyasi, tomonidan Edvard Greenspon va Entoni Uilson-Smit, Toronto, 1996, Kanadaning Dubleday nashriyotchilari, ISBN 0-385-25613-2.
- Bir ko'zli shohlar, Ron Grem, Toronto, 1986, Collins Publishers, ISBN 0-00-217749-8.
- Bosh vazirlar: Kanada etakchilari reytingi tomonidan J.L.Granatshteyn va Oddiy Hillmer, Toronto, HarperCollinsPublishersLtd., 1999, ISBN 0-00-200027-X.
Akademik
- Qattiqroq, Lois; Patten, Stiv, nashr. (2006). Kreten merosi: Kanadadagi davlat siyosati. Monreal: McGill-Queen's University Press. ISBN 0-7735-3107-6.
- Makvinni, Edvard (2003). Kretien va Kanada federalizmi: Siyosat va Konstitutsiya, 1993–2003. Vankuver: Ronsdeyl Press. ISBN 1-55380-006-0.
Tashqi havolalar
- Jan Kretien - Kanada parlamenti biografiyasi
- Jan Kreten Tahririyat multfilmlar galereyasi
- CBC Digital Archives - Jan Kretien: Basseyn zalidan Parlament tepaligiga
- Jozef-Jak-Jan Kreten, Robert Botvell
- Qizil kitob
- Jan Kretien kuni IMDb
- Kanada iqtibosining tartibi
- Concordia universiteti faxriy darajadagi ma'lumotnoma, 2010 yil iyun, Concordia University Records Management and Archives
Vorislik
|
Turkum
Portal| Tashqi ishlar bo'yicha davlat kotiblari (1909–83) | |
|---|---|
| Tashqi ishlar vazirlari (1983–95) | |
| Tashqi ishlar vazirlari (1995–) | |
 Milliy daromad vazirlari | |
|---|---|
| Bojxona va ichki daromadlar vazirlari (1918–21) | |
| Bojxona va aktsiz vazirlari (1921–27) | |
| Milliy daromad vazirlari (1927 - hozirgacha) |
|
| Savdo va savdo vazirlari (1892–1969) |
|
|---|---|
| Sanoat vazirlari (1963–69) | |
| Sanoat, savdo va savdo vazirlari (1969–83) | |
| Xalqaro savdo davlat vaziri (1979–80) | |
| Davlat vaziri (savdo) (1980–82) | |
| Davlat vazirlari (xalqaro savdo) (1982–83) | |
| Xalqaro savdo vazirlari (1983–2018) | |
| Xalqaro savdoni diversifikatsiya qilish vaziri (2018–) | |
| Aloqador tomonlar |
|  | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Milliy rahbarlar |
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| Etakchilikka saylovlar | ||||||
| Parlament saylovlari nomzodlar | ||||||
| O'tmishdoshlar |
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| Aloqador tomonlar | ||||||
Tarix portali