Bank urushi - Bank War

Bank urushi
O'rtasidagi siyosiy ziddiyat tasvirlangan multfilm Endryu Jekson va Nikolas Biddl ustidan Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining ikkinchi banki
Sana	1832–1836[1]
Fuqarolik nizolari tomonlari
Bankka qarshi kuchlar Bank tarafdorlari
Etakchi raqamlar
Endryu Jekson Amos Kendall Rojer B. Taney Frensis Bler Tomas Xart Benton Jeyms K. Polk Genri Kley Daniel Uebster Nikolas Biddl

The Bank urushi ni qayta tiklash masalasida rivojlangan siyosiy kurash edi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining ikkinchi banki Paytida (B.U.S.) prezidentlik ning Endryu Jekson (1829-1837). Ushbu ish Bankning yopilishiga va uning o'rnini davlat banklari bilan almashtirishga olib keldi.

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining Ikkinchi banki milliy miqyosda bank ishlarini yuritishning eksklyuziv huquqiga ega bo'lgan 20 yillik ustavga ega bo'lgan xususiy tashkilot sifatida tashkil etilgan. B.U.S. ortidagi gol yagona valyutani o'rnatish va federal hukumatni mustahkamlash orqali Amerika iqtisodiyotini barqarorlashtirish edi. Bankni qo'llab-quvvatlovchilar uni narxlar va savdo-sotiqdagi o'zgarishlarni yumshatish, kreditlarni berish, millatni sog'lom va bir xil valyuta bilan ta'minlash, g'aznachilik departamenti uchun fiskal xizmatlarni ko'rsatish, uzoq vaqt xizmat qilishni osonlashtirish qobiliyati tufayli uni iqtisodiyotdagi barqarorlashtiruvchi kuch deb hisoblashdi. masofaviy savdo va davlat banklarining kredit berish amaliyotini tartibga solish orqali inflyatsiyani oldini olish.^[2] Jekson demokratlari korruptsiya holatlarini keltirib, B.U.S. dehqonlar va hunarmandlar hisobiga savdogarlar va chayqovchilarni qo'llab-quvvatladi, xavfli davlat sarmoyalari va siyosatga aralashuvi uchun davlat pullarini o'zlashtirdi va aktsiyadorlar va moliyaviy elitalarning kichik guruhiga iqtisodiy imtiyozlar berdi va shu bilan teng imkoniyatlar printsipini buzdi. Ba'zilar Bankning davlat-xususiy tashkilotini konstitutsiyaga zid deb topdilar va muassasa ustavi buzilganligini ta'kidladilar davlat suvereniteti. Bank ular uchun korruptsiyani ramziy ma'noda ozodlikka tahdid solmoqda.

1832 yil boshida B.U.S. prezidenti, Nikolas Biddl bilan ittifoqda Milliy respublikachilar senatorlar ostida Genri Kley (Kentukki) va Daniel Uebster (Massachusets shtati), bankning nizom muddati tugashidan to'rt yil oldin Bankning yigirma yillik ustavini yangilash to'g'risida ariza yuborgan va Jeksonni qaror qabul qilishdan oldin qaror qabul qilishiga bosim o'tkazishni maqsad qilgan. 1832 yil prezident saylovi, unda Jekson Kley bilan to'qnash keladi. Kongress bankni qayta avtorizatsiya qilishga ovoz berganida, Jekson qonun loyihasiga veto qo'ydi. Uning veto-xabari Jekson harakati ijtimoiy falsafasining "ekuvchilarni, fermerlarni, mexanikni va ishchini" "moniy qiziqish" ga qarshi qo'ygan polemik deklaratsiyasi edi.^[3] Avtobus. Jeksonlarni Milliy respublikachilardan ajratib turadigan asosiy masalaga aylandi. Bank Clay va pro-B.U.S kompaniyalariga katta moliyaviy yordam ko'rsatgan bo'lsa ham. gazeta muharriri Jekson saylovlarda katta g'alabani ta'minladi.

Bidldagi iqtisodiy tazyiqlardan qo'rqqan Jekson tezda Bankning federal depozitlarini olib tashladi. 1833 yilda u mablag'ni o'nlab davlat banklariga tarqatishni uyushtirdi. Yangi Whig partiyasi uning ijro hokimiyatini suiiste'mol qilinishiga qarshi bo'lib, Jeksonni rasman tanqid qilgan Senat. Tashkilotning omon qolishi uchun xushyoqishni targ'ib qilish maqsadida Biddl moliya tanazzulini keltirib chiqargan holda Bank krediti bilan qasos oldi. Amerikaning butun moliya va biznes markazlarida Biddlning manevralariga qarshi reaktsiya paydo bo'ldi va bu Bankni qattiq pul siyosatini o'zgartirishga majbur qildi, ammo qayta to'ldirish imkoniyati tugadi. Jekson prezident bo'lgan davrda iqtisodiyot juda yaxshi ishlagan, ammo uning iqtisodiy siyosati, shu jumladan, Bankka qarshi olib borgan urushi, ba'zida uning rivojlanishiga hissa qo'shganlikda ayblanadi. 1837 yilgi vahima.

Milliy bank tizimining qayta tiklanishi

The Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining birinchi banki moliya kotibi ko'rsatmasi bilan tashkil etilgan Aleksandr Xemilton 1791 yilda. Xemilton Bankni qo'llab-quvvatladi, chunki u federal hukumatning obro'si va ta'sirini oshiradi, savdo va tijoratni samarali boshqaradi, milliy mudofaani kuchaytiradi va qarzni to'laydi deb ishongan. Bu agrarchilar tomonidan hujumlarga duchor bo'lgan va qurilishchilar boshchiligidagi Tomas Jefferson va Jeyms Medison. Ular buni konstitutsiyaga zid deb hisoblashdi, chunki Konstitutsiya bunga aniq yo'l qo'ymadi, davlatlarning huquqlarini buzadi va ko'pchilikka, ayniqsa dehqonlarga hech qanday foyda keltirmasdan, kichik guruhga foyda keltiradi. Xemiltonning fikri g'alaba qozondi va Bank yaratildi.^[4] Ko'proq shtatlar va aholi punktlari o'zlarining banklarini nizomga olishni boshladilar. Shtat banklari ba'zida shtatdan tashqarida ishlatiladigan o'z notalarini bosib chiqarishdi va bu boshqa davlatlarni raqobatlashish uchun banklar tashkil etishga undadi.^[5]

Prezident Medison va G'aznachilik kotibi Albert Gallatin 1811 yilda Birinchi Bankning qayta zaryadlashini qo'llab-quvvatladilar. Ular printsipial emas, balki "maqsadga muvofiqlik" va "zaruriyat" ni keltirdilar. Bankning muxoliflari 1811 yilda Vakillar Palatasida ham, Senatda ham bitta ovoz berish orqali qayta quvvatlanishni mag'lub etishdi.^[6] Shtat banklari milliy bankni qayta to'ldirishga qarshi chiqdilar, chunki davlat banknotalari Qo'shma Shtatlarning Birinchi bankida saqlanganda, Bank ushbu notalarni davlat banklariga taqdim etib, evaziga oltinga talab qilar edi, bu esa davlat banklarining notalar chiqarish imkoniyatlarini cheklab qo'ydi va namunalar yoki qattiq pullarning etarli zaxiralarini saqlab qolish. O'sha paytda banknotalar oltin yoki kumushning belgilangan qiymatiga almashtirilishi mumkin edi.^[7]

Shimoliy jabhasi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining ikkinchi banki, Chestnut ko'chasiga qaragan (2013)

Milliy moliya tizimini tiklash, shuningdek ichki takomillashtirish va himoya tariflarini qo'llab-quvvatlovchi dalillarga milliy xavfsizlik muammolari sabab bo'ldi. 1812 yilgi urush.^[8] Urushdagi betartiblik, ba'zilarga ko'ra, "milliy bank tizimining mutlaq zarurligini namoyish etdi".^[9] Yangi milliy bankni yaratishga turtki bo'lgan Amerika tarixining urushdan keyingi davrida Yaxshi tuyg'ular davri. Federal hukumatning kuchini oshirish uchun kuchli harakat bor edi. Ba'zi odamlar 1812 yilgi urushning aksariyat qismida Amerikaning sust ishlashi uchun kuchsiz markaziy hukumatni ayblashdi. Urushga qarshi bo'lganligi bilan xor bo'lgan, Federalistlar partiyasi, Hamilton tomonidan asos solingan, qulab tushdi. Deyarli barcha siyosatchilar qo'shildi Respublika partiyasi, Jefferson tomonidan asos solingan. Federalist partiyaning yo'q bo'lib ketishi partiya siyosatining tugashiga olib keladi degan umidda edi. Ammo yangi yagona partiyaviy tizimda ham mafkuraviy va bo'limlararo tafovutlar bir nechta masalalar bo'yicha yana bir bor avj ola boshladi, ulardan biri Bankni zaryadlash kampaniyasi.^[10]

1815 yilda davlat kotibi Jeyms Monro Prezident Medisonga aytishicha, milliy bank "jamiyatning tijorat qismini hukumatga juda katta darajada bog'laydi va ularni o'z faoliyatiga qiziqtiradi ... Bu bizning tizimimizning katta desideratum [muhim maqsadi]".^[11] Urushdan keyingi iqtisodiyot va erning keskin rivojlanishi bilan ushbu "pul va moliya milliy tizimini" qo'llab-quvvatlash o'sib bordi va sharqiy moliyachilarning manfaatlarini janubiy va g'arbiy respublikachilar bilan birlashtirdi. Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Bankining tirilishi uchun asoslar Amerikaning oddiydan o'zgarishiga asoslangan agrar iqtisodiyot moliya va sanoat bilan o'zaro bog'liq bo'lgan biriga.^[12][13] G'arbiy ulkan erlar oq rangli aholi punkti uchun ochilgan^[14] bug 'kuchi va moliyaviy kredit bilan rivojlangan jadal rivojlanish bilan birga.^[15] Federal darajadagi iqtisodiy rejalashtirish respublikachilar millatchilari tomonidan xususiy tadbirkorlikni kengaytirish va rag'batlantirish uchun zarur deb topildi.^[16] Shu bilan birga, ular "Hamilton bank siyosatini respublikalashtirishga" harakat qilishdi. Jon C. Kalxun, Janubiy Karolinadan vakili va kuchli millatchi, millatchilar tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanganligi bilan maqtandi yeomaniya, endi kim "Bank kapitalida qatnashadi".^[17]

Qarama-qarshiliklariga qaramay Qadimgi respublikachilar boshchiligidagi Roanokdan Jon Randolf milliy bankning tiklanishini faqat Hamiltoniya va davlat suverenitetiga tahdid deb bilgan,^[18] ammo Kalxun va kabi millatchilarning kuchli ko'magi bilan Genri Kley, uchun qayta zaryadlash to'lovi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining ikkinchi banki Kongress tomonidan qabul qilindi.^[19][20] Nizom Madison tomonidan 1816 yil 10 aprelda imzolangan.^[21] Qo'shma Shtatlarning Ikkinchi bankiga uning ustaviga binoan katta vakolatlar va imtiyozlar berilgan. Uning shtab-kvartirasi Filadelfiyada tashkil etilgan, ammo u istalgan joyda o'z filiallarini yaratishi mumkin edi. U bank asosida milliy asosda yuritishning eksklyuziv huquqidan foydalangan. G'aznachilik mablag'larini to'lovsiz o'tkazdi. Federal hukumat Bank aktsiyalarining beshdan birini sotib oldi, direktorlarining beshdan birini tayinladi va mablag'larini Bankka joylashtirdi. B.U.S. federal obligatsiyalar uchun yozuvlar olinishi kerak edi.^[22]

"Jekson va islohot": B.U.S uchun ta'siri.

1819 yilgi vahima

Prezident Endryu Jekson

Ning ko'tarilishi Jekson demokratiyasi O'shandan beri davom etib kelayotgan keng tarqalgan ijtimoiy norozilik va siyosiy noroziliklarni bartaraf etish orqali erishildi 1819 yilgi vahima va Missuri inqirozi 1820 yil^[23] Vahima vujudga kelganidan keyin Evropa iqtisodiyotining tez tiklanishi natijasida yuzaga keldi Napoleon urushlari Bu erda qishloq xo'jaligining yaxshilanishi Amerika mollari narxlarining pasayishiga va turlarning kamligi sabab bo'lgan notinchlik Ispaniyaning Amerika mustamlakalarida. Vaziyatni B.U.S. Bank prezidenti ostida Uilyam Jons firibgarlik va qog'oz pullarning tez chiqarilishi orqali. Oxir-oqibat u qarzlarni chaqira boshladi, ammo shunga qaramay Bank direktorlari uni olib tashladilar. Lengdon Cheves Jonsni prezident etib tayinlagan, vaziyatni yomonlashtirdi, Bankning majburiyatlarini yarmidan ko'piga qisqartirdi, bank yozuvlari qiymatini pasaytirdi va zaxirada saqlanayotgan Bank turlarini uch baravar oshirdi. Natijada, chet elda Amerika tovarlari narxi qulab tushdi. Bu davlat banklarining ishdan chiqishiga va korxonalarning qulashiga olib keldi, qisqa turg'unlik bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan narsalarni uzoq muddatli depressiyaga aylantirdi. Moliyaviy yozuvchi Uilyam Guge "Bank saqlanib qoldi va odamlar vayron bo'ldi" deb yozgan.^[24]

1819 yilgi vahima ortidan xalq g'azabi mamlakat banklariga, xususan B.U.S.^[23] Ko'p odamlar Jeffersonian hukumatining yanada cheklangan bo'lishini talab qildilar, ayniqsa, Bankdagi firibgarliklar va saylovlarga ta'sir o'tkazishga urinishlar aniqlangandan keyin.^[25] Endryu Jekson, ilgari Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari armiyasi va avvalgi Florida hududiy gubernatori, ushbu xavotirlarga hamdardlik ko'rsatib, kreditni shartnoma tuzish orqali vahima qo'zg'atganligi uchun Bankni xususiy ravishda aybladi. Bir qator memorandumlarda u federal hukumatga keng tarqalgan qonunbuzarliklar va korruptsiya uchun hujum qildi. Ularga o'g'irlik, firibgarlik va poraxo'rlik kiradi va ular muntazam ravishda Milliy bank filiallarida sodir bo'lgan.^[26] Missisipida Bank shahar tashqarisida filiallarini ochmagan Natchez, qishloq joylaridagi mayda dehqonlar o'z kapitalidan foydalana olmaydigan holatga keltirish. A'zolari ekish klassi va yaxshi aloqada bo'lgan boshqa iqtisodiy elita ko'pincha kredit olishda osonroq vaqtga ega edilar. Tarixchining fikriga ko'ra Edvard E. Baptist, "Davlat banki bo'lishi mumkin Bankomat mashinasi uning direktorlariga bog'langanlar uchun. "^[27]

Bunday misollardan biri Kentukki edi, u erda 1817 yilda shtat qonun chiqaruvchi organi qirqta bankni ijaraga olgan va Kentukki banki uchun ishlatilishi mumkin bo'lgan yozuvlar bilan. Tez orada inflyatsiya ko'tarilib, Kentukki banki Milliy bank oldida qarzdor bo'lib qoldi. Bankga bo'lgan qarzdorlikdan va keng tarqalgan korrupsiyadan to'ygan bir qancha shtatlar, shu jumladan Kentukki, Milliy bankni mavjudligini yo'q qilish uchun unga soliq to'lashdi. Yilda Makkullox va Merilend (1819), Oliy sud Bank ham konstitutsiyaviy, ham federal hukumat agenti sifatida unga soliq solinmasligi to'g'risida qaror qabul qildi.^[28]

1819 yilda Monro tayinlandi Nikolas Biddl Filadelfiya tomonidan Bankning hukumat direktori lavozimida ishlagan. 1823 yilda u bir ovozdan uning prezidenti etib saylandi. Jeksonning ilk biografiga ko'ra Jeyms Parton, Biddl "qalam egasi edi - tezkor, oqlangan, ravon, sharafli, saxiy, ammo amalda qodir emas; bo'ronli dengiz va li qirg'oq uchun odam emas edi".^[29] Biddl, "Kongress va ijro etuvchidan mustaqil ravishda ishlash huquqiga ega deb hisoblagan", "Hukumatning biron bir xodimi, Prezidentdan pastga qarab," Bank ishlariga aralashish "uchun eng kam huquqqa va eng kam vakolatga ega emas" deb yozgan. .^[27]

Jeksonning ko'tarilishi

1812 yilgi urushning oxiri oq tanli erkaklar saylov huquqining kuchayishi bilan birga keldi. Jekson urush qahramoni sifatida ommaga mashhur edi. Ularning ko'magi bilan u prezidentlikka nomzodini qo'ydi 1824.^[30] Saylov Jekson, Kalxun, o'rtasida besh tomonlama tanlovga aylandi. Jon Kvinsi Adams, Uilyam H. Krouford va Clay. Ularning barchasi Respublikadagi yagona siyosiy partiya bo'lgan Respublikachilar partiyasining a'zolari edi.^[31] Oxir-oqibat Calxun vitse-prezidentlikka nomzodini qo'yishni tashlab, nomzodlar sonini to'rttaga tushirdi.^[32] Jekson ikkalasida ham hal qiluvchi ko'plikni qo'lga kiritdi Saylov kolleji va xalq ovozi.^[33] U saylovda ko'pchilikni qo'lga kirita olmadi, demak saylovlar Vakillar palatasida qarorga keltirilgan bo'lib, u saylovchilar kollejida eng yaxshi uch ovoz oluvchilar orasida tanlanadi. Kley to'rtinchi o'rinni egalladi. Biroq, u ham edi Palata spikeri va u Adams foydasiga saylovlarni manevr qildi, bu esa o'z navbatida Kleyni davlat kotibi lavozimiga aylantirdi, bu idora o'tmishda prezidentlikka zinapoya vazifasini o'tagan. Jekson bu "deb nomlangan narsadan g'azablandikorruptsiya savdosi "ni o'zgartirish uchun xalqning irodasi.^[34] Prezident sifatida Adams federal suverenitetga tajovuz qilgan va markaziy hukumatning munosib rolidan tashqariga chiqqani aytilgan yirik infratuzilma loyihalari va boshqa tashabbuslarni amalga oshirib, federal hukumat vakolatlarini kuchaytirishga intilib, mashhur bo'lmagan yo'lni tutdi. Uning ma'muriyati davrida bo'linish yagona partiya davrining tugashiga olib keldi. Adams tarafdorlari o'zlarini chaqira boshladilar Milliy respublikachilar. Jeksonning tarafdorlari jeksonliklar sifatida tanilgan va oxir-oqibat, Demokratlar.^[35]

Yilda 1828, Jekson yana yugurdi. Qadimgi respublikachilarning aksariyati 1824 yilda Kroufordni qo'llab-quvvatladilar. Adams ma'muriyatidagi markazlashuvdan qo'rqib, ularning aksariyati Jeksonga oqib kelishdi.^[36] Jeksonning boshqaruv printsiplari, shu jumladan qarzni kamaytirish va shtatlarga hokimiyatni qaytarish majburiyatini o'z ichiga olganligi tufayli o'tish osonroq kechdi.^[37] Jekson "Jekson va islohot" bayrog'i ostida yugurib, cheklangan hukumatning Jeffersonian tamoyillariga qaytishini va Adamsning markazlashgan siyosatiga barham berishni va'da qildi.^[38] Demokratlar g'ayratli va murakkab kampaniyani boshlashdi.^[39] Ular Adamsni korruptsiya va firibgar respublikachilikni tozalovchi va Amerika demokratiyasi tahdidi sifatida tavsifladilar.^[40][41] Kampaniya negizida Endryu Jeksonning 1824 yilda faqat "buzuq savdolashish" orqali prezidentlikdan mahrum qilinganligiga ishonch bor edi; Jeksonning g'alabasi, xalq irodasiga qilingan bu xiyonatni tuzatishga va'da berdi.^[42][43]

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining Ikkinchi banki prezidenti, Nikolas Biddl

Garchi qullik Jeksonning prezidentlikka ko'tarilishida muhim muammo bo'lmagan^[37] ba'zida bu Ikkinchi bankka qarshi bo'lgan, xususan janubdagi davlatlar hisobiga shtatlar hisobidan kengaytirilgan federal hokimiyat qullikning qonuniyligiga qanday ta'sir qilishi mumkinligiga shubha bilan qaraganlar orasida paydo bo'ldi. Demokrat Nataniel Makon "Agar Kongress Konstitutsiyaga binoan banklarni, yo'llarni va kanallarni qila olsa, ular Qo'shma Shtatlardagi har qanday qulni ozod qilishi mumkin" deb ta'kidladi.^[44] 1820 yilda, Jon Tayler Virjiniya shtatidan "agar Kongress bankni jalb qila olsa, u qulni ozod qilishi mumkin" deb yozgan.^[45]

Jekson Jeffersonian Shimoliy-Janubiy ittifoqining tiklanishida ham chempion, ham foyda ko'rgan edi.^[46][47][48] Jekson harakati eski respublikachilarning ko'rsatmalarini qayta tasdiqladilar cheklangan hukumat, qat'iy qurilish va davlat suvereniteti.^[37] "Sun'iy tengsizlik" ishlab chiqaradigan imtiyozlarni bergan federal institutlar qat'iy konstruktizmga qaytish yo'li bilan yo'q qilinadi.^[49] "Janubning ekuvchisi va shimolning tekis respublikachisi"^[50] Umumiy oq erkaklarning saylov huquqi yordamida qo'llab-quvvatlaydi.^[51] Oxir oqibat, Jekson hal qiluvchi ovozlarning 56 foizini va saylovchilarning 68 foiz ovozini olib, saylovlarda g'olib chiqdi.^[52]

Jekson koalitsiyasi o'zining asosiy nomuvofiqligi bilan kurashishi kerak edi qattiq pul va qog'oz pul fraksiyalar, shu sababli Jeksonning sheriklari hech qachon bank va moliya islohotlari platformasini taklif qilmagan,^[53][54] chunki buni qilish "Jeksonning nozik muvozanatli koalitsiyasini buzishi mumkin".^[54] Jekson va boshqa qattiq pul himoyachilari qog'oz pullar "boylarni boyitadigan va kambag'allarni qashshoqlashtiradigan buzuq va ruhiy tushkunlik tizimining" bir qismi deb hisoblashgan. Oltin va kumush "adolatli va barqaror" valyutaga ega bo'lishning yagona usuli edi.^[55] Qog'oz pullaridan nafratlanish avvalgi davrga qaytgan Amerika inqilobi. Davomida inflyatsiya Inqilobiy urush ishonchsizlikni qo'shgan juda katta miqdordagi qog'oz pullarni bosib chiqarish va unga qarshi chiqish Hamiltonning Qo'shma Shtatlar Birinchi banki ustavini ta'minlashdagi qiyinchiliklariga katta sabab bo'ldi.^[56] Yumshoq pulni qo'llab-quvvatlovchilar oson kredit olishni xohlashdi.^[57] Amerikaning janubi-g'arbiy qismida paxta chegarasida bo'lgan bir qator tadbirkorlar, bankka qog'oz pullarni bosib chiqargani uchun emas, balki ko'proq bosib chiqargani va ularga qarz bergani uchun xafa bo'lishdi.^[58] Banklar oldilaridan ko'proq pul qarz berishlari kerak. Banklar qarz berganda, aslida yangi pullar paydo bo'ladi, bu "kredit" deb nomlanadi. Ushbu pul qog'oz bo'lishi kerak; aks holda, bank faqat qancha mablag 'olsa, shuncha qarz berishi mumkin va shu sababli yo'qdan yangi valyuta yaratib bo'lmaydi. Shuning uchun qog'oz pullar iqtisodiyotni rivojlantirish uchun zarur edi. Juda ko'p kredit beradigan banklar ortiqcha qog'oz pullarni bosib chiqaradilar va valyutani deflyatsiya qiladilar. Bu qarz beruvchilarga banklardan o'zlarining qadrsizlangan qog'ozlarini namunalar evaziga qaytarib olishlarini talab qilishlariga, shuningdek qarzdorlarni xuddi shu deflyatsiya qilingan valyuta bilan to'lashga urinib, iqtisodiyotni jiddiy ravishda buzishiga olib keladi.^[59]

Qattiq pul va qog'oz pullar o'rtasidagi farqni, shuningdek, Bankning mashhurligini ta'kidlamaganligi sababli, AQShning Ikkinchi banki 1828 yilgi saylovlarda asosiy muammo emas edi.^[60][61] Aslida, Biddl saylovda Jeksonga ovoz berdi.^[62] Jeksonning o'zi, garchi tabiiy ravishda Bankdan nafratlansa-da, uning filialini ochishni tavsiya qilgan Pensakola. Shuningdek, u Nashvildagi filial prezidenti va kassasi uchun tavsiyalar bilan sertifikat imzoladi. Bank 1819 yilgi vahima ortidan jamoatchilik e'tiborida o'zini tikladi va hayot haqiqati sifatida qabul qilindi.^[63] Uning millatning moliya ishlarini boshqarishda roli asosiy bo'lgan. Bank mamlakatning ko'p miqdordagi qog'oz pullarini bosib chiqardi, bu esa uni qattiq pulni qo'llab-quvvatlovchilarning maqsadiga aylantirdi, shu bilan birga kichik banklarning faoliyatini cheklab qo'ydi, bu esa oson kredit olishni istaganlarning noroziligini keltirib chiqardi. 1830 yilga kelib, Bank zaxirada 50 million dollar turiga ega edi, bu uning qog'oz pul qiymatining taxminan yarmi. U davlat ustavidagi banklarni zaxiralarni saqlashga majbur qilish orqali barqaror o'sishni ta'minlashga harakat qildi. Bu shuni anglatadiki, kichikroq banklar kamroq pul qarz berishgan, ammo ularning yozuvlari ancha ishonchli bo'lgan.^[64] Jekson o'z shikoyatlarini B.U.S. 1829 yil dekabrgacha.^[65]

Urushga tayyorgarlik

Dastlabki munosabat

Jekson 1829 yil mart oyida Oq uyga kirganda, Bankni demontaj qilish uning islohot dasturiga kirmagan. Garchi Prezident barcha banklarga nisbatan antipatiyani saqlagan bo'lsa-da, uning dastlabki kabinetining bir nechta a'zolari B.U.S haqida gap ketganda ehtiyotkorlik bilan yondashishni maslahat berishdi. 1829 yil davomida Jekson va uning yaqin maslahatchisi, Uilyam Berkli Lyuis, B.U.S. bilan samimiy munosabatlarni saqlab qoldi. ma'murlar, shu jumladan Biddl va Jekson B.U.S. bilan biznes qilishni davom ettirdilar. Nashvildagi filial banki.^[66][67][68]

Ikkinchi Bankning obro'si 1820-yillarning 20-yillariga qadar qisman tiklandi, chunki Biddl iqtisodiy kengayish davrida bankni oqilona boshqargan. 1819 yilgi vahima paytida qolgan ba'zi dushmanliklar kamaygan, ammo anti-B.U.Sning cho'ntaklari. ba'zi g'arbiy va qishloq joylarda kayfiyat saqlanib qoldi.^[69][70] Tarixchi Bray Xemmondning so'zlariga ko'ra, "Jeksonliklar Bankning obro'si yuqori bo'lganligini tan olishlari kerak edi".^[71]

Afsuski, Biddl uchun Bank Adamsni qo'llab-quvvatlash orqali 1828 yilgi saylovlarga siyosiy aralashganligi haqida mish-mishlar tarqaldi. B.U.S. Luisvill, Leksington, Portsmut, Boston va Nyu-Orleandagi filiallar, bankka qarshi jeksonliklarning fikriga ko'ra, Adamsni qo'llab-quvvatlagan, Adams erkaklarining nomutanosib ulushini Bank direktorlar kengashiga tayinlagan va bank mablag'larini qo'shgan mijozlarga tezroq qarz berishgan. to'g'ridan-to'g'ri Adams kampaniyasiga. Ushbu da'volarning ba'zilari Prezidentga sodiq bo'lgan shaxslar tomonidan isbotlanmagan va hatto rad etilgan, ammo Jekson birinchi muddat davomida Bankning siyosiy aralashuvi haqidagi xabarlarni qabul qilishni davom ettirgan.^[72] Portlashi mumkin bo'lgan siyosiy mojaroni bartaraf etish uchun ba'zi jeksonliklar Biddlni har ikki partiyadan nomzodlarni B.U.S. zobitlar, ammo Biddl yollash amaliyotini partiyaviy fikrlardan ko'ra, faqat ish va ish bo'yicha bilimga ega bo'lishi kerak, deb ta'kidladi.^[73] 1829 yil yanvar oyida, Jon Maklin Biddinga xat yozib, Kentukki shtatidagi Adams nomidan Bankning aralashuviga oid da'volarni inobatga olgan holda uni siyosiy tarafkashlik ko'rinishini oldini olishga chaqirdi. Biddl bunga javoban "har qanday odam uchun katta xavf tizim kengashda partiyalarning teng taqsimlanishi, bu deyarli muqarrar ravishda direktorlarning son muvozanatini sozlash uchun sizning qobiliyatsiz yoki past darajadagi odamlarni majburlashi ".^[74]

1829 yil oktyabrga kelib, Jeksonning ba'zi yaqin sheriklari, xususan, davlat kotibi Martin Van Buren, o'rnini bosuvchi milliy bankning rejalarini ishlab chiqdilar. Ushbu rejalar moliyaviy manbalarni Filadelfiyadan Nyu-Yorkka va boshqa joylarga o'tkazish istagini aks ettirgan bo'lishi mumkin.^[75] Biddl Jeksonni zaryadni qo'llab-quvvatlashga ishontirish uchun uning imkoniyatlarini sinchkovlik bilan o'rganib chiqdi.^[76] U Lyudisga 1829 yil noyabrda milliy qarzni to'lash taklifi bilan murojaat qildi. Jekson bu taklifni mamnuniyat bilan qabul qildi va Biddlga shaxsan o'zi va'da berib, kelgusi yillik murojaatida Kongressga rejasini tavsiya qilishini va'da qildi, ammo Bank konstitutsiyasiga zid ekanligiga shubha bilan qarashini ta'kidladi. Bu, agar u ikkinchi muddatga g'alaba qozongan taqdirda, Bank ustavini yangilashni to'xtatish imkoniyatini qoldirdi.^[77][78][79]

Kongressga yillik murojaat, 1829 yil dekabr

Uning ichida Kongressga yillik murojaat 1829 yil 8-dekabrda,^[80] Jekson Biddlning qarzni to'lash rejasini maqtadi, ammo Kongressga bank konstitutsiyasiga muvofiqligini aniqlash bo'yicha tezkor choralar ko'rishni maslahat berdi va muassasa "yagona va mustahkam valyutani o'rnatishda katta muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchraganini" qo'shimcha qildi. U, agar bunday institut haqiqatan ham Qo'shma Shtatlar uchun zarur bo'lsa, uning nizomini konstitutsiyaviy e'tirozlardan qochish uchun qayta ko'rib chiqish kerak, deb ta'kidladi.^[65][81] Jekson uni Moliya vazirligining bir qismiga aylantirishni taklif qildi.^[82]

Ko'pgina tarixchilar, Bank valyutasiga oid da'vo haqiqatan ham haqiqat emasligiga qo'shiladilar.^{[65][83][84][85][86]} Tarixchining fikriga ko'ra Robert V. Remini, Bank "millatning kredit va valyuta imkoniyatlarini to'liq nazorat qilib, ularning mustahkamligi va mustahkamligini oshirdi".^[65] Bankning valyutasi mamlakatning barcha yoki deyarli barcha hududlarida muomalada bo'lgan.^[82] Jeksonning Bankka qarshi bayonotlari siyosiy jihatdan kuchli edi, chunki ular "iqtisodiy imtiyoz bilan jarohat olganlarni his qilgan fuqarolarning tajovuzlarini, banklardan kelib chiqqan holda yoki yo'q bo'lishiga" xizmat qildilar.^[87] Jeksonning tanqidlari "bankka qarshi, qattiq pulli agrarchilar" tomonidan baham ko'rildi^[88] shuningdek sharqiy moliyaviy manfaatlar, xususan, Nyu-York shahridagi, Markaziy bankning oson kredit berish bo'yicha cheklovlaridan norozi bo'lganlar.^[89][90] Ularning so'zlariga ko'ra, boyligi yaxshi bo'lgan chayqovchilarga katta miqdordagi pul qarz berish orqali, bu barcha sinf fuqarolariga foyda keltiradigan iqtisodiy o'sish imkoniyatini cheklaydi.^[58] Jekson bu so'zlarni aytgandan so'ng, Bankning aktsiyalari muassasa taqdiri to'g'risidagi to'satdan noaniqlik tufayli tushib ketdi.^[91]

Jeksonning murojaatidan bir necha hafta o'tgach, Biddl Bankning yangi ustavini ta'minlash uchun ishlab chiqilgan ko'p yillik mintaqalararo jamoatchilik bilan aloqalar kampaniyasini boshladi. U pro-B.U.S-ning minglab nusxalarini moliyalashtirish va tarqatishda yordam berdi. maqolalar, insholar, risolalar, falsafiy risolalar, aktsiyadorlarning hisobotlari, Kongress qo'mitasining hisobotlari va arizalari.^[92] Biznesning birinchi buyurtmalaridan biri pro-B.U.S bilan ishlash edi. Kongressdagi jeksonliklar va milliy respublikachilar Jeksonning Bank valyutasiga nisbatan da'volarini rad etishmoqda. Senator tomonidan yozilgan 1830 yil martdagi hisobot Samuel Smit Merilend shtati ushbu maqsadga xizmat qildi. Buning ortidan aprel oyida Vakil tomonidan yozilgan shunga o'xshash ma'ruza tinglandi Jorj McDuffie Janubiy Karolina shtati. Smitning hisobotida B.U.S. kumush kabi xavfsiz valyutani taqdim etdi; bu kumushdan ko'ra qulayroq va qimmatroq ... kumush evaziga ishtiyoq bilan qidirilmoqda ".^[93][94] Bu Kalxunning 1816 yildagi nizom munozaralari paytida aytgan fikrlarini takrorladi.^[95] Ushbu hisobotlar chiqarilgandan so'ng, Biddl bankning ba'zi mablag'larini bosib chiqarish va tarqatish uchun foydalanishga ruxsat so'rab, bank kengashiga murojaat qildi. Biddl va hamfikr hamkasblaridan tashkil topgan kengash bunga rozi bo'ldi.^[96] Hisobotlarning yana bir natijasi shundaki, Bank aktsiyalari Jeksonning so'zlaridan kelib chiqadigan pasayishdan keyin ko'tarildi.^[97]

A siyosiy multfilm Jeksonning Bankning ko'p boshli hayvoniga qarshi kurashayotganini tasvirlaydi

Jeksonning murojaatiga qaramay, Oq Uyda Bankka nisbatan aniq siyosat paydo bo'lmadi. Jeksonning kabinet a'zolari Bankka qarshi ochiq hujumga qarshi edilar. G'aznachilik departamenti Biddl bilan normal ish munosabatlarini saqlab turdi, uni Jekson yana Bankning hukumat direktori etib tayinladi.^[98] Lyuis va boshqa ma'muriyat insayderlari Biddl bilan rag'batlantiruvchi almashinuvlarni davom ettirdilar, ammo yaqin sheriklari bilan shaxsiy yozishmalarda Jekson ushbu muassasani bir necha bor "korruptsiya gutasi" va "erkinliklarimiz uchun xavfli" deb atagan.^[99] 1830 va 1831 yillardagi o'zgarishlar vaqtincha B.U.Sga qarshi yo'naltirilgan. Jeksonliklar B.U.Sga qarshi hujumlarini ta'qib qilishdan. Eng ko'zga ko'ringan misollardan ikkitasi Bekor qilish inqirozi va Peggi Eaton ishi.^[100][101] Ushbu kurashlar vitse-prezident Kalxunning Jeksondan uzoqlashishiga va oxir-oqibat iste'foga chiqishiga olib keldi,^[101][102] kabinetning barcha asl a'zolarini almashtirish, ammo rasmiy kabinetdan tashqari, norasmiy maslahatchilar guruhini ishlab chiqish, Jeksonning muxoliflari uni chaqira boshladi "Oshxona shkafi G'aznachilikning to'rtinchi auditori Amos Kendall boshchiligidagi Jeksonning oshxona kabineti va Frensis P. Bler, muharriri Washington Globe, Jekson harakati uchun davlat tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlangan targ'ibot organi, hunarmandchilik siyosatiga yordam berdi va rasmiy kabinetdan ko'ra ko'proq Bankka qarshi ekanligini isbotladi.^{[103][104][105]}

Kongressga yillik murojaat, 1830 yil dekabr

1830 yil 7-dekabrda Kongressga ikkinchi yillik murojaatida prezident yana bankning mavjudligiga nisbatan konstitutsiyaviy e'tirozlarini ochiqchasiga bayon qildi.^[106][107] U hech qanday xususiy aktsiyadorlarsiz to'liq davlatga xizmat ko'rsatadigan o'rnini bosuvchi milliy bankni yaratishga chaqirdi. U G'aznachilik departamenti uchun bojxona to'lovlarini qayta ishlashda o'z rolini saqlab qolgan holda, qarz berish yoki er sotib olish bilan shug'ullanmaydi.^{[108][109][110]} Ushbu manzil pro-B.U.S kompaniyasiga signal berdi. saylovoldi kampaniyasini kuchaytirishlari kerak bo'lgan kuchlar.^[76][111]

1831 yil 2 fevralda Milliy respublikachilar qayta zaxiralash strategiyasini ishlab chiqayotganda Jekson senatori Tomas Xart Benton Missuri shtati Senat binosida Bankning qonuniyligiga qarshi hujum boshladi va zaryadlash masalasi bo'yicha ochiq munozarani talab qildi. U Bankni "pulli sud" deb qoraladi va "qog'oz pul siyosatiga qarshi qattiq pul siyosati" ni ilgari surdi.^[112][113] Nutq tugagandan so'ng, Milliy respublikachi senator Daniel Uebster Massachusets shtatidagi Bank tomonidan muhokamalarni tugatish uchun ovoz berishga chaqirdi. U 23 dan 20 gacha bo'lgan ovoz bilan muvaffaqiyatga erishdi. Bentonning so'zlariga ko'ra, ovozlarning umumiy hisobi "bezovtalikni qo'zg'atish uchun etarli bo'lgan, ammo rezolyutsiyani qabul qilish uchun etarli bo'lmagan".^[113] The GlobusAQSh-ga qarshi qat'iyan qarshi bo'lgan Bentonning nutqini e'lon qildi va Jeksonning maqtoviga sazovor bo'ldi. Ko'p o'tmay, Globus Prezident qayta saylanish uchun kurashmoqchi ekanligini e'lon qildi.^{[113][104][105]}

Qayta zaryadlash

Post-Eaton shkafi va murosaga kelish harakatlari

O'zining dastlabki vazirlar mahkamasining ko'p qismini almashtirgandan so'ng, Jekson o'zining yangi rasmiy kabinetiga ikkita Bank bilan do'st rahbarlarni kiritdi: Davlat kotibi Edvard Livingston Luiziana va G'aznachilik kotibi Lui Maklin Delaver shtati.^[114][115]

G'aznachilik kotibi Lui Maklin

Makleyn, Biddlning ishonchli vakili,^[116][117] Jeksonni Bank siyosatidagi aniq va printsipial mo''tadil sifatida hayratga soldi. Jekson ularning kelishmovchiliklarini "fikrlarning samimiy farqi" deb atadi va Makleynning "ochiqchasiga" munosabatini qadrladi.^[118] G'aznachilik kotibining maqsadi B.U.S. Jekson prezidentligidan omon qoldi, hatto og'ir ahvolda ham.^[119] U yashirincha Bidl bilan islohotlar to'plamini yaratishda ishlagan. Jeksonga taqdim etilgan mahsulot tarkibida federal hukumat operatsiyalarni qisqartirishi va 1833 yil martga qadar Jeksonning milliy qarzni to'lash bo'yicha maqsadlaridan birini bajarishi kerak bo'lgan qoidalar mavjud edi. Qarz qariyb 24 million dollarga etdi va McLane uni shu kunga qadar to'lashi mumkin deb taxmin qildi. Bankdagi davlat aktsiyalarini sotish yo'li bilan 8 million dollar va qo'shimcha 16 million dollar kutilgan daromadni qo'llash. Davlat aktsiyalarining tugatilishi Jekson tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan Bank nizomiga jiddiy o'zgartirishlar kiritishni talab qiladi. Qarz tugatilgandan so'ng, kelgusi daromadlar armiyani moliyalashtirish uchun qo'llanilishi mumkin. McLane-ning islohotlar paketining yana bir qismi hukumat yerlarini sotish va mablag'larni shtatlarga tarqatish bilan bog'liq bo'lib, bu Jeksonning markaziy hukumat faoliyatini qisqartirishga bo'lgan umumiy ishonchiga mos keladi. Bu amalga oshirilgandan so'ng, ma'muriyat 1836 yilda markaziy bankni qayta avtorizatsiya qilishga ruxsat beradi. Buning evaziga McLane Jeksondan Kongressga yillik murojaatida Bank haqida eslatmaslikni so'radi.^[120] Jekson McLane-ning taklifini katta ishtiyoq bilan qabul qildi va Makleyn shaxsan Biddlga uning muvaffaqiyati haqida aytib berdi. Biddl, Jekson qayta zaryadlash masalasida jim turishdan ko'ra, qayta zaryadlash masalasini Kongress hal qilishi kerakligini ochiq e'lon qilganini ma'qul ko'rganligini aytdi. Shunga qaramay, u umumiy rejaga rozi bo'ldi.^[121]

Ushbu islohotlar Jekson va Biddlni qayta zaryadlash masalasida yaqinlashtirishni talab qildi, McLane va Livingston aloqador sifatida harakat qilishdi.^[108] Prezident 1832 yilda qayta saylanish kampaniyasi boshlanishida Kongressda hech qanday qonun loyihasi chiqmasligini talab qildi, Biddel bunga rozi bo'ldi. Jekson bu masalani siyosiy majburiyat sifatida ko'rib chiqdi - qayta zaryadlash har ikkala palatani oddiy ko'pchilikka osonlikcha o'tib ketishi va shuning uchun uni qayta saylanishidan oldin qonunchilikni ma'qullash yoki rad etish dilemmasiga duch kelishi mumkin. Kechikish bu xavflarni bekor qiladi.^[122] Jekson Bank konstitutsiyasiga ishonchsiz qoldi.^[123]

Kongressga yillik murojaat, 1831 yil dekabr

Jekson McLane-ning dekabr oyida bo'lib o'tadigan Kongressga yillik murojaatiga iltimosiga qo'shilib, bankni qayta zaryadlash bo'yicha har qanday harakatlar saylovdan keyin boshlamasligini taxmin qildi.^[124] Keyinchalik Maklin o'z islohotlari va qayta to'ldirishni kechiktirish bo'yicha o'z takliflarini G'aznachilik kotibining Kongressga yillik hisobotida taqdim etadi.^[117][125]

McLane-ning o'zgartirilgan Bank nizomini sotib olishga urinishlariga qaramay,^[126] Bosh prokuror Rojer B. Taney, o'sha paytda Jekson kabinetining qat'iy ravishda AQShga qarshi bo'lgan yagona a'zosi, oxir-oqibat Jekson markaziy bankni yo'q qilish istagidan qaytmasligini bashorat qilgan.^[125][127] Darhaqiqat, u Jekson hech qachon birinchi navbatda Bankdan tejashni niyat qilmaganiga amin edi.^[128] Jekson, McLane bilan maslahatlashmasdan, keyinchalik Taneyning e'tirozlarini ko'rib chiqqandan so'ng, so'nggi loyihadagi tilni tahrir qildi. 6-dekabrdagi murojaatida Jekson qarama-qarshiliklarga duch kelmadi, ammo Teynining ta'siri tufayli uning xabarlari Biddilga qaraganda qayta zaryadlashni qo'llab-quvvatlashda kamroq aniq bo'lib, bu shunchaki Bank taqdiri uchun muhlat edi.^{[124][128][129]} Ertasi kuni McLane Kongressga o'z hisobotini taqdim etdi. Hisobotda Bankning faoliyati, shu jumladan davlat banklari faoliyatini tartibga solish,^[130] va 1832 yildan keyin qayta tuzilgan hukumat bankini qayta to'ldirishga chaqirdi.^[124][131]

Bankning dushmanlari ikkala nutqdan ham hayratda qolishdi va g'azablanishdi.^[119][128] Jekson matbuoti, prezidentning Bankka nisbatan bo'ysunuvchi va murosali ohangidan hafsalasi pir bo'lib,^[122] muassasaga yangi va provokatsion hujumlarni boshladi.^[132] McLane-ning nutqi, radikal modifikatsiyani va qayta zaryadlashni kechiktirishni talab qilganiga qaramay,^[120] jeksonliklar tomonidan keng qoralangan edi. Ular buni "Xamiltonian" deb ta'rifladilar, uni G'aznachilik siyosatiga "tub o'zgartirishlar" kiritishda aybladilar va demokratik tamoyillarga hujum sifatida hujum qildilar. Masalan, Vakil Cherchill C. Kambreleng wrote, "The Treasury report is as bad as it can possibly be—a new version of Alexander Hamilton's reports on a National Bank and manufacturers, and totally unsuited to this age of democracy and reform." Senat kotibi Uolter Louri described it as "too ultra federal".^[133] The Globus refrained from openly attacking Secretary McLane, but in lieu of this, reprinted hostile essays from anti-Bank periodicals.^{[124][119][134]} After this, McLane secretly tried to have Blair removed from his position as editor of the Globus. Jackson found out about this after Blair offered to resign. He assured Blair that he had no intention of replacing him. Troubled by accusations that he had switched sides, Jackson said, "I had no temporizing policy in me."^[134] Although he did not fire McLane, he kept him at a greater distance.^[135] Taney's influence meanwhile continued to grow, and he became the only member of the President's official cabinet to be admitted to the inner circle of advisors in the Kitchen Cabinet.^[136]

National Republican Party offensive

Senator Genri Kley

Milliy respublikachilar continued to organize in favor of recharter.^[137] Within days of Jackson's address, party members gathered at a anjuman on December 16, 1831, and nominated Senator Clay for president. Their campaign strategy was to defeat Jackson in 1832 on the Bank re-authorization issue.^{[132][137][138]} To that end, Clay helped introduce recharter bills in both the House and Senate.^[139]

Clay and Massachusetts Senator Daniel Uebster warned Americans that if Jackson won reelection, he would abolish the Bank.^[140] They felt secure that the B.U.S. was sufficiently popular among voters that any attack on it by the President would be viewed as an abuse of ijro etuvchi hokimiyat. The National Republican leadership aligned themselves with the Bank not so much because they were champions of the institution, but more so because it offered what appeared to be the perfect issue on which to defeat Jackson.^[132][138]

Administration figures, among them McLane, were wary of issuing ultimatums that would provoke anti-B.U.S. Jacksonians.^[76][141] Biddle no longer believed that Jackson would compromise on the Bank question, but some of his correspondents who were in contact with the administration, including McDuffie, convinced the Bank president that Jackson would not veto a recharter bill. McLane and Lewis, however, told Biddle that the chances of recharter would be greater if he waited until after the election of 1832. "If you apply now," McLane wrote Biddle, "you assuredly will fail,—if you wait, you will as certainly succeed."^[139] Most historians have argued that Biddle reluctantly supported recharter in early 1832 due to political pressure from Clay and Webster,^{[138][139][142]} though the Bank president was also considering other factors. Thomas Cadwalader, a fellow B.U.S. director and close confidant of Biddle, recommended recharter after counting votes in Congress in December 1831. In addition, Biddle had to consider the wishes of the Bank's major stockholders, who wanted to avoid the uncertainty of waging a recharter fight closer to the expiration of the charter. Indeed, Jackson had predicted in his first annual message of 1829 that the Bank's stockholders would submit an early application to Congress.^[143]

On January 6, 1832, bills for Bank recharter were introduced in both houses of Congress.^[125][139] In the House of Representatives, McDuffie, as Chairman of the Ways and Means Committee, guided the bill to the floor.^[144] Fellow Jacksonian Jorj M. Dallas introduced the bill into the Senate.^[138] Clay and Webster secretly intended to provoke a veto, which they hoped would damage Jackson and lead to his defeat.^[138][145] They did however assure Biddle that Jackson would not veto the bill so close to the 1832 election. The proposals included some limited reforms by placing restrictions on the Bank's powers to own real estate and create new branches, give Congress the ability to prevent the Bank from issuing small notes, and allow the president to appoint one director to each branch of the Bank.^[138]

Jacksonian counter-offensive

The alliance between Biddle and Clay triggered a counter-offensive by anti-B.U.S. forces in Congress and the executive branch.^[138][146] Jackson assembled an array of talented and capable men as allies. Most notably, these were Tomas Xart Benton in the Senate and future president Jeyms K. Polk, member of the House of Representatives from Tennessee, as well as Blair, Treasury Auditor Kendall, and Attorney General Roger Taney in his cabinets.^[147] On February 23, 1832, Jacksonian Representative Augustin Smit Kleyton of Georgia introduced a resolution to investigate allegations that the Bank had violated its charter. The intent was to put pro-Bank forces on the defensive.^[148][149] These delaying tactics could not be blocked indefinitely since any attempt to obstruct the inquiry would raise suspicions among the public. Many legislators benefited from the largesse supplied by Bank administrators.^{[125][148][150]} The plan was approved, and a bipartisan committee was sent to Philadelphia to look into the matters. Clayton's committee report, once released, helped rally the anti-Bank coalition.^[147]

The months of delay in reaching a vote on the recharter measure served ultimately to clarify and intensify the issue for the American people.^[151] Jackson’s supporters benefited in sustaining these attacks on the Bank^[152] even as Benton and Polk warned Jackson that the struggle was "a losing fight" and that the recharter bill would certainly pass.^[151] Biddle, working through an intermediary, Charlz Jared Ingersoll, continued to lobby Jackson to support recharter. On February 28, Cambreleng expressed hope that if the recharter bill passed, the President would "send it back to us with his veto—an enduring moment of his fame". The following day, Livingston predicted that if Congress passed a bill that Jackson found acceptable, the President would "sign it without hesitation". Tarixchi so'zlari bilan aytganda Bray Hammond, "This was a very large 'if,' and the secretary came to realize it."^[153] Jackson decided that he had to destroy the Bank and veto the recharter bill. Many moderate Democrats, including McLane, were appalled by the perceived arrogance of the pro-Bank forces in pushing through early recharter and supported his decision. Indeed, Livingston was alone in the cabinet, for only he opposed a veto, and Jackson ignored him. Taney's influence grew immensely during this period, and Cambreleng told Van Buren that he was "the only efficient man of sound principles" in Jackson's official cabinet.^[154]

Biddle traveled to Washington, D.C. to personally conduct the final push for recharter.^[155][156] For the past six months he had worked in concert with B.U.S. branch managers to elicit signatures from citizens for pro-B.U.S. petitions that would be aired in Congress.^[157] Congressmen were encouraged to write pro-Bank articles, which Biddle printed and distributed nationally.^[158] Francis Blair at the Globus reported these efforts by the B.U.S. president in the legislative process as evidence of the Bank’s corrupting influence on free government.^[155] After months of debate and strife, pro-B.U.S. National Republicans in Congress finally prevailed, winning reauthorization of the Bank's charter in the Senate on June 11 by a vote of 28 to 20.^[159] The House was dominated by Democrats, who held a 141–72 majority, but it voted in favor of the recharter bill on July 3 by a tally of 107 to 85. Many Northern Democrats joined the anti-Jacksonians in supporting recharter.^[160]

The final bill sent to Jackson's desk contained modifications of the Bank's original charter that were intended to assuage many of the President's objections. The Bank would have a new fifteen-year charter; would report to the Treasury Department the names of all of the Bank's foreign stockholders, including the amount of shares they owned; would face stiff penalties if it held onto property for longer than five years, and would not issue notes in denominations of less than twenty dollars. Jacksonians argued that the Bank often cheated small farmers by redeeming paper with discounted specie, meaning that a certain amount was deducted. They alleged that this was unfair to farmers and allowed creditors to profit without creating tangible wealth, while a creditor would argue that he was performing a service and was entitled to profit from it.^[161] Biddle joined most observers in predicting that Jackson would veto the bill.^[159] Not long after, Jackson became ill. Van Buren arrived in Washington on July 4, and went to see Jackson, who said to him, "The Bank, Mr. Van Buren, is trying to kill me, but I shall kill it."^[158][162]

Veto

Contrary to the assurances Livingston had been rendering Biddle, Jackson determined to veto the recharter bill. The veto message was crafted primarily by members of the Kitchen Cabinet, specifically Taney, Kendall, and Jackson's nephew and aide Endryu Jekson Donelson. McLane denied that he had any part in it.^[163] Jackson officially vetoed the legislation on July 10, 1832,^[157] delivering a carefully crafted message to Congress and the American people.^[164] One of the most "popular and effective documents in American political history",^[165] Jackson outlined a major readjustment to the relative powers of the government branches.^[166]

The executive branch, Jackson averred, when acting in the interests of the American people,^[167] was not bound to defer to the decisions of the Supreme Court, nor to comply with legislation passed by Congress.^[168][169] He believed that the Bank was unconstitutional and that the Supreme Court, which had declared it constitutional, did not have the power to do so without the "acquiesence of the people and the states".^[170] Further, while previous presidents had used their veto power, they had only done so when objecting to the constitutionality of bills. By vetoing the recharter bill and basing most of his reasoning on the grounds that he was acting in the best interests of the American people, Jackson greatly expanded the power and influence of the president.^[171] He characterized the B.U.S. as merely an agent of the executive branch, acting through the Department of the Treasury. As such, declared Jackson, Congress was obligated to consult the chief executive before initiating legislation affecting the Bank. Jackson had claimed, in essence, legislative power as president.^[172] Jackson gave no credit to the Bank for stabilizing the country's finances^[165] and provided no concrete proposals for a single alternate institution that would regulate currency and prevent over-speculation—the primary purposes of the B.U.S.^{[165][173][174]} The practical implications of the veto were enormous. By expanding the veto, Jackson claimed for the president the right to participate in the legislative process. In the future, Congress would have to consider the president's wishes when deciding on a bill.^[171]

Senator Daniel Uebster

The veto message was "a brilliant political manifesto"^[175] that called for the end of monied power in the financial sector and a leveling of opportunity under the protection of the executive branch.^[176] Jackson perfected his anti-Bank themes. He stated that one fifth of the Bank's stockholders were foreign and that, because states were only allowed to tax stock owned by their own citizens, foreign citizens could more easily accumulate it.^[177] He pitted the idealized "plain republican" and the "real people"—virtuous, industrious and free^[178][179]—against a powerful financial institution—the "monster" Bank,^[180] whose wealth was purportedly derived from privileges bestowed by corrupt political and business elites.^[68][181] Jackson's message distinguished between "equality of talents, of education, or of wealth", which could never be achieved, from "artificial distinctions", which he claimed the Bank promoted.^[182] Jackson cast himself in populist terms as a defender of original rights, writing:

It is to be regretted that the rich and powerful too often bend the acts of government to their selfish purposes. Distinctions in society will always exist under every just government. Equality of talents, of education, or of wealth can not be produced by human institutions. In the full enjoyment of the gifts of Heaven and the fruits of superior industry, economy, and virtue, every man is equally entitled to protection by law; but when the laws undertake to add to these natural and just advantages artificial distinctions, to grant titles, gratuities, and exclusive privileges, to make the rich richer and the potent more powerful, the humble members of society-the farmers, mechanics, and laborers-who have neither the time nor the means of securing like favors to themselves, have a right to complain of the injustice of their Government.^[183]

To those who believed that power and wealth should be linked, the message was unsettling. Daniel Webster charged Jackson with promoting class warfare.^{[173][184][185]} Webster was at around this time annually pocketing a small salary for his "services" in defending the Bank, although it was not uncommon at the time for legislators to accept monetary payment from corporations in exchange for promoting their interests.^[186]

In presenting his economic vision,^[187] Jackson was compelled to obscure the fundamental incompatibility of the hard-money and easy credit wings of his party.^[188] On one side were Old Republican idealists who took a principled stand against all paper credit in favor of metallic money.^[189] Jackson's message criticized the Bank as a violation of states' rights, stating that the federal government's "true strength consists in leaving individuals and States as much as possible to themselves."^[183] Yet the bulk of Jackson’s supporters came from easy lending regions that welcomed banks and finance, as long as local control prevailed.^[190] By diverting both groups in a campaign against the central bank in Philadelphia, Jackson cloaked his own hard-money predilections, which, if adopted, would be as fatal to the inflation favoring Jacksonians as the B.U.S. was purported to be.^[191]

Despite some misleading or intentionally vague statements on Jackson's part in his attacks against the Bank, some of his criticisms are considered justifiable by certain historians. It enjoyed enormous political and financial power, and there were no practical limits on what Biddle could do. It used loans and "retainer's fees", such as with Webster, to influence congressmen. It assisted certain candidates for offices over others.^[192] It also regularly violated its own charter. Senator Jorj Poindekster of Mississippi received a $10,000 loan from the Bank after supporting recharter. Several months later, he received an additional loan of $8,000 despite the fact that the original loan had not been paid. This process violated the Bank's charter.^[193]

Too late, Clay "realized the impasse into which he had maneuvered himself, and made every effort to override the veto".^[194] In a speech to the Senate, Webster rebuked Jackson for maintaining that the president could declare a law unconstitutional that had passed Congress and been approved by the Supreme Court. Immediately after Webster spoke, Clay arose and strongly criticized Jackson for his unprecedented expansion, or "perversion", of the veto power. The veto was intended to be used in extreme circumstances, he argued, which was why previous presidents had used it rarely if at all. Jackson, however, routinely used the veto to allow the executive branch to interfere in the legislative process, an idea Clay thought "hardly reconcilable with the genius of representative government". Benton replied by criticizing the Bank for being corrupt and actively working to influence the 1832 election. Clay responded by sarcastically alluding to a brawl that had taken place between Thomas Benton and his brother Jesse against Andrew Jackson in 1813. Benton called the statement an "atrocious calumny". Clay demanded that he retract his statements. Benton refused and instead repeated them. A shouting match ensued in which it appeared the two men might come to blows. Order was eventually restored and both men apologized to the Senate, although not to each other, for their behaviors. The pro-Bank interests failed to muster a katta ustunlik —achieving only a simple majority of 22–19 in the Senate^[195]—and on July 13, 1832, the veto was sustained.^[196]

The election of 1832

This cartoon, "Qirol Endryu Birinchi ", depicted Jackson as a tyrannical king, trampling on the Constitution.

Jackson's veto immediately made the Bank the main issue of the 1832 yilgi saylov. With four months remaining until the November general election, both parties launched massive political offensives with the Bank at the center of the fight.^[197][198]Jacksonians framed the issue as a choice between Jackson and "the People" versus Biddle and "the Aristocracy",^[197][199] while muting their criticisms of banking and credit in general.^[200] "Hickory Clubs" organized mass rallies, while the pro-Jackson press "virtually wrapped the country in anti-Bank propaganda".^[201] This, despite the fact that two-thirds of the major newspapers supported Bank recharter.^[202][203]

The National Republican press countered by characterizing the veto message as despotic and Jackson as a tyrant.^[204] Presidential hopeful Henry Clay vowed "to veto Jackson" at the polls.^[156][205] Overall, the pro-Bank analysis tended to soberly enumerate Jackson's failures, lacking the vigor of the Democratic Party press.^[206] Biddle mounted an expensive drive to influence the election, providing Jackson with copious evidence to characterize Biddle as an enemy of republican government and American liberty through meddling in politics. Some of Biddle's aides brought this to his attention, but he chose not to take their advice.^[200] He also had tens of thousands of Jackson's veto messages circulated throughout the country, believing that those who read it would concur in his assessment that it was in essence "a manifesto of anarchy" addressed directly to a "mob".^[207] "The campaign is over, and I think we have won the victory", Clay said privately on July 21.^[208]

Jackson's campaign benefited from superior organization skills. The first ever Democratic Party convention took place in May 1832. It did not officially nominate Jackson for president, but, as Jackson wished, nominated Martin Van Buren for vice president.^[209] Jackson's supporters hosted parades and barbecues, and erected hickory poles as a tribute to Jackson, whose nickname was Old Hickory. Jackson typically chose not to attend these events, in keeping with the tradition that candidates not actively campaign for office. Nevertheless, he often found himself swarmed by enthusiastic mobs. The National Republicans, meanwhile, developed popular political cartoons, some of the first to be employed in the nation. One such cartoon was entitled "King Andrew the First". It depicted Jackson in full regal dress, featuring a scepter, ermine robe, and crown. In his left hand he holds a document labelled "Veto" while standing on a tattered copy of the Constitution.^[210] Clay was also damaged by the candidacy of Uilyam Virt ning Masonlarga qarshi partiya, which took National Republican votes away in crucial states, mostly in the northeast. In the end, Jackson won a major victory with 54.6% of the popular vote, and 219 of the 286 electoral votes.^[211] In Alabama, Georgia, and Mississippi, Jackson won with absolutely no opposition. He also won the states of New Hampshire and Maine, fracturing the traditional Federalist/National Republican dominance in New England.^[212] The House also stood solidly for Jackson. The 1832 elections provided it with 140 pro-Jackson members compared to 100 anti-Jacksons.^[213]

Jackson's dismantling of the B.U.S.

Renewal of war and 1832 address to Congress

Jackson regarded his victory as a popular mandate^[214] to eliminate the B.U.S. before its 20-year term ended in 1836.^[215][216] During the final phase of the 1832 election campaign, Kendall and Blair had convinced Jackson that the transfer of the federal deposits—20% of the Bank's capital—into private banks friendly to the administration would be prudent.^[217] Their rationale was that Biddle had used the Bank's resources to support Jackson's political opponents in the 1824 and 1828 elections, and additionally, that Biddle might induce a moliyaviy inqiroz in retaliation for Jackson's veto and reelection.^[218] The President declared the Bank "Scotched, not dead".^[216][219]

In his December 1832 Ittifoq manzili, Jackson aired his doubts to Congress whether the B.U.S. was a safe depository for "the people's money" and called for an investigation.^[216][219] In response, the Democratic-controlled House conducted an inquiry, submitting a divided committee report (4–3) that declared the deposits perfectly safe.^[220] The committee's minority faction, under Jacksonian James K. Polk, issued a scathing dissent, but the House approved the majority findings in March 1833, 109–46.^[219] Jackson, incensed at this "cool" dismissal, decided to proceed as advised by his Kitchen Cabinet to remove the B.U.S. funds by executive action alone.^[221] The administration was temporarily distracted by the Bekor qilish inqirozi, which reached its peak intensity from the fall of 1832 through the winter of 1833.^[222] With the crisis over, Jackson could turn his attention back to the Bank.^[216]

Search for a Treasury secretary

Kendall and Taney began to seek cooperative state banks which would receive the government deposits. That year, Kendall went on a "summer tour" in which he found seven institutions friendly to the administration in which it could place government funds. The list grew to 22 by the end of the year.^[223] Meanwhile, Jackson sought to prepare his official cabinet for the coming removal of the Bank's deposits.^[220][224] Vice President Martin Van Buren tacitly approved the maneuver, but declined to publicly identify himself with the operation, for fear of compromising his anticipated presidential run in 1836.^[225][226] Treasury Secretary McLane balked at the removal, saying that tampering with the funds would cause "an economic catastrophe", and reminded Jackson that Congress had declared the deposits secure.^[227] Jackson subsequently shifted both pro-Bank cabinet members to other posts: McLane to the Department of State, and Livingston to Europe, as AQShning Frantsiyadagi vaziri.^[228] The President replaced McLane with Uilyam J. Duan, a reliable opponent of the Bank from Pennsylvania.^[228] Duane was a distinguished lawyer from Philadelphia whose father, also Uilyam Duan, had edited the Filadelfiya Avrora, a prominent Jeffersonian newspaper. Duane's appointment, aside from continuing the war against the Second Bank, was intended to be a sign of the continuity between Jeffersonian ideals and Jacksonian democracy. "He's a chip of the old block, sir", Jackson said of the younger Duane.^[229] McLane met Duane in December 1832 and urged him to accept appointment as Treasury Secretary. He sent a letter of acceptance to Jackson on January 13, 1833, and was sworn in on June 1.^[230]

By the time Duane was appointed, Jackson and his Kitchen Cabinet were well-advanced in their plan to remove the deposits.^[225][228] Despite their agreement on the Bank issue, Jackson did not seriously consider appointing Taney to the position. He and McLane had disagreed strongly on the issue, and his appointment would have been interpreted as an insult to McLane, who "vigorously opposed" the idea of Taney being appointed as his replacement.^[231]

Moliya kotibi Rojer B. Taney

Under the Bank charter terms of 1816, the U.S. Secretary of the Treasury was empowered, with Congress, to make all decisions regarding the federal deposits.^[232] On his first day at his post, Secretary Duane was informed by Kendall, who was in name his subordinate in the Treasury Department, that Duane would be expected to defer to the President on the matter of the deposits.^{[221][233][234]} Duane demurred, and when Jackson personally intervened to explain his political mandate^[214] to ensure the Bank’s demise,^[235] his Treasury Secretary informed him that Congress should be consulted to determine the Bank's fate.^[236][237] Van Buren had cautiously supported McLane's proposal to delay the matter until January 1, 1834. Jackson declined. To Van Buren, he wrote, "Therefore to prolong the deposits until after the meeting of Congress would be to do the very act [the B.U.S.] wishes, that is, to have it in its power to distress the community, destroy the state Banks, and if possible to corrupt congress and obtain two thirds, to recharter the Bank." Van Buren capitulated.^[238]

Jackson's position ignited protest not only from Duane but also McLane and Secretary of War Lyuis Kass.^[239] After weeks of clashing with Duane over these prerogatives, Jackson decided that the time had come to remove the deposits.^[240][241] On September 18, Lewis asked Jackson what he would do in the event that Congress passed a joint resolution to restore the deposits, Jackson replied, "Why, I would veto it." Lewis then asked what he would do if Congress overrode his veto. "Under such circumstances," he said, standing up, "then, sir, I would resign the presidency and return to the Hermitage." The following day, Jackson sent a messenger to learn whether Duane had come to a decision. Duane asked to have until the 21st, but Jackson, wishing to act immediately, sent Andrew Donelson to tell him that this was not good enough, and that he would announce his intention to summarily remove the deposits the next day in Blair's Globus, with or without Duane's consent. Sure enough, the following day, a notice appeared in the Globus stating that the deposits would be removed starting on or before October 1.^[242] Secretary Duane had promised to resign if he and Jackson could not come to an agreement. When questioned by Jackson about this earlier promise, he said, "I indescreetly said so, sir; but I am now compelled to take this course." Under attack from the Globus,^[243] Duane was dismissed by Jackson days later, on September 22, 1833.^{[236][240][244]} Two days later, McLane and Cass, feeling Jackson had ignored their advice, met with the President and suggested that they resign. They eventually agreed to stay on the condition that they would attend to their own departments and not say anything publicly which would bolster the Bank's standing.^[239]

Attorney General Taney was immediately made Secretary of the Treasury^[236][245] in order to authorize the transfers, and he designated Kendall as special agent in charge of removal. With the help of Navy Secretary Levi Vudberi, they drafted an order dated September 25 declaring an official switch from national to deposit banking. Beginning on October 1, all future funds would be placed in selected state banks, and the government would draw on its remaining funds in the B.U.S. to cover operating expenses until those funds were exhausted. In case the B.U.S. retaliated, the administration decided to secretly equip a number of the state banks with transfer warrants, allowing money to be moved to them from the B.U.S. These were to be used only to counteract any hostile behavior from the B.U.S.^[246]

Removal of the deposits and panic of 1833–34

Taney, in his capacity as an interim treasury secretary, initiated the removal of the Bank's public deposits, spread out over four quarterly installments. Most of the state banks that were selected to receive the federal funds had political and financial connections with prominent members of the Jacksonian Party. Opponents referred to these banks derisively as "uy hayvonlari banklari " since many of them financed pet projects conceived by members of the Jackson administration.^[247] Taney attempted to move tactfully in the process of carrying out the removals so as not to provoke retaliation by the B.U.S. or eviscerate the central bank's regulatory influence too suddenly. He presented five state-charted "pet" banks with drafts endorsed by the U.S. Treasury totaling $2.3 million. If Biddle presented any of the state banks with notes and demanded specie as payment, the banks could present him with the drafts to remove the deposits from the Bank and protect their liquidity. However, one of the banks drew prematurely on B.U.S. reserves for speculative ventures.^[248] At least two of the deposit banks, according to a Senate report released in July 1834, were caught up in a scandal involving Democratic Party newspaper editors, private conveyance firms, and elite officers in the Post Office Department.^[249] Jackson predicted that within a matter of weeks, his policy would make "Mr. Biddle and his Bank as quiet and harmless as a lamb".^[250]

Biddle urged the Senate to pass joint resolutions for the restoration of the deposits. He planned to use "external pressure" to compel the House to adopt the resolutions. Clay demurred. Historian Ralph C.H. Catterall writes, "Just as in 1832 Biddle cared 'nothing for the campaign,' so in 1833 Henry Clay cared little or nothing for the bank." Webster and John C. Calhoun, who was now a senator, broke away from Clay. Webster drafted a plan to charter the Bank for 12 years, which received support from Biddle, but Calhoun wanted a 6 year charter, and the men could not come to an agreement.^[251]

In the end, Biddle responded to the deposit removal controversy in ways that were both precautionary and vindictive. On October 7, 1833, Biddle held a meeting with the Bank's board members in Philadelphia. There, he announced that the Bank would raise interest rates in the coming months in order to stockpile the Bank's monetary reserves.^[252] In addition, Biddle reduced discounts, called in loans, and demanded that state banks honor the liabilities they owed to the B.U.S. At least partially, this was a reasonable response to several factors that threatened the Bank's resources and continued profitability. Jackson's veto and the decreasing likelihood of obtaining a new federal charter meant that the Bank would soon have to wind up its affairs. Then there was the removal of the public deposits, congressional testimony indicating that the Jacksonians had attempted to sabotage the Bank's public image and solvency by manufacturing bank runs at branch offices in Kentucky, the responsibility of maintaining a uniform currency, the administration's goal of retiring the public debt in a short period, bad harvests, and expectations that the Bank would continue to lend to commercial houses and return dividends to stockholders.^[253] "This worthy President thinks that because he has scalped Indians and imprisoned Sudyalar, he is to have his way with the Bank. He is mistaken", Biddle declared.^[250]

Yet there was also a more punitive motivation behind Biddle's policies. He deliberately instigated a financial crisis to increase the chances of Congress and the President coming together in order to compromise on a new Bank charter, believing that this would convince the public of the Bank's necessity.^[254] Uchun maktubda Uilyam Appleton on January 27, 1834, Biddle wrote:

[T]he ties of party allegiance can only be broken by the actual conviction of distress in the community. Nothing but the evidence of suffering abroad will produce any effect in Congress ... I have no doubt that such a course will ultimately lead to the restoration of the currency and the recharter of the Bank.^[255]

At first, Biddle's strategy was successful. As credit tightened across the country, businesses closed and men were thrown out of work. Business leaders began to think that deflation was the inevitable consequence of removing the deposits, and so they flooded Congress with petitions in favor of recharter.^[256] By December, one of the President's advisors, Jeyms Aleksandr Xemilton, remarked that business in New York was "really in very great distress, nay even to the point of General Bankruptcy [sic ]".^[257] Calhoun denounced the removal of funds as an unconstitutional expansion of executive power.^[258] He accused Jackson of ignorance on financial matters.^[259]

Jackson, however, believed that large majorities of American voters were behind him. They would force Congress to side with him in the event that pro-Bank congressmen attempted to impichment him for removing the deposits. Jackson, like Congress, received petitions begging him to do something to relieve the financial strain. He responded by referring them to Biddle.^[260] When a New York delegation visited him to complain about problems being faced by the state's merchants, Jackson responded saying:

Go to Nicholas Biddle. We have no money here, gentlemen. Biddle has all the money. He has millions of specie in his vaults, at this moment, lying idle, and yet you come to me to save you from breaking. I tell you, gentlemen, it's all politics.^[261]

The men took Jackson's advice and went to see Biddle, whom they discovered was "out of town".^[262] Biddle rejected the idea that the Bank should be "cajoled from its duty by any small driveling about relief to the country."^[263] Not long after, it was announced in the Globus that Jackson would receive no more delegations to converse with him about money. Some members of the Democratic Party questioned the wisdom and legality of Jackson's move to terminate the Bank through executive means before its 1836 expiration. But Jackson's strategy eventually paid off as public opinion turned against the Bank.^[258][264]

Origins of the Whig Party and censure of President Jackson

By the spring of 1834, Jackson's political opponents—a loosely-knit coalition of National Republicans, anti-Masons, evangelical reformers, states' rights nullifiers, and some pro-B.U.S. Jacksonians—gathered in Rochester, Nyu-York to form a new political party. Ular o'zlarini chaqirdilar Whigs after the British shu nomdagi partiya. Just as British Whigs opposed the monarchy, American Whigs decried what they saw as executive tyranny from the president.^[265][266] Philip Hone, a New York merchant, may have been the first to apply the term in reference to anti-Jacksonians, and it became more popular after Clay used it in a Senate speech on April 14. "By way of metempsixoz," Blair jeered, "ancient Hikoyalar now call themselves Whigs."^[265] Jackson and Secretary Taney both exhorted Congress to uphold the removals, pointing to Biddle's deliberate contraction of credit as evidence that the central bank was unfit to store the nation's public deposits.^[267]

The response of the Whig-controlled Senate was to try to express disapproval of Jackson by censuring him.^[268][269] Henry Clay, spearheading the attack, described Jackson as a "backwoods Qaysar " and his administration a "military dictatorship".^[270] Jackson retaliated by calling Clay as "reckless and as full of fury as a drunken man in a fohishaxona ".^[271] On March 28, Jackson was officially tanbeh for violating the U.S. Constitution by a vote of 26–20.^[272] The reasons given were both the removal of the deposits and the dismissal of Duane.^[273] The opposing parties accused one another of lacking credentials to represent the people. Jacksonian Democrats pointed to the fact that Senators were beholden to the state legislatures that selected them; the Whigs pointing out that the chief executive had been chosen by electors, and not by popular vote.^[274]

The House of Representatives, controlled by Jacksonian Democrats, took a different course of action. On April 4, it passed resolutions in favor of the removal of the public deposits.^[267][275] Led by Ways and Means Committee chairman Jeyms K. Polk, the House declared that the Bank "ought not to be rechartered" and that the deposits "ought not to be restored". It voted to continue allowing the deposit banks to serve as fiscal agents and to investigate whether the Bank had deliberately instigated the panic. Jackson called the passage of these resolutions a "glorious triumph", for it had essentially sealed the Bank's destruction.^[276]

When House committee members, as dictated by Congress, arrived in Philadelphia to investigate the Bank, they were treated by the Bank's directors as distinguished guests. The directors soon stated, in writing, that the members must state in writing their purpose for examining the Bank's books before any would be turned over to them. If a violation of charter was alleged, the specific allegation must be stated. The committee members refused, and no books were shown to them. Next, they asked for specific books, but were told that it might take up to 10 months for these to be procured. Finally, they succeeded in getting subpoenas issued for specific books. The directors replied that they could not produce these books because they were not in the Bank's possession. Having failed in their attempt to investigate, the committee members returned to Washington.^[277]

In Biddle's view, Jackson had violated the Bank's charter by removing the public deposits, meaning that the institution effectively ceased functioning as a central bank tasked with upholding the public interest and regulating the national economy. Thenceforth, Biddle would only consider the interests of the Bank's private stockholders when he crafted policy.^[278] When the committee members reported their findings to the House, they recommended that Biddle and his fellow directors be arrested for "contempt" of Congress, although nothing came of the effort.^[279] Nevertheless, this episode caused an even greater decline in public opinion regarding the Bank, with many believing that Biddle had deliberately evaded a congressional mandate.^[280]

The Democrats did suffer some setbacks. Polk ran for Speaker of the House to replace Endryu Stivenson, who was nominated to be minister to Great Britain. After southerners discovered his connection to Van Buren, he was defeated by fellow Tennessean Jon Bell, a Democrat-turned-Whig who opposed Jackson's removal policy. The Whigs, meanwhile, began to point out that several of Jackson's cabinet appointees, despite having acted in their positions for many months, had yet to be formally nominated and Senat tomonidan tasdiqlangan. For the Whigs, this was blatantly unconstitutional. The unconfirmed cabinet members, appointed during a congressional recess, consisted of McLane for Secretary of State, Benjamin F. Butler for Attorney General, and Taney for Secretary of the Treasury. McLane and Butler would likely receive confirmation easily, but Taney would definitely be rejected by a hostile Senate. Jackson had to submit all three nominations at once, and so he delayed submitting them until the last week of the Senate session on June 23. As expected, McLane and Butler were confirmed. Taney was rejected by a vote of 28–18. He resigned immediately. To replace Taney, Jackson nominated Woodbury, who, despite the fact that he also supported removal, was confirmed unanimously on June 29. Meanwhile, Biddle wrote to Webster successfully urging the Senate not to support Stevenson as minister.^[281]

The Bank's final years

Demise of the Bank of the United States

The economy improved significantly in 1834. Biddle received heavy criticism for his contraction policies, including by some of his supporters, and was compelled to relax his curtailments. The Bank's Board of Directors voted unanimously in July to end all curtailments.^{[282][283][284]} The 1834 yilgi tangalar to'g'risidagi qonun passed Congress on June 28, 1834. It had considerable bipartisan support, including from Calhoun and Webster. The purpose of the act was to eliminate the devaluation of gold in order for gold coins to keep pace with market value and not be driven out of circulation. The first Coinage Act was passed in 1792 and established a 15 to 1 ratio for gold to silver coins. Commercial rates tended towards about 15.5-1. Consequentially a $10 gold eagle was really worth $10.66 and 2/3. It was undervalued and thus rarely circulated. The act raised the ratio to 16 to 1. Jackson felt that, with the Bank prostrate, he could safely bring gold back. It was not as successful as Jackson hoped.^[285] However, it did have a positive effect on the economy, as did good harvests in Europe. The result was that the recession that began with Biddle's contraction was brought to a close.^[282][283] For his part, Jackson expressed his willingness to recharter the Bank or establish a new one, but first insisted that his "experiment" in deposit banking be allowed a fair trial.^[286]

Censure was the "last hurrah" of the Pro-Bank defenders and soon a reaction set in. Business leaders in American financial centers became convinced that Biddle's war on Jackson was more destructive than Jackson's war on the Bank.^{[287][288][289]} All recharter efforts were now abandoned as a lost cause.^[268] The national economy following the withdrawal of the remaining funds from the Bank was booming and the federal government through duty revenues and sale of public lands was able to pay all bills. On January 1, 1835, Jackson paid off the entire national debt, the only time in U.S. history that has been accomplished.^[290] The objective had been reached in part through Jackson's reforms aimed at eliminating the misuse of funds, and through the veto of legislation he deemed extravagant.^[291] In December 1835, Polk defeated Bell and was elected Speaker of the House.^[292]

Senator Tomas Xart Benton Missuri shtati

On January 30, 1835, what is believed to be the first attempt to kill a sitting President of the United States occurred just outside the Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Kapitoliy. When Jackson was leaving through the East Portico after the funeral of Janubiy Karolina Vakil Uorren R. Devis, Richard Lourens, an unemployed house painter from England, tried to shoot Jackson with two pistols, both of which misfired.^[293] Jackson attacked Lawrence with his cane, and Lawrence was restrained and disarmed.^[294] Lawrence offered a variety of explanations for the shooting. He blamed Jackson for the loss of his job. He claimed that with the President dead, "money would be more plenty", (a reference to Jackson's struggle with the Bank) and that he "could not rise until the President fell". Finally, Lawrence told his interrogators that he was a deposed English king—specifically, Richard III, dead since 1485—and that Jackson was his clerk.^[295] He was deemed insane and was institutionalized.^[296] Jackson initially suspected that a number of his political enemies might have orchestrated the attempt on his life. His suspicions were never proven.^[297]

In January 1837, Benton introduced a resolution to expunge Jackson's censure from the Senate record.^[298] It began nearly 13 consecutive hours of debate. Oxir-oqibat, ovoz berildi va 25-19 marta tanbehni bekor qilishga qaror qilindi. Shundan so'ng, Senat kotibi Senatning qo'lyozma jurnalining asl nusxasini olib, uni 1834 yil 28 martga qadar, tsenzurani qo'llagan kunigacha ochdi. U tanbehni yozib olgan matn orqali qora chiziqlar chizdi va uning yonida shunday yozdi: "Senat buyrug'i bilan 1837 yil 16-yanvar kuni bekor qilindi". Jekson "eksponterlar" uchun katta kechki ovqatni uyushtirishga kirishdi.^[299] Jekson o'sha yilning 4 martida lavozimini tark etib, uning o'rnini Van Buren egalladi.^[300] Biddl tomonidan ishlab chiqarilgan turg'unlikni hisobga olgan holda, iqtisodiyot 1830 yildan 1837 yilgacha misli ko'rilmagan darajada yiliga 6,6 foizga kengaygan.^[301]

1836 yil fevral oyida Bank Pensilvaniya shtatidagi hamdo'stlik to'g'risidagi qonun asosida xususiy korporatsiyaga aylandi. Bu Bank ustavining amal qilish muddati tugashidan bir necha hafta oldin sodir bo'lgan. Biddle manevrani tashkilotni tarqatib yuborishiga emas, balki uni saqlab qolish uchun juda ko'p harakatlarni uyushtirgan edi.^[1] Bu Filadelfiya filialini 6 million dollarga yaqin narxda ishlashini ta'minladi. Bankni tirik saqlashga harakat qilib, Biddl Evropadan katta miqdordagi pul qarz oldi va paxta bozoridan pul ishlashga harakat qildi. Paxta narxi oxir-oqibat tushkunlik tufayli qulab tushdi (pastga qarang), bu biznesni foydasiz qildi. 1839 yilda Biddl B.U.S direktori lavozimidan iste'foga chiqishga ariza berdi. Keyinchalik u qariyb 25 million dollarlik da'vo bilan sudga tortildi va jinoiy fitna ayblovi bilan oqlandi, ammo umrining oxirigacha sud jarayonlarida qattiq qatnashdi.^[302] Bank to'lovni 1839 yilda to'xtatib qo'ydi.^[303] Tergov o'z operatsiyalarida katta firibgarlikni fosh qilganidan so'ng, Bank 1841 yil 4 aprelda o'z eshiklarini rasman yopdi.^[304]

1837 yildagi spekulyativ portlash va vahima

Jeksonning B.U.S.ni yo'q qilishi Ba'zilar, oxir-oqibat yirik moliyaviy inqiroz bilan yakunlanadigan bir qator tadbirlarni amalga oshirishga yordam bergan deb hisoblashadi. 1837 yilgi vahima. Ushbu inqirozning kelib chiqishini 1830 yillarning o'rtalarida Jeksonning ikkinchi davri mobaynida qabul qilingan moliyaviy va pul-kredit siyosatidan kelib chiqadigan iqtisodiy pufakchani shakllantirish bilan izlash mumkin, bu xalqaro savdo-sotiqdagi o'zgarishlar bilan birgalikda oltin va kumushni ko'p miqdorda Qo'shma Shtatlar.^[305] Ushbu siyosat va ishlanmalar orasida 1834 yildagi tangalar to'g'risidagi qonunning qabul qilinishi, Meksika prezidenti tomonidan olib borilgan harakatlar bor edi Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, va Biddle va Baring Brothers o'rtasidagi moliyaviy hamkorlik, Buyuk Britaniyaning yirik savdogar uyi.^[306] Amerikaning transport kompaniyalari, shahar hukumatlari va shtat hukumatlari kapitalizatsiya qilgan aksiyalar va obligatsiyalarga Britaniyaning sarmoyasi ushbu hodisani yanada kuchaytirdi.^[307]

Vudberi banklarning turlarining nisbati 1830-yillarning boshlariga to'g'ri kelishini ta'minladi.^[308] Biroq, qarz berish to'g'ridan-to'g'ri banklar o'zlarining omborlarida saqlagan oltin va kumush miqdoriga bog'liq bo'lganligi sababli, AQShga qimmatbaho metallarning kirib kelishi Amerika banklarini ko'proq qog'oz pullarni chop etishga undadi. Ushbu yillarda pul massasi va muomaladagi bank yozuvlari soni sezilarli darajada oshdi.^[309] Ilgari B.U.S tomonidan taqdim etilgan tartibga soluvchi nazoratdan xalos bo'lgan davlat tomonidan ijaraga olingan moliya institutlari yer sotish, ichki obodonlashtirish loyihalari, paxtani etishtirish va qulchilikda iqtisodiy rivojlanishning tezlashishiga turtki beradigan xavfli kreditlash amaliyotini boshladilar.^[310] Federal hukumat 1820-yillarda erlarni sotishdan har yili o'rtacha 2 million dollar ishlab topdi. Bu raqam 1834 yilda taxminan 5 million dollarga, 1835 yilda 15 million dollarga va 1836 yilda 25 million dollarga o'sdi.^[308] 1836 yilda Prezident Jekson Depozit va tarqatish to'g'risidagi qonunga imzo chekdi, u Moliya vazirligining byudjet profitsitidan mablag'ni mamlakatning ichki qismida joylashgan turli depozit banklariga o'tkazdi. G'aznachilik kotibi ushbu qonunchilikka binoan endi depozit banklarida kredit berish talablarini tartibga sola olmadi. Ko'p o'tmay, Jekson imzoladi Species Circular, 320 gektardan ortiq uchastkalarda umumiy foydalanishdagi er uchastkalarini sotish faqat oltin va kumush tanga bilan to'lanishi kerakligi to'g'risida buyruq. Ushbu ikkala chora ham qimmatbaho metallarni Atlantika qirg'og'idan g'arbiy mintaqalarga yo'naltirdi, bu esa mamlakatning moliyaviy markazlarini tashqi ta'sirlarga qarshi himoyasiz qoldirdi.^[311][312]

Yana bir muhim muammo shundaki, AQSh, Misr va Hindistondan paxtada mo'l hosil yig'ib olish ta'minot ta'minotini keltirib chiqardi.^[313] Natijada paxta narxining pasayishi moliyaviy vahima zararining katta qismini pasaytirdi. Buning sababi shundaki, paxta kvitansiyalari nafaqat ko'plab amerikalik kredit vositalariga qiymat berdi, balki ular keyinchalik Amerikaning janubi-g'arbiy qismida (keyinchalik Luiziana va Missisipida joylashgan) hosil bo'lgan pufakcha bilan uzviy bog'liq edi.^[314][315] Qarzlarini to'lash uchun janubiy plantatorlar ko'p miqdordagi jamoat yerlarini sotib oldilar va ko'proq paxta etishtirdilar. Paxtaning narxi Jeksonning ikkinchi muddati davomida doimiy ravishda pasayib ketdi. 1836 yil oxirlarida Angliya Banki amerikalik paxta ishlab chiqaruvchilariga kredit berishni rad qila boshladi. Bank direktorlari foiz stavkalarini uchdan besh foizgacha oshirdilar va ular ilgari amerikalik import savdogarlariga bergan ba'zi ochiq savdo amaliyotlarini chekladilar. Direktorlar o'zlarining zaxira zaxiralari to'rt million funtga kamayganidan xavotirga tushishdi, ular buni Amerikaning qimmatli qog'ozlarini sotib olishda va Angliyani oziq-ovqat mahsulotlarining katta qismini import qilishga majbur qilgan kam hosil bilan ayblashdi (agar oziq-ovqat importi savdo defitsiti yaratgan bo'lsa, bu sabab bo'lishi mumkin turlar eksporti). Bir necha oy ichida paxta narxi to'liq pasayishga kirishdi.^{[316][317][318]}

1837 yil mart oyida Nyu-Orleandagi yirik paxta komissiyasi uyi bo'lgan Hermann, Briggs & Company bankrotligini e'lon qildi va Nyu-Yorkdagi brokerlik kompaniyasi J.L. & S. Joseph & Company ham xuddi shunday qilishga majbur qildi.^[319][320] May oyida Nyu-York banklari namunalarni to'lashni to'xtatib qo'yishdi, ya'ni ular kredit belgilarini to'liq nominal qiymatida qaytarishdan bosh tortishdi.^[321][322] Keyingi bir necha yil ichida ichki savdo pasayib ketdi, banklar, temir yo'l va sug'urta kompaniyalari aktsiyalarining narxi pasayib, ishsizlik ko'tarildi.^[323] Nizomga ega 729 bankning 194 tasi o'z eshiklarini yopdi.^[324] Kreditlar qurib qolgani sababli ishlab chiqarish tumanlarida minglab odamlar ishsiz qolishdi.^[325][326] Dehqonlar va dehqonlar narx deflyatsiyasi va qarzni to'lamaslik spiralidan aziyat chekdilar. 1842 yil yozida sakkiz shtat va Florida hududi o'z qarzlarini to'lamaganligi xalqaro investorlarning g'azabiga sabab bo'ldi.^[327]

Viglar va demokratlar inqirozda bir-birlarini ayblashdi. Whigs Jeksonning namunalariga hujum qildi va Bankni qayta to'ldirishni talab qildi. Demokratlar ushbu doiraviy hujjatni himoya qilishdi va vahima ochko'z chayqovchilarda. Jekson dumaloq zarurligini ta'kidladi, chunki erni qog'oz bilan sotib olishga ruxsat berish faqat chayqovchilarning ochko'zligini kuchaytiradi va shu bilan inqirozni yanada kuchaytiradi. Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, dumaloq haddan tashqari spekülasyonların oldini olish uchun zarur bo'lgan.^[328]

Meros

Bank urushi Qo'shma Shtatlardagi bank maqomidan ancha uzoqlashdi. Van Burenning 1837 yildagi vahima uchun echimi an yaratish edi Mustaqil xazina, bu erda davlat mablag'lari hukumat amaldorlari tomonidan banklarning yordamisiz boshqarilishi kerak edi.^[329] Viglar va konservativ demokratlar koalitsiyasi qonun loyihasini qabul qilishdan bosh tortdi. Faqatgina 1840 yilgacha Mustaqil G'aznachilik tizimi tasdiqlandi.^[330] Whig nomzodi qachon Uilyam Genri Xarrison yilda saylangan 1840, shuningdek, Kongressda ko'pchilikni tashkil qilgan viglar, yangi milliy bankni nizomga kiritishni niyat qilib, Mustaqil Xazinani bekor qilishdi. Biroq, Xarrison bir oygina lavozimda ishlagandan so'ng vafot etdi va uning o'rnini egallagan Jon Tayler, Bankni qayta tiklash bo'yicha ikkita qonun loyihasiga veto qo'ydi.^[331] Xalq depozit bank ishiga qaytdi.^[332] Mustaqil xazina 1846 yilda Polk prezidentligi davrida qayta tashkil etilgan.^[331] AQShgacha boshqa hech qachon boshqa markaziy bank tizimi bo'lmaydi Federal zaxira 1913 yilda tashkil etilgan.^[333]

Bank urushi bu sodir bo'lganidan ancha oldin ilmiy jamoatchilikda munozarali mavzu ekanligini isbotladi.^[333] O'tgan yillar davomida bir nechta tarixchilar Jeksonning Bankka qarshi urushini nihoyatda bayramona yoki juda tanqidiy deb isbotladilar. Biroq, ko'pchilik Bankning ta'sirini cheklash uchun uni islohotlar bilan to'ldirish uchun qandaydir murosaga kelish ideal bo'lar edi, degan fikrga qo'shilishadi.^{[334][335][336]}

1930-yillarda Jekson biograf Markis Jeyms Jeksonning Bankka qarshi urushini oddiy odamlarning ochko'z va buzuq ishbilarmonlarga qarshi g'alabasi sifatida eslaydi. Artur M. Shlezinger kichik., kim yozgan Jeksonning yoshi (1945), xuddi shunday mavzuni qabul qilib, Jekson demokratiyasini nishonlaydi va uni Sharq ishchilarining g'alabasi sifatida namoyish etadi. Shlezinger Jeksonning iqtisodiy dasturini ilg'or kashshof sifatida tasvirlaydi Yangi bitim ostida Franklin D. Ruzvelt.^[333] Robert V. Remini Bank "siyosatda ishlatadigan juda katta kuchga ega edi. Bu juda ko'p pulga ega edi, chunki u odamlarni buzish uchun ishlatar edi. Shuning uchun Jekson bundan qutulish kerakligini his qildi. Afsuski, chunki biz milliy bank kerak, ammo bu nazoratni talab qiladi. " U Bankning qulashi 1837 yildagi vahima uchun javobgar bo'lgan degan fikrni rad etadi, uni "butun dunyo bo'ylab iqtisodiy kollaps" deb ta'riflaydi, ammo bu inqirozni "kuchaytirgan" bo'lishi mumkinligini tan oladi.^[334]

Richard Xofstadter Bank siyosatga aralashish uchun juda katta kuchga ega ekanligini qabul qiladi, ammo Jeksonni unga qarshi urush qilgani uchun g'azablantiradi. "Biddle's Bank-ni yo'q qilish bilan Jekson bu erda bo'lgan yagona samarali cheklovni olib tashlagan edi yirtqichlar ... u demokratik hukumat uchun yuzaga kelishi mumkin bo'lgan tahdidni bo'g'ib o'ldirgan edi, ammo bu juda katta xarajatlarga olib keldi. U Biddlni bitta depressiyani vujudga keltirdi, uy hayvonlari banklari esa ikkinchisini og'irlashtirdi, va u xalqni valyuta va kredit tizimiga meros qoldirgandan ko'ra etarli darajada qoldirdi. "Xofstadter Shlezingerning Jeksonning dasturi bu degan fikrini tanqid qilmoqda. Yangi bitim uchun kashshof, ikkalasi bir-biridan ajralib turishini ta'kidlab, chunki Jekson hukumatning moliya va infratuzilmada kamroq ishtirok etishini, Ruzvelt esa ko'proq narsani xohlagan.^[335] Hammond, uning ichida Amerikadagi inqilobdan ichki urushgacha bo'lgan banklar va siyosat, Shlezingerning tanqidini yangilaydi. U Bank va Biddlning xatti-harakatlarini maqtaydi va Jeksonning unga qarshi olib borgan urushi 1913 yilda Federal zaxira tashkil etilgunga qadar bartaraf etilmaydigan iqtisodiy beqarorlikning davriyligini vujudga keltirdi deb da'vo qilmoqda. Jon Meacham, 2008 yil Jeksonning tarjimai holida, Bankni yo'q qilish mamlakat manfaatlariga zid bo'lgan degan xulosaga keladi.^[333]

Daniel Uoker Xou Jeksonning qattiq pul siyosatini tanqid qiladi va uning Bankka qarshi urushi uning tarafdorlarining aksariyatini tashkil etgan oddiy odamlarga "hech qanday foyda keltirmagan". Oxir oqibat, uning fikriga ko'ra, hukumat milliy bankning barqarorlashtiruvchi ta'siridan mahrum bo'ldi va uning o'rniga inflyatsiya qog'oz valyutasi paydo bo'ldi. "Amerikaning muvaffaqiyatsizligi tufayli milliy bankning kelajagi kelishuv va hukumatning keng ko'lamli nazorati bilan hal qilinishi mumkin edi", deb yozadi Xou. "Jekson va Biddl ikkalasi ham mamlakat manfaati uchun juda kuchli edilar. Buyuk Bank urushi ikkala tomon ham yo'qotgan to'qnashuvga aylandi."^[336]

Adabiyotlar

Bibliografiya

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