Jon Kennedining prezidentligi - Presidency of John F. Kennedy

Jon F. Kennedi, Oq uyning rangli fotosurati portrait.jpg
Jon Kennedining prezidentligi
1961 yil 20 yanvar - 1963 yil 22 noyabr (Suiqasd )
PrezidentJon F. Kennedi
KabinetRo'yxatni ko'ring
PartiyaDemokratik
Saylov1960
O'rindiqoq uy
Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Prezidentining muhri.svg
Prezident muhri
Jon F. Kennedi, Oq uyning fotosurati, up.jpg
Ushbu maqola qismidir
haqida bir qator
Jon F. Kennedi

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Prezidenti

Uchrashuvlar

Suiqasd va meros

Jon F. Kennedining imzosi

John F. Kennedy.svg gerbi

The Jon F. Kennedining prezidentligi tushda boshlandi est 1961 yil 20-yanvarda, qachon Kennedi edi ochilish marosimi sifatida 35-chi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Prezidenti va 1963 yil 22-noyabrda tugagan suiqasd, 1036 kunlik vaqt. A Demokrat dan Massachusets shtati, u quyidagi amallarni bajarishga kirishdi 1960 yilgi prezident saylovi, unda u ozgina mag'lubiyatga uchradi Richard Nikson, keyin -amaldagi Vitse prezident. Uning o'rnini egalladi Vitse prezident Lyndon B. Jonson.

Kennedining ishda bo'lgan davri belgilab qo'yilgan Sovuq urush bilan taranglik Sovet Ittifoqi va Kuba. Kubada 1961 yil aprel oyida muvaffaqiyatsiz urinish qilingan Cho'chqalar ko'rfazi hukumatini ag'darish Fidel Kastro. 1962 yil oktyabr oyida Kennedi ma'muriyati sovet ekanligini bilib oldi ballistik raketalar Kubada joylashtirilgan; natijada Kuba raketa inqirozi deyarli natijaga olib keldi yadro urushi, ammo Sovetlar raketalarni qaytarib olishlari bilan tugadi. Osiyoda kommunistik ekspansiyani ushlab turish uchun Kennedi Amerikadagi harbiy maslahatchilar sonini ko'paytirdi Janubiy Vetnam 18 marta; Amerika rolining yanada kuchayishi Vetnam urushi Kennedi vafotidan keyin sodir bo'ladi. Yilda lotin Amerikasi, Kennedining Taraqqiyot uchun ittifoq inson huquqlarini rivojlantirish va iqtisodiy rivojlanishni ta'minlashga qaratilgan.

Ichki siyosatda Kennedi o'zining takliflarida dadil takliflar bilan chiqdi Yangi chegara kun tartibi, ammo uning ko'plab tashabbuslari bloklangan konservativ koalitsiya Shimoliy respublikachilar va janubiy demokratlar. Muvaffaqiyatsiz tashabbuslarga federal yordam ta'limi, qariyalarga tibbiy yordam ko'rsatish va iqtisodiy tushkunlikka tushgan hududlarga yordam kiradi. Dastlab fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi qonunchilikni amalga oshirishni istamagan bo'lsa-da, 1963 yilda Kennedi fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi yirik qonun loyihasini taklif qildi. Fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi 1964 y. Kennedi davrida iqtisodiyot barqaror o'sishni, past inflyatsiyani va ishsizlik darajasining pasayishini boshdan kechirdi. Kennedi asrab oldi Keyns iqtisodiyoti sifatida qabul qilingan va soliqlarni kamaytirish to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasini taklif qildi 1964 yilgi daromad to'g'risidagi qonun. Kennedi ham tashkil etdi Tinchlik korpusi va Amerikaga oyga qo'nishga va'da berishni va'da qildi Kosmik poyga Sovet Ittifoqi bilan.

Kennedi edi suiqasd qilingan 1963 yil 22-noyabrda tashrif buyurayotganda Dallas, Texas. The Uorren komissiyasi degan xulosaga keldi Li Xarvi Osvald Kennediga suiqasd qilishda yolg'iz harakat qildi, ammo suiqasd paydo bo'ldi fitna nazariyalarining keng doirasi. Kennedi birinchi bo'ldi Rim katolik saylangan prezident, shuningdek AQSh prezidentlik saylovlarida g'olib bo'lgan eng yosh nomzod. Tarixchilar va siyosatshunoslar moyil daraja Kennedi o'rtacha darajadan yuqori prezident sifatida.

1960 yilgi saylov

1960 yilgi saylov natijalari

Vakili bo'lgan Kennedi Massachusets shtati ichida Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Senati 1953 yildan 1960 yilgacha vitse-prezident byulletenida ikkinchi o'rinni egallagan 1956 yil demokratlarning milliy konvensiyasi. Respublikachilar prezidentidan keyin Duayt D. Eyzenxauer mag'lub Adlai Stivenson II ichida 1956 yil prezident saylovi, Kennedi prezidentlik uchun ariza tayyorlashni boshladi 1960 yilgi saylov.[1] 1960 yil yanvar oyida Kennedi o'sha yilgi prezident saylovlarida o'z nomzodini qo'yishini rasman e'lon qildi. Senator Xubert Xamfri Minnesota shtati Kennedining asosiy raqibi sifatida paydo bo'ldi 1960 yil Demokratik ibtidoiy saylovlar,[2] ammo Kennedining g'alabasi og'ir-Protestant G'arbiy Virjiniya shtati Xamfrining poygadan chiqib ketishiga turtki berdi.[3] Da 1960 yil Demokratik milliy konventsiya, Kennedi Stivenson va senatorning qiyinchiliklariga qarshi kurashdi Lyndon B. Jonson Kongressning birinchi byulletenida prezidentlik nomzodini qo'lga kiritish uchun Texas shtatidan.[2] Kennedi ko'plab liberal delegatlar va Kennedining shaxsiy xodimlarining, shu jumladan akasining qarshiliklariga qaramay, Jonsonni vitse-prezidentlik uchun sherik qilib tanladi. Robert F. Kennedi.[4] Kennedi, Jonsonning chipta tarkibida bo'lishi janubiy saylovchilarni o'ziga jalb qiladi deb hisoblardi va u Jonson Senat uchun qimmatli aloqa vositasi bo'lib xizmat qilishi mumkin deb o'ylardi.[2]

Amaldagi vitse-prezident Richard Nikson 1960 yilgi respublikachilar nomzodi uchun ozgina qarshiliklarga duch keldi. U osonlikcha g'alaba qozondi partiyaning boshlang'ich saylovlari va delegatlar tomonidan deyarli bir ovozdan qo'llab-quvvatlandi 1960 yilgi respublikachilarning milliy anjumani. Nikson tanladi Genri Kabot Lodj, kichik, AQShning BMTdagi bosh delegati, uning sherigi sifatida.[3] Saylovoldi kampaniyasi davomida prezidentlikka nomzodlarning ikkalasi ham ko'p sayohat qilishdi. Nikson biron bir davlatni "g'olib bo'lmaydi" deb tan olishni istamay, o'z zimmasiga oldi ellik davlat strategiyasi, Kennedi esa shtatlarni eng ko'p yo'naltirgan saylov ovozlar.[3] Mafkuraviy jihatdan, Kennedi va Nikson ning davomi to'g'risida kelishib oldilar Yangi bitim va Sovuq urush qamoq siyosat.[5] Kampaniyaning asosiy muammolari orasida Kennedining iqtisodiyoti ham bor edi Katoliklik, Kuba, va yo'qmi Sovet kosmik va raketa dasturlari AQShnikidan oshib ketgan edi[6]

1960 yil 8-noyabrda Kennedi 20-asrning eng yaqin prezidentlik saylovlaridan birida Niksonni mag'lub etdi.[7] Kennedi 68,8 million saylov byulletenidan 120 000 ovoz kam farq bilan xalq ovozini qo'lga kiritdi.[3] U Niksonning 219. 14 ovoziga 303 ovoz olib, saylovchilar ovozini kengroq ustunlik bilan yutdi garovsiz saylovchilar[a] ikki shtatdan—Alabama va Missisipi - senatorga ovoz berdi Garri F. Berd biri kabi Virjiniya shtatidan ishonchsiz elektorat[b] yilda Oklaxoma.[7] Bir vaqtning o'zida bo'lib o'tgan Kongress saylovlarida demokratlar Vakillar Palatasida ham, Senatda ham ko'pchilikni saqlab qolishdi.[10] Kennedi 20-asrda tug'ilgan birinchi bo'lib prezident etib saylangan,[11] va 43 yoshida eng yosh odam ofisga saylangan.[12][c] U ham birinchi edi Rim katolik prezidentlikka saylangan.[14]

Inauguratsiya

Bosh sudya Graf Uorren boshqaradi prezidentlik qasamyodi Jon F. Kennediga Kapitoliy, 1961 yil 20-yanvar.

Kennedi 1961 yil 20 yanvarda Sharqiy Portikoda xalqning 35-prezidenti sifatida inauguratsiya qilingan. Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Kapitoliy. Bosh sudya Graf Uorren boshqargan qasamyod.[15] O'zining ochilish marosimidagi nutqida Kennedi barcha amerikaliklarning faol fuqaro bo'lishlari kerakligi haqida gapirib, mashhur: "Sizning mamlakatingiz siz uchun nima qila olishini so'ramang; o'zingizning mamlakatingiz uchun nima qilishingiz mumkinligini so'rang". Shuningdek, u dunyo odamlarini "odamlarning umumiy dushmanlari: zulm, qashshoqlik, kasallik va urushning o'zi" ga qarshi kurashish uchun birlashishga taklif qildi.[16] Ushbu nasihatlarga u quyidagilarni qo'shdi:

Bularning barchasi birinchi yuz kun ichida tugamaydi. Birinchi ming kun ichida ham, ushbu Ma'muriyat hayotida ham, hatto bizning sayyoramizdagi hayotimizda ham tugamaydi. Ammo boshlaylik. "So'ngra u ko'proq xalqaroizmga bo'lgan intilishini kengaytirdi:" Va nihoyat, siz Amerika fuqarosi bo'lasizmi yoki dunyo fuqarosi bo'lasizmi, bizdan bu erda biz sizdan so'ragan kuch va qurbonlikning yuqori standartlarini so'rang. .[16]

Ushbu murojaatda Kennedining ma'muriyati ichki siyosatda ham, tashqi aloqalarda ham tarixiy ahamiyatga ega yo'nalishni belgilashiga ishonchi aks etgan. Ushbu optimizm qarash va mamlakatdagi va chet eldagi kundalik siyosiy voqeliklarni boshqarish bosimlari o'rtasidagi qarama-qarshilik uning ma'muriyatining dastlabki yillarida davom etgan asosiy keskinliklardan biri bo'ladi.[17] To'liq matn  Vikipediyada

Ma'muriyat

Kennedi kabineti
IdoraIsmMuddat
PrezidentJon F. Kennedi1961–1963
Vitse prezidentLyndon B. Jonson1961–1963
Davlat kotibiDin Rask1961–1963
G'aznachilik kotibiC. Duglas Dillon1961–1963
Mudofaa vaziriRobert Maknamara1961–1963
Bosh prokurorRobert F. Kennedi1961–1963
Bosh pochta boshqaruvchisiJ. Edvard kuni1961–1963
Jon A. Gronouski1963
Ichki ishlar kotibiStyuart Udal1961–1963
Qishloq xo'jaligi kotibiOrvil Freeman1961–1963
Savdo kotibiLyuter Xodjes1961–1963
Mehnat kotibiArtur Goldberg1961–1962
W. Willard Wirtz1962–1963
Sog'liqni saqlash kotibi,
Ta'lim va farovonlik
Ibrohim Ribikof1961–1962
Entoni J. Celebrezze1962–1963
Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotidagi elchiAdlai Stivenson II1961–1963

Kennedi saylanganidan keyin sakkiz hafta davomida kabinet, xodimlar va yuqori lavozimli shaxslarni tanlashga sarf qildi.[18] U saqlab qoldi J. Edgar Guvver kabi Federal tergov byurosining direktori va Allen Dulles kabi Markaziy razvedka direktori. C. Duglas Dillon, Eyzenxauer sifatida xizmat qilgan, ishbilarmon respublikachi Davlat kotibi muovini, G'aznachilik kotibi etib saylandi. Kennedi nisbatan konservativ Dillonni tayinlashni muvozanatlashtirdi, yana ikkita muhim iqtisodiy maslahat lavozimini egallash uchun liberal demokratlarni tanladi; Devid E. Bell direktori bo'ldi Byudjet byurosi, esa Valter Xeller raisi sifatida ishlagan Iqtisodiy maslahatchilar kengashi.[19]

Robert Maknamara, biri sifatida tanilgan Ford Motor Company "Whiz Kids "Mudofaa vaziri etib tayinlandi. Stivensonni davlat kotibi etib tanlash uchun liberal bosimni rad etgan Kennedi buning o'rniga murojaat qildi Din Rask, cheklangan sobiq Truman rasmiy, Davlat departamentiga rahbarlik qilish. Stivenson Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotidagi elchi sifatida siyosiy bo'lmagan rolni qabul qildi.[19] Xavotirga qaramay qarindoshlik, Kennedining otasi shuni ta'kidladi Robert F. Kennedi Bosh prokuror bo'ling, kichik Kennedi esa barcha asosiy masalalarda maslahat beradigan "prezident yordamchisi" bo'ldi.[20] McNamara va Dillon ham kabinetdan muhim maslahatchilar sifatida chiqishdi.[21]

Prezident Jon F. Kennedi (o'tirgan) uning Oq Uy xodimlari a'zolari bilan

Kennedi Eyzenxauerning qarorlarni qabul qilish tuzilishini bekor qildi,[22] g'ildirakning tashkiliy tuzilishini prezidentga olib boradigan barcha spikerlar bilan afzal ko'rish; u bunday sharoitda talab qilinadigan tezkor qarorlarni ko'paytirishga tayyor va tayyor edi.[23] Vazirlar Mahkamasi muhim organ bo'lib qolsa-da, Kennedi odatda o'z tarkibidagi xodimlariga ko'proq ishongan Prezidentning ijro etuvchi devoni. Eyzenxauerdan farqli o'laroq, Kennedida u yo'q edi shtat boshlig'i, lekin buning o'rniga tayinlangan kotibni o'z ichiga olgan oz sonli katta yordamchilarga tayanar edi Kennet O'Donnell.[24] Milliy xavfsizlik bo'yicha maslahatchi McGeorge Bandi tashqi siyosat bo'yicha eng muhim maslahatchisi, tutib turuvchi davlat kotibi Rask edi.[25][26] Ted Sorensen ichki masalalar bo'yicha asosiy maslahatchi bo'lib, u Kennedining ko'plab nutqlarini ham yozgan.[27] Boshqa muhim maslahatchilar va xodimlar kiritilgan Larri O'Brayen, Artur M. Shlezinger kichik., matbuot kotibi Per Salinger, General Maksvell D. Teylor va W. Averell Harriman.[28][29] Kennedi fuqarolik huquqlari va kosmik siyosat kabi masalalarda ishtirok etgan vitse-prezident Jonson bilan samimiy munosabatlarni davom ettirdi, ammo Jonson ayniqsa nufuzli vitse-prezident sifatida chiqmadi.[30]

Sud tayinlovlari

Kennedi ikkitasini tayinladi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Oliy sudi. Iste'fodan keyin Charlz Evans Uittaker 1962 yil boshida Prezident Kennedi Bosh prokuror Kennediga potentsial merosxo'rlarni qidirishni topshirdi va Bosh prokuror Bosh prokuror o'rinbosarlaridan iborat ro'yxatni tuzdi Bayron Uayt, Mehnat kotibi Artur Goldberg, federal apellyatsiya sudyasi Uilyam Xasti, yuridik professor Pol A. Freund va ikkita shtat oliy sud sudyalari. Kennedi Goldberg va Uaytga qadar o'z tanlovini toraytirdi va oxir-oqibat Senat tomonidan tasdiqlangan ikkinchisini tanladi. Keyinchalik 1962 yilda nafaqaga chiqqanligi sababli ikkinchi vakansiya paydo bo'ldi Feliks Frankfurter. Kennedi tezda Senat tomonidan tasdiqlovni qo'lga kiritgan Goldbergni tayinladi. Goldberg 1965 yilda tayinlanishni qabul qilish uchun suddan iste'foga chiqdi Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotidagi elchi, lekin Uayt 1993 yilgacha sudda qoldi, ko'pincha liberal va konservativ odil sudlovchilar o'rtasida asosiy ovoz bo'lib xizmat qildi.[31] 1961 yilda yangi federal sudlar tashkil etilishi sababli qisman Kennedi federal sudlarga 130 kishini tayinladi. Uning tayinlanishi orasida edi Thurgood Marshall, keyinchalik Oliy sudga qo'shilgan.[32]

Tashqi ishlar

Sovuq urush va moslashuvchan javob

Kennedining tashqi siyosatida Amerika bilan qarama-qarshiliklar ustunlik qildi Sovet Ittifoqi, deb nomlanuvchi global keskinlik holatida proksi-tanlovlar bilan namoyon bo'ladi Sovuq urush. O'tmishdoshlari singari, Kennedi ham siyosatni qabul qildi qamoq, kommunizmning tarqalishini to'xtatishga intilgan.[33] Prezident Eyzenxauerniki Yangi ko'rinish siyosatida yadro qurolidan foydalanishni ta'kidlagan edi oldini olish Sovet tajovuzining tahdidi. Jahon yadro urushi ehtimolidan qo'rqib, Kennedi yangi strategiyani amalga oshirdi moslashuvchan javob. Ushbu strategiya cheklangan maqsadlarga erishish uchun oddiy qurollarga asoslangan edi. Ushbu siyosat doirasida Kennedi siyosatni kengaytirdi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari maxsus operatsiyalar kuchlari, turli to'qnashuvlarda noan'anaviy tarzda kurash olib boradigan elita harbiy qismlar. Kennedi, moslashuvchan javob strategiyasi AQShga urushga murojaat qilmasdan Sovet ta'siriga qarshi turishga imkon beradi deb umid qildi.[34] Shu bilan birga, u Sovet Ittifoqi ustidan ustunlikni o'rnatish uchun yadroviy arsenalni ko'paytirishni buyurdi.[33]

Ushbu harbiy qurilishni davom ettirishda Kennedi Eyzenxauerning harbiy xarajatlar tufayli byudjet tanqisligi to'g'risida chuqur tashvishlanishidan voz kechdi.[35] Eyzenxauerning harbiy-sanoat kompleksining xavf-xatarlari to'g'risida ogohlantirishidan farqli o'laroq, Kennedi asosiy e'tiborini qayta qurollantirishga qaratdi. 1961 yildan 1964 yilgacha yadro qurollari soni, ularni etkazib beradigan B-52 bombardimonchilar soni 50 foizga oshdi. Yangi ICBM kuchi 63 qit'alararo ballistik raketalardan 424 taga o'sdi. U 23 ta yangi Polaris suvosti kemalariga ruxsat berdi, ularning har biri 16 ta yadro raketasini olib yurdi. Ayni paytda u shaharlarni yadro urushiga qarshi boshpana tayyorlashga chaqirdi.[36]

Kuba va Sovet Ittifoqi

Cho'chqalar ko'rfazasi bosqini

Prezident Kennedi va vitse-prezident Jonson Oq uy atrofida bemalol sayr qilmoqdalar.

Fulgencio Batista, AQShga do'stona bo'lgan Kuba diktatori, 1959 yilda lavozimidan chetlatilgan edi Kuba inqilobi. Qo'shma Shtatlarda ko'pchilik, shu jumladan Kennedining o'zi, dastlab Batistaning vorisi, Fidel Kastro demokratik islohotlarga rahbarlik qiladi. Ushbu umidlarni puchga chiqarib, 1960 yil oxiriga kelib Kastro qabul qildi Marksizm, Amerika mulkini musodara qildi va Sovet yordamini qabul qildi.[37] Eyzenxauer ma'muriyati Kastro rejimini ag'darish rejasini tuzgan bo'lsa-da, AQSh tomonidan o'qitilgan, antastastro kubalik surgunlardan tashkil topgan aksilinqilobiy qo'zg'olon tomonidan Kubaga bostirib kirildi.[38][39] boshchiligidagi Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi harbiylashtirilgan ofitserlar.[40] Kennedi Kastroga qarshi qat'iy pozitsiyani ilgari surgan va Eyzenxauer ma'muriyati davrida ishlab chiqilgan reja bilan tanishganda, u Sovet Ittifoqi bilan ziddiyatni keltirib chiqarish xavfidan qat'i nazar, uni g'ayrat bilan qabul qilgan.[41] Ba'zi maslahatchilar, shu jumladan Shlezinger, Davlat kotibi muovini Chester Bowles va sobiq davlat kotibi Din Acheson, operatsiyaga qarshi chiqdi, ammo Bandi va Maknamara ikkalasi ham buni ma'qullashdi Birlashgan shtab boshliqlari, jiddiy rezervasyonlarga qaramay.[42]

1961 yil 17 aprelda Kennedi Cho'chqalar ko'rfaziga bostirib kirishga buyruq berdi: 1500 amerikalik o'qitilgan kubaliklar Brigada 2506, ushbu nomning kirish qismiga tushdi.[43] Maqsad Kastroga qarshi keng tarqalgan xalq qo'zg'olonini qo'zg'atish edi, ammo bunday qo'zg'olon sodir bo'lmadi. [44] Eyzenxauer ma'muriyati rejasi Amerikaning havo hujumlarini Kuba qarshi hujumini bosqinchilar barpo etilguncha ushlab turishga chaqirgan bo'lsa-da, Kennedi ish tashlashni rad etdi, chunki bu bosqin Amerikaning homiyligini ta'kidlaydi.[45] Keyinchalik Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi direktori Allen Dulles prezident qo'shinlar yerda bo'lgandan keyin muvaffaqiyatga erishish uchun zarur bo'lgan har qanday harakatga ruxsat beradi deb o'ylaganlarini aytdi.[43] 1961 yil 19 aprelgacha Kuba hukumati bosqinchilarni asirga oldi yoki o'ldirdi va Kennedi tirik qolgan 1189 kishini ozod qilish uchun muzokaralar olib borishga majbur bo'ldi. Yigirma oydan so'ng Kuba asirga olingan surgunlarni 53 million dollarlik oziq-ovqat va dori-darmon evaziga ozod qildi.[46]

AQShning bevosita harbiy ishtiroki yo'qligiga qaramay, Sovet Ittifoqi, Kuba va xalqaro hamjamiyat AQSh bosqinni qo'llab-quvvatlaganini tan oldi.[45] Kennedi birinchi navbatda harbiy masalalarga emas, balki rejaning siyosiy oqibatlariga e'tibor qaratdi.[47] Keyinchalik, u muvaffaqiyatsizlik uchun barcha javobgarlikni o'z zimmasiga oldi va shunday dedi: "Biz oyog'imizga katta zarba berdik va biz bunga loyiq edik. Ammo, ehtimol, biz bundan biron bir narsani o'rganamiz".[48] Keyinchalik Kennedining reytingi ko'tarilib, unga Nikson va Eyzenxauer tomonidan ovozli yordam ko'rsatildi.[49] Biroq AQSh tashqarisida olib borilgan operatsiya Kennedining dunyo etakchisi sifatidagi obro'siga putur etkazdi va Sovet Ittifoqi bilan ziddiyatlarni kuchaytirdi.[50] Kennedi ma'muriyati barcha Kubalik importni taqiqladi, ishonch hosil qildi Amerika davlatlari tashkiloti Kubani chiqarib yuborish uchun va Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasiga Kastroni ag'darib tashlash rejasini tuzish uchun murojaat qildi Kuba loyihasi.[51] Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi xodimi Lyman Kirkpatrik tomonidan olib borilgan maxfiy tekshiruv natijalariga ko'ra, bosqinning muvaffaqiyatsizligi havo hujumlariga qarshi qaror qabul qilishning kamroq natijasi bo'lgan va Kubaning mudofaa kuchi ancha katta bo'lganligi va operatsiya "yomon rejalashtirish, tashkil etish, kadrlar bilan ta'minlash va boshqarish ".[52] Kennedi Dullesni Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi direktori lavozimidan bo'shatdi va Shtablar boshlig'i, Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi va Davlat departamentidan farqli o'laroq, Sorensen, Bandi va Robert Kennedi singari yaqin maslahatchilarga ko'proq ishondi.[53]

Vena sammiti va Berlin devori

Kennedi bilan uchrashuv Sovet Bosh vaziri Nikita Xrushchev yilda Vena 1961 yil iyun oyida

Cho'chqalar ko'rfaziga bostirib kirgandan so'ng, Kennedi Sovet Bosh vaziri bilan uchrashishini e'lon qildi Nikita Xrushchev 1961 yil iyun oyida Vena sammiti. Sammit bir nechta mavzularni qamrab olishi kerak edi, ammo ikkala rahbar ham eng bahsli masala aynan shu mavzuda bo'lishini bilar edi Berlin Sovuq urush boshlanishi bilan ikki shaharga bo'lingan edi. Ning anklavi G'arbiy Berlin Sovet Ittifoqi tarkibida Sharqiy Germaniya, ammo AQSh va boshqa G'arb davlatlari tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlandi. Sovetlar, qisman G'arbiy Berlinga qochib ketgan sharqiy nemislarning ko'pligi sababli, Sharqiy Germaniya nazorati ostida Berlinni birlashtirmoqchi edi.[54] Xrushchev Eyzenxauer bilan bu masala bo'yicha to'qnash kelgan, ammo keyin uni muhokama qilgan 1960 yilgi U-2 hodisasi; AQShning yangi prezidentining inauguratsiyasi bilan Xrushchev yana bir bor G'arbiy Berlin maqomini birinchi o'ringa chiqarishga qaror qildi. Kennedi Cho'chqalar ko'rfazidagi inqirozni ko'rib chiqishi uni Kennedining bosim ostida qurib ketishiga ishontirdi. Shu bilan birga, Kennedi keskinlikni kamaytirish va yadro urushi xavfini minimallashtirish uchun Xrushchev bilan tezroq uchrashmoqchi edi. Sammit oldidan Garriman Kennediga "[Xrushyovning] uslubi sizga hujum qilish va u bu narsadan xalos bo'lishini bilib olish bo'ladi. Bu haqida kuling, janjallashmang. Undan yuqoriga ko'tariling. Biroz dam oling" deb maslahat bergan.[55]

1961 yil 4 iyunda prezident Vena shahrida Xrushyovga bilan uchrashdi, bu erda u har qanday shartnoma ekanligini aniq ko'rsatdi Sharqiy Berlin va G'arbiy Berlindagi AQShning kirish huquqlariga aralashgan Sovet Ittifoqi urush harakati sifatida qaraladi.[56] Ikki davlat rahbarlari, shuningdek, Laosdagi vaziyatni muhokama qildilar Kongo inqirozi, Xitoy yangi paydo bo'lgan yadro dasturi, yadroviy sinovlarni taqiqlash to'g'risidagi shartnoma va boshqa masalalar.[57] Kennedi uyga qaytganidan ko'p o'tmay, Sovet Ittifoqi G'arbiy Berlinga G'arbning kirishiga tahdid soladigan Sharqiy Berlin bilan shartnoma imzolash niyatini e'lon qildi. Tushkunlikka va g'azabga duchor bo'lgan Kennedi, uning yagona varianti mamlakatni yadro urushiga tayyorlash edi, deb o'ylardi, u shaxsan o'zi sodir bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan bittadan bittasi bor deb o'ylardi.[56]

Vena sammitidan bir necha hafta o'tgach, SSSR bayonotlariga munosabat sifatida Sharqiy Berlindan g'arbiy sektorga 20 mingdan ortiq odam qochib ketdi. Kennedi Berlin masalasi bo'yicha intensiv uchrashuvlarni boshladi, u erda Din Acheson NATO ittifoqchilari qatorida harbiy kuchlarni oshirishni tavsiya qildi.[58] 1961 yil iyul oyida qilgan nutqida Kennedi G'arbiy Berlinga qarshi hujum AQShga qarshi hujum sifatida qabul qilinishini aytib, mudofaa byudjetiga 20000 dan ortiq qo'shimcha qo'shinlar bilan birga 3,25 milliard dollar qo'shish to'g'risida qaror qabul qilganligini e'lon qildi.[59] Shu bilan birga, Sovet Ittifoqi va Sharqiy Berlin Sharqiy berlinliklarning G'arbiy Berlinga o'tishini taqiqlashni boshladilar va shahar bo'ylab tikanli simli to'siqlar o'rnatdilar, ular tezda ko'tarilib Berlin devori.[60] Kennedi devorga bo'ysundi, garchi u vitse-prezident Jonsonni G'arbiy Berlinga AQShning anklav mudofaasiga sodiqligini tasdiqlash uchun yubordi. Keyingi oylarda Sovuq Urush ziddiyatlari kuchayib borayotgani belgisi sifatida AQSh ham, Sovet Ittifoqi ham yadro qurolini sinovdan o'tkazishga moratoriyni bekor qilishdi.[61]

Kuba raketa inqirozi

Cho'chqalar ko'rfazi va bosqindan keyin Kuba va Sovet rahbarlari Qo'shma Shtatlar Kubaga yana bir hujum qilishni rejalashtirayotganidan qo'rqishdi va Xrushchev orolga iqtisodiy va harbiy yordamni oshirdi.[62] Kennedi ma'muriyati o'sib borayotganini ko'rib chiqdi Kuba-Sovet ittifoqi oxir-oqibat Qo'shma Shtatlarga tahdid solishi mumkinligidan qo'rqib, xavotir bilan.[63] Kennedi Sovet Ittifoqi Kubada yadro qurolini joylashtirish xavfiga duch kelishiga ishonmagan, ammo u Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasini yuborgan U-2 Sovet harbiy kuchlari darajasini aniqlash uchun ayg'oqchi samolyotlar.[63] 1962 yil 14 oktyabrda ayg'oqchi samolyotlar Sovetlar tomonidan Kubada qurilayotgan o'rta masofaga mo'ljallangan ballistik raketalar joylarini suratga olishdi. Fotosuratlar 16-oktabr kuni Kennediga namoyish etildi va raketalar tajovuzkor xarakterga ega ekanligi to'g'risida kelishuvga erishildi.[64]

Vena sammitidan so'ng Xrushyovga Kennedi provokatsiyalarga samarali javob bermasligiga ishondi. U Kubada raketalarni joylashtirishni yopishning bir usuli sifatida ko'rdi. "raketalar oralig'i "va Kuba mudofaasini ta'minlash. 1962 yil oxiriga kelib, Qo'shma Shtatlar ham, Sovet Ittifoqi ham egalik qilishdi qit'alararo ballistik raketalar (ICBM) yadroviy foydali yuklarni etkazib berishga qodir, ammo AQSh 100 dan ortiq ICBMni saqlab qoldi dengiz osti kemasi uchirgan ballistik raketa (SLBMlar). Aksincha, Sovet Ittifoqida SLBM bo'lmagan va 25 tadan kam ICBM bo'lgan. Kubada raketalarning joylashtirilishi Sovet Ittifoqining raketalarini sezilarli darajada oshirish bilan tahdid qildi birinchi ish tashlash qobiliyati va hatto yadro muvozanati.[65] Kennedining o'zi Kubaga raketalarning joylashtirilishi yadroviy kuchlarning strategik muvozanatini tubdan o'zgartirganiga ishonmagan; uning uchun Sovet Ittifoqiga Kubada yadro qurolini saqlashga imkon berishning siyosiy va psixologik oqibatlari muhimroq edi.[66]

Kennedi dilemma bilan duch keldi: agar AQSh saytlarga hujum qilsa, bu AQSh bilan yadroviy urushga olib kelishi mumkin, ammo agar AQSh hech narsa qilmasa, u zaif bo'lib ko'rinadi. Shaxsiy darajada Kennedi, ayniqsa, Vena sammitidan so'ng, Xrushyovga munosabati bilan qat'iyat ko'rsatishi kerak edi.[67] Inqirozni bartaraf etish uchun u keyinchalik ma'lum bo'lgan asosiy maslahatchilarning vaqtinchalik organini tuzdi EXCOMM, 16 oktyabrdan 28 oktyabrgacha yashirincha uchrashgan.[68] EXCOMM a'zolari raketalarni Kubadan olib tashlash kerak degan qarorga kelishdi, ammo eng yaxshi usul bo'yicha farq qilishdi. Ba'zilar havo hujumini ma'qullashdi, ehtimol Kubaga hujum qilishdi, ammo Robert Kennedi va boshqalar kutilmagan havo hujumi axloqsiz bo'ladi va Sovetlarning repressiyalarini taklif qilishadi.[69] Vujudga kelgan yana bir muhim variant - Kubaga qurol etkazib berishni oldini olish uchun mo'ljallangan dengiz blokadasi. Dastlab u zudlik bilan havo hujumini qo'llab-quvvatlagan bo'lsa-da, prezident tezda harbiy javob choralarining birinchi usulini dengiz blokadasini qo'llab-quvvatladi va keyinchalik havo hujumi variantini saqlab qoldi.[70] EXCOMM 11 dan 6 gacha ovoz berib, dengiz blokadasini qo'llab-quvvatladi va uni Britaniya elchisi ham qo'llab-quvvatladi Devid Ormsbi-Gor va Eyzenxauer, ikkalasi bilan ham xususiy ravishda maslahatlashildi.[71] Vaziyat to'g'risida 22 oktyabr kuni vazirlar mahkamasi va Kongressning etakchi a'zolarini shaxsiy xabardor qilgandan so'ng, Kennedi milliy televidenie orqali AQSh Sovet Ittifoqi Kubasiga raketalarni joylashtirganligi to'g'risida dalillarni aniqlaganini e'lon qildi. U raketalarni zudlik bilan qaytarib olishga, shuningdek chaqirishga chaqirdi Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Xavfsizlik Kengashi va Amerika Shtatlari Tashkiloti (OAS). Nihoyat, u AQSh qurol etkazib berishni to'xtatish uchun Kubani dengiz blokadasini boshlashini e'lon qildi.[72]

23 oktyabrda OAS bir ovozdan ovoz berib, blokadani ma'qullagan va Sovet yadroviy qurollarini Kubadan olib chiqishga chaqirgan qarorni ma'qulladi. O'sha kuni Stivenson AQSh ishini BMT Xavfsizlik Kengashiga taqdim etdi, garchi Sovet Ittifoqiga tegishli bo'lsa veto huquqi Xavfsizlik Kengashining qarorini qabul qilish imkoniyatini istisno qildi.[73] 24 oktyabr kuni ertalab Kubaga qarshi blokadani amalga oshirish uchun AQShning 150 dan ortiq kemalari joylashtirildi. Bir nechta sovet kemalari blokirovka chizig'iga yaqinlashdi, ammo ular blokirovkadan qochish uchun to'xtadilar yoki orqaga qarab ketdilar.[74] 25 oktabrda Xrushchev AQSh Kubaga bostirib kirmaslikka va'da bergan bo'lsa, raketalarni olib tashlashni taklif qildi. Ertasi kuni u ikkinchi xabarni yubordi, unda u ham olib tashlashni talab qildi Yupiter raketalari dan kurka.[75] EXCOMM "deb nomlangan narsaga qaror qildiTrollopa hiyla-nayranglari; "AQSh Xrushyovning birinchi xabariga javob berar va ikkinchisini e'tiborsiz qoldirar edi. 27 oktabr kuni Kennedi Xrushyovga blokada nihoyasiga etkazish evaziga Kubaning raketalarini olib tashlash va Amerikaning bosqindan voz kechish haqidagi va'dasini yuborgan. Prezidentning ko'rsatmasi bilan Robert Kennedi Sovet elchisiga AQSh inqiroz tugaganidan so'ng raketalarni Turkiyadan olib tashlashi to'g'risida xususiy ravishda xabar bergan.[76] EXCOMMning ozgina a'zolari Xrushyovga bu taklifga rozi bo'lishini kutishgan, ammo 28 oktabr kuni Xrushchev raketalarni Kubadan olib chiqib ketishini e'lon qildi.[76] Chekinish tafsilotlari bo'yicha muzokaralar davom etdi, ammo AQSh 20-noyabrda dengiz blokadasini tugatdi va aksariyat sovet askarlari Kubani 1963 yil boshida tark etishdi.[77]

AQSh Kubaga hech qachon bostirib kirmaslikka ochiqchasiga va'da berib, Italiya va Turkiyadagi raketalarini olib chiqishga xususiy ravishda rozi bo'ldi; raketalar o'sha paytgacha eskirgan va jihozlangan suvosti kemalari tomonidan o'rnini bosgan UGM-27 Polaris raketalar.[78] Inqirozdan keyin Qo'shma Shtatlar va Sovet Ittifoqi a ishonch telefoni ikki mamlakat rahbarlari o'rtasida aniq aloqalarni ta'minlash.[79] Kuba raketa inqirozi dunyoni yadro urushiga yaqinlashtirdi. Oxir-oqibat, ikki kishining "insonparvarligi" ustun keldi.[80] Inqiroz Amerika irodasi obro'sini va prezidentning ishonchini yaxshiladi. Kennedining ma'qullash darajasi darhol 66% dan 77% gacha ko'tarildi.[81] Kennedining Kubadagi raketa inqirozini ko'rib chiqishi ko'plab olimlarning keng maqtoviga sazovor bo'ldi, ammo ba'zi tanqidchilar Kastroni olib tashlashga urinishlari bilan inqirozni tezlashtirganlikda Kennedi ma'muriyatini ayblashadi.[82][83] Shu bilan birga, Xruşchev uning ishlashi uchun keng miqyosda masxara qilingan va 1964 yil oktyabrda hokimiyatdan chetlatilgan.[84]

Yadro sinovlarini taqiqlash to'g'risidagi shartnoma

Kennedi etkazib beradi boshlanish nutqi da Amerika universiteti, 1963 yil 10-iyun.

Ning uzoq muddatli xavfi bilan bezovtalanmoqda radioaktiv ifloslanish va yadro qurolining tarqalishi, Kennedi va Xrushchev dastlab Adlay Stivensonning 1956 yilgi prezidentlik kampaniyasida ishlab chiqarilgan yadroviy sinovlarni taqiqlash to'g'risidagi shartnomani muhokama qilishga kelishib oldilar.[85] 1961 yil iyun oyida bo'lib o'tgan Vena sammitida Xrushyovga va Kennedi yadroviy sinovlarga qarshi norasmiy tushunishga erishdilar, ammo yadro sinovlarini qayta boshlash bilan keyingi muzokaralar bekor qilindi.[86] Sovet-Amerika munosabatlari Kubadagi raketa inqirozi qaroridan keyin yaxshilandi va kuchlar sinovlarni taqiqlash to'g'risidagi shartnoma bo'yicha muzokaralarni qayta boshlashdi.[87]

1963 yil 10 iyunda Kennedi a boshlanish manzili da Amerika universiteti Vashingtonda, Sovet Ittifoqi yadroviy sinovlarni taqiqlash to'g'risidagi shartnoma muzokaralarini qayta boshlashga rozi bo'lganligini e'lon qildi. U shuningdek, "yaxshi niyat va tantanali ishonch" ko'rsatish maqsadida, rejalashtirilgan atmosfera yadro qurollari sinovlarini keyinga qoldirish to'g'risida qaror qabul qilganligini e'lon qildi va AQSh boshqa barcha davlatlar xuddi shunday qilar ekan, keyingi sinovlarni o'tkazmaslikka va'da berdi.[88] AQSh, Kennedining fikricha, yadro qurolini "to'liq qurolsizlantirish" maqsadini ko'zlamoqda va u Amerika "hech qachon urush boshlamasligiga" va'da berdi.[89]

Keyingi oyda Kennedi V. Averell Harrimanni Sovetlarga sinovlarni taqiqlash to'g'risidagi shartnoma bo'yicha muzokaralar olib borish uchun Moskvaga yubordi.[90] Har bir tomon sinovlarni taqiqlash bo'yicha keng qamrovli shartnomani tuzishga intildi, ammo har yili ruxsat berilgan joylarda o'tkazilgan tekshiruvlar soni bo'yicha tortishuvlar sinovlarni to'liq taqiqlashga imkon bermadi.[87] Oxir oqibat, Qo'shma Shtatlar, Buyuk Britaniya va Sovet Ittifoqi cheklangan shartnomaga binoan, atom, er osti, atmosfera yoki suv osti sinovlarini taqiqlaydi, ammo er osti emas.[91] Shartnoma Sovuq Urush ziddiyatlarining muhim pasayishini anglatadi, ammo ikkala davlat ham o'zlarining yadroviy zaxiralarini yaratishda davom etishdi.[92] AQSh va Sovet Ittifoqi, shuningdek, AQSh Sovet Ittifoqiga millionlab buta bug'doy sotgan kelishuvga erishdilar.[93]

Janubi-sharqiy Osiyo

Kennedi bilan Garold Xolt, keyin Avstraliya xazinachisi, ichida Oval ofis 1963 yilda

Laos

Kennediga brifing berganda, Eyzenxauer kommunistik tahdid borligini ta'kidladi Janubi-sharqiy Osiyo talab qilinadigan ustuvorlik. Eyzenxauer ko'rib chiqdi Laos "shishadagi mantar" bo'lish; agar u kommunizmga tushib qolsa, Eyzenxauer boshqa janubi-sharqiy osiyoliklar ham ishonadi.[94] Qo'shma boshliqlar do'stona hukumatni qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun 60,000 amerikalik askarlarni yuborishni taklif qildilar, ammo Kennedi bu strategiyani muvaffaqiyatsiz cho'chqalar ko'rfazining bosib olinishi natijasida rad etdi. Buning o'rniga u hukumat va qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan chap qanot qo'zg'olonchilari o'rtasida muzokaralar yo'li bilan echim izladi Shimoliy Vetnam va Sovet Ittifoqi.[95] Kennedi qo'shniga nishon kuchidan ko'proq narsani yuborishni xohlamadi Tailand, Amerikaning asosiy ittifoqchisi. Yil oxiriga kelib, Garriman ushbu tadbirni tashkil etishga yordam berdi Laosning betarafligi to'g'risida xalqaro kelishuv, bu vaqtincha inqirozga chek qo'ydi, ammo Laosdagi fuqarolar urushi davom etdi.[96] Garchi u AQSh kuchlarini Laosga katta harbiy aralashuvga jalb qilishni xohlamagan bo'lsa-da, Kennedi buni ma'qulladi Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasining Laosdagi faoliyati kommunistik qo'zg'olonchilarni bombardimon qilingan reydlar va ularni yollash orqali mag'lub etish uchun mo'ljallangan Hmong xalqi.[97]

Vetnam

Prezidentligi davrida Kennedi siyosiy, iqtisodiy va harbiy yordamni ta'minlaydigan siyosatni davom ettirdi Janubiy Vetnam hukumat.[98] Vetnam kommunistik Shimoliy Vetnamga va kommunistik bo'lmagan Janubiy Vetnamga bo'lingan edi 1954 yil Jeneva konferentsiyasi, ammo Shimoliy Vetnam rahbari Xoshimin tashkil etdi Vietnam Kong 1960 yilda Janubiy Vetnamda birlashishni qo'llab-quvvatladi. Janubiy Vetnam prezidenti, Ngo Dinh Diem, er islohotlaridan qochish, erkin saylovlar o'tkazishni rad etish va antikommunistik tozalashni amalga oshirish orqali ko'plab saylovchilarini chetlashtirdi. Kennedi 1961 yilda Janubiy Vetnam armiyasini moliyalashtirish, AQSh harbiy maslahatchilari sonini Eyzenxauer ma'muriyati darajasidan ko'paytirish va AQSh vertolyot bo'linmalariga Janubiy Vetnam kuchlarini qo'llab-quvvatlashga vakolat berish orqali Amerikaning Vetnamdagi ishtirokini kuchaytirdi.[99]

Kennedi o'z faoliyati davomida Janubiy Vetnamni qo'llab-quvvatlagan bo'lsa ham, Vetnam 1963 yilgacha Kennedi ma'muriyati uchun ikkinchi darajali muammo bo'lib qoldi.[100] Kennedi tobora zo'ravon bo'lgan Diyemga jahli chiqdi buddistlik amaliyotiga qarshi kurash uning rahbariyatiga qarshi galvanizli qarshilik. 1963 yil avgustda, Genri Kabot Lodj, kichik almashtirildi Frederik Nolting AQShning Janubiy Vetnamdagi elchisi sifatida. Janubiy Vetnamga kelganidan bir necha kun o'tgach, Lodj bir necha Janubiy Vetnam generali Diyemni hokimiyatdan chetlatish rejasiga AQSh hukumatining roziligini so'raganligini xabar qildi. Kennedi ma'muriyati nafaqat Diyemni olib tashlash, balki ularning Janubiy Vetnamdagi harbiy vaziyatni va AQShning mamlakatdagi munosib rolini baholash borasida ikkiga bo'lindi. AQSh tomonidan to'liq qo'llab-quvvatlanmasdan, general Dương Văn Minh ("Katta Minh" nomi bilan tanilgan) Janubiy Vetnamda yuz berishi mumkin bo'lgan to'ntarishni to'xtatdi. Big Minh yana to'ntarish haqida AQShga murojaat qildi va ma'muriyat xodimi unga AQSh Diemning ag'darilishini qo'llab-quvvatlamasligini yoki qarshi chiqmasligini ma'lum qildi. 1963 yil noyabrda katta harbiy ofitserlar xunti Diem ijro etdi va uning nufuzli ukasi, Ngô Dính Nhu.[101]

1963 yil noyabrga qadar Janubiy Vetnamda Eyzenxauerning 900 maslahatchisidan 16000 amerikalik harbiy xodim bor edi.[102] 1963 yil sentyabr oyida bekor qilingan to'ntarishdan so'ng, Kennedi ma'muriyati Janubiy Vetnamdagi siyosatini qayta ko'rib chiqdi. Kennedi quruqlikdagi askarlarni to'liq miqyosda joylashtirishni rad etdi, ammo AQSh kuchlarining mamlakatdan butunlay chiqib ketishini ham rad etdi.[103] Tarixchilar Kennedi tirik qolganida va 1964 yilda qayta saylanganida AQShning Vetnamdagi harbiy ishtiroki kuchayib ketadimi yoki yo'qmi degan fikrga qo'shilmaydi.[104] Debatni to'ldirish - bu Mudofaa vaziri McNamara filmidagi bayonotlar "Urush tumanlari "Kennedi 1964 yilgi saylovlardan keyin Vetnamdan chiqib ketishni juda o'ylayotgan edi.[105] Shuningdek, filmda Lindon Jonsonning Kennedi ketishni rejalashtirayotgani haqidagi lenta yozuvi mavjud, bu pozitsiya Jonson bilan rozi emas.[106] Kennedi 11 oktyabrda imzolangan Milliy Xavfsizlik Harakatlari to'g'risidagi Memorandumni (NSAM) 11 oktyabrda imzolagan, bu yil oxirigacha 1000 harbiy xizmatchini olib chiqib ketishni buyurgan.[107][108] Bunday harakat siyosatni bekor qilishi mumkin edi, ammo Kennedi dunyo tinchligi haqidagi taniqli nutqidan beri kamroq shov-shuvli yo'nalishda harakat qilardi. Amerika universiteti 1963 yil 10-iyunda.[109]

lotin Amerikasi

Kennedi Chili prezidenti bilan Xorxe Alessandri

Kennedi Lotin Amerikasida kommunizm tahdidining oldini olishga intilib Taraqqiyot uchun ittifoq, ba'zi mamlakatlarga yordam jo'natdi va kattaroq narsalarni qidirdi inson huquqlari mintaqadagi standartlar.[110] Taraqqiyot Ittifoqi Yaxshi qo'shnilar siyosati Lotin Amerikasi bilan tinchlik aloqalarida va Marshall rejasi yordam va iqtisodiy aloqalarni kengaytirishda. Kennedi, shuningdek, Lotin Amerikasi rahbarlari bilan yaqin shaxsiy munosabatlarni ta'kidlab, ularni Oq uyda tez-tez qabul qilib turardi.[111] The AQSh axborot agentligi ispan, portugal va frantsuz ommaviy axborot vositalarida lotin amerikaliklariga murojaat qilishda muhim rol o'ynadi.[112] "Taraqqiyot alyansi" ning maqsadlariga sanoatlashtirishni rivojlantirish, aloqa tizimini takomillashtirish, savdo to'siqlarini kamaytirish va Lotin Amerikasidan eksport qilish sonini va xilma-xilligini ko'paytirish orqali yashash sharoitlarini uzoq muddatli doimiy yaxshilash kiradi. Nazariy darajada Kennedining rejalashtiruvchilari mintaqaning rivojlanmagan rivojlanishini va uning Shimoliy Amerikaga qaramligini o'zgartirishga umid qilishdi. Ma'muriyat motivatsiyasining bir qismi, agar rivojlanish amalga oshmasa, Kastroning Kubasi Amerikaga qarshi siyosiy va iqtisodiy o'zgarishlarni amalga oshirishidan qo'rqish edi.[113][114]

Sovet Ittifoqi ta'sirini kamaytirish maqsadida AQSh ham yashirin vositalardan foydalanishda davom etdi. Kennedi ish boshlaganda, Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi qotillik rejalarini ishlab chiqishni boshlagan edi Rafael Truxillo ichida Dominika Respublikasi. Kennedi Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasiga xususiy ravishda har qanday bunday rejalashtirish AQSh tomonidan inkor etiladigan inkorni o'z ichiga olishi kerakligi to'g'risida ko'rsatma bergan.[115] 1961 yilda Truxillo o'ldirilishida ma'muriyatning hech qanday roli bo'lmagan, ammo Trujillo merosxo'rining hukumatini qo'llab-quvvatlagan, Xuan Bosch. Qo'shma Shtatlar bunga yashirin aralashuvni boshladi Britaniya Gvianasi chap qanot rahbarini inkor etish Cheddi Jagan mustaqil Gayanada hokimiyatni qo'lga kiritdi va qatnashishni istamagan Britaniyani majbur qildi.[116] Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi ham operatsiyalar bilan shug'ullangan Braziliya va Chili chap qanot rahbarlariga qarshi.[117]

Yaqin Sharq

Iroq

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari va Iroq quyidagilarga zid bo'lgan Iroq monarxiyasining ag'darilishi 1958 yil 14-iyulda Brigada boshchiligidagi respublika hukumati e'lon qilindi Abd al-Karim Qosim.[118] 1961 yil 25 iyunda Qosim Iroq va Quvayt, so'nggi millatni "Iroqning ajralmas qismi" deb e'lon qildi va qisqa muddatli "Kuvayt inqirozi" ni keltirib chiqardi. 19 iyun kuni endigina Kuvaytga mustaqillik bergan va iqtisodiyoti Kuvayt neftiga katta bog'liq bo'lgan Buyuk Britaniya - 1 iyul kuni Iroq bosqinini to'xtatish uchun mamlakatga 5000 askar yuborib javob qaytardi. Shu bilan birga, Kennedi AQSh dengiz kuchlari ishchi guruhini jo'natdi Bahrayn va Buyuk Britaniya (Kennedi ma'muriyati talabiga binoan) nizoni Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Xavfsizlik Kengashiga olib keldi, u erda taklif qilingan rezolyutsiya Sovet Ittifoqi tomonidan veto qo'yildi. Vaziyat oktyabr oyida ingliz qo'shinlari olib chiqib ketilib, ularning o'rniga 4000 kishilik qo'shinlar bilan hal qilindi Arab Ligasi kuch.[119]

1961 yil dekabrda Qosim hukumati ingliz va amerikaliklarga tegishli cheklovlarni cheklovchi 80-sonli ommaviy qonunni qabul qildi Iroq neft kompaniyasi (IPC) ning imtiyozli xolding haqiqatan ham neft ishlab chiqarilayotgan hududlarga, IPC kontsessiyasining 99,5 foizini o'zlashtirgan. AQSh rasmiylari ekspluatatsiya qilinishi va shuningdek, yaqinda Sovet Ittifoqi tomonidan Misr tomonidan homiylik qilingan BMTning Quvaytni BMTga a'zo davlat sifatida qabul qilinishini talab qilgan rezolyutsiyasiga veto qo'yganidan xavotirda edilar. Milliy xavfsizlik kengashining katta maslahatchisi Robert Komer agar IPC ishlab chiqarishni to'xtatib qo'ysa, Qosim "Quvaytni egallab olishi" (shu bilan Yaqin Sharqda neft qazib olish bo'yicha "bo'g'ma" ga erishishi) yoki "o'zini Rossiya quroliga tashlab qo'yishi" mumkinligidan xavotirda. Komer, shuningdek, Qosimga qarshi millatchilik to'ntarishi sodir bo'lishi mumkinligi va "Iroqni yana neytral keliga qaytarish" imkoniyatiga ega bo'lishi mumkinligi haqidagi keng tarqalgan mish-mishlarga e'tibor qaratdi.[120]

Antiimperialistik va anti-kommunistik Iroq Baas partiyasi zo'ravonlik to'ntarishida Qosimni ag'darib, qatl etdi 1963 yil 8 fevralda. Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi davlat to'ntarishini uyushtirganligi to'g'risida doimiy mish-mishlar tarqalgan bo'lsa-da, maxfiy ma'lumotlarni o'chirib tashlagan hujjatlar va Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasining sobiq zobitlarining ko'rsatmalari Amerikaning to'g'ridan-to'g'ri aralashuvi yo'qligini ko'rsatadi, ammo Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi Qosimning o'rniga munosib o'rinbosar qidirishni faol izlayotgan bo'lsa-da. Iroq harbiylari va undan oldin Baas to'ntarishi rejasi haqida xabardor qilingan edi.[121] Kennedi ma'muriyati natijadan mamnun bo'lib, oxir-oqibat Iroq uchun 55 million dollarlik qurol-yarog 'kelishuvini ma'qulladi.[122]

Isroil

Kennedi bilan Isroil tashqi ishlar vaziri Golda Meyr, 1962 yil 27-dekabr

Prezident Kennedi, Eyzenxauer va Truman ma'muriyati tomonidan amalga oshirilgan qurol-yarog 'embargosini bekor qildi Isroil ning asoschisiga aylanib, xavfsizlik aloqalarini kuchaytirish tarafdori AQSh-Isroil harbiy ittifoqi. Describing the protection of Israel as a moral and national commitment, he was the first to introduce the concept of a 'special relationship' between the U.S. and Israel.[123] In 1962, the Kennedy administration sold Israel a major weapon system, the Hawk antiaircraft missile. Historians differ as to whether Kennedy pursued security ties with Israel primarily to shore up support with Jewish-American voters, or because of his admiration of the Jewish state.[124]

Kennedy warned the Israeli government against the production of nuclear materials in Dimona, which he believed could instigate a nuclear arms-race in the Middle East. After the existence of a nuclear plant was initially denied by the Israeli government, Devid Ben-Gurion stated in a speech to the Israeli Knesset on December 21, 1960, that the purpose of the nuclear plant at Beersheba was for "research in problems of arid zones and desert flora and fauna."[125] When Ben-Gurion met with Kennedy in New York, he claimed that Dimona was being developed to provide nuclear power for desalinization and other peaceful purposes "for the time being."[125] In 1962, the US and Israeli governments agreed to an annual inspection regime.[126] Despite these inspection, Rodjer Devis, the director of the State Department's Office of Near Eastern Affairs, concluded in March 1965 that Israel was developing yadro qurollari. He reported that Israel's target date for achieving nuclear capability was 1968–1969.[127]

Decolonization and developing countries

Kennedi bilan Kvame Nkrumah, the first president of an independent Gana, March 1961

Between 1960 and 1963, twenty-four mamlakatlar gained independence as the process of dekolonizatsiya davom etdi. Many of these nations sought to avoid close alignment with either the United States or the Soviet Union, and in 1961, the leaders of Hindiston, Yugoslaviya, Indoneziya, Misr va Gana yaratgan Qo'shilmaslik harakati. Kennedy set out to woo the leaders and people of the Third World, expanding economic aid and appointing knowledgeable ambassadors.[128] His administration established the Tinchlik uchun oziq-ovqat dasturi va Tinchlik korpusi to provide aid to developing countries in various ways. The Food for Peace program became a central element in American foreign policy, and eventually helped many countries to develop their economies and become commercial import customers.[129]

Having chaired a subcommittee on Africa of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Kennedy had developed a special interest in Africa. During the election campaign, Kennedy managed to mention Africa nearly 500 times, often attacking the Eisenhower administration for losing ground on that continent.[130] Kennedy considered the Kongo inqirozi to be one of the most important foreign policy issues facing his presidency, and he supported a UN operation that prevented the secession of the Katanga shtati.[131] Kennedy also sought closer relations with Indian Prime Minister Javaharlal Neru through increased economic and a tilt away from Pokiston, but made little progress in bringing India closer to the United States.[132] Kennedy hoped to minimize Soviet influence in Egypt through good relations with President Gamal Abdel Noser, but Nasser's dushmanlik tomonga Saudiya Arabistoni va Iordaniya closed off the possibility of closer relations.[133] In Southeast Asia, Kennedy helped mediate the G'arbiy Yangi Gvineya nizosi, convincing Indonesia and the Gollandiya to agree to plebissit to determine the status of Gollandiyalik Yangi Gvineya.[134]

Xalqaro sayohatlar ro'yxati

Kennedy made eight international trips during his presidency.[135]

Countries visited by Kennedy during his presidency
Kennedy in Cork, Ireland, June 28, 1963
Kennedy delivering his June 26, 1963 speech G'arbiy Berlin deb nomlanuvchi Ich bin ein Berliner nutq
#SanalarMamlakatJoylarKey highlights
11961 yil 16–18-may kunlari KanadaOttavaDavlat tashrifi. General-gubernator bilan uchrashdi Jorj Vanier va Bosh vazir John Diefenbaker. Addressed parliament.
2May 31 – June 3, 1961 FrantsiyaParijDavlat tashrifi. Addressed North Atlantic Council. Met with President Charles de Gaulle.
June 3–4, 1961 AvstriyaVenaPrezident bilan uchrashdim Adolf Sherf. held talks with Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev.
June 4–5, 1961 Birlashgan QirollikLondonShaxsiy tashrif. Met with Queen Elizabeth II and Prime Minister Harold Macmillan.
3December 16–17, 1961 VenesuelaKarakasPrezident bilan uchrashdim Romulo Betankur.
1961 yil 17-dekabr KolumbiyaBogotaPrezident bilan uchrashdim Alberto Lleras Kamargo.
4December 21–22, 1961 BermudaXemiltonMet with Prime Minister Harold Macmillan.
5June 29 – July 1, 1962 MeksikaMeksika, D.F.Davlat tashrifi. Prezident bilan uchrashdim Adolfo Lopes Mateos.
6December 18–21, 1962Bagama orollari Bagama orollariNassauConferred with Prime Minister Harold Macmillan. Xulosa qilingan Nassau shartnomasi on nuclear defense systems.
7March 18–20, 1963 Kosta-RikaSan-XoseAttended Conference of Presidents of the Central American Republics.
8June 23–25, 1963 G'arbiy GermaniyaBonn,
Kyoln,
Frankfurt,
Visbaden
Met with Chancellor Konrad Adenauer and other officials.
1963 yil 26-iyun G'arbiy GermaniyaG'arbiy BerlinDelivered several public addresses, including "Ich bin ein Berliner "nutq.
June 26–29, 1963 IrlandiyaDublin,
Veksford,
Cork,
Geyvey,
Limerik
Addressed Oireachtas (parlament). Visited ancestral home.[136]
June 29–30, 1963 Birlashgan QirollikBirch GroveInformal visit with Prime Minister Harold Macmillan at his home.
July 1–2, 1963 ItaliyaRim,
Neapol
Prezident bilan uchrashdim Antonio Segni, Italiya va NATO mansabdor shaxslar.
1963 yil 2-iyul  Vatikan shahriHavoriylar saroyiAudience with the newly elected Papa Pol VI.

Ichki ishlar

Yangi chegara

Kennedy in Mayami, Florida, November 18, 1963

Kennedy called his domestic program the "Yangi chegara "; it included initiatives such as medical care for the elderly, federal aid to education, and the creation of a department of housing and urban development.[137] His New Frontier program can be traced back to the unsuccessful proposals of Franklin D. Ruzvelt 's 1944 "Ikkinchi qonun hujjatlari " address, as well as Harry Truman's Adolatli bitim.[138] Kennedy pleased conservatives by calling for a large tax cut as an economic stimulus measure. However, many of his programs were blocked by the konservativ koalitsiya of Republicans and southern Democrats.[137] The conservative coalition, which controlled key Kongress qo'mitalari and made up a majority of both houses of Congress during Kennedy's presidency, had prevented the implementation of progressive reforms since the late 1930s.[139] Kennedy's small margin of victory in the 1960 election, his lack of deep connections to influential members of Congress, and his administration's focus on foreign policy also hindered the passage of New Frontier policies.[140] Passage of the New Frontier was made even more difficult after the death of Speaker of the House Sem Reyburn; new Speaker Jon Uilyam Makkormak va Senatning ko'pchilik etakchisi Mayk Mensfild both lacked the influence of their predecessors and struggled to exercise effective leadership over committee chairs.[141]

In 1961, Kennedy prioritized passing five bills: federal assistance for education, medical insurance for the elderly, housing legislation, federal aid to struggling areas, and an increase in the federal minimum wage.[142] Kennedy's bill to increase the federal minimum wage to $1.25 an hour passed in early 1961, but an amendment inserted by conservative leader from Georgia, Karl Vinson, exempted hundreds of thousands of laundry workers from the law.[143] Kennedy also won passage of the Area Redevelopment Act and the Housing Act of 1961. The Area Redevelopment Act provided federal funding to economically struggling regions of the country, while the Housing Act of 1961 provided funds for urban renewal and public housing and authorized federal ipoteka kreditlari to those who did not qualify for public housing.[144] Kennedy proposed a bill providing for $2.3 billion in federal educational aid to the states, with more money going to states with lower per-capita income. Though the Senate passed the education bill, it was defeated in the House by a coalition of Republicans, Southern Democrats, and Catholics.[145] Kennedy's health insurance bill, which would have paid for hospitalization and nursing costs for the elderly, failed to pass either house of Congress due to the opposition of Republicans, Southern Democrats, and the Amerika tibbiyot assotsiatsiyasi.[146] A bill that would have established the Department of Urban Affairs and Housing was also defeated.[147]

In 1962 and 1963, Kennedy won approval of the Manpower Development and Training Act, designed to provide job retraining, as well as bills that increased the regulation of drug manufacturers and authorized grants and loans for the construction of higher education facilities. Another Kennedy policy, the 1962 Trade Expansion Act, gave the president the power to cut tariflar and to take action against countries employing discriminatory tariffs.[148] Following the passage of that act, the U.S. and other countries agreed to major cuts in tariffs in the Kennedi Dumaloq.[149] Kongress ham o'tdi Jamiyat ruhiy salomatligi to'g'risidagi qonun, providing funding to local mental health community centers. These centers provided out-patient services such as marriage counseling and aid to those suffering from alkogolizm.[150] In 1963, Kennedy began to focus more on the issue of poverty, and some of the ideas developed during his presidency would later influence President Johnson's Qashshoqlikka qarshi urush.[151]

Tinchlik korpusi

An agency to enable Americans to volunteer in developing countries appealed to Kennedy because it fit in with his campaign themes of self-sacrifice and volunteerism, while also providing a way to redefine American relations with the Third World.[152] Upon taking office, Kennedy issued an executive order establishing the Peace Corps, and he named his brother-in-law, Sarjent Shriver, as the agency's first director. Due in large part to Shriver's effective lobbying efforts, Congress approved the permanent establishment of the Peace Corps programs. Kennedy took great pride in the Peace Corps, and he ensured that it remained free of CIA influence, but he largely left its administration to Shriver. In the ensuing twenty-five years, more than 100,000 Americans served in 44 countries as part of the program. Most Peace Corps volunteers taught English in schools, but many became involved in activities like construction and food delivery.[153]

Iqtisodiyot

Federal finances and GDP during Kennedy's presidency[154]
YilDaromadXarajatlarOrtiqcha /
defitsit
YaIMQarz% sifatida
YaIMning[155]
196194.497.8-3.3547.643.5
196299.7106.8-7.1586.942.3
1963106.6111.3-4.8619.341.0
1964112.6118.5-5.9662.938.7
Ref.[156][157][158]

The economy, which had been through two recessions in three years, and was in one when Kennedy took office, accelerated notably during his presidency. Despite low inflyatsiya and interest rates, YaIM had grown by an average of only 2.2% per annum during the Eisenhower presidency (scarcely more than population growth at the time), and had declined by 1% during Eisenhower's last twelve months in office.[159] GDP expanded by an average of 5.5% from early 1961 to late 1963,[159] inflation remained steady at around 1%,[160] and unemployment dropped from nearly 7 percent in January 1961 to 5.5 percent in December 1963.[161] Industrial production rose by 15% and motor vehicle sales rose by 40%.[162] This sustained rate of growth in GDP and industry continued until around 1969.[159] Kennedy was the first president to fully endorse Keyns iqtisodiyoti, which emphasized the importance of economic growth as opposed to inflation or deficits.[163][164] He ended a period of tight fiscal policies, loosening monetary policy to keep foiz stavkalari down and to encourage growth of the economy.[165] He presided over the first government budget to top the $100 billion mark, in 1962, and his first budget in 1961 led to the country's first non-war, non-recession defitsit.[166]

In 1962, as the economy continued to grow, Kennedy became concerned with the issue of inflation. He asked companies and unions to work together to keep prices low, and met initial success.[167] He implemented guideposts developed by the Council of Economic Advisers that were designed to avoid wage-price spirals in key industries such as steel and automobiles. Kennedy was proud that his Labor Department help keep wages steady in the steel industry, but was outraged in April 1962, Rojer Blou, prezidenti AQSh po'lati, quietly informed Kennedy that his company would raise prices.[168] In response, Attorney General Robert Kennedy began a price-fixing investigation against U.S. Steel, and President Kennedy convinced other steel companies to rescind their price increases until finally even U.S. Steel, isolated and in danger of being undersold, agreed to rescind its own price increase.[169][170] Aside from his conflict with U.S. Steel, Kennedy generally maintained good relations with corporate leaders compared to his Democratic predecessors Truman and FDR, and his administration did not escalate the enforcement of monopoliyaga qarshi qonun.[171] His administration also implemented new tax policies designed to encourage business investment.[172]

Graph of Kennedy's Gallup tasdiqlash reytinglari

Valter Xeller, who served as the chairman of the CEA, advocated for a Keynesian-style tax cut designed to help spur economic growth, and Kennedy adopted this policy.[173] The idea was that a tax cut would stimulate consumer demand, which in turn would lead to higher economic growth, lower unemployment, and increased federal revenues.[174] To the disappointment of liberals like Jon Kennet Galbraith, Kennedy's embrace of the tax cut also shifted his administration's focus away from the proposed old-age health insurance program and other domestic expenditures.[175] In January 1963, Kennedy presented Congress with a tax cut that would reduce the top marginal tax rate from 91 percent to 65 percent, and lower the corporate tax rate from 52 percent to 47 percent. The predictions according to the Keynesian model indicated the cuts would decrease income taxes by about $10 billion and corporate taxes by about $3.5 billion. The plan also included reforms designed to reduce the impact of ajratilgan ajratmalar, as well as provisions to help the elderly and handicapped. Republicans and many Southern Democrats opposed the bill, calling for simultaneous reductions in expenditures, but debate continued throughout 1963.[176] In February 1964, three months Into Johnson's administration, Congress approved the 1964 yilgi daromad to'g'risidagi qonun, which lowered the top individual rate to 70 percent, and the top corporate rate to 48 percent.[177]

Inson huquqlari

Early presidency

In May 1961 Kennedy appointed Thurgood Marshall uchun AQSh Apellyatsiya sudi.

The turbulent end of state-sanctioned racial discrimination was one of the most pressing domestic issues of the 1960s. Jim Krou ajratish had been established law in the Chuqur janub for much of the 20th century,[178] lekin Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Oliy sudi had ruled in 1954 in Brown va Ta'lim kengashi bu irqiy ajratish in public schools was unconstitutional. Many schools, especially in southern states, did not obey the Supreme Court's decision. Kennedy favored desegregation and other civil rights causes, but he generally did not place a high priority on civil rights, especially before 1963.[179] Recognizing that conservative Southern Democrats could block legislation, Kennedy did not introduce civil rights legislation upon taking office.[180] Kennedy did appoint many blacks to office, including civil rights attorney Thurgood Marshall.[181] Kennedy also established the President's Committee on Equal Employment Opportunity to investigate employment discrimination and expanded the Justice Department's involvement in voting rights cases.[179]

Kennedy believed the grassroots movement for civil rights would anger many Southern whites and make it more difficult to pass civil rights laws in Congress, and he distanced himself from it.[182] As articulated by brother Robert, the administration's early priority was to "keep the president out of this civil rights mess."[181] Civil rights movement participants, mainly those on the front line in the South, viewed Kennedy as lukewarm,[181] ayniqsa Ozodlik chavandozlari. The Freedom Riders organized an integrated public transportation effort in the South and were repeatedly met with white mob violence.[181] Robert Kennedy, speaking for the president, urged the Freedom Riders to "get off the buses and leave the matter to peaceful settlement in the courts."[183] Kennedy feared sending federal troops would stir up "hated memories of Qayta qurish " among conservative Southern whites.[181] Displeased with Kennedy's pace addressing the issue of segregation, Martin Lyuter King, kichik and his associates produced a document in 1962 calling on the president to follow in the footsteps of Avraam Linkoln and use an executive order to deliver a blow for civil rights as a kind of "Ikkinchi ozodlik e'lon qilish."[184]

1962 yil sentyabrda, Jeyms Meredit enrolled at the Missisipi universiteti but was prevented from entering. Attorney General Robert Kennedy responded by sending 400 federal marshals, while President Kennedy reluctantly sent 3,000 troops after the situation on campus turned violent.[185] The 1962 yilgi Ole Miss g'alayoni left two dead and dozens injured, but Meredith did finally enroll in his first class. Kennedy regretted not sending in troops earlier and he began to doubt whether the "evils of Reconstruction" he had been taught or believed were true.[181] On November 20, 1962, Kennedy signed 11063-sonli buyrug'i, prohibiting racial discrimination in federally supported housing or "related facilities".[186]

Abolition of the poll tax

  Ovoz berish solig'i
  Kümülatif ovoz berish solig'i (o'tgan yillardagi o'tkazib yuborilgan ovoz berish soliqlari, shuningdek, ovoz berish uchun to'lanishi kerak)
  Ovoz berish uchun soliq olinmaydi
1868 yildan 1966 yilgacha davlat tomonidan so'rovnoma soliqlarining tarixi

Sensitive to criticisms of the administration's commitment to protecting the constitutional rights of minorities at the ballot box, Attorney General Robert Kennedy, early in 1962, urged the president to press Congress to take action. Rather than proposing comprehensive legislation, President Kennedy put his support behind a proposed constitutional amendment that would prohibit states from conditioning the right to vote in federal saylovlar a to'lovi bo'yicha ovoz berish solig'i yoki boshqa soliq turlari. U konstitutsiyaviy tuzatishni muvozanatdan qochishning eng yaxshi usuli deb hisobladi, chunki ovoz berishda soliqni federal tarzda bekor qilish konstitutsiyaga ziddir, degan da'vo katta ahamiyatga ega bo'ladi. Shunga qaramay, ba'zi liberallar qonunlar bilan taqqoslaganda juda sekin bo'ladi deb hisoblagan Kennedining harakatlariga qarshi chiqishdi.[187] The poll tax was one of several laws that had been enacted by states across the South to disenfranchise and marginalize black citizens from politics so far as practicable without violating the O'n beshinchi o'zgartirish.[188] Several civil rights groups[d] opposed the proposed amendment on the grounds that it "would provide an immutable precedent for shunting all further civil rights legislation to the amendment procedure."[189] The amendment was passed by both houses of Congress in August 1962, and sent to the states for ratifikatsiya. It was ratified on January 23, 1964, by the requisite number of states (38), becoming the Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Konstitutsiyasiga yigirma to'rtinchi o'zgartirish.[190]

1963

Disturbed by the violent reaction to the civil rights campaign in Birmingham, and eager to prevent further violence or damage to U.S. foreign relations, Kennedy took a more active stance on civil rights in 1963.[191] On June 11, 1963, President Kennedy intervened when Alabama Governor Jorj Uolles bloklangan eshik uchun Alabama universiteti to stop two African American students, Vivian Malone va Jeyms Xud, qatnashishdan. Wallace moved aside only after being confronted by Deputy Attorney General Nikolas Katzenbax va Alabama milliy gvardiyasi, which had just been federalized by order of the president. That evening Kennedy delivered a major address on civil rights on national television and radio. In it he launched his initiative for civil rights legislation that would guarantee equal access to public schools and other facilities, the equal administration of justice, and also provide greater protection of voting rights.[192][193] Kennedy's embrace of civil rights causes would cost him in the South; Gallup polls taken in September 1963 would show his approval rating at 44 percent in the South, compared to a national approval rating of 62 percent.[194] As the president had predicted, the day after his civil rights address, and in reaction to it, House Majority leader Karl Albert called to advise him that his effort to extend the Area Redevelopment Act had been defeated, primarily by the votes of Southern Democrats and Republicans.[195]

Kennedy meets with leaders of the Vashingtonda mart in the Oval Office, August 28, 1963.

A crowd of over one hundred thousand, predominantly African Americans, gathered in Washington for the civil rights Vashingtonda ish va erkinlik uchun mart on August 28, 1963. Kennedy initially opposed the march, fearing it would have a negative effect on the prospects for the civil rights bills pending in Congress. These fears were heightened just prior to the march when Federal qidiruv byurosi Direktor J. Edgar Guvver presented the administration with allegations that some of civil rights leader Martin Lyuter King kichik 's close advisers, specifically Jek O'Dell va Stenli Levison, were communists.[196] When King ignored the administration's warning, Robert Kennedy issued a directive authorizing the FBI to wiretap King and other leaders of the Janubiy nasroniylarning etakchilik konferentsiyasi.[197] Although Kennedy only gave written approval for limited wiretapping of King's phones "on a trial basis, for a month or so",[198] Hoover extended the clearance so his men were "unshackled" to look for evidence in any areas of King's life they deemed worthy.[199] The wiretapping continued through June 1966 and was revealed in 1968.[200]

The task of coordinating the federal government's involvement in the August 28 March on Washington was given to the Department of Justice, which channeled several hundreds thousand dollars to the six sponsors of the March, including the NAACP and the Janubiy nasroniylarning etakchilik konferentsiyasi.[201] To ensure a peaceful demonstration, the organizers and the president personally edited speeches that were inflammatory and collaborated on all aspects related to times and venues. Thousands of troops were placed on standby. Kennedy watched King's speech on TV and was very impressed. The March was considered a "triumph of managed protest", and not one arrest relating to the demonstration occurred. Afterwards, the March leaders accepted an invitation to the White House to meet with Kennedy and photos were taken. Kennedy felt that the March was a victory for him as well and bolstered the chances for his civil rights bill.[201]

Notwithstanding the success of the March, the larger struggle was far from over. Three weeks later, a bomb exploded on Sunday, September 15 at the 16th Street Baptist Church in Birmingham; by the end of the day, four African American children had died in the explosion, and two other children shot to death in the aftermath.[202] Due to this resurgent violence, the civil rights legislation underwent some drastic amendments that critically endangered any prospects for its passage. An outraged president called congressional leaders to the White House and by the following day the original bill, without the additions, had enough votes to get it out of the House committee.[203] Gaining Republican support, Senator Everett Dirksen promised the legislation would be brought to a vote, preventing a Senat filibusteri.[204] The following summer, on July 2, the guarantees Kennedy proposed in his June 1963 speech became federal law, when President Johnson signed the Fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi 1964 y.[204]

Kosmik siyosat

Kennedy proposing a program to land men on the Moon to Congress in May 1961. Johnson and Sam Rayburn are seated behind him.

In the aftermath of the Soviet launch of Sputnik 1, the first artificial Earth satellite, NASA had proposed a manned oyga qo'nish by the early 1970s.[205] Funding for the manned program, known as the Apollon dasturi, was far from certain as Eisenhower held an ambivalent attitude on manned spaceflight.[206] Early in his presidency, Kennedy was poised to dismantle the manned space program, but he postponed any decision out of deference to Johnson, who had been a strong supporter of the space program in the Senate.[207] Bilan birga Jerom Vizner, Johnson was given a major role in overseeing the administration's space policy, and at Johnson's recommendation Kennedy appointed Jeyms E. Uebb to head NASA.[208] In April 1961, Soviet cosmonaut Yuriy Gagarin became the first person to fly in space, reinforcing American fears about being left behind in a technological competition with the Soviet Union.[209] Bir oy o'tmay, Alan Shepard became the first American to travel into space, strengthening Kennedy's confidence in NASA.[210]

In the aftermath of the Gagarin's flight, as well as the failed Bay of Pigs invasion, Kennedy felt pressured to respond to the perceived erosion of American prestige. He asked Johnson to explore the feasibility of beating the Soviets to the Moon. Though he was concerned about the program's costs, Kennedy agreed to Johnson's recommendation that the U.S. commit to a manned lunar landing as the major objective of the U.S. space program. In a May 25 speech, Kennedy declared,[210]

... I believe that this nation should commit itself to achieving the goal, before this decade is out, of landing a man on the Moon and returning him safely to the Earth. No single space project in this period will be more impressive to mankind, or more important for the long-range exploration of space; and none will be so difficult or expensive to accomplish.[211] To'liq matn  Vikipediyada

Kennedy speaks at Rice University, September 12, 1962 (duration 17:47).

Though Gallup polling showed that many in the public were skeptical of the necessity of the Apollo Program, members of Congress were strongly supportive in 1961, and they approved a major increase in NASA's funding. 1962 yilda, Jon Glenn became the first American to orbit the Earth, and the following year Mariner dasturi sent an unmanned flight past Venera. Though some members of Congress came to favor shifting NASA's budget to other programs, Kennedy and Johnson remained committed to the lunar landing. On July 20, 1969, two American astronauts landed on the Moon.[212]

Boshqa masalalar

Ayollarning holati

During the 1960 presidential campaign, Kennedy endorsed the concept of teng ish uchun teng ish haqi, as well as the adoption of an Teng huquqlarga o'zgartirish.[213] His key appointee on women's issues was Ester Peterson, direktori Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Ayollar byurosi, who focused on improving the economic status of women.[214] In December 1961, Kennedy signed an executive order creating the Xotin-qizlar holati bo'yicha Prezident komissiyasi to advise him on issues concerning the status of women.[215] Sobiq birinchi xonim Eleanor Ruzvelt led the commission until her death in 1962. The commission's final report, entitled "American Women", was issued in October 1963. The report documented the legal and cultural discrimination women in America faced and made several policy recommendations to bring about change.[216] The creation of this commission, as well its prominent public profile, prompted Congress to begin considering various bills related to women's status. Ular orasida 1963 yilgi teng to'lovlar to'g'risidagi qonun, ga tuzatish Adolatli mehnat standartlari to'g'risidagi qonun, aimed at abolishing wage disparity based on sex; Kennedy signed it into law on June 10, 1963.[217] Kennedy also signed an executive order banning sex discrimination in the federal workforce.[218]

Uyushgan jinoyatchilik

Masalasi uyushgan jinoyatchilik had gained national attention during the 1950s due in part to the investigations of the McClellan qo'mitasi. Both Robert Kennedy and John F. Kennedy had played a role on that committee, and in 1960 Robert Kennedy published the book Ichidagi dushman, which focused on the influence of organized crime within businesses and organized labor.[219] Under the leadership of the attorney general, the Kennedy administration shifted the focus of the Justice Department, the FBI, and the Ichki daromad xizmati to organized crime. Kennedy also won congressional approval for five bills designed to crack down on interstate reketchilik, gambling, and the transportation of firearms. The federal government targeted prominent Mafiya kabi rahbarlar Karlos Marchello va Joey Aiuppa; Marcello was deported to Gvatemala, while Aiuppa was convicted of violating of the 1918 yilgi migratsiya qushlari to'g'risidagi qonun.[220] The attorney general's top target was perhaps Jimmi Xofa, boshlig'i Teamsters Union. The Justice Department's "Get Hoffa Squad" ultimately secured the conviction of over 100 Teamsters, including Hoffa, who was convicted of hakamlar hay'atini buzish and pension fund fraud.[221]

Federal and military death penalty

As president, Kennedy oversaw the last federal execution prior to Furman va Gruziyaga qarshi, a 1972 case that led to a moratorium on federal executions.[222] Viktor Feguer was sentenced to death by a federal court in Iowa and was executed on March 15, 1963.[223] Kennedy commuted a death sentence imposed by a military court on seaman Jimmie Henderson on February 12, 1962, changing the penalty to life in prison.[224] On March 22, 1962, Kennedy signed into law HR5143 (PL87-423), abolishing the mandatory death penalty for birinchi darajali qotillik in the District of Columbia, the only remaining jurisdiction in the United States with such a penalty.[225]

Native American relations

Qurilishi Kinzua to'g'oni flooded 10,000 acres (4,047 ha) of Seneka millati land that they had occupied under the Treaty of 1794, and forced 600 Seneca to relocate to Salamanka, Nyu-York. Kennedy was asked by the Amerika fuqarolik erkinliklari ittifoqi to intervene and to halt the project, but he declined, citing a critical need for flood control. He expressed concern about the plight of the Seneca, and directed government agencies to assist in obtaining more land, damages, and assistance to help mitigate their displacement.[226][227]

Qishloq xo'jaligi

Kennedy had relatively little interest in agricultural issues, but he sought to remedy the issue of overproduction, boost the income of farmers, and lower federal expenditures on agriculture. Under the direction of Secretary of Agriculture Orville Freeman, the administration sought to limit the production of farmers, but these proposals were generally defeated in Congress. To increase demand for domestic agricultural products and help the impoverished, Kennedy launched a pilot Food Stamp program and expanded the federal school lunch program.[228]

Suiqasd

President Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Texas, at 12:30 pm Markaziy standart vaqt on November 22, 1963, while on a political trip to Texas to smooth over frictions in the Democratic Party between liberals Ralf Yarboro va Don Yarboro va konservativ John Connally.[229] Traveling in a presidential avtoulov korteji through downtown Dallas with Jackie Kennedy, Connally, and Connally's wife, Nelly, Kennedy was shot in the head and neck. Uni olib ketishdi Parkland kasalxonasi for emergency medical treatment, but was pronounced dead at 1:00 pm.[230]

The Kennedys and the Connallys in the presidential limousine moments before the suiqasd Dallasda

Hours after the assassination, Li Xarvi Osvald, an order filler at the Texas maktab kitoblari depozitariysi, was arrested for the murder of police officer J. D. Tippit, and was subsequently charged with Kennedy's assassination. Oswald denied the charges, but was killed by strip-club owner Jek Rubi on November 24. Ruby claimed to have killed Oswald due to his own grief over Kennedy's death, but the assassination of Kennedy and the death of Oswald gave rise to enormous speculation that Kennedy had been the victim of a conspiracy.[231] Kennedy was succeeded as president by Lyndon Johnson, who stated on November 27 that "no memorial or oration or eulogy could more eloquently honor President Kennedy's memory than the earliest possible passage of a civil rights bill for which he fought so long."[232]

President Johnson created the Uorren komissiyasi —chaired by Chief Justice Graf Uorren - suiqasdni tekshirish. The Warren Commission concluded that Oswald acted alone in killing Kennedy, and that Oswald was not part of any conspiracy.[233] Ushbu tergov natijalari ko'pchilik tomonidan bahslashmoqda.[234] Har xil nazariyalar suiqasd uchun aybni Kuba, Sovet Ittifoqi, Mafiya, Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi, Federal qidiruv byurosi, yuqori harbiy rahbarlar yoki Jonsonning o'ziga yuklaydi.[235] 2004 yilgi Fox News so'rovida amerikaliklarning 66% prezident Kennedini o'ldirish uchun fitna uyushtirilgan, 74% esa yashiringan deb o'ylashgan.[236] A Gallup so'rovi 2013 yil noyabr oyining o'rtalarida 61% fitnaga ishonganligini ko'rsatdi va faqat 30% Osvald buni yolg'iz qildi deb o'ylashdi.[237] 1979 yilda Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining Vakillar guruhini tanlash Osvald Kennedini otib tashlagan va chet el hukumati ham, AQSh hukumat muassasasi ham otishma bilan shug'ullanmagan degan xulosaga keldi. Shu bilan birga, qo'mita shuningdek, Mafiya bilan aloqasi bo'lgan ikkinchi otishni o'rganuvchi Kennediga qarata o'q uzish ehtimoli yuqori ekanligini aniqladi.[238]

Qotillik Amerika jamoatchiligiga juda katta ta'sir ko'rsatdi va hukumat institutlariga bo'lgan ishonchsizlikni kuchayishiga yordam berdi.[239] Giglio, Kennedining o'ldirilishi "o'lchovsiz qayg'uga sabab bo'lganini", "ko'plab amerikaliklar uchun Jon Kennedining o'limi mukammallik, beg'uborlik, umid va nekbinlik asrini tugatganligini" qo'shimcha qildi.[240] 2002 yilda tarixchi Karl M. Brauer "jamoatning suiqasdga maftun bo'lishi Kennedining o'limining psixologik inkor etilishi, uni bekor qilish uchun ommaviy istakni ko'rsatishi mumkin" degan xulosaga keldi.[233]

Tarixiy obro'-e'tibor

Hayotning eng qizg'in davrida o'ldirilgan Kennedi ilhom manbai va fojianing kuchli va mashhur ramzi bo'lib qolmoqda.[241] Atama "Camelot "tez-tez uning prezidentligini tasvirlash uchun ishlatiladi, bu o'limda Kennediga berilgan afsonaviy ulug'vorlikni va Amerika tarixining o'sha davri uchun ko'pchilik his qiladigan kuchli nostalgiyani aks ettiradi.[242] U Ibrohim Linkoln va Franklin D. Ruzvelt singari butparast qilingan; Gallup Poll so'rovlari uning jamoatchilik tomonidan ma'qullangan reytingini 80 foiz atrofida ekanligini doimiy ravishda namoyish etadi.[241] Kennedi merosi bir avlodga kuchli ta'sir ko'rsatdi neoliberal Demokratik rahbarlar, shu jumladan Bill Klinton, Al Gor, Maykl Dukakis va Gari Xart.[243]

Tarixchilar va siyosatshunoslar moyil daraja Kennedi o'rtacha darajadan yuqori prezident sifatida va u odatda bir martadan kam muddat ishlagan eng yuqori martabali prezidentdir.[244] Uning siyosatini baholash har xil. Uning ma'muriyatining dastlabki qismida muvaffaqiyatsiz cho'chqalar ko'rfazining bosqini va 1961 yilgi Vena sammiti ta'kidlangan noto'g'ri qadamlar qo'yilgan.[245][242] Uning prezidentligining ikkinchi yarmi bir qancha e'tiborga sazovor muvaffaqiyatlar bilan to'ldirildi, buning uchun u olqishlarga sazovor bo'ldi. U Kubaning raketa inqirozini mohirlik bilan hal qildi, chunki u yadroviy urushdan qochib, unchalik keskin bo'lmagan davrga zamin yaratdi. AQSh-Sovet munosabatlar.[245][242] Boshqa tomondan, uning AQShning Vetnamdagi ishtirokini kuchaytirishi tanqid qilindi.[245] Kennedining ichki ishlarda samaradorligi ham munozaralarga sabab bo'ldi. Giglio ta'kidlashicha, Kennedining ko'plab takliflari Kongress tomonidan qabul qilingan, ammo uning eng muhim dasturlari, jumladan keksalarni tibbiy sug'urtalash, ta'limga federal yordam va soliq islohoti prezidentlik davrida bloklangan.[246] Kennedining ko'plab takliflari uning o'limidan so'ng, davomida qabul qilingan Jonson ma'muriyati va Kennedining vafoti ushbu takliflarga kuchli axloqiy tarkibiy qism berdi.[241]

2014 yil Vashington Post 162 a'zolari o'rtasida o'tkazilgan so'rovnoma Amerika siyosiy fanlar assotsiatsiyasi Prezidentlar va ijro etuvchi siyosat bo'limi Kennedini prezident bo'lgan 43 kishi, shu jumladan o'sha paytdagi prezident Barak Obamaning orasida 14-o'rinni egalladi. Keyin "zamonaviy prezidentlar" orasida, Franklin Ruzveltdan Obama orqali o'n uch kishi u to'plamning o'rtasiga joylashadi. So'rov, shuningdek, Kennedini AQShning eng yuqori baholangan prezidenti deb topdi.[247] 2017 yil C-SPAN So'rov natijalariga ko'ra Kennedi eng qadimgi prezidentlarning o'ntaligiga kirdi. So'rov natijalariga ko'ra 91 prezident tarixchilaridan 43 ta sobiq prezidentni (shu jumladan, o'sha paytdagi prezident Barak Obamani ham) jami reytingni yaratish uchun turli toifadagi reytinglarini tuzish so'ralgan, natijada umumiy reyting. Kennedi barcha sobiq prezidentlar orasida 8-o'rinni egallagan (2009 yilda 6-o'rinni egallagan). So'nggi so'rovnomaning turli toifalarida uning reytingi quyidagicha edi: jamoatchilikni ishontirish (6), inqirozga qarshi etakchilik (7), iqtisodiy boshqaruv (7), axloqiy obro'-e'tibor (15), xalqaro munosabatlar (14), ma'muriy mahorat (15) , Kongress bilan aloqalar (12), ko'rish / kun tartibini belgilash (9), hamma uchun teng adolatga intilish (7), zamon kontekstida ishlash (9).[248] 2018 yilgi so'rovnoma Amerika siyosiy fanlar assotsiatsiyasi Prezidentlar va ijro etuvchi siyosat bo'limi Kennedini 16-eng yaxshi prezident deb topdi.[249] 2006 yilda tarixchilar o'rtasida o'tkazilgan so'rovda Kennedining Cho'chqalar ko'rfaziga bostirib kirishga ruxsat berish to'g'risidagi qarori o'tirgan prezident tomonidan qilingan sakkizinchi eng yomon xato deb topildi.[250]

Izohlar

  1. ^ Janubiy demokratlar Milliy Demokratik partiyaning qo'llab-quvvatlashiga qarshi bo'lgan bir nechta shtatlarda inson huquqlari va ovoz berish huquqlari uchun Afroamerikaliklar janubda yashab, Kennedining g'alaba qozonishi uchun zarur bo'lgan saylovchilar sonini (537 dan 269) rad etib, uning saylovini to'sishga urindi.[8][7]
  2. ^ Genri D. Irvin Niksonga ovoz berishga va'da bergan.[9]
  3. ^ Teodor Ruzvelt birinchi marta 1901 yil 14 sentyabrda prezidentlikka kirishganida to'qqiz oy yoshroq bo'lgan, ammo u 1904 yilgacha, 46 yoshida bu lavozimga saylanmagan.[13]
  4. ^ Guruhlar quyidagilardir: Amerika yahudiylari kongressi, Amerika faxriylar qo'mitasi, demokratik harakatlar uchun amerikaliklar, B'Nai Britning tuhmatga qarshi ligasi, Xalqaro elektr ishchilari uyushmasi (AFL-CIO), National Assn. Rangli odamlar va Birlashgan avtomobil ishchilari (AFL-CIO) taraqqiyoti uchun.

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Asarlar keltirilgan

Qo'shimcha o'qish

  • Brauer, Karl. J (1977). Jon F. Kennedi va ikkinchi qayta qurish. Columbia UP. ISBN  9780231083676., fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risida
  • Burner, Devid (1988). Jon F. Kennedi va yangi avlod. Pearson Longman. ISBN  9780205603459.
  • Keysi, Shon. Katolik prezidentining tuzilishi: Kennedi va Nikson 1960 yil (2009, ISBN  978-0195374483)
  • Xarris, Seymur E. Prezidentlar Eyzenxauer va Kennediga alohida e'tibor berib, siyosiy partiyalar iqtisodiyoti (1962)
  • Xart, Jon. "Kennedi, Kongress va fuqarolik huquqlari". Amerika tadqiqotlari jurnali 13.2 (1979): 165–178.
  • Xit, Jim F. Ko'ngilsizlik o'n yilligi: Kennedi-Jonson yillari (1976, ISBN  978-0253316707)
  • Jeykobs, Nikolas F. va Jeyms D. Savage. "Kennedining Keynesian byudjet siyosati va 1962 yilda jamoat ishlarini tezlashtirish to'g'risidagi qonun". Siyosat tarixi jurnali 30.3 (2018): 522–551.
  • Merfi, Jon M. Jon F. Kennedi va liberal ishontirish (MSU Press, 2019), uning nutqlarini ko'rib chiqadi
  • Stern, Mark. "Jon Kennedi va fuqarolik huquqlari: Kongressdan prezidentlikka qadar." Prezidentlik tadqiqotlari chorakda 19.4 (1989): 797–823.
  • Sundquist, Jeyms L. Siyosat va siyosat; Eyzenxauer, Kennedi va Jonson yillari (1968) qarz olish uchun onlayn ravishda bepul

Tashqi siyosat

  • Endryu, Kristofer. Faqat Prezidentning ko'zlari uchun: Yashirin razvedka va Vashingtondan Bushgacha bo'lgan Amerika prezidentligi (1995), 257-306 betlar.
  • Beschloss, Maykl R. Inqiroz yillari: Kennedi va Xrushchev, 1960-1963 (1991)
  • Brinkli, Duglas va Richard T. Griffits, nashr. Jon F. Kennedi va Evropa (1999) mutaxassislar tomonidan yozilgan insholar.
  • Dekan, Robert D. "Erkakchilik mafkura sifatida: Jon F. Kennedi va tashqi siyosatning ichki siyosati". Diplomatik tarix 22.1 (1998): 29–62.
  • Dunkan, Jeyson K. Jon F. Kennedi: Sovuq urush ruhi liberalizmi (Routledge, 2013).
  • Dunne, Maykl. "Kennedining taraqqiyot ittifoqi: Lotin Amerikasidagi inqilobga qarshi kurash II qism: tarixiy yozuvlar." Xalqaro ishlar 92.2 (2016): 435–452.
  • Fridman, Lourens. Kennedining urushlari: Berlin, Kuba, Laos va Vetnam (2000)
  • Fursenko, Aleksandr va Timoti Naftali. Gamble of One Jahannam: Xrushchev, Kastro va Kennedi, 1958-1964 (1997)
  • Jio, Devid, Len Skott va Kristofer Endryu, nashrlar. Kuba raketa inqirozining xalqaro tarixi (2014), olimlarning insholari.
  • Herring, Jorj S. Mustamlakadan super qudratgacha: 1776 yildan AQSh tashqi aloqalari (2009) 702-29 betlar.
  • Xilsman, Rojer. Xalqni ko'chirish; Jon F. Kennedi ma'muriyatidagi tashqi siyosat siyosati (1967).
  • Kaufman, Burton I. "Jon Kennedi dunyo etakchisi sifatida: adabiyotga istiqbol". Diplomatik tarix 17.3 (1993): 447–470.
  • Kempe, Frederik. Berlin 1961 yil: Kennedi, Xrushchev va er yuzidagi eng xavfli joy (2011).
  • Krenn, Maykl L. "Kennedi, Jonson va nomlanmagan dunyo". Prezidentlik tadqiqotlari chorakda 47.1 (2017): 219.
  • Kunz, Diane B. ed. Hal qiluvchi o'n yillik diplomatiyasi: 1960-yillar davomida Amerika Amerika tashqi aloqalari (1994)
  • Nyuman, Jon M. JFK va Vetnam: aldash, fitna va hokimiyat uchun kurash (1992)
  • Paterson, Tomas G., ed. Kennedining g'alaba uchun izlovi: Amerika tashqi siyosati, 1961-1963 (1989) onlayn
  • Powaski, Ronald E. "Jon Kennedi, Hawks, kaptarlar va Kubaning raketa inqirozi, 1962 yil." Powaski shahrida, Amerika Prezidentining Statecraft (2017) 11–65 bet.
  • Rabe, Stiven G. Jon F. Kennedi: Jahon etakchisi (Potomac Books, 2010) 189 bet
  • Rakove, Robert B. Kennedi, Jonson va nomlanmagan dunyo (2013)
  • Selverstone, Marc J., ed. Jon Kennedining hamrohi (2014) ch 11-25. parcha
  • Sergunin, Aleksandr. "Jon Kennedining 1961 yildagi Berlin inqirozi to'g'risida qaror qabul qilishi". Tarix va siyosiy fanlarga sharh 2.1 (2014): 1-27. onlayn
  • Taker, Spenser. Vetnam urushi ensiklopediyasi: siyosiy, ijtimoiy va harbiy tarix (1998)
  • Uolton, Richard J. Sovuq urush va aksilinqilob: Jon F. Kennedining tashqi siyosati(1972).

Tarixnoma

  • Abramson, Jil. "Kennedi, tushunarsiz prezident" Nyu-York Tayms kitoblarini ko'rib chiqish "2013 yil 22 oktyabr, mashhur kitoblar pro va con
  • Bek, Kent M. "Kennedi tasviri: siyosat, Camelot va Vetnam". Viskonsin tarixi jurnali (1974) 58#1: 45–55. onlayn
  • Jigarrang, Tomas. JFK: Rasm tarixi (1988).
  • Katsam, Derek. "Sovuq urushning issiq yillarida fuqarolik huquqlari harakati va prezidentlik: tarixiy va tarixiy baholash". Tarix kompas 6.1 (2008): 314–344. onlayn
  • Dunne, Maykl. "Kennedining taraqqiyot ittifoqi: Lotin Amerikasidagi inqilobga qarshi kurash II qism: tarixiy yozuvlar." Xalqaro ishlar 92.2 (2016): 435–452. onlayn
  • Giglio, Jeyms N. "Jon F. Kennedi ichki rahbar sifatida: adabiyotga istiqbol". yilda Kennedi: Yangi chegara qayta ko'rib chiqildi (Palgrave Macmillan, London, 1998). 222-255.
  • Kazin, Maykl. "Idol va bir paytlar prezident: Jon Kennedi 100 yoshida". Amerika tarixi jurnali 104.3 (2017 yil dekabr): 707-76. Siyosiy stipendiyalarni har tomonlama yoritish, https://doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jax315
  • Leuchtenburg, Uilyam E. "Jon F. Kennedi: Yigirma yil o'tib." Amerika merosi 35 (1983): 51–59.
  • Selverstone, Mark J. "Abadiy alangalanish: Kennedi tashqi siyosat tarixshunosligi", Pasport: SHAFR axborot byulleteni (2015 yil aprel), jild 46 1-son, 22-29 betlar.
  • Selverstone, Mark J. ed. Jon Kennedining hamrohi (2014) 11-25 boblar 207-496 betlar
  • Uayt, Mark J. "Kuba raketa inqirozi bo'yicha yangi stipendiya". Diplomatik tarix 26.1 (2002): 147–153.

Birlamchi manbalar

  • Jon F. Kennedi prezidentligining hujjatli tarixi (18 jildlik Amerika universiteti nashrlari, 1996)