Endryu Jonsonning prezidentligi - Presidency of Andrew Johnson

Endryu Jonsonning prezidentligi
1865 yil 15 aprel - 1869 yil 4 mart
Prezident	Endryu Jonson
Kabinet	Ro'yxatni ko'ring
Partiya	Milliy ittifoq (1865–68)[a] Demokratik (1868–69)[a]
O'rindiq	oq uy
← Avraam Linkoln • Uliss S. Grant →
Prezident muhri (1850–1894)

The Endryu Jonsonning prezidentligi qachon 1865 yil 15 aprelda boshlangan Endryu Jonson bo'ldi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Prezidenti ustiga Prezident Avraam Linkolnning o'ldirilishi, va 1869 yil 4 martda tugagan. U shunday edi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining vitse-prezidenti u prezidentlikka muvaffaq bo'lganida atigi 42 kun davomida. The 17-chi Qo'shma Shtatlar prezident, Jonson a'zosi bo'lgan Demokratik partiya oldin Fuqarolar urushi va Linkolnniki edi 1864 yugurayotgan turmush o'rtog'i Milliy ittifoq tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan chipta Respublikachilar va Urush demokratlari. Jonson Fuqarolar urushi sifatida ish boshladi yaqinlashdi, va uning prezidentligi urushdan keyin hukmronlik qildi. Prezident sifatida Jonson o'zining janubiy va konservativ shimolliklarning partiyasini qurishga urindi, ammo u o'z tarafdorlarini yangi partiyaga birlashtira olmadi. Respublika Uliss S. Grant Jonsondan keyin prezident lavozimini egalladi.

O'zidan bo'lgan Jonson Tennessi, tez tiklanishini ma'qulladi ajratilgan davlatlar ittifoqqa. U o'zining shaklini amalga oshirdi Prezidentni qayta qurish - ajralib chiqqan davlatlarni o'zlarining fuqarolik hukumatlarini qayta tuzish uchun konvensiyalar va saylovlar o'tkazishga yo'naltiradigan bir qator bayonotlar. Uning rejalari himoyani bermadi sobiq qullar va u bilan to'qnashdi Respublika - hukmronlik qiladigan Kongress. Janubiy shtatlar qaytib kelgach, ularning ko'plab eski rahbarlari o'tib ketishdi Qora kodlar ozod qiluvchilarni ko'plab fuqarolik erkinliklaridan mahrum qilish uchun Kongress respublikachilari ushbu shtatlardan qonun chiqaruvchilarni joylashtirishdan bosh tortdilar va janub bo'ylab harbiy okruglar tashkil qildilar. Jonson ularning qonun loyihalariga veto qo'ydi va Kongress respublikachilari uni bekor qildi va prezidentligining qolgan davrida namuna ko'rsatdi.^[b]

Jonsonning harakatlaridan hafsalasi pir bo'lgan Kongress taklif qildi O'n to'rtinchi o'zgartirish shtatlarga, tuzatish esa 1868 yilda ratifikatsiya qilingan. Hokimiyat tarmoqlari o'rtasidagi ziddiyat kuchayib borishi bilan Kongress bu qarorni qabul qildi Ofis qonuni muddati, Jonsonning Vazirlar Mahkamasi xodimlarini ishdan bo'shatish qobiliyatini cheklash. U urush kotibini ishdan bo'shatishga urinishda davom etganida Edvin Stanton, u edi impichment e'lon qilindi Vakillar palatasi tomonidan unga impichment e'lon qilingan birinchi AQSh prezidentiga aylandi. Jonson Senatda sudlanganlik va lavozimdan chetlatilishidan deyarli qochib qutulgan edi, ammo so'nggi bir yil ichida o'z lavozimida bo'lganida ozgina kuch ishlatgan. Tashqi siyosatda Jonson rahbarlik qildi sotib olish ning Alyaska va uning prezidentligi oxirini ko'rdi Frantsiya aralashuvi yilda Meksika. Respublikachilar bilan munosabatlarni buzgan va Milliy ittifoq bayrog'i ostida o'z partiyasini tashkil qilmagan Jonson 1868 yilda demokratlar nomidan prezidentlikka nomzod ko'rsatishga intilgan, ammo bu Horatio Seymour o'rniga. Seymurning Grant tomonidan mag'lubiyati 1868 yil prezident saylovi qayta qurish ustidan Shimoliy respublikachilarni qat'iy nazorat ostiga oldi.

Garchi u tomonidan juda hurmat qilingan Dunning maktabi tarixchilarning, so'nggi tarixchilar Jonsonning reytingini eng yomoni orasida Amerika prezidentlari uning Kongress bilan tez-tez to'qnashuvi, federal kafolatlangan huquqlarga qattiq qarshilik ko'rsatgani uchun Afroamerikaliklar va prezident sifatida umuman samarasizligi.

Kirish

Jonsonning zamonaviy o'tinsozligi 1865 yil 15 aprelda Vazirlar Mahkamasi a'zolari qarab turgan paytda Bosh sudya Chase tomonidan qasamyod qilmoqdalar

Prezident Avraam Linkoln yutgan edi 1860 yilgi prezident saylovi a'zosi sifatida Respublika partiyasi, ammo, qo'llab-quvvatlashni yutib olish umidida Urush demokratlari, u bayrog'i ostida yugurdi Milliy ittifoq partiyasi ichida 1864 yilgi prezident saylovi.^[1] Da partiyaning qurultoyi iyun oyida Baltimorda Linkoln osonlikcha nomzod qilib ko'rsatildi, ammo partiya vitse-prezidentni tark etdi Gannibal Xamlin Tennisining harbiy gubernatori bo'lib ishlagan urush demokratlaridan Endryu Jonson foydasiga chiptadan.^[2] 1864 yilgi prezidentlik saylovlarida Milliy ittifoq chiptasi g'olib chiqqanidan so'ng, Jonson 1865 yil 4 martda vitse-prezident sifatida qasamyod qildi.^[3]

1865 yil 14 aprelda yopilish kunlari ning Fuqarolar urushi, Prezident Linkoln edi otilgan tomonidan o'ldirilgan Jon Uilks But, a Konfederatsiya hamdard. Prezidentni o'qqa tutish Linkoln, vitse-prezident Endryu Jonson va davlat kotibini o'ldirish fitnasining bir qismi edi. Uilyam Syuard o'sha tunda. Syeward zo'rg'a yaralaridan omon qoldi, Jonson esa qotil sifatida hujumdan qochib qutuldi, Jorj Atzerodt, vitse-prezidentni o'ldirish o'rniga mast bo'ldi. Leonard J. Farwell Kirkvud Xausda istiqomat qiluvchi, Jonsonni Linkolnning o'q uzgani haqidagi xabar bilan uyg'otdi Ford teatri. Jonson prezidentning o'lim to'shagiga yugurdi, u erda u qisqa vaqt qoldi, qaytib kelgach: "Ular buning uchun azob chekishadi. Buning uchun azob chekishadi", deb va'da berishdi.^[4] Linkoln ertasi kuni ertalab soat 7: 22da vafot etdi; Jonsonning qasamyodi sudya boshlig'i bilan soat 10 dan 11 gacha bo'lgan Salmon P. Chase Vazirlar Mahkamasining katta qismi ishtirokida raislik qilish. Jonsonning o'zini tutishini gazetalar "tantanali va obro'li" deb ta'rifladilar.^[5] Jonson, Vashingtondagi Linkolnning dafn marosimlarida, salafi jasadi uyiga jo'natilishidan oldin rahbarlik qilgan. Sprinfild, Illinoys, dafn qilish uchun.^[6]

Bosh prokurorning taklifi bilan Jeyms Spid, Jonson harbiy komissiyaga Linkolnni o'ldirishda aybdor deb topilgan tirik qolganlarni sud qilishga ruxsat berdi. Olti haftalik sud jarayoni to'rt ayblanuvchiga o'lim jazosi, qolganlariga nisbatan kamroq jazo bilan yakunlandi.^[7] Suiqasd voqealari, keyinchalik va keyinchalik Jonson va fitnachilar unga nimani nazarda tutgan bo'lishi mumkinligi haqida spekülasyonlara sabab bo'ldi. Atzerodt qo'lga olinganidan keyin o'z hayotini saqlab qolish umidida, fitna haqida ko'p gapirdi, ammo Jonsonga qilingan suiqasd faqat hiyla-nayrang ekanligini ko'rsatadigan hech narsa demadi. Fitna nazariyotchilari, suiqasd kuni Butning Kirkvud uyiga kelib, kartalaridan birini qoldirganiga ishora qilmoqda. Ushbu ob'ektni Jonsonning shaxsiy kotibi Uilyam A. Braunn "Siz uydasizmi? Sizni bezovta qilishni xohlamang. J. Uilks But" degan yozuv bilan qabul qildi.^[8]

Partiyaviy mansublik

BEP Jonsonning prezident sifatida o'yilgan portreti.

Jonson partizanlarning kelishuvi o'zgargan paytda o'z lavozimini egalladi. Avvalgi Whigs va avvalgi Demokratlar ichidagi ta'sir uchun kurashgan Respublika partiyasi, qolganlari esa Shimoliy demokratlar Fuqarolar urushi yillarida ularning partiyasini qayta aniqlashga intildi.^[9] Jonsonning qo'shilishi janubiy sobiq demokratni prezident idorasida qoldirgan fuqarolar urushi tugashi bilanoq prezident idorasida qoldirdi darhol turtki 1860 yilda prezidentlikka Shimoliy respublikachi Avraam Linkolnning saylanishi. Jonson fuqarolar urushiga qadar turli idoralarda demokrat bo'lib ishlagan,^[10] va u eng taniqli kishilardan biriga aylandi Janubiy ittifoqchilar urush boshlangandan keyin.^[11] 1864 yilgi prezident saylovlari davomida respublika chiptasi targ'ibot sifatida Milliy ittifoq Milliy ittifoq konvensiyasi Jonsonni taniqli Janubiy urush demokrati maqomi tufayli partiyaning vitse-prezidentligiga nomzod sifatida tanladi.^[12] U o'zini hech qachon respublikachi deb e'lon qilmagan bo'lsa ham,^[13] Jonson o'z lavozimiga kelganida, Respublikachilar partiyasi tomonidan keng ma'qullandi.^[14]

Jonsonniki Qayta qurish siyosat Respublikachilar partiyasidagi ko'pchilikni tezda chetlashtirdi, Jonsonning homiylik qarorlari va Syuard bilan ittifoq ko'plab demokratlarni chetlashtirdi.^[15] O'rnatilgan partiyalarning birortasi bilan ittifoq qilish o'rniga, Jonson ikkala partiyaning konservativ elementlaridan iborat yangi partiya tuzishga intildi.^[16] 1866 yil avgustda Jonson a anjuman uning tarafdorlari Filadelfiya. Konventsiya Jonsonning dasturini ma'qulladi, ammo Jonson uzoq muddatli koalitsiya tuza olmadi.^[17] Muddatining oxiriga kelib Jonson 1868 yilgi Demokratik partiyaning nomzodini ilgari surdi, ammo Linkoln bilan ittifoqi va uning homiylik qarorlari uni ushbu partiyada ko'plab dushmanlarga aylantirdi.^[18]

Ma'muriyat

Ishga kirishganida, Jonson avvalgisining siyosatini davom ettirishga va'da berdi va u dastlab Linkolnning kabinetini joyida saqlab qoldi. Davlat kotibi Uilyam Syuard Jonsonning Vazirlar Mahkamasining eng nufuzli a'zolaridan biriga aylandi va Jonson Syuardga ekspansiyali tashqi siyosat olib borishga ruxsat berdi. Prezidentligining boshida Jonson urush kotibiga ishongan Edvin Stanton qayta qurish siyosatini amalga oshirish uchun va u dengiz floti kotibining maqbul fikriga ega edi Gideon Uels va G'aznachilik kotibi Xyu Makkullo. U Postmaster General uchun kamroq hurmatga ega edi Kichik Uilyam Dennison., Bosh prokuror Jeyms Spid va Ichki ishlar kotibi Jeyms Xarlan.^[19]

Harlan, Dennison va Speed ​​1866 yil iyun oyida Jonson Kongress respublikachilari bilan munosabatlarni buzganidan keyin iste'foga chiqdilar.^[20] Tezlikni almashtirish, Genri Stenberi, Jonsonni impichment sudida himoya qilish uchun iste'foga chiqmasdan oldin uning kabinetining eng taniqli a'zolaridan biri sifatida paydo bo'ldi.^[21] Jonson Stantonni qayta qurish bilan bog'liq kelishmovchiliklardan so'ng to'xtatib qo'ydi va uning o'rnini egalladi Armiya generali Uliss S. Grant oraliq asosda.^[22] Grant bilan to'qnashgandan so'ng, Jonson generalga urush kotibi lavozimini taklif qildi Uilyam T. Sherman, kim rad etdi va Lorenzo Tomas, kim qabul qildi.^[23] Tomas hech qachon o'z lavozimini egallamagan; Jonson tayinlandi Jon Shofild mo''tadil respublikachilar bilan murosa sifatida urush kotibi sifatida.^[24]

Sud tayinlovlari

Jonson prezidentligi davrida to'qqizinchi moddadan uchinchi federal sudyani tayinladi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining tuman sudlari; u muvaffaqiyatli xizmat qilish uchun adolatni tayinlamadi Oliy sud. 1866 yil aprel oyida u Genri Stenberini Adliya sudining o'limidan keyin qoldirilgan Oliy sud vakansiyasini to'ldirishga taklif qildi Jon Katron, ammo Kongress o'tirib, joyni yo'q qildi Sud sudlari to'g'risidagi qonun 1866 yil. Jonson hech qanday tayinlashni amalga oshirolmasligini ta'minlash uchun, sud yana bir sudyani lavozimidan ketganida bitta sud tomonidan qisqarishini nazarda tutgan.^[25] Jonson o'zining Grinvill yaqinlarini tayinladi, Samuel Milligan, uchun Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining da'vo sudi, u erda 1868 yildan vafotigacha 1874 yilda xizmat qilgan.^[26]

Fuqarolar urushining tugashi va qullikning bekor qilinishi

Jonson keyin lavozimiga kirishdi Robert E. Li "s Appomatox Court House-da taslim bo'lish, ammo Konfederatsiya qo'shinlari dalada qoldi. 1865 yil 21 aprelda Jonson o'z kabinetining bir ovozdan qo'llab-quvvatlashi bilan general Uliss S. Grantga ittifoq generali Uilyam T. Sherman va Konfederat general o'rtasida tuzilgan sulhni bekor qilishni buyurdi. Jozef E. Jonston. Sulh shartnomasi mavjud Konfederativ davlat hukumatlarini tan olish kabi siyosiy shartlarni o'z ichiga olgan edi. 2 may kuni Jonson Konfederatsiya prezidentini qo'lga olish uchun 100 ming dollar taklif qilgan deklaratsiya e'lon qildi Jefferson Devis Ko'pchilik Linkolnning o'ldirilishida ishtirok etgan deb o'ylagan. Devis 10-mayda qo'lga olindi. May oyi oxirida sohadagi so'nggi Konfederatsiya kuchlari taslim bo'ldi va Jonson kabinet va mamlakatning eng yaxshi generallari qatorida Vashingtonda zafarli harbiy paradga rahbarlik qildi. Ikki oydan kam lavozimida ishlaganidan so'ng, Jonson mag'lubiyatga uchragan Konfederatsiyaga qarshi kurashadigan kishining obro'sini rivojlantirdi va uning Kongress respublikachilari orasida obro'si yuqori bo'lib qoldi.^[27]

Linkoln prezidentligining so'nggi kunlarida Kongress nima bo'lishini tasdiqladi O'n uchinchi tuzatish bekor qilingan qullik va beixtiyor servitut umummilliy. Tuzatish 1865 yil dekabrda kerakli miqdordagi davlatlar tomonidan tasdiqlangan (keyin 27 ta) Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Konstitutsiyasiga o'n uchinchi o'zgartirish.^[28] Garchi Linkolnniki bo'lsa ham Emansipatsiya to'g'risidagi e'lon sobiq Konfederatsiyada ko'plab qullarni ozod qilgan edi, o'n uchinchi tuzatish butun mamlakat bo'ylab qullikni butunlay bekor qildi va qullarni ozod qildi. chegara davlatlari Kentukki singari.^[29]

Qayta qurish

Fuqarolar urushi tugashi bilan Jonson Konfederatsiyani tashkil etgan davlatlar bilan nima qilish kerak degan savolga duch keldi. Prezident Linkoln Virjiniya, Arkanzas, Luiziana va Tennesi shtatlaridagi sodiq hukumatlar vakolatiga ega edi, chunki Ittifoq ushbu shtatlarning katta qismlarini nazorat qilishga kirishdi va o'n foizli reja bu har qanday shtatdagi saylovchilarning o'n foizi kelajakda Ittifoqqa sodiqlik qasamyodini berganidan keyin saylovlarga imkon beradi. Kongressdagi ko'pchilik buni juda yumshoq deb hisoblashdi. The Veyd-Devis Bill Saylovchilarning ko'pchiligidan sadoqat qasamyodini talab qilishi, 1864 yilda Kongressning har ikkala palatasidan o'tgan edi, ammo Linkoln veto qo'ydi u.^[30]

Jonson qabul qilingan paytda Kongress uchta fraktsiyadan iborat edi. The Radikal respublikachilar afroamerikaliklar uchun ovoz berish va boshqa fuqarolik huquqlarini izladi. Ular erkinlarni ozodlikka chiqqanligi uchun minnatdorchilik sifatida respublikachilarga ovoz berishga undashlari va qora ovozlar respublikachilarni hokimiyatda ushlab turishi mumkinligiga ishonishgan.^[31] Radikal respublikachilar qayta qurish, ozchiliklarning huquqlarini himoya qilish va federal hukumat uchun urushdan keyingi rolni kuchaytirish zarurati to'g'risidagi qarashlari bilan aniqlandi; ular iqtisodiy masalalarda yagona fikrga ega emas edilar.^[32] Mo''tadil respublikachilar afroamerikaliklarning saylov huquqi g'oyasini radikal hamkasblari singari yoki o'zlarining mahalliy siyosiy xavotirlari tufayli yoki erkin odam o'z ovozini yomon berib yuborishi mumkinligiga ishonishgani uchun juda g'ayratli edilar.^[31] Shunga qaramay, ular afro-amerikaliklarga "nominal erkinlik" dan ko'proq berilishini ta'minlashga sodiq edilar va Konfederatsiya amaldorlarini hokimiyat tepasida tiklashga qarshi edilar.^[33] Kongressdagi uchinchi fraktsiya - Shimoliy demokratlar Janubiy shtatlarni so'zsiz tiklashni ma'qulladilar va afroamerikaliklarning saylov huquqiga qarshi chiqdilar.^[31]

Prezidentni qayta qurish

Dastlab Jonson rekonstruksiya siyosatini qonunchilik aralashuvisiz ishlab chiqishga topshirildi, chunki Kongress 1865 yil dekabrgacha yana yig'ilmasligi kerak edi.^[34] Jonson Janubiy shtatlar hech qachon Ittifoqdan chiqib ketmagan deb hisoblar edi. Qo'zg'olon mag'lubiyatga uchragach, u janub AQSh Konstitutsiyasiga binoan teng huquqli sheriklar o'rnini qayta egallashi kerak deb o'ylardi. Afro-amerikaliklar va ko'plab Kongress respublikachilarining iltimoslariga qaramay, Jonson saylov huquqini davlat masalasi deb bilar edi va mag'lubiyatga uchragan Janubga ulkan o'zgarishlar kiritish uchun federal kuchdan foydalanishga qiziqmasdi.^[35] Jonson buning o'rniga ishchi sinf oqlari elita ekuvchilar sinfini engib chiqishda yordam berishga intildi, afroamerikaliklar hali ham Janubiy jamiyatning eng past pog'onasiga tushib ketishdi.^[36]

Jonson janub bo'ylab shtat hukumatlarini tashkil etishga qaror qildi va tezda yaqin vaqtgacha isyon ko'targan shtatlarda hukumatlarni tiklash uchun harakat qildi.^[37] 1865 yil may oyida u olib tashlandi Nataniel P. Banks Luiziana shtatidagi qo'mondonlikdan keyin Banklar Konfederatsiyaning sobiq amaldorlarini Gubernator tomonidan tayinlanishiga norozilik bildirdilar Jeyms Medison Uels.^[38] Xuddi shu oyda Jonson tan oldi Frensis Xarrison Perpont Virjiniya hukumati va tayinlangan Uilyam Vuds Xolden Shimoliy Karolina gubernatori sifatida. Keyinchalik Jonson boshqa sobiq Konfederatsiya davlatlariga rahbarlik qilish uchun gubernatorlarni tayinladi. U ushbu hokimlarni avvalgi siyosiy mansubligi va mafkurasiga e'tibor bermasdan tanladi, aksincha ularning fuqarolar urushi paytida Ittifoqqa sodiqligiga e'tibor qaratdi. Jonson o'z gubernatorlariga juda ko'p shartlar qo'ymadi, faqat ular o'n uchinchi tuzatishni ratifikatsiya qilishni va ajralib chiqish to'g'risidagi farmonlarni va Konfederatsiya qarzlarini rad etishni talab qilishlarini so'radi.^[37] Alabama gubernatori Lyuis E. Parsons, Jonson tomonidan tayinlangan kishi, "federal konstitutsiyaga binoan davlatga tegishli bo'lgan har qanday siyosiy huquq bugungi kunda unga tegishli, faqat qullik bilan bog'liq istisno bundan mustasno" deb e'lon qildi.^[39] Janubiy gubernatorlar shtat konvensiyalarini chaqirdilar, ular o'z navbatida yangi hukumatlar tashkil qildi va yangi saylovlarni tayinladilar, ulardan sobiq ajralib chiquvchilar g'olib chiqdi. Yangi hukumatlar qat'iy o'tdilar Qora kodlar bu qullikning virtual qayta tiklanishini tashkil etdi. Jonson aralashishdan bosh tortdi, chunki u bunday masalalar federal emas, balki shtat ekanligiga qat'iy ishongan.^[40]

Jonson tez-tez buzilib ketish uchun harakat qildi Ozodlik byurosi, 1865 yil mart oyida Kongress tomonidan tashkil etilgan agentlik. AQSh armiyasi bilan birgalikda Ozodlik byurosi janubda yordam agentligi va politsiya kuchi sifatida harakat qilib, oq va qora tanlilarga yordam ko'rsatdi.^[41] 1865 yil sentyabrda Jonson Freedommen byurosining buyrug'ini bekor qildi, unda tashlab ketilgan erni unga ishlov berishni boshlagan ozodchilarga berilgan edi; Jonson buning o'rniga bunday mulkni urushdan oldingi egalariga qaytarishni buyurdi.^[42] Jonson shuningdek, janubiy oq tanlilar qora tanlilarga ustunlik berishda ayblagan Fridmenlar byurosining zobitlarini ham tozaladi.^[43] Jonson armiya vakolatlarini cheklashda Ozodlik byurosi vakolatiga qaraganda unchalik faol bo'lmagan, ammo shunga qaramay armiya o'z ta'sirining pasayishini ko'rgan, chunki urush tugaganidan keyin askarlar safdan bo'shatilgan.^[44]

Jonson shtat hukumatlarini tezda tiklashdan va Fridmenlar byurosining ishiga aralashishdan tashqari, oq tanli janubiy aholining mulkiy va fuqarolik huquqlarini tiklashga ham intilgan. 1865 yil 29 mayda Jonson aksariyat sobiq Konfederatlarga amnistiya taklif qildi. Bu buyruqqa Konfederatsiyaning yuqori harbiy va fuqarolik zobitlari, harbiy jinoyatchilar va soliqqa tortiladigan mol-mulki 20 ming dollardan ortiq bo'lganlar kiritilmagan. 1865 yil oxiri va 1866 yil boshlarida u tayinlagan Janubiy gubernatorlarning maslahati bilan Jonson elita ekuvchilar sinfining ko'p qismini afv etdi. Keyinchalik, ekuvchi elita asosan Jonsonning qayta qurish rejalaridan farqli o'laroq, janubda hokimiyatni qayta qo'lga kiritdi.^[45] Foner, isyonchilar rahbarlarini jazolashni ilgari qo'llab-quvvatlaganiga qaramay, Jonsonning urushdan oldingi janubiy elitaga kuchini qo'shish qarorining turtki bo'lishini "har doim sir bo'lib kelganini" ta'kidlaydi. Fonerning taxmin qilishicha, Jonson ekuvchilar bilan ittifoq Janubning doimiy oq hukmronligini ta'minlaydi va uning 1868 yilda qayta saylanishga da'vogarligini kuchaytiradi.^[46] Jonsonning 1865 yilgi prezidentni qayta qurish dasturi Fuqarolar urushidan keyin qora saylov huquqlarini amalga oshirishga bo'lgan har qanday umidni so'ndirdi, chunki qayta tiklangan janubiy oq tanlilar urushdan oldingi holat-kvoga nisbatan katta o'zgarishlarni qabul qilishga tayyor emas edilar.^[47]

Kongressning qaytishi

Respublikachilarning hammasi ham qora saylov huquqini ma'qullamagan bo'lsada, Qora kodekslarning qabul qilinishi va Konfederatsiya sobiq rahbarlarining hokimiyat tepasiga qaytarilishi partiyada keng g'azabga sabab bo'ldi.^[48] 1865 yil dekabrda qaytib kelgach, Kongress Jonson davrida tashkil etilgan hukumatlar tomonidan saylangan janubiy kongressmenlarni qabul qilishdan bosh tortdi.^[49] Shuningdek, u Qayta qurish bo'yicha qo'shma qo'mita, mo''tadil respublikachi senator boshchiligida Uilyam P. Fessenden, janubdagi sharoitlarni o'rganish.^[50] Ushbu harakatlarga qaramay, Kongressning aksariyat a'zolari prezident bilan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri to'qnash kelishni istamadilar va dastlab faqat Jonsonning Janubga nisbatan siyosatini aniq belgilashga intildilar.^[51] Trefuzning so'zlariga ko'ra, "Agar Jonson Respublikachilar partiyasining mo''tadil partiyalari bilan kelishuvga erishishi mumkin bo'lgan vaqt bo'lgan bo'lsa, bu Kongress qaytganidan keyingi davr edi".^[52]

Tomas Nast Jonsonni yo'q qilish haqidagi multfilm Ozodlik byurosi afroamerikaliklar uchib ketayotganda

Illinoys senatori Lyman Trumbull, mo''tadil respublikachilarning etakchisi va sud qo'mitasi raisi, prezident bilan o'zaro kelishuvga erishmoqchi edi. U Kongressni ochdi a qonun loyihasi Freedommen byurosini 1867 yilda rejalashtirilgan bekor qilishdan tashqari, shuningdek fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasini kengaytirish.^[53] Fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi tug'ilganlik fuqaroligi mahalliy amerikaliklardan tashqari, Qo'shma Shtatlarda tug'ilgan barcha shaxslarga va hech bir davlat AQSh fuqarolarining asosiy huquqlarini buzishi mumkin emasligini e'lon qildi.^[54] Trumbull Jonson bilan bir necha bor uchrashgan va prezident choralarni imzolashiga amin bo'lgan. Oq tanli janubliklar va respublika qonunchilarining g'azablangan g'azabidan Jonson 1866 yil 18 fevralda Fridman byurosi to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasiga veto qo'ydi.^[53] 1866 yil yanvar oyi oxiriga kelib, Jonson Radikal respublikachilar bilan kelishmovchiliklarni yutish uning siyosiy rejalari uchun zarur bo'lganligiga - qayta tiklanishning muvaffaqiyati uchun ham, 1868 yilda qayta saylanish uchun ham zarur bo'lganiga amin bo'ldi.^[53] O'zining veto-xabarida u Fridman byurosi federal hokimiyatni konstitutsiyaga zid va aqlsiz amalga oshirish ekanligini ta'kidlab, Kongressda o'n bitta sobiq Konfederatsiya shtati vakili bo'lmaganida Kongress katta qonunchilikni ko'rib chiqmasligi kerakligini qo'shimcha qildi.^[55] Ertasi kuni Senatda uning vetosini bekor qilish harakati amalga oshmagach, Jonson o'zini oqladi deb hisobladi.^[53] Jonson endi radikallar yakkalanib, mag'lub bo'lishiga va uning ortida mo''tadil respublikachilar paydo bo'lishiga ishongan; u mo''tadillar ham afroamerikaliklarga nisbatan adolatli munosabatda bo'lishni ko'rishni xohlashini u tushunmadi.^[56]

1866 yil 22 fevralda, Vashingtonning tug'ilgan kuni, Jonson tomon yurgan tarafdorlariga kutilmagan nutq so'zladi oq uy va sharafiga manzilni chaqirdi Jorj Vashington. Bir soat davom etgan nutqida u o'rniga 200 martadan ko'proq murojaat qilgan. Yana zararli, u shuningdek, janubga bergan do'stlik qo'lini cho'zolmaydigan "erkaklar ... hali ham Ittifoqqa qarshi bo'lganlar" haqida gapirdi.^[57][58] Olomon ularni kimligini aytishga chaqirganda, Jonson Pensilvaniya kongressmenini tayinladi Taddey Stivens, Massachusets shtatidan senator Charlz Sumner va bekor qiluvchi Vendell Fillips va ularni o'ldirishni rejalashtirishda aybladi. Respublikachilar bu manzilni urush e'lon qilish deb hisoblashdi, bir Demokratik ittifoqdosh esa Jonsonning nutqi Demokratik partiyaga 1866 yilgi Kongressning oraliq saylovlarida 200 ming ovozga tushgan deb taxmin qildi.^[59]

Respublikachilar bilan aloqani uzing

Fridman byurosi to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasiga veto qo'ygandan keyin ham, O'rtamiy respublikachilar Jonson imzolashiga umid qilishgan 1866 yildagi fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi qonun, respublikachilarning deyarli bir ovozdan qo'llab-quvvatlashi bilan Kongressdan o'tgan. Jonsonning ko'pgina vazirlar mahkamasi uni Fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi qonuni imzolashga undagan bo'lsa-da, prezident unga veto qo'yib, Respublikachilar partiyasining mo''tadil fraktsiyasi bilan doimiy tanaffus qildi. O'zining veto-xati bilan Jonson ushbu qonun loyihasi oq tanlilarga nisbatan kamsitilganligi va federal hokimiyatning xavfli kengayishini ta'kidladi.^[60] Uch hafta ichida Kongress o'zining vetosini bekor qildi, bu birinchi marta Amerika tarixidagi yirik qonun loyihasida amalga oshirildi.^[61] Styuartning so'zlariga ko'ra, veto "ko'pchilik uchun aniqlovchi qo'pol xatosi bo'lib, uning prezidentligi davomida hukmronlik qilgan Kongress bilan doimiy qarama-qarshilik ohangini o'rnatgan".^[62] Kongress shuningdek, Fridmenlar byurosi to'g'risidagi qonunni ikkinchi marta qabul qildi va yana prezident unga veto qo'ydi; bu safar veto bekor qilindi.^[63]

Kongress respublikachilari Jonsonning Kongressni qayta qurish dasturiga to'sqinlik qilganidan g'azablandilar va bu oxir-oqibat uning impichmentiga olib keldi.^[64] Qayta qurish bo'yicha kurash ham radikal, ham mo''tadil respublikachilarni vaqtinchalik siyosiy ko'pchilikka tayanmasdan, qora tanli huquqlarning konstitutsiyaviy kafolatlarini olishga undaydi.^[65] Kongress allaqachon qora saylov huquqi va Kongress taqsimoti qullikning bekor qilinishi munosabati bilan.^[66] Aprel oyi oxirida Qayta qurish bo'yicha qo'shma qo'mita Kongress oldida turgan asosiy muammolarning aksariyatini o'z ichiga olgan tuzatishni taklif qildi. Taklif qilinayotgan tuzatishning birinchi qismida tamoyili mustahkamlangan tug'ilganlik fuqaroligi konstitutsiyasida va davlatlardan tamoyillariga rioya qilishni talab qilgan tegishli jarayon va teng himoya qonunning.^[67] Boshqa bo'limlar Konfederatsiyaning sobiq mansabdorlarini vaqtincha huquqidan mahrum qildilar, Konfederatsiya qarzlarini to'lashni taqiqladilar va Kongress vakolatlarini saylov huquqidan mahrum bo'lgan erkak saylovchilar soniga mutanosib ravishda qisqartirishni ta'minladilar.^[68] Jonson ushbu taklifga qat'iy qarshi edi O'n to'rtinchi o'zgartirish, buni u o'z ma'muriyatining harakatlarini rad etish deb bildi va bu ta'sirga qarshi choralarni ko'rish uchun ta'sir qildi.^[63] Kongress demokratlarining bir ovozdan qarshiliklariga qaramay, tuzatish 1866 yil iyun oyida Kongressning har ikki palatasidan o'tdi va rasmiy ravishda shtatlarga ratifikatsiya qilish uchun taklif qilindi.^[69]

Jonson qayta qurish bo'yicha Kongress bilan to'qnashganda, sobiq Konfederatlar va boshqa janubliklar federal hokimiyatga qarshi turish va o'z hukmronligini tiklash uchun tobora zo'ravonlik usullarini qo'lladilar.^[44] Qonuniy va qonundan tashqari vositalar yordamida ko'plab afroamerikaliklar majburiy mehnat tizimiga majbur qilindi, bu esa aksariyat qora tanlilarni haqiqiy iqtisodiy erkinliksiz qoldirdi.^[70] Narxlar va doimiy doimiy armiya haqida xavotirlar Kongressni 1860 kuchidan uch baravar katta bo'lgan, ammo 1865 yilgi kuchdan keskin kichik bo'lgan 54000 kishilik tinchlik armiyasiga vakolat berishga majbur qildi. Haddan tashqari cho'zilgan armiya kuchlari shahar va shaharlarda tartibni saqlab turdi, ammo aksariyat qishloq joylaridan chiqib ketishga majbur bo'ldi. Hatto shaharlarda ham olomon afroamerikaliklarga hujum qildi "gilam sumkachalari "(Qayta qurish davrida janubga ko'chib o'tgan shimoliylar) va federal kuchlar kabi qo'zg'olonlarda Memfisdagi tartibsizliklar va Yangi Orleandagi g'alayon. Ushbu g'alayonlar shimolda ko'pchilikni hayratda qoldirdi va Jonsonning Qayta qurish siyosatining obro'sizlanishiga olib keldi, natijada janubda doimiy federal mavjudlikni qo'llab-quvvatlash kuchaydi.^[71][72]

1866 yil oraliq saylovlari

Kongressdagi qarshiliklarga duch kelgan Jonson 1866 yil noyabrdagi kongress saylovlarida o'z tarafdorlarini kuchaytirishga intildi. 1866 yil avgustda Jonson Respublikachilar chiptasi 1864 yilgi prezidentlik saylovlarida targ'ib qilingan yorlig'i yordamida Milliy ittifoq konvensiyasini o'tkazdi.^[63] Jonson o'zining konservativ tarafdorlarini yangi partiyaga birlashtirishga umid qilar edi, ammo qurultoy faqatgina ishtirokchilar tomonidan 1866 yilgi kampaniyada Jonson va uning siyosatini qo'llab-quvvatlash va'dasi bilan yakunlandi.^[73] Syuard va kabi respublikachilar tarafdorlari Thurlow Weed va Demokratik tarafdorlari yoqadi Samuel L. M. Barlow, o'zlarining partiyasidan to'liq xalos bo'lishni xohlamadilar.^[74] Qurultoydan so'ng Jonson "" deb nomlanuvchi omma oldida nutq safari o'tkazib, faol ravishda kampaniya olib bordi.Doira atrofida tebranish ". Safar, shu jumladan Chikago, Sent-Luis, Indianapolis va Kolumbusdagi chiqishlari siyosiy jihatdan halokatli bo'ldi, chunki prezident o'zini va Masihni ziddiyatli taqqoslashlarni amalga oshirdi va geklerlar bilan tortishuvlarga kirishdi. Ushbu almashinuvlar prezidentlik qadr-qimmati ostida hujumga uchradi. .^[75] Respublikachilar Kongressda katta yutuqlarga erishdilar va qayta qurishni nazorat qilish rejalarini tuzdilar.^[75] Jonson Demokratlarni Milliy ittifoq harakatiga faqat iliq yordam berganlikda aybladi.^[76]

Radikal qayta qurish

Birinchi qayta qurish to'g'risidagi qonun

Birinchi qayta qurish to'g'risidagi qonunda belgilangan beshta harbiy okrug xaritasi

  Birinchi harbiy okrug

  Ikkinchi harbiy okrug

  Uchinchi harbiy okrug

  To'rtinchi harbiy okrug

  Beshinchi harbiy okrug

1866 yil dekabrda qayta yig'ilib, kuchga to'lgan Kongress qonunlarni qabul qildi, ko'pincha prezidentning vetosi tufayli. 1867 yil fevralda Kongress Nebraskani veto qo'yganligi sababli Ittifoq tarkibiga qabul qildi. Natijada, Senatda respublikachilarning ko'pligi ikkitaga o'sdi va o'n to'rtinchi tuzatish bitta ratifikatsiya ovoziga ega bo'ldi. Jonsonning vetosidan kelib chiqqan yana bir qonun loyihasi Kolumbiya okrugidagi afroamerikaliklarga ovoz berish huquqini berdi. Jonson, shuningdek, qonunni tan olishga veto qo'ydi Kolorado hududi ittifoqqa, ammo Kongress buni bekor qilolmadi, chunki etarlicha senatorlar atigi 30 ming kishilik tuman hali davlatchilikka loyiq emas deb kelishib oldilar.^[77]

Ayni paytda, Tennesi shtatidan tashqari har bir sobiq Konfederativ shtatdagi qonun chiqaruvchi organlar o'n to'rtinchi tuzatishni ratifikatsiya qilishdan bosh tortdilar.^[78] Ushbu rad javobi Kongress a'zosi Thaddeus Stivensni Janubiy shtat hukumatlarini tarqatib yuborish va ularni beshta harbiy okrugga qayta tiklash to'g'risidagi qonunchilikni joriy etishga undadi. harbiy holat. Shtat hukumatlari konstitutsiyaviy konventsiyalar o'tkazilgandan so'ng islohot qilinadi. Afro-amerikaliklar ushbu konventsiyalarga ovoz berishlari yoki delegatlar bo'lishlari mumkin edi, sobiq Konfederatlar esa buni qila olmadilar. Qonunchilik jarayonida Kongress qonun loyihasiga Ittifoqni tiklash davlatning o'n to'rtinchi tuzatishni ratifikatsiya qilishidan keyin o'tishini talab qiladigan qoidani qo'shdi. Jonson va janubiylar murosaga kelishga harakat qilishdi, bu bilan janub sobiq Konfederatlarning diskvalifikatsiyasini va cheklangan qora saylov huquqini o'z ichiga olmagan o'zgartirishning o'zgartirilgan versiyasiga rozi bo'ldi. Respublikachilar tuzatishning to'liq tilida turib olishdi va kelishuv amalga oshmadi. Jonson natijaga veto qo'ydi Birinchi qayta qurish to'g'risidagi qonun 1867 yil 2 martda, ammo Kongress shu kuni uning vetosini bekor qildi.^[77]

Birinchi qayta qurish to'g'risidagi qonun Radikal qayta qurishning qonunchilik markazi bo'lib xizmat qildi, chunki Kongress Jonsondan Qayta qurish rahbariyatini to'liq qabul qilib oldi. Garchi Jonson armiyani boshqarish va Freedommen byurosiga putur etkazish huquqini saqlab qolgan bo'lsa-da, Birinchi Qayta qurish to'g'risidagi qonun Kongressning afroamerikaliklarning huquqlarini himoya qilish va sobiq Konfederatlarning siyosiy hukmronligini tiklashiga yo'l qo'ymaslik qobiliyatini tasdiqladi. Ushbu akt qabul qilingandan so'ng, afroamerikaliklar birinchi marta saylovlarda ommaviy ravishda ishtirok etishni boshladilar; Ovoz berish uchun ro'yxatdan o'tgan qora tanli erkaklar ulushi 1866 yil dekabrda 0,5% dan 1867 yil dekabrda 80,5% gacha ko'tarildi, bu o'sish sobiq Konfederativ shtatlarda sodir bo'ldi. Demokratik partiyada qora tanli ovoz berish huquqiga qarshi bo'lgan oq tanlilar hukmronlik qilganligi sababli, afroamerikaliklar aksariyat hollarda Respublikachilar partiyasiga qo'shilishni tanladilar.^[79] Afro-amerikaliklarning ovoz berish huquqlarini himoya qilishdan va sobiq Konfederlarni ovoz berish huquqidan mahrum qilishdan tashqari, Birinchi Qayta qurish to'g'risidagi qonun, shuningdek, 1866 yilda qayta qabul qilingan Tennesi shtatidan boshqa sobiq Konfederativ shtatni qamrab olgan beshta okrugga qo'mondonlarni tayinlashni talab qildi. General Grant bilan maslahatlashib, Jonson generallar Jon Shofildni tayinladi, Daniel Sickles, Jon Papa, Edvard Ord va Filipp Sheridan beshta okrugga qo'mondonlik qilish.^[80]

Keyinchalik qayta qurish ishlari

Jonson 1865 yilda bo'lganidek, Qayta tiklanishni erkin qo'l bilan o'tkazmasligini ta'minlash uchun Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining 39-kongressi degan qonunni qabul qildi 40-kongress sessiyada 1867 yil dekabrida emas, balki 1867 yil dekabrida bo'lib o'tishi kerak edi.^[81] 40-Kongress tomonidan amalga oshirilgan birinchi harakatlardan biri Jonsonning vetosidan kelib chiqib, Ikkinchi Qayta qurish to'g'risidagi qonunni qabul qilish edi. Ushbu akt faqat Ittifoqqa sodiqligini namoyish eta oladigan saylovchilarni ro'yxatga olishni hamda yangi hukumatlar tuzish uchun davlat konventsiyalarini chaqirishni nazarda tutgan.^[80]

Jonsonning Bosh prokurori Genri Stenberining ta'kidlashicha, Kongress tomonidan tashkil etilgan harbiy hukumatlar o'rniga Jonson tomonidan tashkil etilgan hukumatlar janubda hukmronlik qilishgan.^[82] Jonsonning bo'ysunmasligidan bezovta bo'lgan Kongress iyul oyida qayta yig'ilib, Jonsonning vetosi bo'yicha Uchinchi Qayta qurish to'g'risidagi qonunni qabul qildi. Ushbu hujjat janubdagi harbiy hukumatlarning ustunligini o'rnatdi va harbiylarga davlat amaldorlarini lavozimidan chetlashtirish vakolatini berdi.^[82] Urush kotibi Edvin Stanton Jonsonning Uchinchi Tiklanish Qonuniga veto qo'yish to'g'risidagi qaroriga qarshi chiqqandan so'ng, Jonson Stantonni olib tashlashga qaror qildi va prezidentligining ikkinchi yarmining katta qismini olib boradigan jang uchun zamin yaratdi.^[83]

Butun 1867 yil davomida Janubiy siyosat partizanlik yo'nalishi bo'yicha qutblandi. Aksariyat janubiy oqlar Demokratik partiyani qo'llab-quvvatladilar, Janubdagi Respublikachilar partiyasi afro-amerikaliklar, gilamchiqchilar va "scalawags ", Asosan ajralib chiqishga qarshi bo'lgan va endi respublikachilar bilan birlashgan janubiy oq tanlilar. 1868 yil boshiga kelib, sobiq Konfederativ shtat, lekin Texas har bir konstitutsiyaviy konvensiyani chaqirib, yangi shtat konstitutsiyasini ishlab chiqardi. Konventsiyalar respublikachilar tomonidan hukmronlik qilganligi sababli, yangi davlat Konstitutsiyalar erkaklar uchun (etakchi sobiq Konfederatlardan tashqari) irqiy va mulkiy xususiyatlarga ega bo'lmagan holda saylov huquqini belgilab qo'ydi.Qayta qurish qonunchiligiga binoan yangi konstitutsiyalar ro'yxatdan o'tgan saylovchilarning ko'pchiligining kuchga kirishi uchun ratifikatsiya qilishni talab qildi.Janubiy demokratlar ratifikatsiya ovozlarini boykot qildi va shu kabi guruhlar. The Ku-kluks-klan bilan shug'ullangan terrorchi saylovchilar faolligini bostirish kampaniyalari.^[84] 1868 yil fevralda Kongress Jonsonning vetosi bo'yicha To'rtinchi Qayta Qurishni o'tkazdi. Ushbu akt yangi shtat konstitutsiyalarini ratifikatsiya qilish uchun ovoz berishda ro'yxatdan o'tganlarning ko'pchiligining emas, aksariyat ovoz beruvchilarning ko'pchiligining ma'qullashi bilan ruxsat berdi.^[85]

Impichment

"Vaziyat", a Harper haftaligi tahririyat karikaturasida Urush Kotibi Stantonning "Kongress" deb nomlangan to'pni Jonsonni mag'lub etish niyatida ekanligi aks etgan. Rammer - "Office Billning muddati" va polda to'plar "Adolat".

Stantonni olib tashlash

1867 yil 2 martda prezidentning u bilan rozi bo'lmagan kabinet kotiblarini ishdan bo'shatishni rejalashtirganligi haqidagi bayonotlariga javoban Kongress Ofis qonuni muddati. Ushbu hujjat Vazirlar Mahkamasi a'zolarini ularni tayinlagan prezident davrida ishdan bo'shatish uchun Senatning roziligini talab qildi. "Ishga qabul qilish muddati to'g'risida" gi qonun zudlik bilan ziddiyatli bo'ldi; ba'zi senatorlar uning konstitutsiyaviy ekanligiga shubha qilishdi va aktning shartlari Vazirlar Mahkamasining asosiy xodimlari Linkoln egalari bo'lgan Jonsonga nisbatan qo'llaniladimi degan savolni berishdi.^[77]

"Jismoniy vakolat muddati to'g'risida" gi qonunning amal qilish muddati Jonsonning urush kotibi Stanton bilan to'qnashuvi bilan sinovdan o'tkaziladi. Jonson ikkalasi ham hayratga tushgan va uni Bosh vazir Grant bilan birgalikda o'z ma'muriyati ichkarisidan prezidentning Janubiy siyosatiga putur etkazish uchun ishlagan War Stanton kotibi xafa qilgan. Jonson Stantonni ishdan bo'shatish haqida o'ylardi, ammo uni urush davridagi kotibi sifatida hurmat qilgan. Stanton, o'z navbatida, Jonsonga o'z o'rnini egallashini tayinlashiga ruxsat berishdan qo'rqdi va prezident bilan jamoatchilikning kelishmovchiligiga qaramay, iste'foga chiqishni rad etdi.^[86] 1867 yil o'rtalarida Jonson va Stenton janubga qo'mondonlik qilgan harbiy ofitserlar fuqarolik hokimiyatini bekor qilishi mumkinmi degan savolga qarshi kurashdilar. Prezident Bosh prokuror Stenberining o'z pozitsiyasini qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan xulosasini chiqargan edi, chunki ular buni qila olmaydilar. 5 avgust kuni Stanton Jonsonning pozitsiyasini tasdiqlashdan bosh tortgandan so'ng, prezident Stantonning iste'fosini talab qildi. Kongress sessiyada bo'lmagan paytda kotib ishdan ketishni rad etdi.^[87] Shundan so'ng Jonson uni Kongressning navbatdagi yig'ilishigacha to'xtatib qo'ydi. Grant armiyani boshqarishda davom etganda vaqtincha almashtirish vazifasini bajarishga rozi bo'ldi.^[88]

Respublikachilar uning harakatlaridan g'azablanishini bildirgan bo'lsada, 1867 yilgi saylovlar umuman Demokratik tarzda o'tdi. No seats in Congress were directly elected in the polling, but the Democrats took control of the Ogayo shtati Bosh assambleyasi, allowing them to defeat for re-election one of Johnson's strongest opponents, Senator Benjamin Veyd. Voters in Ohio, Connecticut, and Minnesota turned down propositions to grant African Americans the vote.^[89] The adverse results momentarily put a stop to Republican calls to impeach Johnson, who was elated by the election results.^[90] Nevertheless, once Congress met in November, the Judiciary Committee reversed itself and passed a resolution of impeachment against Johnson. After much debate about whether anything the president had done was a high crime or misdemeanor, the standard for impeachment under the Constitution, the resolution was defeated in the House of Representatives.^[91]

Johnson notified Congress of Stanton's suspension and Grant's interim appointment. In January 1868, the Senate disapproved of his action, and reinstated Stanton, contending the president had violated the Tenure of Office Act. Over Johnson's objection, Grant stepped down as Secretary of War, causing a complete break between the two. Johnson then dismissed Stanton and nominated Lorenzo Thomas as Stanton's replacement. Stanton still refused to leave his office, and on February 24, 1868, the House impeached the president for intentionally violating the Tenure of Office Act, by a vote of 128 to 47. The House subsequently adopted eleven articles of impeachment, for the most part alleging that he had violated the Tenure of Office Act, and had questioned the legitimacy of Congress. Johnson thus became the first U.S. president to be impeached by Congress.^[92]

Teodor R. Devis ' illustration of Johnson's impeachment trial in the Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Senati, nashr etilgan Harper haftaligi

Impichment bo'yicha sud jarayoni

On March 5, 1868, the impeachment trial began in the Senate. Kongressmenlar Jorj S. Butvell, Benjamin Butler, and Thaddeus Stevens acted as managers for the House, or prosecutors, while Uilyam M. Evarts, Benjamin R. Kertis and former Attorney General Stanbery were Johnson's counsel. Chief Justice Chase served as presiding judge.^[93] The defense relied on the provision of the Tenure of Office Act that made it applicable only to appointees of the current administration. Since Lincoln had appointed Stanton, the defense maintained Johnson had not violated the act; they also argued that the president had the right to test the constitutionality of an act of Congress.^[94] Johnson's counsel insisted that he make no appearance at the trial, nor publicly comment about the proceedings, and except for a pair of interviews in April, he complied.^[95]

Behind the scenes, Johnson maneuvered to gain an acquittal; for example, he pledged to Iowa Senator Jeyms V. Grimes that he would not interfere with Congress's Reconstruction efforts. Grimes reported to a group of Moderates that he believed the president would keep his word. Johnson also promised to install the respected John Schofield as War Secretary.^[96] Kanzas senatori Edmund G. Ross received assurances that the new, Radical-influenced constitutions ratified in South Carolina and Arkansas would be transmitted to the Congress without delay, an action which would give him and other senators political cover to vote for acquittal.^[97] Other factors also favored a Johnson acquittal. If he was removed from office, Johnson's successor would have been Ohio Senator Wade, the Prezident pro tempore Senat. Wade, a oqsoq o'rdak whose term would end in early 1869, was a Radical who supported such measures as women's suffrage, placing him beyond the pale politically in much of the nation.^[98][99] Additionally, many Republicans saw a President Wade as a potential obstacle to a Grant victory in the 1868 presidential election.^[100]

With the dealmaking, Johnson was confident of the result in advance of the verdict, and in the days leading up to the ballot, newspapers reported that Stevens and his Radicals had given up. On May 16, the Senate voted on the 11th article of impeachment, accusing Johnson of firing Stanton in violation of the Tenure of Office of Act once the Senate had overturned his suspension. 35 senators voted "guilty" and 19 "not guilty", and thus the Senate fell short by a single vote of the two-thirds majority required for conviction under the Constitution. Seven Republicans—Senators Grimes, Ross, Trumbull, Uilyam Pitt Fessenden, Jozef S. Fowler, Jon B. Xenderson va Piter G. Van Vinkl —joined their Democratic colleagues in voting to acquit the president. After the vote, the Senate adjourned for the Respublika milliy anjumani, which nominated Grant for president. The Senate returned on May 26 and voted on the second and third articles, with identical 35–19 results. Faced with those results, Johnson's opponents gave up and dismissed proceedings.^[101][102] Stanton "relinquished" his office on May 26, and the Senate subsequently confirmed Schofield as Secretary of War^[103] When Johnson renominated Stanbery to return to his position as Attorney General after his service as a defense manager, the Senate refused to confirm him.^[104]

Allegations were made at the time and again later that bribery dictated the outcome of the trial. Even when it was in progress, Representative Butler began an investigation, held hearings, and issued a report, which was not endorsed by any other congressman. Butler focused on a New York–based "Astor House Group", supposedly led by siyosiy boshliq va muharriri Thurlow Weed. This organization was said to have raised large sums of money from whiskey interests through Cincinnati lawyer Charles Woolley to bribe senators to acquit Johnson. Butler went so far as to imprison Woolley in the Capitol building when he refused to answer questions, but failed to prove bribery.^[105]

Natijada

State ratification of the O'n to'rtinchi o'zgartirish:

  Ratified amendment pre-certification, 1866–1868

  Ratified amendment pre-certification after first rejecting it, 1868

  Ratified amendment post-certification after first rejecting it, 1869–1976

  Ratified amendment post-certification, 1959

  Ratified amendment, withdrew ratification (bekor qilish ), then re-ratified. Oregon rescinded ratification post-certification and was included in the official count

  Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari hududlari in 1868, not yet states

The final impeachment vote maintained the principle that Congress should not remove the president from office simply because its members disagreed with him over policy, style, and administration of office. But it did not mean that the president retained effective governing power. For the remaining months of his term, Johnson was a nonentity with little influence on public policy.^[106] In the months after the impeachment vote, Congress re-admitted the seven Southern states that had written new constitutions and ratified the Fourteenth Amendment. As Radical Republicans feared that these Southern states would deny African-Americans the right to vote in 1868 or future elections, they also drafted what would become the O'n beshinchi o'zgartirish, which prohibited the restriction of suffrage on the basis of "race, color, or previous condition of servitude."^[107] Congress overrode Johnson's veto of the re-admission of the Southern states, as well as Johnson's veto of a bill denying electoral votes to the states that had not yet been reorganized.^[108] Shortly before it adjourned in July 1868, Congress adopted a concurrent resolution declaring the Fourteenth Amendment to be a part of the Constitution, as the requisite number of states had ratified the amendment.^[109] Though it made provisions for a reconvening in September should Johnson defy its policies, Congress did not reconvene until after the 1868 election.^[108]

Other domestic policies

Treasury policies

Fuqarolar urushi asosan qisqa muddatli va uzoq muddatli obligatsiyalar va qarzlarni chiqarish, shuningdek, qog'oz pullarni bosib chiqarish natijasida kelib chiqqan inflyatsiya va yangi soliqlar hisobidan moliyalashtirilgandi. Wholesale prices had more than doubled, and reduction of inflation was a priority for Secretary of the Treasury Hugh McCulloch.^[110] Valyuta masalasi eng ustuvor va eng munozarali masaladir. Davlat banklari tomonidan chiqarilgan eski qog'oz pullar qaytarib olindi va Konfederatsiya valyutasi befoyda edi. Milliy banklar 207 million dollarlik valyutani chiqargan, bu pul oltin va kumush bilan ta'minlangan. The federal treasury had issued $428 million in greenbacks, which was legal tender but not backed by gold or silver. Bundan tashqari, taxminan 275 million dollarlik tanga muomalada bo'lgan. Oktyabr oyida e'lon qilingan yangi ma'muriy siyosat, agar Kongress shunday ovoz bergan bo'lsa, barcha qog'ozlarni konlarga aylantirishi kerak edi. The House of Representatives passed the Alley Resolution on December 18, 1865 by vote of 144 to 6. In the Senate it was a different matter, for the key player was Senator Jon Sherman, inflyatsiya qisqarishi qisqa muddatli va uzoq muddatli milliy qarzni qaytarish kabi deyarli muhim emasligini aytgan. Urush asosan soliq va inflyatsiya bilan bir qatorda milliy qarz hisobidan moliyalashtirilgandi. Davlat qarzi 2,8 milliard dollarni tashkil etdi. By October 1865, most of it in short term and temporary loans.^[111] Tomonidan yozilgan Wall Street bankirlari Jey Kuk believed that the economy was about to grow rapidly, thanks to the development of agriculture through the Homestead Act, the expansion of railroads, especially rebuilding the devastated Southern railroads and in opening the transcontinental line to the West Coast, and especially the flourishing of manufacturing during the war. The goal premium over greenbacks was hundred and $145 in greenbacks to $100 in gold, and the optimists thought that the heavy demand for currency in an era of prosperity would return the ratio to 100.^[112] 1866 yil aprel oyida kelishuvga erishildi, bu xazinani olti oy ichida valyuta qisqarishi bilan atigi 10 million dollarga kamaytirdi. Meanwhile the Senate refunded the entire national debt, but the House failed to act. 1867 yil boshlarida urushdan keyingi farovonlik haqiqat edi va optimizmlar qisqarishni to'xtatishni xohladilar, bu esa Kongress 1868 yil yanvarda buyurdi. Shu bilan birga, G'aznachilik qisqa muddatli qarzni qaytarishni qayta moliyalashtirish uchun past foizli stavkada yangi obligatsiyalar chiqardi. while the old state bank notes were disappearing from circulation, new national bank notes, backed by species, were expanding. 1868 yilga kelib inflyatsiya minimal edi.^{[113][114][115][116]}

Land and labor policies

In June 1866, Johnson signed the Southern Homestead Act into law, in hopes that legislation would assist poor whites. Around 28,000 land claims were successfully patented, although few former slaves benefited from the law, fraud was rampant, and much of the best land was reserved for railroads.^[117] In June 1868, Johnson signed a law passed by Congress that established an eight-hour workday for laborers and mechanics employed by the federal government.^[118] Although Johnson told members of a Workingmen's party delegation in Baltimore that he could not directly commit himself to an eight-hour day, he nevertheless told the same delegation that he greatly favored the "shortest number of hours consistent with the interests of all."^[119] According to Richard F. Selcer, however, the good intentions behind the law were "immediately frustrated," as wages were cut by 20%.^[118]

Nebraska statehood

1866 yil iyun oyida, Nebraska o'lkasi voters narrowly approved a draft constitution; one of its provisions limited voting rights to white males. A bill to admit Nebraska to the union was then introduced in Congress, where it was adopted just before the session ended in late July, notwithstanding some resistance from Republicans who opposed the "white suffrage" clause in the new constitution, as well as Democrats who were leery of granting statehood to another Republican stronghold. President Johnson pocket vetoed the bill after Congress adjourned.^[120]

The issue was renewed shortly after Congress reconvened in December 1866. This time, however, an amendment sponsored by Senator Jorj F. Edmunds effectively conditioned statehood on the acceptance by the territory of a prohibition against voting restrictions based on race or color. The amendment won the support of radical Republicans and others hoping to impose similar conditions on the former Confederate states. But it drew fire from Democrats and Johnson, who opposed the condition on constitutional grounds. They argued that the federal government could not infringe on the power of states to establish their own qualifications for suffrage. The issue of statehood had become a question of federalizm, as well as a tug of war between the president and Congress. Despite Johnson's objections, Congress passed admission legislation for Nebraska in January 1867. Johnson vetoed the measure that same month.^[120] Less than two weeks after Johnson vetoed the Nebraska statehood bill, both houses of Congress voted overwhelmingly to override it. The territorial legislature quickly accepted the condition imposed by the Edmunds Amendment, thus eliminating racial restrictions on voting. On March 1, 1867, Nebraska became the first–and to this day the only–state to be ittifoqqa qabul qilingan by means of a veto override.^[120]

Tashqi siyosat

Meksika

Frantsiya tashkil etgan edi The Ikkinchi Meksika imperiyasi in 1863, despite American warnings that this was an unacceptable violation of the Monro doktrinasi. The French army propped up Emperor Meksikalik Maksimilian I and defeated local political opposition led by Benito Xuares. Once the Confederacy was defeated, Johnson and Grant sent General Fil Sheridan with 50,000 combat veterans to the Texas-Mexico border to emphasize the demand that France withdraw. Johnson provided arms to Juarez, and imposed a naval blockade. In response, Napoleon III informed the Johnson administration that all his troops would be brought home by November 1867. Maximilian was eventually captured and executed in June 1867.^[121][122]

Expansionism and Alaska Purchase

Seward was an expansionist, and sought opportunities to gain territory for the United States. In 1867, he negotiated a treaty with Daniya to purchase the Danish West Indies for $7.5 million, but the Senate refused to ratify it.^[123] Seward also proposed to acquire British Columbia as a trade-off against the Alabama da'volari, but the British were uninterested in this proposal.^[124][125] Seward was successful in staking an American claim to uninhabited Uyg'onish oroli in the Pacific, which would be officially claimed by the U.S. 1898 yilda.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

By 1867, the Russian government saw its North American colony (Bugun Alyaska ) as a financial liability, and feared eventually losing it if a war broke out with Britain. Russian minister Eduard de Stoekkl was instructed to sell Alaska to the United States, and did so deftly, convincing Seward to raise his initial offer from $5 million to $7.2 million.^[126] This sum is the inflation-adjusted equivalent to $132 million in present-day terms.^[127] On March 30, 1867, de Stoeckl and Seward signed the treaty, and President Johnson summoned the Senate into session and it approved the Alyaska sotib olish in 37–2 vote.^[128] Although ridiculed in some quarters as "Seward's Folly," American public opinion was generally quite favorable in terms of the potential for economic benefits at a bargain price, maintaining the friendship of Russia. and blocking British expansion.^[129]

Another treaty that failed was the Johnson-Clarendon convention, negotiated in settlement of the Alabama Da'volar, for damages to American shipping from British-built Confederate raiders. Negotiated by the United States Minister to Britain, former Maryland senator Reverdi Jonson, in late 1868, it was ignored by the Senate during the remainder of Johnson's term. The treaty was rejected after he left office, and the Grant administration later negotiated a treaty with considerably better terms for the United States.^[130][131]

Feniya reydlari

The Fenians, a secret Irland katolik militant organization, recruited heavily among Civil War veterans in preparation to invade Canada. The group's goal was to force Britain to grant Ireland its independence. The Fenians counted thousands of members, but they had a confused command structure, competing factions, unfamiliar new weapons, and British agents in their ranks who alerted the Canadians. Their invasion forces were too small and had poor leadership. Several attempts were organized, but they were either canceled the last at the last minute or failed in a matter of hours. The largest raid took place on May 31-June 2, 1866, when about 1000 Fenians crossed the Niagara River. The Canadians were forewarned, and over 20,000 Canadian militia and British regulars turned out. A few men on each side were killed and the Fenians soon retreated home.^[132] The Johnson administration at first quietly tolerated this violation of American neutrality, but, by 1867, dispatched the U.S. Army to prevent further Fenian raids. A second attack in 1870 was broken up by the United States Marshal for Vermont.^[133]

1868 election and transition

"Farewell to all my greatness": Harper haftaligi cartoon mocking Johnson on leaving office

Ulysses S. Grant emerged as the likely Republican presidential candidate during the two years preceding the election. Though he had agreed to replace Stanton as Secretary of War, Grant split with Johnson over Reconstruction and other issues.^[134] So great was Grant's support among Republicans that many in Congress were reluctant to impeach Johnson due to the fear that it would prevent Grant from becoming president.^[135] Grant's backing came primarily from the moderate wing of the party, as many Radical Republicans feared that Grant would pursue conservative policies in office.^[136] The 1868 Republican National Convention chose Grant as the party's presidential nominee and Speaker of the House Shuyler Kolfaks as the vice presidential nominee. Perhaps chastened by Congress's failure to convict Johnson, the party's platform did not endorse universal male suffrage.^[137]

Having failed to build his own party, Johnson sought nomination by the 1868 yilgi Demokratik milliy konventsiya in New York in July 1868. Johnson remained very popular among Southern whites, and he boosted that popularity by issuing, just before the convention, a pardon ending the possibility of criminal proceedings against any Confederate not already indicted, meaning that only Davis and a few others still might face trial.^[138] Aside from Johnson, other contenders for the Democratic nomination included former Ohio representative Jorj H. Pendlton, who was relatively unconcerned about Reconstruction and focused his appeal on the continued use of Yashillar, former New York governor Horatio Seymour, who had support among the party's conservative establishment but was reluctant to enter the race, and Chief Justice Salmon Chase.^[139] On the first ballot of the convention, Johnson finished second to Pendleton, and Johnson's support fell away as the ballots passed. Seymour won the nomination on the 22nd ballot, while Johnson received only four votes, all from Tennessee.^[138] For vice president, the Democrats nominated Frensis Preston Bler, who campaigned on a promise to use the army to destroy the Southern governments that, he said, were led by "a semi-barborous race of blacks" who sought to "subject the white women to their unbridled lust."^[140]

The Democratic party platform embraced Johnson's presidency, thanking him for his "patriotic efforts" in "resisting the aggressions of Congress upon the Constitutional rights of the States and the people." Nonetheless, Johnson was embittered by his defeat, and some of his backers suggested the formation of a third party. Seymour's operatives sought Johnson's support, but Johnson remained silent for most of the presidential campaign. It was not until October, with the vote already having taken place in some states, that Johnson mentioned Seymour at all, and he never endorsed him.^[141] The campaign centered largely on Reconstruction, and many Democrats hoped that a Seymour victory would lead to the end of Reconstruction and black suffrage.^[142]

Republican Ulysses S. Grant defeated Democrat Horatio Seymour in the 1868 election

Grant won the election, taking 52.7% of the popular vote and 214 of the 294 electoral votes. The election saw a new wave of violence across the South, as the Ku Klux Klan and other groups again sought to suppress the black vote. Seymour won Georgia and Louisiana, but Grant won the remaining former Confederate states that had been restored to the Union. Grant also carried the vast majority of Northern states, though Seymour won his home state of New York.^[143]

Johnson regretted Grant's victory, in part because of their animus from the Stanton affair. In his annual message to Congress in December, Johnson urged the repeal of the Tenure of Office Act and told legislators that, had they admitted their Southern colleagues in 1865, all would have been well.^[144] On Christmas Day 1868, Johnson issued a final amnesty, this one covering everyone, including Jefferson Davis. He also issued, in his final months in office, pardons for crimes, including one for Dr. Samuel Mudd, controversially convicted of involvement in the Lincoln assassination (he had set Booth's broken leg) and imprisoned in Fort Jefferson on Florida's Quruq Tortugas.^[144] In February 1869, Congress approved the Fifteenth Amendment, sending it to the states for ratification.^[145] On March 4, 1869, the final day of his presidency, Johnson refused to attend Grant's inauguration.^[146][147]

Tarixiy obro'-e'tibor

In the decades after Johnson left office, there were few historical evaluations of Johnson and his presidency. Memoirs from Northerners who had dealt with him, such as former vice president Genri Uilson va Meyn senatori Jeyms G. Bleyn, depicted him as an obstinate boor whose Reconstruction policies favored the South.^[148] The turn of the 20th century saw the first significant historical evaluations of Johnson. Leading the wave was Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Jeyms Ford Rods,^[148] who ascribed Johnson's faults to his personal weaknesses, and blamed him for the problems of the postbellum South.^[149] Other early 20th-century historians, such as Jon Burgess, Vudro Uilson va Uilyam Dunning, all Southerners, concurred with Rhodes, believing Johnson flawed and politically inept, but concluding that he had tried to carry out Lincoln's plans for the South in good faith.^[150] Author and journalist Jay Tolson suggests that Wilson "depict[ed Reconstruction] as a vindictive program that hurt even repentant southerners while benefiting northern opportunists, the so-called Carpetbaggers, and cynical white southerners, or Scalawags, who exploited alliances with blacks for political gain".^[151]

The grave of Andrew Johnson, Greeneville, Tennessee

Even as Rhodes and his school wrote, another group of historians was setting out on the full rehabilitation of Johnson, using for the first time primary sources such as Johnson's papers and the diaries of Gideon Welles. The resulting volumes, such as David Miller DeWitt's The Impeachment and Trial of President Andrew Johnson (1903), presented him far more favorably than they did those who had sought to oust him. In James Schouler's 1913 History of the Reconstruction Period, the author accused Rhodes of being "quite unfair to Johnson", though agreeing that the former president had created many of his own problems through inept political moves. These works had an effect; although historians continued to view Johnson as having deep flaws which sabotaged his presidency, they saw his Reconstruction policies as fundamentally correct.^[152] A series of highly favorable biographies in the late 1920s and early 1930s that "glorified Johnson and condemned his enemies" accelerated this trend.^[153][154] In 1948, a poll of historians conducted by Artur M. Shlezinger deemed Johnson among the average presidents; in 1956, one by Clinton L. Rossiter named him as one of the near-great chief executives.^[155] Foner notes that at the time of these surveys, "the Reconstruction era that followed the Civil War was regarded as a time of corruption and misgovernment caused by granting black men the right to vote".^[156]

In the 1950s, historians began to focus on the African-American experience as central to Reconstruction. They rejected completely any claim of black inferiority, which had marked many earlier historical works. Many of these writers saw the developing Fuqarolik huquqlari harakati as a second Reconstruction and hoped their work on the postbellum era would advance the cause of civil rights. These authors sympathized with the Radical Republicans for their desire to help African Americans, and saw Johnson as callous towards the freedman. In a number of works from 1956 onwards by such historians as Fon Brodi, the former president was depicted as a successful saboteur of efforts to better the freedman's lot.^[157] Reconstruction was increasingly seen as a noble effort to integrate the freed slaves into society.^[151][156]

In the early 21st century, Johnson is among those commonly mentioned as the worst presidents in U.S. history.^[151] According to historian Glenn W. Lafantasie, who believes Byukenen the worst president, "Johnson is a particular favorite for the bottom of the pile because of his impeachment ... his complete mishandling of Reconstruction policy ... his bristling personality, and his enormous sense of self-importance."^[158] Tolson suggests that "Johnson is now scorned for having resisted Radical Republican policies aimed at securing the rights and well-being of the newly emancipated African-Americans".^[151] Gordon-Reed notes that Johnson, along with his contemporaries Pierce and Buchanan, are generally listed among the five worst presidents, but states, "there have never been more difficult times in the life of this nation. The problems these men had to confront were enormous. It would have taken a succession of Lincolns to do them justice."^[159] Trefousse considers Johnson's legacy to be "the maintenance of white supremacy. His boost to Southern conservatives by undermining Reconstruction was his legacy to the nation, one that would trouble the country for generations to come."^[160]

2018 yilgi so'rovnoma Amerika siyosiy fanlar assotsiatsiyasi 's Presidents and Executive Politics section tartiblangan Johnson as the seventh-worst president.^[161] 2017 yil C-oralig'i poll of historians ranked Johnson as the second-worst president.^[162] A 2006 poll of historians ranked Johnson's decision to oppose greater equality for African Americans in the aftermath of the Civil War as the second-worst mistake ever made by a sitting president.^[163] Historian Elizabeth R. Varon writes:

For the most part, historians view Andrew Johnson as the worst possible person to have served as President at the end of the American Civil War. Because of his gross incompetence in federal office and his incredible miscalculation of the extent of public support for his policies, Johnson is judged as a great failure in making a satisfying and just peace. He is viewed to have been a rigid, dictatorial racist who was unable to compromise or to accept a political reality at odds with his own ideas...Most importantly, Johnson's strong commitment to obstructing political and civil rights for blacks is principally responsible for the failure of Reconstruction to solve the race problem in the South and perhaps in America as well.^[164]

Izohlar

Adabiyotlar

Bibliografiya

Tashqi havolalar

• Oq uyning tarjimai holi
• Endryu Jonson: Resurslar bo'yicha qo'llanma – Kongress kutubxonasi
• Endryu Jonson haqidagi insholar va uning kabinetining har bir a'zosi va birinchi xonim haqida qisqacha esselar, dan Miller jamoatchilik bilan aloqalar markazi
• "Endryu Jonsonning hayot portreti", dan C-SPAN "s Amerika prezidentlari: hayot portretlari, 1999 yil 9-iyul
• Jonsonning bir qator nutqlari matni Miller jamoatchilik bilan aloqalar markazida
• Endryu Jonsonning shaxsiy qo'lyozmalari va xatlari – Shapell qo'lyozmalari fondi
• Impichment to'g'risidagi qarorlar Milliy arxivdan