Jeyms Byukenen prezidentligi - Presidency of James Buchanan

Prezident Jeyms Byukenen (NARA 528318) colorized.jpg
Jeyms Byukenen prezidentligi
1857 yil 4 mart - 1861 yil 4 mart
PrezidentJeyms Byukenen
KabinetRo'yxatni ko'ring
PartiyaDemokratik
Saylov1856
O'rindiqoq uy
AQSh prezidentining muhri 1850.png
Prezident muhri
(1850–1894)

The Jeyms Byukenen prezidentligi qachon, 1857 yil 4 martda boshlangan Jeyms Byukenen edi ochilish marosimi kabi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Prezidenti, va 1861 yil 4 martda tugagan. Buchanan, a Demokrat dan Pensilvaniya sifatida ish boshladi 15-chi Qo'shma Shtatlar sobiq prezidentni mag'lubiyatga uchratganidan keyin prezident Millard Fillmor ning Amerika partiyasi va Jon C. Front ning Respublika partiyasi ichida 1856 yil prezident saylovi.

Demokratik partiya tomonidan Byukenen nomzodi qo'yildi 1856 yilgi konventsiya, u erda u amaldagi Prezidentni ikkalasini ham mag'lub etdi Franklin Pirs va Illinoys senatori Stiven A. Duglas. Hukumatdagi uzoq yillik tajribasiga qaramay, Byukenen o'sib borayotgan odamlarni tinchlantira olmadi bo'lim inqirozi bu muddat tugashi bilan xalqni ikkiga bo'linishiga olib keladi. Ishga kirishishdan oldin Byukenen lobbichilik qildi Oliy sud yilda keng qaror chiqarish Dred Skott va Sandford. Buchanan sud qaroriga binoan hududlarda qullik to'g'risidagi nizoni tugatadi deb umid qilgan bo'lsa-da, Buchenenning ushbu qarorni qo'llab-quvvatlashi ko'plab shimolliklarni uzoqlashtirdi. Byukenen janubiy rahbarlar bilan birlashib, tan olinishga harakat qildi Kanzas a sifatida ittifoqqa qullik davlati ostida Lekompton konstitutsiyasi. O'rtasida tobora kuchayib borayotgan jarlik o'rtasida qul davlatlari va erkin davlatlar, 1857 yilgi vahima keng miqyosdagi biznesdagi muvaffaqiyatsizlik va yuqori ishsizlikni keltirib chiqargan millatni urdi.

Qulchilik bilan bog'liq ziddiyatlar Byukenen davrining oxirigacha davom etdi. Byukenen o'zining ochilish marosimida atigi bir muddat ishlashga va'da bergan edi va qullik borasida davom etayotgan milliy tartibsizlik bilan hech kim undan va'dasini bekor qilishni so'ramadi.[1] Respublikachilar nomzodi Avraam Linkoln, qullikni barcha g'arbiy hududlardan saqlashga bag'ishlangan platformada yugurib, bo'linib ketgan Demokratik partiyani mag'lub etdi va Konstitutsiyaviy ittifoq nomzod Jon Bell g'alaba qozonish uchun 1860 yilgi saylov. Linkolnning g'alabasiga javoban etti janubiy shtat o'zlarini e'lon qildi ajralib chiqish ittifoqdan. Byukenen ajralib chiqqan davlatlarni harbiy kuch bilan to'qnashishdan bosh tortdi, ammo o'z nazoratini saqlab qoldi Sumter Fort. Bo'linish inqirozi avj olish bilan yakunlandi Amerika fuqarolar urushi Byukenen lavozimini tark etganidan ko'p o'tmay.

1856 yilgi saylov

G'olib nomzod uchun foizlarni ko'rsatib, tuman bo'yicha natijalar. Moviy soyalar Buchanan (Demokratik) uchun, qizil ranglar Fremont (Respublika) uchun, sariq ranglar Fillmore uchun (Hech narsani bilmaslik).
Asosiy maqola: 1856 yil AQShda prezident saylovi

Keyin Franklin Pirs g'olib bo'ldi 1852 yil prezident saylovi, Buchanan sifatida xizmat qilishga rozi bo'ldi Qo'shma Shtatlarning Buyuk Britaniyadagi elchisi. Buchananning chet eldagi xizmati uni mamlakat tashqarisiga joylashtirib, munozara olib borgan Kanzas-Nebraska qonuni millatni chalg'itdi.[2] Buchanan 1856 yildagi Demokratik partiyadan prezidentlikka nomzodni ochiqchasiga izlamagan bo'lsa-da, u qasddan uning nomidan harakatni to'xtatmaslikni tanladi, bu ko'p hollarda uning kuchiga mos edi.[3] The 1856 yil demokratlarning milliy qurultoyi 1856 yil iyun oyida uchrashdi va asosan Buchenenning qarashlarini aks ettiruvchi platformani yozdi Qochqin qullar to'g'risidagi qonun, qullikka qarshi qo'zg'alishni to'xtatish va AQSh "ko'tarilish Meksika ko'rfazi "Byuchenen kuchli ovoz beruvchilar tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlangan birinchi byulletenga rahbarlik qildi Jon Slidell, Jessi Yorqin va Tomas F. Bayard, kim Buchenenni shimol va janubga murojaat qila oladigan tajribali rahbar sifatida taqdim etdi. Prezident Pirs va senator Stiven A. Duglas nomzodni ham qidirdi, ammo Byukenen anjumanning o'n ettita byulletenida Demokratik partiyadan prezidentlikka nomzod sifatida tanlandi. Unga Demokratik chiptada qo'shilishdi John C. Breckinridge Kentukki shtati.[4]

1856 yildagi saylovlardan Buchenenga qarshi siyosiy multfilm

1856 yilga kelib Whig partiyasi uzoq vaqtdan beri demokratlarga qarshi asosiy oppozitsiya bo'lgan, qulab tushdi. Byukenen umumiy saylovlarda nafaqat bitta, balki ikkita nomzodga duch keldi: sobiq Whig prezidenti Millard Fillmor Amerika partiyasi sifatida qatnashdi (yoki "Hech narsa yo'q ") nomzod, ammo Jon C. Front sifatida yugurdi Respublika nomzod. Kampaniyaning shaxsiy ritorikasining aksariyati Frontga oid asossiz mish-mishlarga qaratilgan edi - u prezident sifatida qullar qo'zg'olonlarini qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan katta qo'shinni boshqarishi, qullarning keng tarqalgan lychinligi ehtimolligi va qullar orasida erkinlik va siyosiy tenglik umidini pichirlashi haqida gapirdi. .[5]

Zamon konvensiyasiga sodiq qolgan Byukenen o'zi saylovoldi tashviqotini olib bormagan, ammo u xatlar yozgan va Demokratik platformani qo'llab-quvvatlashga va'da bergan. Saylovda Byukenen Merilenddan tashqari har bir qullik davlatini, shuningdek beshta erkin shtatni, shu jumladan o'z uyi Pensilvaniya shtatini olib yurgan. U ommaviy ovozlarning 45 foizini va 174 ovozini oldi saylovchilarning ovozlari, Frémontning 114 saylov ovozi va Fillmorning 8 saylov ovozi bilan taqqoslaganda. Byukenenning saylanishi uni shunday qildi birinchi va hozircha faqat prezident Pensilvaniya. G'oliblik nutqida Byukenen respublikachilarni qoralab, Respublikachilar partiyasini janubga nohaq hujum qilgan "xavfli" va "geografik" partiya deb atadi.[6] Saylangan prezident Byukenen, shuningdek, "mening ma'muriyatimning maqsadi - Shimoliy yoki Janubdagi partiyaviy partiyalarni yo'q qilish va ittifoqqa milliy va konservativ hukumat ostida uyg'unlikni tiklash bo'ladi" deb ta'kidlaydi.[7]

Inauguratsiya

Jeyms Byukenenning 1857 yilda AQSh Kapitoliyda bo'lib o'tgan prezidentlik inauguratsiyasi fotosurati; eng dastlabki ochilish fotosurati.
Asosiy maqola: Jeyms Byukenenning inauguratsiyasi

Buchanan 1857 yil 4 martda Sharqiy Portikoda xalqning 15-prezidenti sifatida inauguratsiya qilingan. Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Kapitoliy. Bosh sudya Rojer Teni boshqargan Qasamyod. Bu suratga tushirilgani ma'lum bo'lgan birinchi inauguratsiya marosimi.[iqtibos kerak ] O'zining ochilish marosimida Buchanan o'zini faqat bitta muddatga xizmat qilishga majbur qildi. Shuningdek, u qullik va uning hududlaridagi mavqei bo'yicha bo'linishlarning kuchayishi haqida tanqidiy gapirib,

Har bir rezidentga o'z ovozini erkin va mustaqil fikr bildirishini ta'minlash Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari hukumatining majburiy va ajralmas vazifasidir. Har bir insonning ushbu muqaddas huquqi saqlanib qolishi kerak. Bu amalga oshirilgandan so'ng, faqat Qo'shma Shtatlar Konstitutsiyasiga bo'ysungan holda, o'z hududida istiqomat qiladigan odamlarni o'z taqdirini o'zi hal qilish uchun chet ellarning har qanday aralashuvidan ozod qilishdan ko'ra adolatli narsa bo'lmaydi.[1]

Bundan tashqari, Byukenen federal deb ta'kidladi qul kodi har qanday federal hududda qul egalarining huquqlarini himoya qilishi kerak. U ko'rib chiqilayotgan Oliy sud ishi to'g'risida gapirdi, Dred Skott va Sandford, u qullik masalasini doimiy ravishda hal qilishini aytdi. Darhaqiqat, Byukenen ishning natijasini allaqachon bilgan va hattoki uning qarorida ishtirok etgan.[8] Tarixchilar bu manzil hal qilinganidan ko'ra ko'proq muammolarni keltirib chiqardi degan fikrga qo'shilishadi.[9]

Ma'muriyat

Byukenen kabineti
IdoraIsmMuddat
PrezidentJeyms Byukenen1857–1861
Vitse prezidentJohn C. Breckinridge1857–1861
Davlat kotibiLyuis Kass1857–1860
Eremiya S. Qora1860–1861
G'aznachilik kotibiXauell Kobb1857–1860
Filipp Frensis Tomas1860–1861
Jon Adams Diks1861
Urush kotibiJon B. Floyd1857–1860
Jozef Xolt1861
Bosh prokurorEremiya S. Qora1857–1860
Edvin Stanton1860–1861
Bosh pochta boshqaruvchisiAaron V. Braun1857–1859
Jozef Xolt1859–1860
Horatio King1861
Dengiz kuchlari kotibiIsaak Tusi1857–1861
Ichki ishlar kotibiJeykob Tompson1857–1861
Prezident Byukenen va uning vazirlar mahkamasi
Chapdan o'ngga: Jeykob Tompson, Lyuis Kass, Jon B. Floyd, Jeyms Byukenen, Xauell Kobb, Isaak Tusi, Jozef Xolt va Eremiya S. Qora, (1859 y.)

Uning inauguratsiyasi yaqinlashganda, Byukenen uyg'unlashgan kabinetni tashkil etishga intildi, u urushlar qurboniga aylanmadi. Endryu Jekson eng yuqori mansabdor shaxslar. Uning eng yaqin maslahatchilaridan biri - Britaniyada elchi etib tayinlangan Jexu Glensi Jons.[10]

Byukenen kabinetning aniq rahbari bo'lishga intildi va uning fikri bilan rozi bo'ladigan erkaklarni tanladi. Uning ma'muriyati tashqi siyosatga e'tiborini qaratishini va Byukenenning o'zi asosan tashqi siyosatni boshqarishini kutib, qarishni tayinladi Lyuis Kass davlat kotibi sifatida.[11] Kassa Byukenen bilan birga Byukenen ma'muriyatida marginallashgan bo'lar edi Davlat kotibining yordamchisi Jon Appleton o'rniga tashqi aloqalarni boshqarish.[12] O'z kabinetini to'ldirishda Byukenen to'rtta janubiy va uchta shimoliyni tanladi, ulardan biri dengiz floti kotibi edi. Isaak Tusi, keng tarqalgan "xamir yuzi" yoki janubiy hamdard. Qariyb qarigan Kassdan tashqari, faqat Bosh prokuror Eremiya S. Qora janubga nisbatan tarafkashlik etishmadi, ammo Qora bekor qiluvchilarni va erkin erlarni yomon ko'rdi.[13]

Illinoys shtatidan Stiven Duglas bilan kurash

Byukenenning janubiy va janubiy tarafdorlarini tayinlashi shimolda ko'pchilikni chetlashtirdi va Stiven Duglasning izdoshlarini tayinlay olmagani partiyani ikkiga bo'lib yubordi.[11][14] Buchanan o'z nomzodini Duglasning 1856 yilgi Demokratik qurultoyda ko'rib chiqilishdan voz kechish to'g'risidagi qarori bilan qarzdor bo'lishiga qaramay, u Duglasga shaxsan yoqmadi va uni ma'qulladi Jessi D. Yorqin, Duglasni O'rta G'arbiy Demokratlarning etakchisi sifatida tan olishga umid qilgan.[15] Vazirlar mahkamasidan tashqarida Byukenen Pirsning ko'plab tayinlanishlarini qoldirgan, ammo Pirs yoki Duglas bilan aloqada bo'lgan shimolliklarning nomutanosib sonini olib tashlagan. Buchanan o'zining vitse-prezidenti Brekkinrijni tezda chetlashtirdi va ikkinchisi Bükenen ma'muriyatida juda oz rol o'ynadi.[16]

Byukenen va uning Kongressdagi ittifoqchilari Duglasga putur etkazish uchun muntazam ravishda ishladilar. 1860 yilga kelib ular uning partiyadagi ta'sirini susaytirdilar; ular uning homiyligidan mahrum qilishdi va uni Hududlar qo'mitasining kuchli raisligidan olib tashlashdi. Senat ichida u avvalgidan ancha kuchsiz edi.[17] Shunga qaramay, Duglasning Vashingtondan tashqarida Demokratik partiyaning shimoliy qanotida kuchli bazasi bor edi, u prezident va uning janubiy tarafdorlariga tobora dushmanlik qilar edi. 1858 yilda Linkoln bilan jang milliy e'tiborni tortdi, demokratlar Duglasning bahslarini o'qib, uni g'olib deb atashdi va shu tariqa Duglasning 1860 yilda prezidentlik uchun partiya nomzodini yutish uchun favorit sifatida maydonga chiqishiga imkon berdi.[18][19]

Sud tayinlovlari

Asosiy maqola: Jeyms Byukenan tayinlagan federal sudyalar ro'yxati

Byukenen bitta sudyani sudga tayinladi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Oliy sudi, Natan Klifford Meyn shtati. Klifford Buchenen bilan birga xizmat qilgan Jeyms K. Polk Vazirlar Mahkamasi va uning asosiy masalalar bo'yicha qarashlari asosan Byukenenning fikriga mos keladi. Klifford muvaffaqiyat qozondi Benjamin Robbins Kurtis, norozilik sifatida iste'foga chiqqan Dred Skott qaror. Kliffordning nomzodini ko'rsatishga ko'plab shimollik senatorlar qarshi chiqishdi, ammo u 26 dan 23 gacha ovoz berib, tasdiqni qo'lga kiritdi. Vafotidan keyin ikkinchi vakansiya paydo bo'ldi Piter Vivian Daniel 1860 yilda va Buchanan ochilishni to'ldirish uchun Bosh prokuror Blekni nomzod qildi. 1860 yilgi saylovlardan so'ng, Blek tasdiqlanishdan atigi bir ovozga kam bo'lib qoldi va Buchenen lavozimini tark etar ekan, Oliy sudning bitta o'rni ochiq qoldi.[20] Klyfforddan tashqari, Byukenen faqat uchinchi ettinchi federal sudyalarni tayinladi, ularning hammasi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining tuman sudlari.

Dred Skott ishi

Shuningdek qarang: Dred Skott va Amerika fuqarolar urushining kelib chiqishi
Qabul qilinganidan keyin 1858 yilda erkin va qul davlatlari balansi Minnesota

Keyinchalik Meksika-Amerika urushi, g'arbiy hududlarda qullik holati to'g'risida yangi munozara paydo bo'ldi. Esa bekor qilish kuchli kuch sifatida paydo bo'lmagan edi, ko'plab shimolliklar qullikni axloqiy azob deb bildilar va qullikning keng tarqalishiga qarshi chiqdilar hududlar. Shu bilan birga, ko'plab janubliklar qullik institutiga ma'naviy hujumdan qattiq xafa bo'lishdi va hududlarda qullikka qarshi hujum janubda qullikka qarshi hujumga olib kelishi mumkinligidan qo'rqishdi. The 1850 yilgi murosaga kelish vaziyatni vaqtincha yumshatgan edi, ammo har bir Shimoliy bo'ysunmaslik Qochqin qullar to'g'risidagi qonun (kelishuvning bir qismi sifatida qabul qilingan) janubdagi keskinlikni kuchaytirdi. Ning 1852 yilgi nashri Tom amaki kabinasi ikkiga bo'lingan fikr. 1854 yilda Kanzas-Nebraska qonuni bekor qildi Missuri murosasi, shimoldan hududlardan qullikni chiqarib tashlagan 36 ° 30 ′ parallel. Har bir yangi davlat uning o'rniga qullik maqomini kontseptsiyasi asosida hal qiladi xalq suvereniteti. Ushbu qonun loyihasi Shimolda juda mashhur emas edi va uning qabul qilinishi Whig partiyasining qulashi va deyarli butunlay shimoliylardan iborat hududlarga qullik kengayishiga qarshi bo'lgan Respublikachilar partiyasining paydo bo'lishiga hissa qo'shdi. Bir necha respublikachilar janubdagi qullikni yo'q qilishga intilgan bo'lsalar ham, janubliklar Respublikachilar partiyasining mavjudligini tajovuz deb bildilar va respublikachilar boshqa har qanday siyosati bilan janubga murojaat qilish uchun ozgina harakat qildilar, masalan, yuqori tariflar va federal mablag 'bilan ta'minlangan ichki yaxshilanishlar.[21]

Ishga kirishgandan so'ng, Byukenan nafaqat qullik bilan bog'liq ziddiyatlarni tugatishga, balki xavfli bo'linadigan Respublikachilar partiyasi deb bilgan narsadan xalos bo'lishga umid qildi. Qulchilik bilan bog'liq eng dolzarb masala uning hududdagi maqomiga va xalq suvereniteti hududiy qonun chiqaruvchilar qullarga kirishni taqiqlashiga olib kelishi mumkinmi degan savolga tegishli edi. Muammoni hal qilish uchun kutilayotgan Oliy sud ishining ochilishini ko'rib, saylangan Prezident Byukenen o'zining inauguratsiyasidan bir necha oy oldin sudning qarorlarini qabul qilish jarayonida ishtirok etgan.[22]

Buchananning inauguratsiyasidan ikki kun o'tgach, bosh sudya Taney topshirdi Dred Skott qaror, bu Kongressning hududlarda qullikni istisno qilish uchun konstitutsiyaviy kuchga ega emasligini ta'kidladi.[23] O'zining inauguratsiyasiga qadar Byukenen Adliya bilan yozgan edi Jon Katron 1857 yil yanvar oyida ishning natijasi haqida so'rab, kengroq qaror yanada oqilona bo'lishini taklif qildi.[24] Katron, kim edi Tennessi, 10 fevral kuni Oliy sudning janubiy ko'pchiligi Skottga qarshi qaror qabul qilishini, ammo sudning shimoliy odillari tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanmasa, qarorni tor asoslarda e'lon qilishi kerak, deb javob berdi - agar Byukenen o'zining pensilvaniyalik adliya sudyasini ishontira olmasa. Robert Kuper Grier, ko'pchilikka qo'shilish.[25] Buchanan, hududlarda qullikni himoya qiladigan Oliy sudning keng qarori bilan bu masala birdaniga to'xtab qolishi va mamlakat boshqa masalalarga, shu jumladan mumkin bo'lgan qo'shimchalarga e'tibor qaratishiga imkon berishi mumkinligiga umid qildi. Kuba va ko'proq Meksika hududini sotib olish.[26] Shunday qilib, Buchanan Grierga xat yozdi va unga ustunlik berdi, aksariyat omillar Missuri shtatidagi kelishuvni konstitutsiyaga zid deb e'lon qilish bo'yicha Skott ishining o'ziga xos holatlaridan ustun bo'lgan keng ko'lamli qaror chiqarishga imkon berdi.[27][28] Sud qarori qachon Dred Skott Buchananning inauguratsiyasidan ikki kun o'tgach chiqarildi, respublikachilar Taneyning Buchenenga kelgusi natijani oshkor qilgani haqida xabar tarqatishni boshladi.[29] Bukanenning jamoatchilik tomonidan ushbu qarorni kuchli qo'llab-quvvatlashi unga va partiyasiga prezidentligi boshidanoq ko'plab shimolliklarning adovatiga sabab bo'ldi.[30]

1857 yildagi vahima va iqtisodiy siyosat

The 1857 yilgi vahima o'sha yilning o'rtalarida boshlanib, o'n to'rt yuz davlat banklari va besh ming korxonalarning ketma-ket qulashi bilan boshlandi. Janub deyarli yaroqsiz holda qochib qutulgan bo'lsa, Shimoliy shaharlar ko'plab ishsiz erkaklar va ayollarning ko'chaga tilanchilik qilish uchun chiqib ketayotganini ko'rishdi. Jeksonlik holatini aks ettirgan Buchenenning javobi "islohot yengillashtirilmagan". Hukumat "yengillikni kengaytirishga qodir emas" bo'lsa-da, u qarzlarini qusurlarda to'lashda davom etadi va jamoat ishlarini qisqartirmasa ham, hech kim qo'shilmaydi.[31] Byukenen davlatlarni banklarni 3 dan 1 dollargacha bo'lgan kreditlar darajasida cheklashni talab qildi va federal yoki davlat obligatsiyalaridan banknotalarni chiqarishda xavfsizlik sifatida foydalanishni rad etdi.[32] Iqtisodiyot 1859 yilga kelib tiklangan bo'lsa-da, vahima kesimdagi keskinlikni kuchaytirdi, chunki ko'plab shimolliklar Janubiy tomonni ayblashdi 1857 yilgi tarif (Pirsning oxirgi ish kunida o'tgan) vahima uchun. Janubliklar, shuningdek, Byukenen, buning o'rniga Shimoliy bankirlarning haddan tashqari spekulyatsiyasini ayblashdi.[33] Qisman iqtisodiyotning yomonlashgani sababli, Byukenen o'z lavozimini tark etguniga qadar federal defitsit 17 million dollarni tashkil etdi, bu Byukenen ish boshlagan paytdagidan yuqori edi.[31]

1858 va 1859 yillar davomida Kongress tariflar va infratuzilma xarajatlari kabi ko'p yillik masalalarni muhokama qilishni davom ettirdi. Janubiy va g'arbiy kongressmenlar 1861 yilgacha 1857 yildagi tariflarning past stavkalarini saqlab qolishga muvaffaq bo'lishdi. Kongressda ko'pchilik bino qurishga intilishdi. transkontinental temir yo'l, ammo uning qurilishiga Janubiy va Yangi Angliya kongressmenlarining kombinatsiyasi to'sqinlik qildi.[34] Byukenen veto qo'ygan qonun hujjatlari orasida Uy-joylar to'g'risidagi qonun, bu 160 gektar jamoat yerlarini besh yil davomida yashash joylarida qolgan ko'chmanchilarga bergan bo'lar edi va Morril qonuni, bu jamoat erlarini tashkil etish huquqini bergan bo'lar edi yer ajratuvchi kollejlar. Byukenen ushbu xatti-harakatlar Konstitutsiyada belgilangan federal hukumatning vakolatidan tashqarida ekanligini ta'kidladi.[35][34] Bir necha janubiy shtatlar ajralib chiqqanidan keyin Kongress Morril tariflari, stavkalarni sezilarli darajada oshirish. Uzoq vaqt davomida yuqori tariflarga qarshi bo'lganiga qaramay, Byukenen 1861 yil 2 martda ushbu tarifni imzoladi. Morril tariflari tariflarni 1840 yillardan beri kuzatilgan eng yuqori darajaga ko'tardi va qonunning qabul qilinishi yangi davrni belgiladi. protektsionistik tariflar Bu Byukenen lavozimini tark etganidan ancha vaqt o'tgach davom etadi.[36]

Yuta urushi

Asosiy maqola: Yuta urushi

Yuta tomonidan joylashtirilgan edi Mormonlar Bukanen prezidentligidan oldingi o'n yilliklarda va uning rahbarligida Brigham Young mormonlar federal aralashuvga tobora dushman bo'lib qolishdi. Yosh federal ofitserlarni bezovta qildi va chet elliklarni bu erda yashashga ko'ndirmadi Solt Leyk-Siti maydon va 1857 yil sentyabrda Yuta hududiy militsiyasi sodir etgan Mountain Meadows qirg'ini Arkansansga qarshi Kaliforniyaga yo'l oldi. Byukenen shaxsan xafa bo'lgan ko'pxotinli Yoshning xatti-harakati.[37]

Eng dahshatli mish-mishlarni qabul qilib, mormonlarni Qo'shma Shtatlarga qarshi ochiq isyon ko'targaniga ishongan Buchenan 1857 yil noyabrida Youngni o'rniga mormon bo'lmaganlarni gubernator etib tayinlash uchun qo'shin yubordi. Alfred Cumming. Mormonlar federal hokimiyatga tez-tez qarshi tursalar-da, Buchenening harakati tasdiqlanmagan xabarlarga oqilona yoki ehtiyotkorlik bilan javob berdimi degan savol tug'iladi.[23] Vaziyatni murakkablashtiradigan, Yangning uning o'rnini bosishi haqidagi xabarnomasi etkazib berilmadi, chunki Pirs ma'muriyati Yuta shtatidagi pochta shartnomasini bekor qildi.[23] Yosh harbiy harakatlarga ikki haftalik ekspeditsiyani yig'ib, vagon poezdlarini, ho'kizlarini va boshqa armiya mol-mulkini vayron qilganidan so'ng, Byukenen jo'natildi Tomas L. Keyn tinchlik bo'yicha muzokaralar olib borish uchun xususiy agent sifatida. Missiya muvaffaqiyatli bo'ldi, yangi hokim qisqa vaqt ichida lavozimiga tayinlandi va Yuta urushi tugadi. Prezident hukumat hokimiyatini hurmat qiladigan barcha aholiga amnistiya e'lon qildi va o'z ma'muriyati muvozanati uchun federal qo'shinlarni tahlikali masofaga ko'chirdi.[38] U ko'pxotinlilik bilan shug'ullanishni davom ettirgan bo'lsa ham, Yuta urushi tugaganidan keyin Young federal hokimiyatni asosan qabul qildi.[39]

Kanzasdan qon ketish

Asosiy maqola: Kanzasdan qon ketish

1854 yilda Kanzas-Nebraska qonuni qabul qilingandan so'ng, ikkita raqobatchi hukumat tuzildi Kanzas o'lkasi. The qullikka qarshi ko'chmanchilar yilda hukumat tashkil qildi Topeka, esa qullik tarafdorlari yilda hukumat o'rni tashkil etdi Lekompton, Kanzas. Kanzas shtat sifatida qabul qilinishi uchun konstitutsiya aholining ko'pchiligining ma'qullashi bilan Kongressga taqdim etilishi kerak edi. Prezident Pirs davrida "sifatida tanilgan bir qator zo'ravon to'qnashuvlarKanzasdan qon ketish "Ikki hukumat tarafdorlari to'qnashgan bir paytda yuz berdi. Kanzasdagi vaziyat butun mamlakat bo'ylab diqqat bilan kuzatildi. Jorjiya va Missisipidagi ayrimlar ajralib chiqish tarafdori sifatida Kanzasni erkin davlat sifatida qabul qilish kerak edi. Byukenenning o'zi, ayniqsa Kanzasning kirgan-kirmaganiga ahamiyat bermadi. qul davlati va uning o'rniga Kanzasni iloji boricha tezroq shtat sifatida qabul qilishga intildi, chunki u Demokratik partiyaga moyil bo'lishi mumkin edi, jarayonni qayta boshlash va bitta hududiy hukumatni barpo etish o'rniga, Byukenen qullikni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi Lekompton hukumatini tan olishga qaror qildi.[40] Birinchisida Kongressga yillik xabar, 1857 yil dekabrda u Kanzasni Lekompton konstitutsiyasiga binoan qul davlati sifatida qabul qilishga chaqirdi.[41]

Tarixchilar Kanzas siyosatiga ikkita yondashuvdan birini qo'lladilar. Allan Nevins "melodramatik" talqinni taqdim etadi. Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, Byukenen chinakam aholi tomonidan tasdiqlangan konstitutsiyani xohlagan. Uning mahkamasi va partiyasidagi janubparast guruhlar oldida uning qat'iyati zaiflashdi va u orqaga chekindi. Roy Nikols Byukenen faqat bitta masalani, saylovchilarning o'zi uchun qullikni taqdim etganini ta'kidlab, "qonuniy" yondashuvni qo'llaydi. Ammo u 1857 yildagi moliyaviy vahima bilan chalg'itdi va Lekompton konstitutsiyasini qabul qildi. Nevinlar va Nikollar Byukenenning zaif etakchiligiga qo'shilishadi, ammo Buchenen qanday qilib amalda qullik kelishuvini qabul qilib, o'rta yo'lni ushlab turishga intilganligi to'g'risida nozik o'zgarishlarni taklif qilishadi.[42]

Ishga kirishgach, Byukenen tayinlandi Robert J. Uoker almashtirish Jon V. Giri Kanzasning hududiy gubernatori sifatida, ko'chmanchilar fraktsiyasini yarashtirish va konstitutsiyani tasdiqlash vazifasi bilan. Missisipi quldorlik shtatidan bo'lgan Uoker yangi konstitutsiyani tasdiqlashda qullik tarafdorlariga yordam berishi kutilgan edi.[43] Byukenen Uolkerning Kanzas masalasini muvaffaqiyatli hal qilish 1860 yilda Uolkerni prezidentlik lavozimiga katapultatsiya qilishi mumkinligiga ishontirish orqali Uolkerning bu lavozimni qabul qilishni istamasligini yengib chiqdi. Shuningdek, Byukenen Uolkerga Kanzas har qanday shtat konstitutsiyasi bo'yicha erkin va adolatli referendum o'tkazishiga va'da berdi. Kanzasga kelganidan ko'p o'tmay, Uolker "izotermik chiziq" (ya'ni iqlim) Kanzasni qullikka yaroqsiz holga keltirganini ta'kidlab, Kanzas va AQSh bo'ylab qullik tarafdorlari rahbarlarini g'azablantirdi. 1857 yil oktabrda Lekompton hukumati hududiy saylovlarni tashkil qildi, natijada Uolker bir nechta okruglarda firibgarlikni topganiga qaramay, quldorlikni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi qonun chiqaruvchi hokimiyat paydo bo'ldi.[44]

Konventsiya qullikni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi davlat konstitutsiyasini ("Lekompton konstitutsiyasi ") va referendumni xavf ostiga qo'ymasdan, uni to'g'ridan-to'g'ri Byukenenga jo'natdi. Kanzas shtatiga ega bo'lishni istagan bo'lsa ham, hatto Byukenen shtat konstitutsiyaviy referendumisiz Kanzasga kirishni rad etishga majbur bo'ldi va u murosaga kelish uchun federal agentlarni jo'natdi. Lekompton hukumati cheklangan referendumga rozi bo'ldi, unda Kanzas konstitutsiya bo'yicha umuman emas, balki shunchaki Kanzas davlatga aylangandan keyin qullikka yo'l qo'yishi yoki bermasligi to'g'risida ovoz beradi.Quldorlikka qarshi Topeka hukumati 1857 yil dekabrda bo'lib o'tgan quldorlik ovozini boykot qildi. Bir oy o'tgach, Topeka hukumati o'zining referendumini o'tkazdi, unda saylovchilar Lekompton konstitutsiyasini rad etishdi.[45]

Uolker va Kanzasning ikki sobiq gubernatorining noroziligiga qaramay, Byukenen Lekompton konstitutsiyasini qabul qilishga qaror qildi.[46] 1857 yil dekabrda Senatning Hududlar qo'mitasi raisi va muhim shimoliy demokratlardan biri Stiven Duglas bilan uchrashuvda Byukenen barcha demokratlardan ma'muriyatning Kanzasni Lekompton konstitutsiyasiga binoan qabul qilish pozitsiyasini qo'llab-quvvatlashini talab qildi.[47] Qayta saylanishga duch kelgan va Kanzasda sodir bo'lgan firibgarlikni g'azablantirgan Duglas Buchanan bilan aloqani buzdi va Lekompton konstitutsiyasiga hujum qildi.[48] 2 fevralda Byukenen Lekompton konstitutsiyasini Kongressga yubordi. U shuningdek, Topekadagi "inqilobiy hukumatga" hujum qilib, ularni Yuta shtatidagi mormonlar bilan chalkashtirib yuborgan xabarni etkazdi. Byukenen kongressning ma'qullashini ta'minlash uchun barcha sa'y-harakatlarini amalga oshirdi, imtiyozlar, homiylik tayinlash va hatto ovoz berish uchun naqd pul taklif qildi. Lekompton konstitutsiyasi mart oyida Senat tomonidan ma'qullandi, ammo Nou-Notings, Respublikachilar va Shimoliy Demokratlarning birlashmasi Vakillar palatasidagi qonun loyihasini mag'lub etdi. Magken mag'lubiyatni qabul qilish o'rniga, mag'lubiyatni qo'llab-quvvatladi Ingliz tili Bill Lekompton konstitutsiyasini qabul qilish evaziga Kansansga zudlik bilan davlatchilik va keng jamoat erlarini taklif qildi. Duglasning doimiy qarshiliklariga qaramay, ingliz qonun loyihasi Kongressning ikkala palatasida ham g'olib chiqdi.[49]

Kongress konstitutsiyani tasdiqlaganiga qaramay, Kanzas saylovchilari 1858 yil avgustda bo'lib o'tgan referendumda Lekompton konstitutsiyasini qat'iyan rad etishdi.[47] Lekompton konstitutsiyasi Duglas boshchiligidagi taxmin qilingan Shimoliy fitna bilan mag'lubiyatga uchraganidan janubliklar g'azablandilar, aksariyat shimolliklar Buchaneni janubning vositasi sifatida ko'rishdi "Qul kuchi."[49] Qullikka qarshi delegatlar 1859-yilgi shtat konstitutsiyaviy konvensiyasida o'tkazilgan saylovlarning ko'pchiligida g'alaba qozondi va Kanzas Buchenen prezidentligining so'nggi oylarida erkin davlat sifatida qabul qilindi.[50] Shtatdagi partizanlar urushi Byukenen prezidentligi davomida davom etar va 1860-yillarda, u kengroq nisbatan kichik teatrga aylanganda davom etadi. Amerika fuqarolar urushi.[51]

Kanzas ustidagi jang Demokratik partiyani boshqarish uchun kurashga aylandi. Bir tomonda Byukenen, aksariyat janubiy demokratlar va "xamirfeys" shimoliy demokratlar; boshqa tomonda Duglas va aksariyat shimoliy demokratlar, shuningdek, bir necha janubiylar bor edi. Duglasning fraktsiyasi xalq suvereniteti doktrinasini qo'llab-quvvatlashni davom ettirdi, Byukenen esa demokratlarni Dred Skott qaror va uning hududlarda qullikka federal aralashuvni rad etish.[52] Bu kurash Byukenen prezidentligining qolgan qismida davom etdi. Duklasning xayrixohlarini ma'muriyparast demokratlar foydasiga olib tashlash uchun Byukenen o'zining homiylik vakolatlaridan foydalangan.[53]

1858 yil oraliq saylovlari

Duglasning Senat vakolati 1859 yilda tugagan, shuning uchun 1858 yilda saylangan Illinoys qonun chiqaruvchisi Duglasning qayta saylanishda g'alaba qozonishini aniqlaydi. Senat saylovlari qonunchilik saylovlarining asosiy masalasi edi Linkoln-Duglas bahslari Duglas va respublikachi nomzod, sobiq kongressmen o'rtasida Avraam Linkoln. Illinoys shtatidagi federal patronaj tayinlovchilari orqali ishlaydigan Byukenen respublikachilar bilan ham, Duglas demokratlari bilan ham raqobatlashib, qonun chiqaruvchi hokimiyat uchun nomzodlarni ilgari surdi. Bu saylovlarni respublikachilarga osonlikcha topshirishi mumkin edi - bu Duklasga nisbatan Byukenenning dushmanligi naqadar chuqurligini ko'rsatdi.[54]

1858 yilgi qayta saylanish taklifida Duglas Linkolnni mag'lubiyatga uchratdi, u yaqinda Oliy sud shtatlarga qullikni istisno qilishni taqiqlashi haqida ogohlantirdi.[55] Uning kampaniyasi doirasida Duglas o'zining "Freeport doktrinasi, "hududiy qonunchilik organlari, qaramasdan, qullikni istisno qilish huquqini amalda saqlab qolishdi Dred Skott qaror, chunki ushbu qonun chiqaruvchilar qullikni mulk sifatida tan olishdan bosh tortishlari mumkin.[56] 1858 yilgi saylovlarda Duglas kuchlari Demokratik partiyani butun Shimoliy bo'ylab nazorat ostiga olishdi, faqat Byukenenning uyi Pensilvaniya shtati bundan mustasno, Buchenen janubiy tarafdorlarining tor doirasi bilan qoldi.[43][57] Biroq, Freeport doktrinasi Duglasning Janubdagi qo'llab-quvvatlashini yanada pasaytirdi, u Lekompton konstitutsiyasini qo'llab-quvvatlamaslikdan keyin allaqachon pasayib ketgan edi.[58]

Shimoliy va Janubiy demokratlar o'rtasidagi bo'linish respublikachilarga g'alaba qozonishda yordam berdi ko'plik Uyda 1858 yilgi saylovlarda. Nyu-Yorkdagi respublikachi kongressga nomzod uchun saylovoldi tashviqotini olib borayotganda, respublikachi senator Uilyam Syuard respublikachilar va demokratlar o'rtasidagi partiyaviy kurashni erkin va qul mehnati tizimlari o'rtasidagi katta "qaytarib bo'lmaydigan ziddiyat" ning bir qismi sifatida tavsifladi. Syuard tezda o'z so'zlaridan qaytgan bo'lsa-da va shimolliklar nisbatan ozroq janubda qullikni darhol yo'q qilishga intilgan bo'lsalar-da, Syuardning so'zlari va 1858 yilgi saylovlardagi respublikachilarning g'alabalari janubda ko'pchilik respublikachilar prezidentining saylanishiga olib keladi deb o'ylashiga sabab bo'ldi. qullikni bekor qilish. Saylovdagi mag'lubiyatlar Buchanan ma'muriyatiga Shimoliy tanbeh sifatida xizmat qildi va Respublikachilar palatasining nazorati respublikachilarga Byukenenning muddatining ikkinchi yarmida kun tartibining katta qismini to'sib qo'yishga imkon berdi.[59][60]

Quldorlik bilan bog'liq doimiy ziddiyatlar

1858 yilgi saylovlardan so'ng senator Jefferson Devis Missisipi va boshqa janubiy radikallar federal o'tishga intildilar qul kodi bu hududlarda qullikni himoya qiladi va shu bilan Duglasning Freeport doktrinasi tomonidan o'ylab topilgan bo'shliqni yopadi. 1859 yil fevralda, federal qul kodeksi bo'yicha munozaralar boshlanganda, Devis va boshqa janubliklar 1860 yilgi partiya platformasida xalq suverenitetini o'z ichiga olsalar, partiyani tark etishlarini e'lon qilishdi, Duglas va uning tarafdorlari ham agar partiyaning platformasi bo'lsa, partiyani mahkamlashlarini aytishdi. federal qul kodini o'z ichiga olgan. Hududlarda qullik to'g'risida davom etayotgan munozaralarga qaramay, Kanzasning tanazzulga uchrashi asosiy muammo sifatida ittifoqchilarga Janubda qudratli kuch bo'lib qolishga imkon berdi.[61]

1859 yil oktyabrda bekor qilindi Jon Braun LED reyd a federal qurol-yarog ' yilda Harpers Ferry, Virjiniya, a boshlash umidida qullar qo'zg'oloni. Braunning rejasi muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi va partiyasining aksariyati o'ldirildi yoki qo'lga olindi. Hujumdan keyin respublikachilar rahbarlari Virjiniya shtati tomonidan 1859 yil dekabrida qatl etilgan Braunga aloqadorligini rad etishdi. Shimolda kam sonli rahbarlar Braunning xatti-harakatlarini ma'qullagan bo'lishsa-da, janubliklar g'azablandilar va ko'pchilik Syuard singari respublikachilar rahbarlarini reydni uyushtirganlikda aybladilar. 1859 yil dekabrda Kongressga yillik xabarida Buchenen reydni "Shimol tomonidan janubdagi qullikni bekor qilish uchun olib boradigan ochiq urush" ning bir qismi sifatida tavsifladi va u federal qul kodini o'rnatishga chaqirdi. Senator boshchiligidagi Senatdagi tinglovlar Jeyms Myurrey Meyson Virjiniya shtati uzoq davom etgan tergovdan so'ng reyd uchun Respublikachilar partiyasini javobgarlikka tortdi, ammo janubiy kongressmenlar respublikachilarning hamkasblaridan shubhali bo'lib qolishdi.[62]

Tashqi siyosat

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: AQSh tashqi siyosati tarixi, 1829–1861

Byukenen Buyuk Britaniya hisobiga Markaziy Amerika ustidan AQSh gegemonligini o'rnatish atrofida joylashgan, ambitsiyali tashqi siyosat bilan Oq uyga kirdi.[63] U qayta muzokaralar olib borishga umid qildi Kleyton-Bulver shartnomasi, bu xatoni AQShning mintaqadagi ta'sirini cheklaydigan xato deb hisobladi. Shuningdek, u Meksika shtatlari ustidan Amerika protektoratlarini o'rnatishga intildi Chixuaxua va Sonora qisman mormonlar uchun manzil sifatida xizmat qilish.[64] Ispaniya imperiyasining tanazzulga yuz tutgan davlatidan xabardor bo'lib, u nihoyat uzoq vaqtdan beri davlat qulligi avj olgan Kubani egallab olish maqsadiga erishishga umid qildi. Inglizlar bilan uzoq muzokaralardan so'ng, u ularni berishga rozi bo'lishga ishontirdi Bay orollari ga Gonduras va Mosquito Coast ga Nikaragua. Biroq, Buchenening Kuba va Meksikadagi ambitsiyalari Vakillar palatasida bloklandi, u erda qullikka qarshi kuchlar yangi qullar hududini egallashga qaratilgan har qanday harakatga qat'iy qarshi chiqdilar.[65][66] Byukenen sotib olishni ham o'ylab ko'rdi Alyaska dan Rossiya imperiyasi, ehtimol Mormon ko'chmanchilari uchun mustamlaka sifatida, ammo AQSh va Rossiya narx bo'yicha kelisha olmadilar.[67]

Xitoyda AQSh neytral edi Ikkinchi afyun urushi 1856-58 yillarda. Byukenen tayinlandi Uilyam Bredford Rid 1857–58 yillarda Xitoyda vazir sifatida. Rid 1856 yilda sobiq viglarni demokratni qo'llab-quvvatlashga ishontirib, Byukeneni yutishiga yordam berdi. Ridning Xitoydagi maqsadi urushda Angliya va Frantsiya Xitoyga majbur qilgan imtiyozlarni Qo'shma Shtatlar uchun qo'lga kiritadigan yangi shartnoma bo'yicha muzokaralar olib borish edi. Rid yaxshi harakat qildi. The Tientsin shartnomasi (1858) amerikalik diplomatlarga Pekinda yashash huquqini berdi, amerika tovarlari uchun boj stavkalarini pasaytirdi va chet elliklar tomonidan Xitoyda dinni erkin amalga oshirilishini kafolatladi. Shartnoma keyinchalik Vashingtonga aylangan narsaning ildizlarini aniqlashga yordam berdi Ochiq eshik siyosati. [67][68]

1858 yilda Byukenen buyruq berdi Paragvay ekspeditsiyasi jazolamoq Paragvay otish uchun USSSuv jodugari ilmiy topshiriqda bo'lgan. Jazo ekspeditsiyasi Paragvayning kechirim so'rashiga va tovon puli to'lashiga olib keldi.[65][69]

Kovod qo'mitasi

Byukenen va uning ittifoqchilari siyosiy tarafdorlariga hech qanday shartnoma imzolamadilar, hukumat mablag'larini siyosiy kampaniyalarni olib borishda va sudyalarga pora berishda foydalandilar va davlat mulkini o'z mablag'laridan kamrog'iga yaqinlarga sotdilar. Tarixchi Maykl F. Xoltning so'zlariga ko'ra, Byukenen ma'muriyati "shubhasiz, fuqarolar urushiga qadar eng korrupsiyalangan [ma'muriyat] va Amerika tarixidagi eng korruptsionlardan biri bo'lgan".[70] 1860 yil mart oyida Uy uyni yaratdi Kovod qo'mitasi korruptsiya, poraxo'rlik va tovlamachilik dalillari uchun ma'muriyatni tekshirish. Uch respublikachi va ikki demokrat ishtirokidagi qo'mita Byukenen tarafdorlari tomonidan yalang'och partizanlikda ayblangan; ular, shuningdek, uning raisi, respublikachi kongressmenga zimma yukladilar Jon Kovod, Buchenenning qishloq xo'jaligi kollejlari uchun yer ajratish to'g'risidagi qonun hujjatlariga veto qo'ygani sababli shaxsiy g'azab bilan harakat qilish bilan.[71] Ushbu tanqidlarga qaramay, Demokratik qo'mita a'zolari, shuningdek Demokratik guvohlar, Respublikachilar singari Byukenenni ham quvg'in qilishdi.[72][73]

Qo'mita Byukenenni ayblash uchun asoslarni aniqlay olmadi; ammo, 17 iyunda chiqarilgan ko'pchilik hisobotda uning kabinet a'zolari orasidagi korruptsiya va vakolatlarini suiiste'mol qilish, shuningdek, respublika qo'mitasi a'zolarining Byukenen Kongress a'zolariga pora berishga uringanligi haqidagi ayblovlari (agar impichment bo'lmagan dalillar bo'lsa) fosh etildi. Lekompton konstitutsiyasi bilan. O'sha kuni alohida chiqarilgan Demokratik hisobotda dalillar kamligi ta'kidlangan, ammo bu da'volarni rad etmagan; Demokratik a'zolardan biri, Rep. Jeyms Robinson, respublikachilarning hisobotiga imzo qo'ymasa ham, rozi bo'lganligini jamoatchilikka ma'lum qildi.[73] Byukenen "ushbu sinovdan g'alaba bilan o'tgan" deb da'vo qildi. Shunga qaramay, respublika tezkor xodimlari Kovode qo'mitasining minglab nusxalarini butun mamlakat bo'ylab o'sha yilgi prezident saylovlarida tashviqot materiallari sifatida tarqatdilar.[74][75]

1860 yilgi saylov

John C. Breckinridge, Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining vitse-prezidenti Byukenen ostida

The 1860 yilgi Demokratlarning milliy qurultoyi 1860 yil aprelda chaqirilgan Charlston, Janubiy Karolina. Byukenen atigi bir muddat xizmat qilish va'dasiga sodiq qolishga qaror qilgan edi, ammo uning ma'muriyati faol ravishda uning siyosatini qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan voris izladi.[76] Stiven Duglas 1858 yilgi saylovlardan so'ng eng mashhur Shimoliy Demokratik etakchi sifatida paydo bo'ldi, ammo u hududlarda qullikka qarshi pozitsiyasi bilan Byukenenni va janubning ko'p qismini chetlashtirdi.[77] Ba'zi janubiy demokratlar, ayniqsa, chuqur janubdan bo'lganlar, Duglasdan ko'ra respublikachi prezidentni afzal ko'rishdi, chunki respublikachi prezidentning saylanishi ajralib chiqishni rag'batlantiradi.[78] Uzoq va murosasiz kurashdan so'ng, konventsiya Duglasning xalq suvereniteti kontseptsiyasini ma'qullaydigan va federal qul kodini rad etgan platformani qabul qildi. Janubiy delegatsiyaning ettita raisi partiya platformasiga javoban qurultoyga chiqib ketishdi.[79]

Janubiy rahbarlar anjumandan mahkamlanganidan so'ng, Xolib Kushing, qurultoy raisi sifatida saylovda g'olib bo'lgan Byukenanning ittifoqchisi, prezidentlik byulleteni uchun barcha delegatlarning uchdan ikki qismi (shu jumladan bolterlar) kerak bo'ladi, degan xulosaga kelishdi, ya'ni nomzod nomzod saylovchilarning oltidan oltitasidan qo'llab-quvvatlanishi kerak edi. delegatlar ishtirok etmoqda. Duglas boshchiligidagi ellik etti saylov byulletenidan so'ng, anjuman iyun oyida qayta yig'ilish rejalari bilan to'xtatildi. Baltimor, Merilend. Qayta chaqirilgandan so'ng, qolgan janubiy delegatlarning aksariyati, shuningdek, Buchenanga sodiq qolgan ba'zi shimoliy delegatlar, Charlestonda o'tirgan delegatlarni qayta tiklash uchun ovoz berishni yo'qotib, konvensiyani tark etishdi. Qolgan delegatlar Duglasni prezidentlikka nomzod qilib ko'rsatdilar. Duglas afzal Aleksandr X. Stiven as his running mate, but left the decision to the remaining Southern delegates, who eventually picked former Governor Xersel Jonson Gruziya.[79]

The delegates who had bolted from the Charleston and Baltimore conventions met elsewhere in Baltimore. After stating that he did not believe that the South should secede if Republicans won the 1860 election, Vice President Breckinridge was nominated on the first ballot of the convention. Senator Jozef Leyn of Oregon was nominated as Breckinridge's running mate. Buchanan and former President Franklin Pierce both endorsed Breckinridge and his platform, which called for the federal protection of slavery in the territories.[80] A group of former Whigs opposed to both Breckinridge and the Republicans, and unable to reach an accommodation with Douglas, formed the Konstitutsiyaviy ittifoq partiyasi va nomzod qilib ko'rsatildi Jon Bell of Tennessee for president and Edvard Everett of Massachusetts for vice president. The nascent party emphasized unionism and sought to push aside the issue of slavery. Though the party initially hoped to compete in both the North and the South, some Constitutional Unionists in the South endorsed a federal slave code, which destroyed the party's support in the North.[81]

The 1860 yilgi respublikachilarning milliy anjumani opened with five major candidates: Abraham Lincoln, William Seward, Salmon P. Chase Ogayo shtati, Simon Kemeron of Pennsylvania, and Edvard Beyts Missuri shtati. Despite Seward's lead on the first two ballots, Lincoln emerged as the party's nominee on the third ballot. Lincoln's candidacy was boosted by the widely-held view that his reputation for honesty and moderation made him a strong candidate, especially in key Northern belanchak holatlari like Indiana and Illinois. For vice president, the Republicans nominated Gannibal Xamlin, a former Democrat from Maine who maintained warm relations with both Lincoln and Seward. Republicans, including Seward, rallied to Lincoln as did many former Whigs.[82] Lincoln argued for the containment of slavery to the Southern states, but promised that Republicans would not seek to abolish slavery in the South itself. With four major candidates in the field, Buchanan hoped that not one candidate would win an electoral vote majority and the election would be thrown to the House.[83]

Results by county, indicating the percentage for the winning candidate. Shades of red represent Lincoln's support, shades of blue represent Douglas's support, shades of green represent Breckinridge's support, and shades of yellow represent Bell's support.

The 1860 election was essentially two races; in the North, Lincoln competed with Douglas for votes, while in the South, Breckinridge and Bell garnered the most support.[84] Like his successful Whig predecessors, Lincoln largely refrained from campaigning after the convention, instead leaving that to others in the party. In his silence, Lincoln failed to refute the charge of Southern radicals that he hoped to abolish slavery. During the summer and fall of 1860, Southern governors corresponded about potentially seceding from the union, and Buchanan did little to denounce secessionists. Douglas, on the other hand, focused much of his campaign on attacking secessionists, who he worried would attempt to seize control of the federal government in the aftermath of a Lincoln victory. As Breckinridge and Bell lacked support in the North, the defeat of Lincoln required the victory of Douglas in at least some Northern states, but Buchanan remained focused on defeating Douglas.[85] Some anti-Republican leaders attempted to form a fusion ticket in the North, but they achieved little success outside of New Jersey.[86]

With the Democrats divided, Lincoln won the 1860 election with a plurality of the popular vote and a majority of the electoral vote. Lincoln won virtually no support in the South, but his strong performance over Douglas in the North gave him a majority of the electoral vote. Breckinridge won most of the South, Bell won Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee, and Douglas won Missouri and three electoral votes in New Jersey.[87] Despite Lincoln's presidential victory, Republicans failed to win a majority in the House or Senate, and the Supreme Court membership remained largely the same as it had been when it issued the Dred Skott qaror. Thus, despite the election of a Republican president, slavery in the South faced no immediate danger.[88]

As early as October, the army's Bosh qo'mondonlik, Uinfild Skott, warned Buchanan that Lincoln's election would likely cause at least seven states to secede. He recommended that massive amounts of federal troops and artillery be deployed to those states to protect federal property, and warned that few reinforcements were available.[89] Buchanan, however, distrusted Scott (the two had long been political adversaries) and ignored his recommendations.[90] After Lincoln's election, Buchanan directed Secretary of War Floyd to reinforce southern forts with such provisions, arms and men as were available; however, Floyd convinced him to revoke the order.[89]

Ajratish

Shuningdek qarang: Amerika fuqarolar urushiga olib boradigan voqealar jadvali

Compromise attempts

Kolumbiya kabi Kichik Bo Peep; her lost sheep are the Southern states. Buchanan as "dog buck" tries in vain to herd states back into the Union.

With Lincoln's victory, talk of secession and disunion reached a boiling point. A Cincinnati newspaper wrote, "the doctrine of secession is anarchy. If any minority have the right to break up the government at pleasure, because they have not had their way, there is an end of all government.[91] In his annual message, delivered on December 3, 1860, Buchanan blamed the crisis entirely on Northerners and their anti-slavery agitation. He also argued that the Constitution made no provision for secession and that such an act would be unconstitutional. He stated that a "revolution" is justifiable in some instances, but argued that the South should wait for an "overt or dangerous" act before resorting to such a drastic action. Despite his opposition to secession, Buchanan argued that the president had no power to coerce states to remain in the Union, though he did state the president could defend federal property in seceding states. Finally, Buchanan asked Congress to call a convention of states to propose a constitutional amendment that would recognize slaves as property throughout the United States.[92] His address was sharply criticized both by the North, for its refusal to stop secession, and the South, for denying its right to secede.[93]

Tarixchi Jan H. Beyker explains Buchanan's behavior in terms of his Southern leanings, his long‐standing friendship with Southerners, and his choice of strong Southern personalities for his cabinet. She suggests that if it had not been for Joseph Holt, Edwin Stanton, and Jeremiah Black, Buchanan might have recognized the Confederate States of America.[94]

During the lame duck session of the 36th Congress, the Senate established the Committee of Thirteen in an attempt to defuse the crisis. The committee consisted of a mix of Northern Democrats, Southern Democrats, and Republicans. Senator Jon J. Krittenden of Kentucky proposed a package of constitutional amendments known as the Crittenden murosasi. The compromise would protect slavery in federal territories, current and future, south of the 36°30′ parallel. Congress would be forbidden from abolishing slavery in any state or interfering with the domestic slave trade. President-elect Lincoln refused to acquiesce to any extension of slavery into the territories, as he feared that the compromise would encourage Southern leaders to attempt to annex new territory South of the 36°30′ parallel in order to extend slavery. He also believed that adoption of the Crittenden Compromise would set a precedent through which Southern leaders could use the threat of secession to extract concessions. On Lincoln's direction, a majority of the Republicans on the committee opposed the Crittenden Compromise, and it was defeated by a combination of Republican and Southern votes. Crittenden nonetheless brought his package to the Senate floor, where was defeated in a 25-to-23 vote on January 16, 1861.[95]

1861 AQSh shtatlari va hududlarining ajralib chiqishning ikki bosqichini ko'rsatadigan xaritasi.
1861 yil Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining ajralib chiqish inqirozi xaritasi.
Afsona:
  1861 yil 15 aprelgacha ajralib chiqqan davlatlar
  1861 yil 15 apreldan keyin ajralib chiqqan davlatlar
  Qullikka ruxsat bergan, lekin ajralib chiqmagan davlatlar
  States of the Union where slavery was banned
  AQSh hududlari, ostida Ittifoq armiyasi boshqaruv

In 1850, Southern extremists had called the Nashvil konvensiyasi in an attempt to organize the simultaneous secession of Southern states. In 1860, pro-secession leaders pursued a state-by-state strategy, hoping to trigger a chain reaction by leading states to secede one-by-one. A minority of leaders in the Deep South, including Alexander Stephens, opposed secession before Lincoln made a move that would threaten slavery in the Southern states. However, the wide popularity of secession in the Deep South precluded delay until after Lincoln took office.[96] As Congress scrambled to devise a compromise acceptable to North and South, the first Southern state seceded. South Carolina, long the most radical Southern state, declared its secession on December 20, 1860. The state ordnance of secession accused the North of having "assumed the right to decide upon the propriety of our domestic institutions" and also declared that the Republican Party believed that "a war must be waged against Slavery until it shall cease throughout the United States."[97] After declaring its own secession, South Carolina sent commissioners to the other Southern states. By February 1, 1861, another six states had seceded. Conventions in Mississippi, Louisiana, and Florida overwhelmingly voted to secede, while unionists in Alabama and Georgia put up a stronger, but still unsuccessful, fight. In a referendum, two-thirds of Texans also voted to secede, despite the opposition of long-time Texas leader Sem Xyuston. The other eight slave states rejected secession, though North Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and Arkansas would later secede during Lincoln's presidency.[98] The seceded states organized into the Amerika Konfederativ Shtatlari, and Jefferson Davis was elected as the Confederacy's first president on February 9.[99]

After trying in vain to convince Lincoln to publicly support a constitutional convention or a national referendum on the Crittenden Compromise, Buchanan sent a special message to Congress, asking it to authorize a referendum or find some other method of compromise that would allay the fears of the South.[100] Leaders in both the North and South competed for the allegiance of the upper South, and both attempted to project an image of moderation. The House of Representatives established the Committee of Thirty-Three to help foster a compromise to prevent more states from seceding. Charlz Frensis Adams Sr. put forth a proposal to admit Nyu-Meksiko as a slave state, but the lack of slaves in that territory led most congressmen to believe that it would become a de facto free state. With the support of Seward and Lincoln, the Committee of Thirty-Three put forth a resolution to repeal all state shaxsiy erkinlik to'g'risidagi qonunlar, which were designed to make enforcement of the Fugitive Slave Act more difficult. The committee also proposed the Korvinni o'zgartirish, which would bar Congress from interfering with slavery in the states. A significant number of Republicans refused to support the Corwin Amendment, but it passed both of the houses of Congress and was proposed to the states for ratification. On February 4, delegates convened from most states outside of the Deep South convened in Washington for the 1861 yilgi tinchlik konferentsiyasi, which was chaired by former President Jon Tayler. The convention proposed a solution similar to the Crittenden Compromise, with the major change being that slavery would be protected only in current territories below the 36°30′ parallel. Republican opposition to the Peace Conference's proposal killed its chances, and its proposals were rejected by Congress.[101] The Corwin Amendment would never be ratified by the requisite number of states, but as Congress did not set a vaqt chegarasi for its ratification, the amendment is still technically pending.[102][103]

Sumter Fort

With all compromise efforts failing, and with several Southern states had seceded, Buchanan's final days in office would be dominated by the issue of federal forts in the South, especially Sumter Fort.[100] All sides recognized that the status of Fort Sumter and two other forts located near Charleston could decide whether or not the South would secede peacefully. As long as they remained under federal control, they would be a hated symbol of Northern power, but a Southern attack on them would incite Northern public opinion and possibly spark a civil war.[104] Because whichever side that fired the first shot would look like the aggressor and pay a price in the crucial border states, many Southerners hoped to persuade Buchanan to peacefully surrender the forts.[105]

Shortly after Lincoln's election, Buchanan and Secretary of War Floyd had appointed Major Robert Anderson to command Fort Sumter and the other two nearby federal installations. Buchanan ordered Anderson to hold the forts while avoiding any act that would provoke aggression.[106] On December 27, Anderson evacuated from the more vulnerable Moultri Fort. Meeting with several Southern leaders, Buchanan acknowledged that Anderson's actions had gone against his orders, but he refused to remove Anderson or surrender the forts. Outraged, Secretary of War Floyd, who himself was from Virginia, resigned. Buchanan considered ordering Anderson to return to Fort Moultrie, but his Northern cabinet members, who now made up a majority of the cabinet, threatened to resign. Buchanan instead composed a public message in which he stated that he would do all within his power to defend Fort Sumter.[107]

On January 5, 1861, Buchanan decided to reinforce Fort Sumter, sending the G'arb yulduzi with 250 men and supplies. However, Buchanan failed to ask Major Anderson to provide covering fire for the ship, and it was forced to return North without delivering troops or supplies.[108] Following the expedition, the last of Buchanan's Southern cabinet members resigned. The Buchanan administration debated ways to reinforce Fort Sumter, but Anderson did not ask for supplies and Buchanan was content to deliver the issue of Fort Sumter to President Lincoln. In February, South Carolina became part of the Confederate States of America. The Confederate Congress authorized President Davis to take the fort by any means necessary, but the Confederates would not strike until after the end of Buchanan's presidency.[109] On March 3, a message from Anderson reached Buchanan stating that Fort Sumter's supplies were running low. The following day, Buchanan was succeeded by Lincoln, who was left to deal with the crisis that eventually became the Amerika fuqarolar urushi.[108]

Ittifoqga qabul qilingan davlatlar

Three new states were ittifoqqa qabul qilingan while Buchanan was in office:

Tarixiy obro'-e'tibor

BEP tomonidan Buchananning prezident sifatida tasvirlangan portreti.
BEP engraved portrait of Buchanan as President.

The day before his death, Buchanan predicted that "history will vindicate my memory".[113] Historians have defied that prediction and criticize Buchanan for his passivity as the debate over slavery tore at and disrupted the country in the late 1850s.[114] In terms of his legacy to American history, historian Michael Todd Landis Links and closely to his top advisor Jexu Glensi Jons:

Leading Northern Democrats such as Jones and Buchanan were not romantic defenders of working men, as some scholars have claimed; nor were they moderates striving to save the Union from extreme sectionalism. Rather, they were proslavery activists whose willful actions had direct and disastrous effects on the nation. Their policies enraged free-state voters and caused the fatal split in the Democratic Party that resulted in Lincoln’s election, which, in turn, triggered disunion. They were culpable and responsible—a fact that should not be forgotten or overlooked.[115]

When asked to rank the best and worst presidents, Buchanan is consistently placed among the worst.[116] Many consider him as the worst president in American history, for during his administration, the Union broke apart, and when he left office, civil war threatened.[117][118]

2017 yil C-SPAN survey ranked him the least effective U.S. president of all-time. The survey asked 91 presidential historians to rank the 43 former presidents (including then-out-going president Barack Obama) in various categories to come up with a composite score, resulting in an overall ranking; Buchanan was ranked 43rd. His rankings in the various categories of this most recent poll were: public persuasion (43), crisis leadership (43), economic management (43), moral authority (43), international relations (43), administrative skills (41), relations with congress (42), vision/setting an agenda (43), pursued equal justice for all (43), performance with context of times (43).[119] 2018 yilgi so'rovnoma Amerika siyosiy fanlar assotsiatsiyasi ’s Presidents and Executive Politics section tartiblangan Buchanan as the second-worst president.[120] A 2006 poll of historians ranked Buchanan's failure to prevent the Civil War as the worst mistake ever made by a sitting president.[121]

Buchanan biographer Philip Klein explains the challenges Buchanan faced:

Buchanan assumed leadership ... when an unprecedented wave of angry passion was sweeping over the nation. That he held the hostile sections in check during these revolutionary times was in itself a remarkable achievement. His weaknesses in the stormy years of his presidency were magnified by enraged partisans of the North and South. His many talents, which in a quieter era might have gained for him a place among the great presidents, were quickly overshadowed by the cataclysmic events of civil war and by the towering Abraham Lincoln."[122]

Biographer Jean Baker is less charitable to Buchanan:

Americans have conveniently misled themselves about the presidency of James Buchanan, preferring to classify him as indecisive and inactive...In fact Buchanan's failing during the crisis over the Union was not inactivity, but rather his partiality for the South, a favoritism that bordered on disloyalty in an officer pledged to defend all the United States. He was that most dangerous of chief executives, a stubborn, mistaken ideologue whose principles held no room for compromise. His experience in government had only rendered him too self-confident to consider other views. In his betrayal of the national trust, Buchanan came closer to committing treason than any other president in American history.[123]

Quite apart from the moralistic evaluations of Buchanan's failures, historians have recently been asking new questions about exactly how his administration worked. Michael L. Carrafiello argues:

In the 1990s, however, a group of eminent antebellum historians declared that much more work needed to be done on Buchanan and his presidency. History’s verdict on Buchanan, they said, cannot merely be that he was the antithesis of Lincoln. They suggested a number of questions on Buchanan that remained to be answered including “How did he define his presidential role?” and “What was his concept, his view, of the power of the presidency?” In addition, there are other recurring questions concerning the Buchanan presidency such as “Why did Buchanan assemble such a weak cabinet?”; “What were his real views of the institution of slavery?”; “And how could he have believed that the Supreme Court through the Dred Scott decision would provide a definitive settlement to the slavery issue?” [124]

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  122. ^ Klein 1962, p. 429.
  123. ^ Beyker 2004 yil, 141-bet.
  124. ^ Carrafiello, "Diplomatic Failure: James Buchanan’S Inaugural Address." (2010) p. 146.

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