Taddey Stivens - Thaddeus Stevens

Taddey Stivens
Stivens 1860-yillarda
A'zosi AQSh Vakillar palatasi dan Pensilvaniya
Ofisda 1859 yil 4 mart - 1868 yil 11 avgust
Oldingi	Entoni Roberts
Muvaffaqiyatli	Oliver Dikki
Saylov okrugi	9-tuman
Ofisda 1849 yil 4 mart - 1853 yil 3 mart
Oldingi	Jon Strohm
Muvaffaqiyatli	Genri A. Muhlenberg
Saylov okrugi	8-tuman
Raisi Uylarni ajratish bo'yicha qo'mita
Ofisda 1865 yil 11 dekabr - 1868 yil 11 avgust
Oldingi	Lavozim belgilandi
Muvaffaqiyatli	Elihu B. Washburne
Raisi Uy usullari va vositalari bo'yicha qo'mita
Ofisda 1861 yil 4 mart - 1865 yil 3 mart
Oldingi	Jon Sherman
Muvaffaqiyatli	Jastin Smit Morril
Shaxsiy ma'lumotlar
Tug'ilgan	(1792-04-04)1792 yil 4-aprel Danville, Vermont, BIZ.
O'ldi	1868 yil 11-avgust(1868-08-11) (76 yosh) Vashington, Kolumbiya, BIZ.
Dam olish joyi	Shrayner-Konkord qabristoni, Lankaster, Pensilvaniya, BIZ.
Siyosiy partiya	Federalist (1828 yilgacha) Masonlarga qarshi (1828–1838) Whig (1838–1853) Hech narsani bilmang (1853–1855) Respublika (1855–1868)
Ichki sherik	Lidiya Xemilton Smit (1848–1868; uning vafoti)
Ta'lim	Dartmut kolleji
Olma mater	Vermont universiteti
Kasb	Yurist
Imzo
Taxallus (lar)	Thad "Qadimgi oddiy odam" "Buyuk oddiy odam"

Taddey Stivens (1792 yil 4 aprel - 1868 yil 11 avgust) ning a'zosi edi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Vakillar palatasi Pensilvaniya shtatidan. U etakchilaridan biri edi Radikal respublikachi ning fraktsiyasi Respublika partiyasi 1860 yillar davomida. Qullik va kamsitilishning ashaddiy raqibi Afroamerikaliklar, Stivens davomida o'z huquqlarini ta'minlashga intildi Qayta qurish, AQSh prezidentiga qarshi oppozitsiyani boshqaradi Endryu Jonson. Raisi sifatida Uy usullari va vositalari bo'yicha qo'mita davomida Amerika fuqarolar urushi, u etakchi rol o'ynadi, diqqatini Konfederatsiyani mag'lub etishga, urushni yangi soliqlar va qarzlar bilan moliyalashtirishga, qul egalarining kuchini tor-mor qilishga, qullikni tugatishga va erkinlar uchun teng huquqlarni ta'minlashga qaratdi.

Stivens Vermont qishloqida, qashshoqlikda va a klub oyog'i, uni doimiy ravishda tark etdi sust. U yoshligida Pensilvaniyaga ko'chib o'tdi va tezda muvaffaqiyatli advokat bo'ldi Gettisburg, Pensilvaniya. U o'zini munitsipal ishlarga, so'ngra siyosatga qiziqtirgan. U saylangan Pensilvaniya Vakillar palatasi, u erda u bepul xalq ta'limi uchun kuchli advokat bo'ldi. 1842 yildagi moliyaviy muvaffaqiyatsizliklar uning uyini va amaliyotini katta shaharga ko'chirishga olib keldi Lankaster, Pensilvaniya. U erda u qo'shildi Whig partiyasi Va 1848 yilda Kongressga saylangan. Uning qullikka qarshi bo'lgan advokat va siyosatchi sifatida faoliyati unga ovoz berdi va 1852 yilda qayta saylanishga intilmadi. Hech narsa bilmaydigan partiya, Stivens yangi tashkil etilgan Respublikachilar partiyasiga qo'shildi va 1858 yilda yana Kongressga saylandi. U erda Massachusets shtatidagi senator singari radikallar bilan Charlz Sumner, u urush kelishi bilan janubga qullik va imtiyozlarning kengayishiga qarshi chiqdi.

Stivens qullik urushdan omon qolmasligi kerak deb ta'kidladi; u AQSh prezidentining sustligidan xafa bo'ldi Avraam Linkoln uning mavqeini qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun. U yo'llar va vositalar raisi sifatida hukumat tomonidan moliyaviy qonunchilikni palata orqali boshqargan. Urush Shimoliy g'alabaga qarab davom etar ekan, Stivens nafaqat qullikni bekor qilish kerak, balki afroamerikaliklarga janubning kelajagi uchun ulush berilishi kerak, deb ekinchilarning erlaridan ozod qilinuvchilarga tarqatib yuborish kerak (qarang). 40 sotix va xachir ). Uning rejalari mo''tadil respublikachilar uchun haddan tashqari oshib ketdi va amalga oshmadi.

Keyin Avraam Linkolnning o'ldirilishi 1865 yil aprel oyida Stivens yangi prezident Jonson bilan ziddiyatga kirishdi, u ajralib chiqqan davlatlarni erkinlar uchun kafolatsiz tezda tiklashga intildi. Ko'rinishdagi farq Jonson va Kongress o'rtasida davom etgan jangni keltirib chiqardi, Stivens esa Radikal respublikachilarga etakchilik qildi. 1866 yilgi saylovlardagi yutuqlardan so'ng radikallar qayta qurish boshqaruvini Jonsondan tortib oldilar. Stivensning so'nggi buyuk jangi Uyda xavfsizlikni ta'minlash edi Jonsonga qarshi impichment moddalari Garchi Senat Prezidentni hukm qilmagan bo'lsa ham. Tarixiy 20-asrning boshlarida Stivensning beparvo va oq Janubga nafratidan kelib chiqqan deb qarashidan, Stivenning qarashlari keskin o'zgarib bordi. neoabalitsionistlar 1950 yillar va undan keyin kim uni uni olqishladi tenglikka sodiqlik.

Dastlabki hayot va ta'lim

Stivens tug'ilgan Danville, Vermont, 1792 yil 4-aprelda. U to'rt farzandning ikkinchisi edi, hamma o'g'il bolalar va bu sharafga nom berishdi Polsha Amerika inqilobida xizmat qilgan general, Thaddeus Kociuszko. Uning ota-onasi 1786 yil atrofida Massachusetsdan hijrat qilgan baptistlar edi. Taddey tug'ilgan klub oyog'i o'sha paytda, bu ota-onalarning yashirin gunohi uchun Xudo tomonidan chiqarilgan hukm sifatida ko'rilgan. Uning akasi ham ikki oyog'ida bir xil holatda tug'ilgan. O'g'il bolalarning otasi Joshua Stivens fermer va poyabzal bilan shug'ullangan, Vermontda pul topishga qiynalgan. Yana ikkita o'g'ilni (nogiron holda tug'ilgan) otadan keyin Joshua bolalarini va uning rafiqasi Sorani (Morril ismli ayol) tashlab ketdi. Uning ketish holatlari va keyingi taqdiri noaniq; u o'lgan bo'lishi mumkin Oswego jangi davomida 1812 yilgi urush.^[1]

Sara Stivens o'g'illarining yordami ortib, fermadan pul topishga qiynaldi.^[2] U o'g'illari o'zlarini yaxshilashga qaror qildilar va 1807 yilda oilani qo'shni shaharga ko'chirishdi Peacham, Vermont, u Kaladoniya Grammatika maktabiga (ko'pincha Peacham akademiyasi deb nomlangan) yosh Taddeyni yozgan. U nogironligi uchun sinfdoshlarining haqoratlaridan ko'p azob chekdi. Keyinchalik, u erda u "qasddan, qattiqqo'llik bilan" "ta'limni ta'minlash uchun juda katta ishtiyoq bilan" tasvirlangan.^[3]

Bitirgandan so'ng, u ro'yxatdan o'tdi Vermont universiteti ammo federal hukumat tomonidan kampus binolarini o'zlashtirganligi sababli o'qishni to'xtatdi 1812 yilgi urush.^[4] Keyin Stivens ro'yxatdan o'tdi ikkinchi kurs sinf Dartmut kolleji yilda Hannover, Nyu-Xempshir. Dartmutda, akademik martabasiga qaramay, u saylanmagan Phi Beta Kappa; Xabarlarga ko'ra, bu uning uchun dahshatli voqea bo'lgan.^[5][6]

Stivens 1814 yilda Dartmutni tugatgan va ma'ruzachi sifatida tanlangan boshlanish marosimi. Keyinchalik u Peachamga qaytib keldi va u erda qisqacha dars berdi. Stivens ham boshladi huquqni o'rganish bilan Jon Mettoks. 1815 yil boshida do'stingiz bilan yozishmalar Samuel Merrill, ko'chib o'tgan boshqa bir Vermonter York, Pensilvaniya ning pretseptoriga aylanish York akademiyasi, Stivensning akademiya fakultetiga qo'shilish taklifiga sabab bo'ldi. U Yorkka dars berish uchun ko'chib o'tdi va Devid Kossettning idoralarida huquqshunoslikni davom ettirdi.^[7]

Pensilvaniya shtatidagi advokat va siyosatchi

Gettisburg advokati

Pensilvaniyada Stivens maktabda dars bergan York akademiyasi va barda o'qishni davom ettirdi.^[8] Mahalliy huquqshunoslar "qabulga tayyorgarlik paytida boshqa kasb-hunarga ergashganlar" ga a'zo bo'lish taqiqlangan qaror qabul qildilar,^[9] ehtimol Stivensga qaratilgan cheklov. Ma'lum bo'lishicha, u qo'rqmasdan (u tez-tez aytib bergan bir hikoyaga ko'ra) o'zini va to'rtta shishasini taqdim etgan Madeira sharob yaqin atrofdagi imtihon kengashiga Harford okrugi, Merilend, va ozgina savollar berildi, lekin ko'p sharob ichildi. U ketdi Bel Air ertasi kuni unga ruxsat beruvchi sertifikat bilan o'zaro bog'liqlik, har qanday joyda advokatlik bilan shug'ullanish. Keyin Stivens bordi Gettisburg, joy Adams okrugi,^[8][10] u erda 1816 yil sentyabr oyida ofis ochdi.^[11]

Stivens Gettisburgda hech kimni bilmas edi va dastlab advokat sifatida unchalik muvaffaqiyatga erishmagan. Uning yutug'i, 1817 yil o'rtalarida, qarz uchun qamoqqa olingan dehqon, keyinchalik ulardan birini o'ldirgan edi. konstables kim uni hibsga olgan. Uning himoyasi muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lsa-da, mahalliy xalqni hayratda qoldirdi va bundan keyin u hech qachon biznes bilan shug'ullanmadi.^[11] O'zining yuridik kariyerasida, u keyinchalik uni siyosatchi sifatida ko'rsatadigan kinoyaga moyilligini namoyish etdi, bir marta uni o'zini namoyon qilganlikda ayblagan sudyaga aytdi sudni hurmatsizlik, "Janob, men buni yashirish uchun qo'limdan kelganini qilaman".^[12]

1868 yilda vafotidan keyin Stivensni yodga olganlarning ko'pi uning advokatlik qobiliyatiga rozi bo'lishdi. U erishish uchun dastlabki o'nta ishda qatnashgan Pensilvaniya Oliy sudi U amaliyotni boshlaganidan keyin Adams okrugidan to'qqiztasida g'olib chiqdi. Keyinchalik u g'alaba qozona olmaganligini orzu qildi Butler v Delaplaynga qarshi, unda u qulni egasi nomidan muvaffaqiyatli qaytarib oldi.^[13]

Gettisburgda Stivens ham siyosat bilan shug'ullanishni boshladi, olti yil davomida olti yil xizmat qildi tuman 1822 yildan 1831 yilgacha bo'lgan kengash va uning prezidenti bo'lish.^[14] U o'z amaliyotidan olingan foydani olib, Gettysburg ko'chmas mulkiga sarmoya kiritdi va 1825 yilga kelib jamiyatdagi eng yirik er egasiga aylandi va bir nechta narsalarga qiziqdi. temir pechlari shahar tashqarisida.^[13] Aktivlardan tashqari u dushmanlarni ham qo'lga kiritdi; Gettisburgda homilador qora tanli ayol vafot etganidan so'ng, Stivens aybdor ekanligiga ishora qilib, gazetalarga noma'lum xat yozuvchilar bo'lgan. Mish-mishlar uni ko'p yillar davomida itga bog'lab qo'ydi;^[15] 1831 yilda Stivensga qarshi chiqqan bir gazeta uni qotil deb nomlagan xatni bosganida, u tuhmat uchun muvaffaqiyatli sudga murojaat qildi.^[16]

Masonlikka qarshi

Stivensning birinchi siyosiy sababi shu edi Masonlikka qarshi, 1826 yilda g'oyib bo'lganidan va vafotidan keyin keng tarqaldi Uilyam Morgan, a Meyson yilda Nyu-York shtatining tepasida; uning masjidlari Morganning qotillari deb taxmin qilingan, chunki ular uning buyruqning maxfiy marosimlarini ochib beradigan kitob nashr etishidan norozi bo'lishgan. Prezidentga qarshi bo'lgan asosiy nomzoddan beri Jon Kvinsi Adams general edi Endryu Jekson Buyurtmaning muxoliflarini masxara qilgan mason, Masonga qarshi kurash Jeksonga va unga qarshi chiqish bilan chambarchas bog'liq edi. Jekson demokratiyasi 1828 yilda prezident etib saylanganidan keyin siyosat.^[17]

Jeksonning tarafdorlari qadimgi odamlar edi Demokratik-respublika partiyasi va oxir-oqibat Demokratlar. Stivensga boshqa advokat (va bo'lajak prezident) aytgan Jeyms Byukenen agar u ularga qo'shilsa, siyosiy jihatdan oldinga siljishi mumkin, ammo Stivens printsipial ravishda Jeksonni qo'llab-quvvatlay olmaydi.^[18] Stivens uchun Masonga qarshi kurash Jeksonga qarshi turish vositalaridan biriga aylandi; masonlar "nogironlar" ga qo'shilishni taqiqlagani uchun uning shaxsiy sabablari ham bo'lishi mumkin edi. Stivens masonizmga ishtiyoq bilan bordi va ko'pchilik pensilvaniyaliklar sababni bekor qilganlaridan keyin unga sodiq qoldi. Uning tarjimai holi Xans Trefuzning ta'kidlashicha, Stivensning zaharlanishining yana bir sababi 1820-yillarning oxirlarida uning sochiga tushgan kasallik xuruji (u keyinchalik pariklar kiygan, ko'pincha yarashmagan) va «unga yoqimsiz kasallik sabab bo'lishi mumkin masonlarga nisbatan asossiz fanatizm. "^[19]

1829 yilga kelib, Masonga qarshi kurash siyosiy partiyaga aylandi Masonlarga qarshi partiya, bu markaziy Pensilvaniya shtatida mashhur bo'lgan. Stivens tez orada 1830 va 1831 yillarda partiyaning dastlabki ikkita milliy anjumanlarida qatnashib, harakatlarda taniqli bo'ldi. Ikkinchisida u Oliy sud sudyasi nomzodini ilgari surdi. Jon Maklin partiyaning prezidentlikka nomzodi sifatida, ammo nomzod sobiq Bosh prokurorga tushganligi sababli behuda Uilyam Virt. Jekson osongina qayta saylandi; mag'lubiyat mag'lubiyati (Wirt faqat Vermontda g'olib bo'ldi) partiyaning ko'p joylarida g'oyib bo'lishiga olib keldi, garchi u Pensilvaniyada bir necha yil davomida kuchli bo'lib qoldi.^[20][21]

1833 yil sentyabr oyida Stivens Pensilvaniya Vakillar Palatasida antideyson sifatida bir yillik muddatga va bir marta poytaxtda saylandi. Harrisburg masonlikni tergov qilish uchun organni qo'mita tashkil etishiga intildi. Stivens Pensilvaniya shtatidan tashqarida masonlikga qarshi notiqligi bilan e'tibor qozondi va tezda qonunchilik manevralari bo'yicha mutaxassisga aylandi. 1835 yilda Demokratlar o'rtasida bo'linish Antisasonlar ustidan nazorat o'rnatdi Pensilvaniya Bosh assambleyasi, qonun chiqaruvchi organ. Berilgan chaqiruv vakolatlari, Stivens masonlar bo'lgan etakchi davlat siyosatchilarini, shu jumladan gubernatorni chaqirdi Jorj Volf. Guvohlar ularning Beshinchi tuzatish huquqidan foydalanganlar o'zini ayblashga qarshi va Stivens ulardan birini og'zaki ravishda haqorat qilganida, bu o'z partiyasining tergovni tugatishiga sabab bo'lgan teskari reaktsiyani keltirib chiqardi. Frakalar 1836 yilda Stivensni qayta tanlab olish uchun sarflangan va Masonga qarshi masala Pensilvaniyada vafot etgan. Shunga qaramay, Stivens butun umri davomida buyurtmaning raqibi bo'lib qoldi.^[22][23]

Ta'lim uchun salibchilar

Gettisburgdagi dastlabki yillaridan boshlab Stivens umumta'lim ta'limini rivojlantirdi. O'sha paytda Yangi Angliyadan tashqarida hech bir shtat hamma uchun bepul xalq ta'limi bo'lmagan. Pensilvaniyada bepul ta'lim mavjud edi Filadelfiya, lekin shtatning boshqa joylarida o'z farzandlarini o'qimasdan o'qitishni istaganlar qasam ichishlari kerak edi faqirning qasamyodi. Stivens o'zining keng shaxsiy kutubxonasini jamoatchilikka ochdi va uning xizmatiga ishonib, tuman kengashiga raislik qilishdan voz kechdi maktab kengashi muhimroq.^[24] 1825 yilda u Adams okrugi saylovchilari tomonidan Gettysburg akademiyasining ishonchli vakili sifatida saylandi. Maktab muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchraganida, Stivens oldi okrug saylovchilar uni qarzini to'lashga rozilik berib, uni lyuteran seminariyasi sifatida sotishga imkon beradi. Unga 1831 yilda Pensilvaniya kolleji sifatida kollej darajalarini berish huquqi berildi va 1921 yilda bo'ldi Gettysburg kolleji. Stivens bino qurish mumkin bo'lgan va ko'p yillar davomida ishonchli shaxs sifatida xizmat qiladigan maktabga er berdi.^[25][26][27]

Stivens portreti Jeykob Eyxolts endi Gettysburg kollejiga tegishli

1834 yil aprelda Stivens gubernator Volf bilan ish olib borib, shtat bo'ylab tumanlarga davlat maktablari bo'lishi yoki ular uchun to'laydigan soliqlar to'g'risida ovoz berishga ruxsat berish to'g'risidagi qonun chiqaruvchini qabul qildi. Gettisburg okrugi ovoz berib ovoz berdi va Stivensni maktab direktori etib sayladi, u 1839 yilgacha u erda ishladi. O'n minglab saylovchilar bu qarorni bekor qilishni talab qilib, imzo chekdilar. Natijada osongina qabul qilingan bekor qilingan qonun loyihasi paydo bo'ldi Pensilvaniya Senati. Qonun loyihasi palatada ham qabul qilinadi va Stivensning qarshiliklariga qaramay qabul qilinadi degan fikr keng tarqalgan edi. U 1835 yil 11-aprelda so'zga chiqqach, u yangi ta'lim tizimini himoya qilib, bu pulni tejashga yordam berishini ta'kidladi va qanday qilib buni namoyish etdi. U muxoliflar kambag'allarni o'zlaridan ko'ra quyi tabaqaga ajratmoqchi ekanliklarini aytdi va boylarni ochko'zlikda va kambag'allarga hamdard bo'lmaslikda aybladi. Stivens: "O'zingizning yodgorliklaringizni guruch yoki marmardan qurmang, balki ularni doimo yashaydigan aqlga aylantiring!"^[28][29] Bekor qilish to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi mag'lub bo'ldi; Stivensga keng kredit berildi. Trefuz g’alaba Stivensning notiqligi tufayli emas, balki uning gubernator Volf bilan birgalikda ta’siri tufayli sodir bo’lgan deb taxmin qildi.^[30]

Siyosiy o'zgarishlar; Lankasterga ko'chib o'tish

1838 yilda Stivens yana qonun chiqaruvchi organga saylandi. Agar u qolgan anti-masonlar va paydo bo'layotgan Whig partiyasi ko'pchilikni qo'lga kiritsa, u unga saylanishi mumkinligiga umid qildi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Senati, uning a'zolari 1913 yilgacha shtat qonun chiqaruvchilari tomonidan tanlangan. Hatto zamon me'yorlariga ko'ra harom bo'lgan kampaniya boshlandi. Natijada Demokrat gubernator etib saylandi, shtat Senati va shtat uyining Vig nazorati ustidan bahs bo'lib, Filadelfiyadagi bir qancha o'rinlar bilan bahslashdi, garchi Stivens Adams okrugida o'z o'rnini egallagan bo'lsa. Stivens Filadelfiya demokratlarini chetlatishga intildi, bu esa spikerni va o'zini senator etib saylashi mumkin bo'lgan Whig ko'pchiligini yaratadi. Garrisburgdagi g'alayonlar o'rtasida - keyinchalik "Buckhot urushi "- Stivensning hiyla-nayranglari teskari chiqdi, chunki Demokratlar uyni boshqarishni o'z zimmalariga olishdi. Stivens ko'p yillar davomida 1842 yilgacha qonun chiqaruvchi hokimiyatda qoldi, ammo epizod unga siyosiy ta'sirining katta qismini yo'qotdi, chunki viglar uni buzilganlikda ayblashdi va tobora ko'proq berishni xohlamaydilar. hali o'z partiyasiga qo'shilmagan odamga rahbarlik qilish, ammo u biznes va taraqqiyotni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi Whig pozitsiyalarini qo'llab-quvvatladi.^[31] U 1840 yilgi prezidentlik saylovlarida Whig nomzodi uchun targ'ibot ishlarini olib borgan, sobiq general Uilyam Genri Xarrison. Keyinchalik Stivens Garrison unga saylangan taqdirda vazirlar mahkamasi lavozimini egallashga va'da bergan deb da'vo qilgan bo'lsa-da, u hech kimni qabul qilmadi va Harrison bir oylik lavozimida vafot etgach, uning o'rnini egallashi uchun har qanday ta'sir tugadi. Jon Tayler, Stivensning qullikka qarshi pozitsiyasiga dushman bo'lgan janublik.^[31][32]

Garchi Stivens Gettisburgda eng muvaffaqiyatli yurist bo'lgan bo'lsa-da, u o'zining biznes manfaatlari tufayli qarzni hisoblab chiqqan. Bankrotlik to'g'risidagi qonunlardan foydalanishdan bosh tortgan holda, u o'z majburiyatlarini to'lash uchun pul topish uchun katta munitsipalitetga ko'chib o'tishi kerakligini his qildi. 1842 yilda Stivens o'z uyini va amaliyotini shaharga ko'chirdi Lankaster. U bilar edi Lankaster okrugi Masonlarga qarshi va Whigga qarshi tayanch bo'lib, uning siyosiy asosini saqlab qolishini ta'minladi. Qisqa vaqt ichida u boshqa Lancaster advokatlaridan ko'proq pul ishladi; 1848 yilga kelib u qarzlarini 30 000 AQSh dollarigacha qisqartirgan va ko'p o'tmay ularni to'lagan. Lancasterda u xizmat ko'rsatgan Lidiya Xemilton Smit, irqiy makiyaji tasvirlangan uy bekasi mulat va kim hayotining qolgan qismida u bilan qoldi.^[33]

Abolitsionist va urushgacha kongressmen

Ko'rinishlar evolyutsiyasi

1830-yillarda qullikni zudlik bilan yo'q qilishga intilganlar kam edi. The bekor qilish harakati yosh edi va yaqinda kabi raqamlarga ega edi Uilyam Lloyd Garrison kurashda olingan.^[34] Stivensning qullikni sabab sifatida qabul qilishining sababi uning yaqinda yozilgan biograflari orasida tortishuvlarga sabab bo'lgan. 1942 yilda Richard Current, buni ambitsiyadan tashqarida deb taxmin qildi; Fon Brodi, uning Stivensning 1959 yilgi munozarali psixobiografiyasida, bu uning nogironligi asosida, xafa bo'lganlar bilan identifikatsiyadan tashqarida ekanligini taxmin qildi.^[35] Trefuz, 1997 yildagi ishida, shuningdek, Stivensning xor bo'lganlarga nisbatan his-tuyg'ulari, bu uchun pushaymonlik bilan birlashtirilgan omil deb taxmin qilgan. Butler Holbuki, bu ambitsiya katta turtki bo'lishi mumkin emas edi, chunki Stivelning qullikka qarshi kurashishdagi ishtiyoqi uning kariyerasini to'xtatdi.^[36]

Stivensning Pensilvaniya shtatidagi Lancaster, Queen Street-dagi uyi

Da 1837 yil Pensilvaniya konstitutsiyaviy konvensiyasi, Delegat bo'lgan Stivens qarshi kurashgan huquqdan mahrum etish afroamerikaliklar (qarang Pensilvaniya shtatidagi qora saylov huquqi ).^[37] Tarixchining fikriga ko'ra Erik Foner, "Stivens 1837 yilgi konstitutsiyani ovoz berish qoidasi tufayli imzolashdan bosh tortganida, u umrining qolgan qismida amal qiladigan Amerika fuqaroligini irqiy bo'lmagan ta'rifiga sodiqligini e'lon qildi."^[38] U Lancasterga ko'chib o'tgandan so'ng, bu shaharchadan unchalik uzoq bo'lmagan shahar Meyson - Dikson chizig'i, u faol bo'ldi Yer osti temir yo'li, nafaqat qochoq qullarga ishongan odamlarni himoya qilish, balki ozodlikka intilayotganlarning harakatlarini muvofiqlashtirish.^[39] 2003 yilda uning Lankasterdagi sobiq uyida olib borilgan ta'mirlash ishlari natijasida yashirin tunnel bilan asosiy binoga bog'langan yashirin sardoba borligi va u erda qochib ketgan qullar yashiringanligi aniqlandi.^[40][41]

Stivens, avj olguncha Amerika fuqarolar urushi, qullikning yo'q qilinishini qo'llab-quvvatlaganligi va uning kengayishiga qarshi bo'lganligi to'g'risida jamoatchilik pozitsiyasini oldi. Shunga qaramay, u Konstitutsiya ularning ichki ishlarini tashqi aralashuvdan himoya qilganligi sababli, u mavjud bo'lgan davlatlarda uni bezovta qilmoqchi emas edi.^[34] Shuningdek, u Whig-ning prezidentlikka nomzodlarini qullashtirishni qo'llab-quvvatladi: Genri Kley 1844 yilda^[42] va Zakari Teylor 1848 yilda.^[43]

Kongressdagi birinchi vakolat

1848 yilda Stivens Kongressga saylanish uchun nomzodini qo'ydi Pensilvaniya shtatining 8-kongress okrugi. Vig qurultoyida unga qarshi bo'lganlar. Ba'zi delegatlar, Stivens partiyaga qo'shilishga kechikkanligi sababli, u nomzodni qabul qilmasligi kerak deb o'ylashdi; boshqalarga uning qullikka bo'lgan munosabati yoqmadi. U nomzodlikni ozgina yutdi. Viglar uchun kuchli bo'lgan yili Teylor prezident etib saylandi va Stivens Kongressga saylandi.^[44]

Qachon 31-Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Kongressi 1849 yil dekabrda chaqirilgan Stivens boshqa yangi saylangan qullik muxoliflariga qo'shilib o'z o'rnini egalladi Salmon P. Chase. Stivens qarshi chiqqan 1850 yilgi murosaga kelish, Kentukki senatori tomonidan tayyorlangan Genri Kley, bu Shimoliyga ham, Janubga ham g'alaba keltirdi, ammo ba'zilariga imkon beradi Qo'shma Shtatlar hududlari yaqinda Meksikadan qullik davlatlariga aylandi.^[46] Bahslar davom etar ekan, iyun oyida u shunday degan edi: "Inson huquqlari va konstitutsiyaviy huquqlarga nisbatan bu so'z" murosaga keladi ".^[47] Shunga qaramay, murosaga kelgan qonun hujjatlari qabul qilindi, shu jumladan Qochqin qullar to'g'risidagi qonun 1850 y, bu Stivens ayniqsa tajovuzkor deb topdi.^[48] Ko'pgina amerikaliklar murosaga kelishgan holda tinchlik keltiradi deb umid qilishgan bo'lsa-da, Stivens bu "kelajakdagi isyon, bo'linish va fuqarolar urushining samarali onasi" bo'lishini ogohlantirdi.^[49]

Stivens osonlikcha nomini qaytarib oldi va 1850 yilda qayta saylandi, garchi uning pozitsiyasi unga murosa tarafdorlari orasida muammo tug'dirgan bo'lsa ham.^[50] 1851 yilda Stivens Filadelfiyadagi federal sudda 38 afro-amerikalik va yana uch kishi ustidan xiyonat ayblovi bilan sud muhokamasida himoyachilardan biri bo'lgan. Ayblanuvchilar, deb nomlangan narsaga aloqador bo'lgan Kristiana Riot, Qochqin qullar to'g'risidagi qonunni amalga oshirishga urinish qul egasini o'ldirishga olib keldi. adolat Robert Grier AQSh Oliy sudining tuman adolat, ishni ko'rib chiqdi va sudyalarga oqlashni buyurdi sudlanuvchilar qotillik yoki tartibsizliklarda aybdor bo'lishlari mumkinligiga qaramay, ular bu bilan ayblanmagan va xiyonat qilishda aybdor emaslar. Yaxshi e'lon qilingan voqea (va shunga o'xshash boshqa narsalar) qullik masalasida qutblanishni kuchaytirdi va Stivensni Shimoliy abolitsionizmning taniqli yuziga aylantirdi.^[50][51]

Ushbu tendentsiyaga qaramay, Stivens siyosiy muammolarga duch keldi. U 1851 yil dekabrida Uig kokusini tark etdi, qachonki uning hamkasblari murosaga kelgan elementlarning bekor qilinishini izlashda unga qo'shilmadilar, garchi u 1852 yilgi prezidentlikka nomzod generalni qo'llab-quvvatlamasa ham Uinfild Skott. Uning siyosiy qarama-qarshiligi va qullik va xoinlik sudida qatnashish haqidagi pozitsiyasini mahalliylarga yoqmasligi uni nomzodlikka erishishi ehtimoldan yiroq edi va u faqat o'z o'rnini egallashga intildi. Uning tanlovi Whig nominatsiyasi uchun mag'lub bo'ldi.^[52]

Hech narsa bilmaslik va respublikachilik

Ishdan tashqarida, Stivens shtatdagi etakchi advokatlardan biri bo'lib qolgan holda Lancasterdagi huquq amaliyotiga e'tibor qaratdi. U siyosatda faol bo'lib turdi va 1854 yilda qullikka qarshi harakatga ko'proq ovoz to'plash uchun u nativistga qo'shildi Hech narsani bilmang. A'zolar partiya muhokamalari haqida gapirmaslikka va'da berishdi (shuning uchun ular hech narsani bilishmasdi) va Stivens masonlar singari maxfiylik qoidalariga o'xshash guruhga a'zoligi uchun hujumga uchradi. 1855 yilda Stivens yangisiga qo'shildi Respublika partiyasi. Qullikka qarshi bo'lgan boshqa sobiq vigilar ham qo'shilishdi, shu jumladan Uilyam X.Syuard Nyu-Yorkdan, Charlz E. Sumner Massachusets shtati va Avraam Linkoln Illinoys shtati.^[53]

Stivens The delegat edi 1856 yilgi respublikachilarning milliy anjumani, u erda u 1832 yildagi kabi Adliya Maklinni qo'llab-quvvatladi. Biroq konventsiya nomzodini ilgari surdi Jon C. Front Stivens uning hamkasbi Lancastrian, Demokratlar partiyasidan nomzod Jeyms Byukenenga qarshi kurashda faol qo'llab-quvvatlagan. Shunga qaramay, Pensilvaniya Byukenenni saylashga yordam berdi.^[54] Stivens huquq amaliyotiga qaytdi, ammo 1858 yilda Prezident va uning partiyasi mashhur bo'lmaganligi sababli va millat kabi tortishuvlarga duch keldi. Dred Skottning qarori, Stivens Kongressga qaytish imkoniyatini ko'rdi. Respublikachilar nomzodi sifatida u osonlikcha saylandi. Demokratik hujjatlar qo'rqib ketdi. Bir banner sarlavhasida "Niggerizm g'alaba qozondi" deb yozilgan.^[55]

1860 yilgi saylov; ajralib chiqish inqirozi

Stivens o'rindiqqa o'tirdi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining 36-kongressi 1859 yil dekabrda, osilganidan bir necha kun o'tgach Jon Braun, kim federal arsenalga hujum qilgan Harpers Ferry qullar qo'zg'oloniga sabab bo'lishiga umid qilish. Stivens o'sha paytda Braunning zo'ravonlik harakatlariga qarshi edi, ammo keyinchalik u ko'proq ma'qullandi. Sektsion ziddiyatlar uyga tarqaldi, bu esa a ni tanlay olmasligini isbotladi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari uyining spikeri sakkiz hafta davomida. Stivens ikkala tomondan ham invektivning achchiq oqimida faol edi; bir nuqtada, Missisipi Kongress a'zosi Uilyam Barksdeyl unga qon to'kilmagan bo'lsa ham, pichoq tortdi.^[56]

"Doktor Nort" (Stivens) konstitutsiyani o'zgartirish orqali janubning oyoqlarini kesib olishni taklif qilayotgani bilan 1860 va 1861 yillarda tuzilgan murosaga janubiy qarash. Stivens aslida bunday choralarga qarshi edi.

Demokratlar prezidentlikka yagona nomzod bo'yicha kelisha olmaganliklari sababli 1860 yilgi respublikachilarning milliy anjumani Chikagoda hal qiluvchi ahamiyatga ega bo'ldi, chunki nomzod prezident bo'lish uchun qulay vaziyatga ega bo'lar edi. Partiyaning Syuard va Linkoln kabi taniqli namoyandalari ushbu nomzodni izlashdi. Stivens 75 yoshli Adliya Maklinni qo'llab-quvvatlashda davom etdi. Ikkinchi ovoz berishdan boshlab, Pensilvaniyaning aksariyat delegatlari Linkolnni qo'llab-quvvatladilar va Illinoys shtatining nominatsiyasida g'olib chiqishga yordam berishdi. Demokratlar o'z okrugida hech qanday nomzod ko'rsatmagani sababli, Stivens uyga qayta saylanishiga ishonch hosil qildi va Pensilvaniya shtatidagi Linkoln uchun saylov kampaniyasini o'tkazdi. Linkoln Saylov kollejida ko'pchilik ovozni qo'lga kiritdi. The Saylangan prezident qullikning kengayishiga qarshi bo'lgan ma'lum qarshilik janubiy shtatlarda ajralib chiqish haqida zudlik bilan bahs-munozaralarni keltirib chiqardi, bu Stivens kampaniya davomida pastroq bo'lgan tahdid.^[57][58]

Kongress 1860 yil dekabrda yig'ilib, bir nechta janubiy shtatlar allaqachon ajralib chiqishga va'da bergan. Stivens janubiy janubliklarni tinchlantirishga qarshi harakatlarga qarshi tura olmadi, masalan Crittenden murosasi, bu qullikni konstitutsiyaviy tuzatishdan tashqarida deb hisoblashi mumkin edi.^[59] U shimoldan ham, janubdan ham iqtibos keltirgan so'zlarida, Linkolnning saylanishi sababli imtiyozlar berish o'rniga, "bu hukumat minglab atomlarga qulab tushishini" va Qo'shma Shtatlar kuchlari har qanday isyonni bostirishini aytdi.^[60] Stivensning noroziligiga qaramay, oqsoq o'rdak Byukenen ma'muriyati bo'linish ovozlariga javoban ozgina harakat qildi va bu janubdagi aksariyat federal resurslarning isyonchilar qo'liga o'tishiga imkon berdi. Ko'pchilik, hatto bekor qilish harakatida ham, shunday bo'lishiga va janubning o'z yo'lidan ketishiga mamnun edilar. Stivens bunga rozi bo'lmagan va Kongress a'zosi Linkolnning bayonotidan "shubhasiz mamnun edi" uning birinchi ochilish marosimi 1861 yil 4 martda u "Hukumatga tegishli mol-mulk va joylarni ushlab turishi, egallashi va egaligi" to'g'risida.^[61][62]

Amerika fuqarolar urushi

Qullik

1861 yil aprelda urush boshlanganda, Stivens Konfederatlar inqilobchilar edi, ularni kuch bilan tor-mor etish kerak edi. U, shuningdek, Konfederatsiya o'zini urush olib borib, AQSh Konstitutsiyasi himoyasi doirasidan tashqariga chiqardi va qayta tiklangan Qo'shma Shtatlarda qullikka joy bo'lmaydi deb ishongan. Spiker Galusha o'sadi, uning qarashlari uni Stiven bilan birga a'zolari orasida joylashtirdi Radikal respublikachilar (ularning qullikka bo'lgan pozitsiyasi uchun, aksincha konservativ yoki O'rtacha respublikachilar ), uni raisi etib tayinladi Uy usullari va vositalari bo'yicha qo'mita. Ushbu lavozim unga palataning kun tartibida kuch berdi.^[63]

1861 yil iyulda Stivens o'tishni ta'minladi harakat ba'zi isyonchilarning mol-mulkini, shu jumladan qullarini musodara qilish. 1861 yil noyabrda Stivens barcha qullarni ozod qilish to'g'risida qaror qabul qildi; u mag'lub bo'ldi.^[40] Biroq, qonunchilik qullikni bekor qilgan qarorni qabul qildi Kolumbiya okrugida va hududlarda. 1862 yil martga kelib, Stivensning g'azabiga binoan, Linkoln tomonidan ommaviy ravishda qo'llab-quvvatlangan bu asta-sekin ozod qilish edi Chegara davlatlari, federal hukumat tomonidan qoplanadigan ustalar bilan.^[65]

Stivens va boshqa radikallar Linkolnning o'zlarining ozodlik siyosatini qanchalik sekin qabul qilishidan xafa bo'lishdi; Brodining so'zlariga ko'ra, "Linkoln kamdan-kam hollarda Stivensning tezligiga mos kelardi, garchi ikkalasi ham bir xil yorqin ufqqa qarab yurishayotgan bo'lsa".^[66] 1862 yil aprelda Stivens do'stiga: "Kelajakdagi umidlarga kelsak, ular kambag'al, chunki Linkoln hech kim emas", deb yozgan.^[67] Radikallar bu masalani agressiv tarzda qo'zg'atdilar va Linkolnni fikr bildirishga undashdi: "Stivens, Sumner va [Massachusets shtatidan senator Genri] Uilson Ozodlik e'lon qilish uchun meni o'zlarining noyobliklari bilan ta'qib qilishadi. Qaerga borsam ham, qaysi tomonga burilmasam ham, ular mening dumimda va yuragimda, men hali [vaqtni chiqaradigan] soat hali kelmaganiga chuqur ishonaman ”.^[68] Prezident agar radikallar va ularning dushmanlari o'rtasidagi kelishmovchilik haqida gap ketsa, u Stivens va uning tarafdorlari tomonida bo'lishi kerakligini va ularni "dunyodagi beg'ubor shaytonlar" bilan "yuzlari bilan" kurashish uchun "deb bilishini ta'kidladi. ... Sionvardni o'rnating. "^[69] Linkoln o'zining e'lonini 1862 yil iyun va iyul oylarida tuzgan bo'lsa-da, bu sir uning kabinetida saqlanar edi va Prezident radikal iltimoslarni chetga surib, Ittifoq g'alaba qozonganidan keyin uni e'lon qildi. Antietam jangi sentyabrda. Stivens tezda qabul qildi Emansipatsiya to'g'risidagi e'lon muvaffaqiyatli qayta saylov kampaniyasida foydalanish uchun.^[70] Dekabr oyida Kongress qaytib kelganida, Stivens Linkolnning siyosatini tanqid qilib kelmoqda va ularni "ashaddiy zo'ravonliklar, jamiyatning qoralanishiga loyiq" deb atadi.^[71] Stivens umuman qarshi chiqdi Linkolnning ozod qilingan qullarni chet ellarda mustamlaka qilish rejalari Ba'zida u siyosiy sabablarga ko'ra emigratsiya takliflarini qo'llab-quvvatlagan.^[72] Stivens 1863 yil iyun oyida jiyaniga shunday yozgan edi: "Qullar qo'zg'olonga qo'zg'atilishi va isyonchilarga haqiqiy fuqarolar urushining ta'mini berishi kerak".^[73]

1863 yil o'rtalarida Konfederatsiyaning Shimolga bostirib kirishi paytida avjiga chiqdi Gettisburg jangi, Konfederatlar ikki marta Stivensga partiyalar yuborishdi Kaledoniya Forge. U erda operatsiyalar ustidan nazorat olib borgan Stivensni uning ishchilari irodasiga zid ravishda shoshiltirishdi. Umumiy Jubal erta Forjni talon-taroj qildi va buzdi, Stivensga taxminan 80000 dollar zarar etkazdi. Erta shimol janubiy raqamlarga nisbatan xuddi shunday qilganini va Stivens janubga nisbatan qasoskorligi bilan tanilganligini aytdi.^[75] Kongress a'zosini olib borganmisiz, degan savolga Libbi qamoqxonasi Richmondda, Erta Stivensni osib o'ldirgan bo'lardim, deb aytdi.^[76]

Stivens Kongressni qullikni bekor qiladigan konstitutsiyaviy tuzatish kiritishga undadi. Emansipatsiya to'g'risidagi e'lon urush davri chorasi bo'lib, barcha qullarga taalluqli bo'lmagan va tinchlik davri sudlari tomonidan bekor qilinishi mumkin edi; tuzatish qullikning oxiri bo'ladi.^[40] The O'n uchinchi tuzatish^[a] - jinoyatchilik uchun jazodan tashqari, qullik va majburiy qullikni harom qilgan - Senatdan osonlikcha o'tdi, ammo iyun oyida Palatada muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi; o'tib ketmasligi mumkin degan xavotir u erda qayta urinishni kechiktirdi.^[78] Linkoln 1864 yilda qayta saylanganidan keyin tuzatish uchun agressiv ravishda kampaniya olib bordi va Stivens o'zining dekabrini tasvirlab berdi Kongressga yillik xabar sifatida "so'nggi 60 yil ichida Kongressga etkazilgan eng muhim va eng yaxshi xabar yil ".^[79] Stivens 1865 yil 13-yanvarda tuzatish bo'yicha munozarani yopdi. Illinoys vakili Ishoq Arnold shunday deb yozgan edi: "taniqli askarlar va fuqarolar qirq yillik qullikka qarshi kurashni yakunlash uchun o'lchovli keksa odamning nutqini eshitish uchun barcha mavjud joylarni to'ldirishdi".^[80]

Tuzatish Linkolnning o'zi tomonidan qilingan og'ir bosimdan so'ng biroz o'tib ketdi va "siyosiy tayinlash takliflari bilan birga"Sovg'a qabulxonasi ". Pora berish to'g'risidagi da'volar demokratlar tomonidan qilingan;^[81][82] Stivens "o'n to'qqizinchi asrning eng katta o'lchovini Amerikadagi eng pok odam yordam bergan va unga yordam bergan korruptsiya yo'li bilan o'tdi" deb ta'kidladi.^[83] Tuzatish 1865 yil 18-dekabrda ratifikatsiya qilingan deb e'lon qilindi. Stivens qullikning rasmiy tugatilishidan tashqari, iqtisodiy adolatni ham o'z ichiga olgan keng sharhlashga intilishda davom etdi.^[84][85]

O'n uchinchi tuzatishni qabul qilganidan so'ng, Kongress ozodlarning iqtisodiy huquqlari to'g'risida bahslashdi. Stivens tomonidan chaqirilgan,^[51] avtorizatsiya qilish uchun ovoz berdi Qochqinlar, ozod etilganlar va tashlandiq erlar byurosi, maktablarni tashkil etish va musodara qilingan Konfederatsiya erlarini "qirq gektardan ortiq bo'lmagan" qismini ozod qilingan qullarning har bir oilasiga tarqatish (mablag 'bo'lmasa ham) vakolatiga ega.^[86]

Urushni moliyalashtirish

Stivens Linkoln ma'muriyati bilan urushni moliyalashtirish bo'yicha qonunchilik bo'yicha yaqindan hamkorlik qildi. U "Yo'llar va vositalar" raisi etib tayinlanganidan bir kun o'tgach, u urush krediti uchun hisob-kitob haqida xabar bergan edi. Linkoln askarlariga ish haqini to'lash to'g'risidagi qonunlar va tezda ma'muriyatga urushni ta'qib qilish uchun qarz olishga ruxsat berish to'g'risidagi qonunlar amal qildi. Ushbu harakatlar va boshqalarni Stivens uydan o'tkazgan. Ning kechiktirish taktikasini engish uchun Mis boshi uning raqiblari, u palatada yarim daqiqaga qadar munozara cheklovlarini o'rnatdi.^[87]

Stivensning o'tishida katta rol o'ynagan 1862 yildagi qonuniy tanlov to'g'risidagi qonun, qachon Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari birinchi marta oltin yoki kumush bilan emas, balki faqat o'z krediti bilan ta'minlangan valyutani chiqardi. Urushni moliyalashtirish uchun dastlabki majburiyatlar, masalan, urush zayomlari muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi, chunki urush qisqa bo'lmasligi aniq bo'ldi.^[88] 1863 yilda Stivens o'tishga yordam berdi Milliy bank to'g'risidagi qonun, bu banklar o'zlarining valyuta muomalalarini ularni ushlab turishlari kerak bo'lgan federal obligatsiyalar soniga cheklashlarini talab qildi. Tizim tomonidan almashtirilgunga qadar yarim asr davom etdi Federal zaxira tizimi 1913 yilda.^[89]

Garchi qonuniy tanlov to'g'risidagi qonunchilikda hukumat majburiyatlarini qog'oz pul bilan to'lashga ruxsat berilgan bo'lsa-da, Stivens Senatdan milliy qarz bo'yicha foizlar bilan to'lanishi kerakligi to'g'risida kelishuvga erisha olmadi. Yashillar.^[90] Qog'oz pullarning qiymati pasayganda, Stivens oltin chayqovchilarga qarshi kurash olib bordi va 1864 yil iyun oyida G'aznachilik kotibi bilan maslahatlashgandan so'ng Salmon P. Chase, Oltin Bill deb nomlangan narsani taklif qildi - bu brokerlar tomonidan sotilishini taqiqlash yoki kelajakda etkazib berish uchun oltin bozorini bekor qilish. Iyun oyida Kongressdan o'tdi; the chaos caused by the lack of an organized gold market caused the value of paper to drop even faster. Under heavy pressure from the business community, Congress repealed the bill on July 1, twelve days after its passage.^[91] Stevens was unrepentant even as the value of paper currency recovered in late 1864 amid the expectation of Union victory, proposing legislation to make paying a premium in greenbacks for an amount in gold coin a criminal offense. Bu o'tmadi.^[92]

Stevens, like most Pennsylvania politicians of both parties, was a major proponent of tariffs, which increased from 19% to 48% from fiscal 1861 to fiscal 1865.^[93][94] According to activist Ida Tarbell in "The Tariff in Our Times:" [Import] duties were never too high for [Stevens], particularly for iron, for he was a manufacturer and it was often said in Pennsylvania that the duties he advocated in no way represented the large iron interests of the state, but were hoisted to cover the needs of his own ... badly managed works."^[95]

Qayta qurish

Problem of reconstructing the South

As Congress debated how the U.S. would be organized after the war, the status of freed slaves and former Confederates remained undetermined.^[96][97] Stevens stated that what was needed was a "radical reorganization of southern institutions, habits, and manners".^[98] Stevens, Sumner and other radicals argued that the southern states should be treated like conquered provinces, without constitutional rights. Lincoln, on the contrary, said that only individuals, not states, had rebelled.^[99] In July 1864, Stevens pushed Lincoln to sign the Veyd-Devis Bill, which required at least half of prewar voters to sign an oath of loyalty for a state to gain readmission. Lincoln, who advocated his more lenient ten percent plan, veto qo'ydi u.^[100]

Stevens reluctantly voted for Lincoln at the convention of the Milliy ittifoq partiyasi, a coalition of Republicans and Urush demokratlari. He would have preferred to vote for the sitting vice president, Gannibal Xamlin, as Lincoln's running mate in 1864, but his delegation voted to cast the state's ballots for the administration's favored candidate, Military Governor of Tennessee Endryu Jonson, a War Democrat who had been a Tennessee senator and elected governor. Stevens was disgusted at Johnson's nomination, complaining, "can't you get a candidate for Vice-President without going down into a damned rebel province for one?"^[101] Stevens campaigned for the Lincoln–Johnson ticket; it was elected, as was Stevens for another term in the House.^[102] When in January 1865 Congress learned that Lincoln had attempted peace talks with Confederate leaders, an outraged Stevens declared that if the American electorate could vote again, they would elect General Benjamin Butler instead of Lincoln.^[103]

Prezidentni qayta qurish

Before leaving town after Congress adjourned in March 1865, Stevens privately urged Lincoln to press the South hard militarily, though the war was ending. Lincoln replied, "Stevens, this is a pretty big hog we are trying to catch and to hold when we catch him. We must take care that he does not slip away from us."^[104] Never to see Lincoln again, Stevens left with "a homely metaphor but no real certainty of having left as much as a thumbprint on Lincoln's policy".^[105] On the evening of April 14, 1865, Lincoln suiqasd qilingan Konfederatsiyaning xayrixohi Jon Uilks But. Stevens did not attend the ceremonies when Lincoln's funeral train stopped in Lancaster; he was said to be ill. Trefousse speculated he may avoided the rites for other reasons. According to Lincoln biographer Karl Sandburg, Stevens stood at a railroad bridge and lifted his hat.^[106]

In May 1865, Andrew Johnson began what came to be known as "Prezidentni qayta qurish ": recognizing a provisional government of Virginia led by Frensis Xarrison Perpont, calling for other former rebel states to organize constitutional conventions, declaring amnesty for many southerners, and issuing individual pardons to even more. Johnson did not push the states to protect the rights of freed slaves, and immediately began to counteract the land reform policies of the Freedmen's Bureau. These actions outraged Stevens and others who took his view. The radicals saw that freedmen in the South risked losing the economic and political liberty necessary to sustain emancipation from slavery. They began to call for erkaklarning umumiy saylov huquqi and continued their demands for land reform.^[107][108]

Stevens wrote to Johnson that his policies were gravely damaging the country and that he should call a special session of Congress, which was not scheduled to meet until December. When his communications were ignored, Stevens began to discuss with other radicals how to prevail over Johnson when the two houses convened. Congress has the constitutional power to be the judge of whether those seeking to be its members are properly elected; Stevens urged that no senators or representatives from the South be seated.^[109] He argued that the states should not be readmitted as thereafter Congress would lack the power to force race reform.^[110]

In September, Stevens gave a widely reprinted speech in Lancaster in which he set forth what he wanted for the South. He proposed that the government confiscate the estates of the largest 70,000 landholders there, those who owned more than 200 acres (81 ha). Much of this property he wanted distributed in plots of 40 acres (16 ha) to the freedmen; other lands would go to reward loyalists both North and South, or to meet government obligations. He warned that under the President's plan, the southern states would send rebels to Congress who would join with northern Democrats and Johnson to govern the nation and perhaps undo emancipation.^[111]

Through late 1865, the southern states held white-only balloting and in congressional elections, chose many former rebels, most prominently Confederate Vice President Aleksandr Stiven, voted as senator by the Gruziya qonunchilik palatasi. Violence against African-Americans was common and unpunished in the South; the new legislatures enacted Qora kodlar, depriving the freedmen of most civil rights. These actions, seen as provocative in the North, both privately dismayed Johnson and helped turn northern public opinion against the president.^[109] Stevens proclaimed that "This is not a 'white man's Government'! ... To say so is political blasphemy, for it violates the fundamental principles of our gospel of liberty."^[112]

Kongressni qayta qurish

Stevens in a thoughtful pose

By this time, Stevens was in his seventies and in poor health; he was carried everywhere in a special chair. When Congress convened in early December 1865, Stevens made arrangements with the Clerk of the House that when the roll was called, the names of the Southern electees be omitted. The Senate also excluded Southern claimants. A new congressman, Ohio's Rezerford B. Xeyz, described Stevens: "He is radical throughout, except, I am told, he don't [rektum doesn't] believe in hanging. He is [a] leader."^[113]

As the responsibilities of the Ways and Means chairman had been divided, Stevens took the post of Chairman of the Uy mablag'larini ajratish bo'yicha qo'mitasi, retaining control over the House's agenda.^[114] Stevens focused on legislation that would secure the freedom promised by the newly ratified Thirteenth Amendment.^[115] He proposed and then co-chaired the Qayta qurish bo'yicha qo'shma qo'mita with Maine Senator Uilyam Pitt Fessenden.^[116] This body, also called the Committee of Fifteen, investigated conditions in the South. It heard not only of the violence against African-Americans, but against Union loyalists, and against what southerners termed "gilam xaltachilari ", Northerners who had journeyed south after the restoration of peace. Stevens declared: that "our loyal brethren at the South, whether they be black or white" required urgent protection "from the barbarians who are now daily murdering them".^[115]

The Committee of Fifteen began consideration of what would become the O'n to'rtinchi o'zgartirish. Stevens had begun drafting versions in December 1865, before the Committee had even formed.^[117] In January 1866, a subcommittee including Stevens and Jon Bingem proposed two amendments: one giving Congress the unqualified power to secure equal rights, privileges, and protections for all citizens; the other explicitly annulling all racially discriminatory laws.^[118] Stevens believed that the Mustaqillik deklaratsiyasi va Organic Acts already bound the federal government to these principles, but that an amendment was necessary to allow enforcement against discrimination at the state level.^[119] The resolution providing for what would become the Fourteenth Amendment was watered down in Congress; during the closing debate, Stevens said these changes had shattered his lifelong dream in equality for all Americans.^[120][121] Nevertheless, stating that he lived among men, not angels, he supported the passage of the compromise amendment.^[122] Still, Stevens told the House: "Forty acres of land and a hut would be more valuable to [the African-American] than the immediate right to vote."^[123]

Based on ill-considered exchanges between Johnson and hecklers during the Doira atrofida tebranish bu Tomas Nast cartoon excerpt shows Johnson delivering a pardon to Davis as Stevens and Vendell Fillips hang in the background.

When Illinois Senator Lyman Trumbull introduced legislation to reauthorize and expand the Ozodlik byurosi, Stevens called the bill a "robbery" because it did not include sufficient provisions for land reform or protect the property of refugees given them by the military occupation of the South.^[124] Johnson vetoed the bill anyway, calling the Freedmen's Bureau unconstitutional, and decrying its cost: Congress had never purchased land, established schools, or provided financial help for "our own people".^[125][126] Congress was unable to override Johnson's veto in February, but five months later passed a shunga o'xshash qonun loyihasi. Stevens criticized the passage of the 1866 yildagi janubiy uy-joy qonuni, arguing that the low-quality land it made available would not drive real economic growth for black families.^[124]

Congress overrode a Johnson veto to pass the 1866 yildagi fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi qonun (also introduced by Trumbull), granting African-Americans citizenship and equality before the law, and forbidding any action by a state to the contrary. Johnson made the gap between him and Congress wider when he accused Stevens, Sumner, and Vendell Fillips of trying to destroy the government.^[127]

After Congress adjourned in July, the campaigning for the fall elections began. Johnson embarked on a trip by rail, dubbed the "Doira atrofida tebranish ", that won him few supporters; his arguments with hecklers were deemed undignified. He attacked Stevens and other radicals during this tour. Stevens campaigned for firm measures against the South, his hand strengthened by violence in Memfis va Yangi Orlean, where African-Americans and white Unionists had been attacked by mobs, including the police. Stevens was returned to Congress by his constituents; Republicans would have a two-thirds majority in both houses in the next Congress.^[128]

Radikal qayta qurish

In January 1867, Stevens introduced qonunchilik to divide the South into five districts, each commanded by an army general empowered to override civil authorities. These military officers were to supervise elections with all males, of whatever race, entitled to vote, except for those who could not take an oath of past loyalty – most white Southerners could not. The states were to write new constitutions (subject to approval by Congress) and hold elections for state officials. Only if a state ratified the Fourteenth Amendment would its delegation be seated in Congress.^[129] The system gave power to a Republican coalition of freedmen (mobilized by the Ittifoq ligasi ), carpetbaggers, and co-operative Southerners (the last dubbed scalawags by indignant ex-rebels) in most southern states.^[130] These states ratified the Fourteenth Amendment, which became part of the Constitution in mid-1868.^[131]

Stevens introduced a Ofis qonuni muddati, restricting Johnson from firing officials who had received Senate confirmation without getting that body's consent. The Tenure of Office Act was ambiguous, since it could be read to protect officeholders only during the tenure of the president who appointed them, and most of the officials the radicals sought to protect had been named by Lincoln. Chief among these was Urush kotibi Edvin Stanton, a radical himself.^[132]

Stevens steered a bill to enfranchise African-Americans in the District of Columbia through the House; the Senate passed it in 1867, and it was enacted over Johnson's veto. Congress was downsizing the Army for peacetime; Stevens offered an amendment, which became part of the bill as enacted, to have two regiments of African-American cavalry. His solicitude for African-Americans extended to the Native American; Stevens was successful in defeating a bill to place rezervasyonlar under state law, noting that the native people had often been abused by the states.^[133] An expansionist, he supported the railroads.^[134] He added a stipulation into the [Transcontinental] Pacific Railroad Act requiring the applicable railroads to buy iron "of American manufacture" of the top price qualities.^[135] Although he sought to protect manufacturers with high tariffs, he also sought unsuccessfully to get a bill passed to protect labor with an eight-hour day in the District of Columbia. Stevens advocated a bill to give government workers raises; it did not pass.^[136]

Impeaching the President

Yangi Kongress, which convened on March 4, 1867, was not as aggressive in opposing Johnson as Stevens had hoped. It soon adjourned until July, though its Judiciary Committee remained to hold hearings on whether the President should be impeached.^[137] Stevens firmly supported impeachment, but others were less enthusiastic once the Senate elected Ohio's Benjamin Veyd uning kabi Prezident pro tempore, next in line to the presidency in the absence of a vice president. Wade was a radical who supported wealth redistribution; a speech of his in Kansas so impressed Karl Marks that he mentioned it in the first German edition of Das Kapital.^[138] Also a supporter of women's suffrage, Wade was widely mistrusted for his views;^[139] the prospect of his succession made some advocates of Johnson's removal more hesitant. Stevens, however, strongly supported the removal of the President, and when the Judiciary Committee failed to report, tried to keep Congress in session until it did.^[140] Despite his opposition to its leader, Stevens worked with the administration on matters both supported; he obtained an appropriation for the Alyaskani sotib olish and urged Secretary of State Seward to seek other territories to expand into.^[141]

Most of Johnson's Cabinet supported him but Secretary of War Stanton did not, and with the Armiya generali, urush qahramoni Uliss S. Grant, worked to undermine Johnson's Reconstruction policies. Johnson obeyed the laws that Congress had passed, sometimes over his veto, though he often interpreted them in ways contrary to their intent. After Stanton refused Johnson's request that he resign in August 1867, Johnson suspended Stanton, as permitted by the Tenure of Office Act, and made General Grant interim Secretary of War.^[142] Republicans campaigned in that year's election on the issue of African-American suffrage, but were met with a voter surge towards the Democrats, who opposed it. Although no seats at Congress were directly at stake, voters in Ohio both defeated a referendum on black suffrage and elected the Democrats to the majority in the legislature, meaning that Wade, whose term was due to expire in 1869, would not be reelected.^[143]

Harper haftaligi woodcut of Stevens making his final argument to the House

When Congress met again in December, although the Judiciary Committee voted 5–4 for impeachment, the House voted against it.^[144] On January 13, 1868, the Senate overturned Johnson's suspension of Stanton. Grant resigned as Secretary of War, and Stanton reclaimed his place.^[145] Nevertheless, on February 21, the President ousted Stanton from his position, appointing General Lorenzo Tomas in his place – though Stanton barricaded himself in his office.^[146][147] These actions caused great excitement in Washington, and in the House of Representatives, Stevens went from group to group on the floor, repeating, "Didn't I tell you so? What good did your moderation do you? If you don't kill the beast, it will kill you."^[148] Stevens concluded the debate on a renewed impeachment resolution on February 24, though due to his poor health he was unable to complete his speech and gave it to the Clerk to read aloud. He accused Johnson of usurping the powers of other branches of government, and of ignoring the will of the people. He did not deny impeachment was a political matter, but "this is not to be the temporary triumph of a political party, but is to endure in its consequence until the whole continent shall be filled with a free and untrammeled people or shall be a nest of shrinking, cowardly slaves."^[149][150] The House voted 126–47 to impeach the President.^[151]

Stevens led the delegation of House members sent the following day to inform the Senate of the impeachment, though he had to be carried to its doors by his bearers. Elected to the committee charged with drafting articles of impeachment, his illness limited his involvement. Nevertheless, dissatisfied with the committee's proposed articles, Stevens suggested another, that would become Article XI. This grounded the various accusations in statements Johnson had made denying the legitimacy of Congress due to the exclusion of the southern states, and stated that Johnson had tried to disobey the Reconstruction Acts. Stevens was one of the managers, or prosecutors, elected by the House to present its case in the impeachment trial. Although Stevens was too ill to appear in the Senate on March 3, when the managers requested that Johnson be summoned (the President would appear only by his counsel, or defense managers), he was there ten days later when the summons was returnable. The Nyu-York Herald described him as having a "face of corpselike color, and rigidly twitching lips ... a strange and unearthly apparition – a reclused remonstrance from the tomb ... the very embodiment of fanaticism, without a solitary leaven of justice or mercy ... the avenging Nemesis of his party – the sworn and implacable foe of the Executive of the nation."^[152]

Stevens (right) and Jon A. Bingem formally notify the Senate of Johnson's impeachment. Kimdan Harper haftaligi.

Increasingly ill, Stevens took little part in the impeachment trial, at which the leading House manager was Massachusetts Representative Benjamin F. Butler. Stevens nourished himself on the Senate floor with raw eggs and terrapin, port and brandy. He spoke only twice before making a closing argument for the House managers on April 27. As he spoke, his voice weakened, and finally he allowed Butler to read the second half of his speech for him. Stevens focused on Article XI, taking the position that Johnson could be removed for political crimes; he need not have committed an offense against the law. The President, having sworn to faithfully execute the laws, had intentionally disobeyed the Tenure of Office Act after the Senate had refused to uphold his removal of Stanton, "and now this offspring of assassination turns upon the Senate who have ... rebuked him in a constitutional manner and bids them defiance. How can he escape the just vengeance of the law?"^[153][154]

Most radicals were confident that Johnson would be convicted and removed from office. Stevens, however, was never certain of the result as Chief Justice Chase (the former Treasury Secretary) made rulings that favored the defense, and he had no great confidence Republicans would stick together. On May 11, the Senate met in secret session, and senators gave speeches explaining how they intended to vote. All Democrats were opposed, but an unexpectedly large number of Republicans also favored acquittal on some or all of the articles. Counting votes, managers realized their best chance of gaining the required two-thirds for conviction was on the Stevens-inspired Article XI, and when the Senate assembled to give its verdict, they scheduled it to be voted upon first. The suspense was broken when Kansas Senator Edmund Ross, whose position was uncertain, voted for acquittal. This meant that, with the votes of those who remained, the President would not be convicted on that article. The article failed, 35 in favor to 19 against. In the hope that delay would bring a different result, Republicans adjourned the Senate for ten days. Stevens was carried from the Senate in his chair – one observer described him as "black with rage and disappointment" – and when those outside clamored for the result, Stevens shouted, "The country is going to the devil!"^[155][156]

Final months and death

Stevens's grave in Lancaster

During the recess of the impeachment court, the Republicans met in convention in Chicago and nominated Grant for president. Stevens did not attend, and was dismayed by the exclusion of African-American suffrage from the partiya platformasi as radical influence began to fade in the Republican Party. When the Senate returned to session, it voted down Articles II va III by the same 35–19 margin as before, and Chase declared the President acquitted. Stevens did not give up on the idea of removing Johnson; in July, he proffered several more impeachment articles (the House refused to adopt them).^[157] He offered a bill to divide Texas into several parts so as to gain additional Republican senators to vote out Johnson. It was defeated; The Xabarchi stated, "It is lamentable to see this old man, with one foot in the grave, pursuing the President with such vindictiveness."^[158] Nevertheless, Stevens planned to revisit the question of impeachment when Congress met again in late 1868.^[159]

Brodie suggested that Stevens's hatred of Johnson was the only thing keeping him from despair, aware as he was of the continued violence in the South, some of which was committed by the Ku-kluks-klan. Several of the southern states had been re-admitted by this time, and the murders and intimidation were aiding the Democrats there in restoring white rule. With the Republicans unwilling to embrace black suffrage in their platform and the Democrats opposed to it, Stevens feared Democratic victory in the 1868 elections might even bring back slavery. He told his fellow Pennsylvania politician, Aleksandr Makklur, "My life has been a failure. With all this great struggle of years in Washington, and the fearful sacrifice of life and treasure, I see little hope for the Republic." Stevens took pride in his role in establishing free public education in Pennsylvania.^[160] When interviewed by a reporter seeking to gain his life story, Stevens replied, "I have no history. My life-long regret is that I have lived so long and so uselessly."^[161] Nevertheless, in his last formal speech to the House, Stevens stated that "man still is vile. But such large steps have lately been taken in the true direction, that the patriot has a right to take courage."^[162]

When Congress adjourned in late July, Stevens remained in Washington, too ill to return to Pennsylvania. Stevens was in pain from his stomach ailments, from swollen feet, and from tomchi. By early August, he was unable to leave the house. He still received some visitors though, and correctly predicted to his friend and former student Simon Stevens (no relation) that Grant would win the election. On the afternoon of August 11, his doctor warned that he would probably not last through the night. His longtime housekeeper and companion, Lydia Hamilton Smith, his nephew Thaddeus, and friends gathered by him. Two black preachers came to pray by him, telling him that he had the prayers of all their people. He sucked on ice to try to soothe the pain; his last words were a request for more of it. Thaddeus Stevens died on the night of August 11, 1868, as the old day departed.^[164]

President Johnson issued no statement upon the death of his enemy.^[165] Newspaper reaction was generally along partisan lines, though sometimes mixed. The Detroit Xabar stated that "if to die crowned with noble laurels, and ... secure of [rektum in] the respect of the world ... is an end worthy the ambition of a well spent life, then the veteran Radical may lie down with the noblest of the fathers to a well contented sleep."^[166] The New York Times stated that Stevens had "discerned the expediency of emancipation, and urged it long before Mr. Lincoln issued his proclamation" but that after the war, "on the subject of Reconstruction, then, Mr. Stevens must be deemed the Evil Genius of the Republican Party.^[167] The [Franklin, Louisiana] Planter's Banner exulted, "The prayers of the righteous have at last removed the Congressional curse! May ... the fires of his new furnace never go out!"^[168]

Stevens's casket lying in state in the Capitol Rotunda, guarded by black soldiers.

Stevens's body was conveyed from his house to the Capitol by white and black pallbearers together. Thousands of mourners, of both races, filed past his casket as he davlatda yotish da Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Capitol rotunda;^[165][169] Stevens was the third man, after Clay and Lincoln, to receive that honor. African-American soldiers constituted the faxriy qorovul. After a service there, his body was taken by funeral train to Lancaster, a city draped in black for the funeral. Stevens was laid to rest in Shreiner's Cemetery (today the Shreiner-Concord Cemetery); it allowed burial of people of all races, although at the time of Stevens's interment, only one African-American was buried there. The people of his district posthumously renominated him to Congress, and elected his former student Oliver J. Dikki uning o'rnini egallash. When Congress convened in December 1868, there were a number of speeches in tribute to Stevens; they were afterwards collected in book form.^[170]

Shaxsiy hayot

Stevens never married, though there were rumors about his twenty-year relationship (1848–1868) with his widowed housekeeper, Lidiya Xemilton Smit (1813–1884).^[171][172] She was a light-skinned African-American; her husband Jacob and at least one of her sons was much darker than she was.^[173]

Lidiya Xemilton Smit

It is uncertain if the Stevens–Smith relationship was romantic. The Democratic press, especially in the South, assumed so, and when he brought Mrs. Smith to Washington in 1859, where she managed his household, that did nothing to stop their insinuations.^[174] In the one brief surviving letter from Stevens to her, Stevens addresses her as Mrs. Lydia Smith.^[175] Stevens insisted that his nieces and nephews refer to her as Mrs. Smith, deference towards an African-American servant almost unheard of at that time. They do so in surviving letters, warmly, asking Stevens to see that she comes with him next time he visits.^[176]

As evidence that their relationship was sexual, Brodie pointed to an 1868 letter in which Stevens compares himself to Richard M. Jonson, vice president under Martin Van Buren, who lived openly with a series of African-American slave mistresses. Johnson was elected even though this became known during the 1836 campaign, a fact that Stevens notes, and expresses his bitterness about his inability to gain election by the legislature to the Senate, or to secure a Cabinet position.^[177]

When Stevens died, Smith was at his bedside, along with his friend Simon Stevens, nephew Thaddeus Stevens Jr., two African-American nuns, and several other individuals. Under Stevens's will, Smith was allowed to choose between a lump sum of $5,000 or a $500 annual allowance; she was also allowed to take any furniture in his house.^[178] With the inheritance, she purchased Stevens's house, where she had lived for many years. A Roman Catholic, she chose to be buried in a Catholic cemetery, not near Stevens, although she left money for the upkeep of his grave.^[179]

Stevens had taken custody of his two young nephews, Thaddeus (often called "Thaddeus Jr.") and Alanson Joshua Stevens, after their parents died in Vermont. Alanson was sent to work at Stevens's business, Caledonia Forge, Thaddeus Jr. was expelled from Dartmut kolleji, though he subsequently graduated and was taken into his uncle's law practice.^[180] Alanson during the Civil War rose to be commanding captain of a Pennsylvania Volunteers field artillery unit va harakatida o'ldirilgan Chikamauga.^[181] After Alanson's death, his uncle used his influence to have Thaddeus Jr. made provost marshal of Lancaster.^[182]

Tegishli saytlar

Thaddeus Stevens School, also known as Thaddeus Stevens Elementary School, located at 1050 21st Street, NW in Washington, D.C. The building was added to the Tarixiy joylarning milliy reestri 1980 yilda.

Buildings associated with Stevens and with Smith in Lancaster are being renovated by the local historical society, LancasterHistory.org.^[183] In his will, Stevens made a number of bequests, with much of his estate to his nephew Thaddeus Jr., on condition that he refrain from alcohol. If he did not, that bequest would go to establish an orphanage in Lancaster, to be open to all races and nationalities without discrimination. A legal fight over his estate ensued, and it was not until 1894 that the courts settled the matter, awarding $50,000 to found the orphanage.^[178] The school today is the Thaddeus Stevens texnologiya kolleji, in Lancaster.^[184]

Among a number of other schools named for Stevens, the Thaddeus Stevens boshlang'ich maktabi in Washington, D.C. was founded in 1868 as the first school built for African-American children there. It was segregated for the first 86 years of its existence. 1977 yilda, Emi Karter, Prezidentning qizi Jimmi Karter, a Georgian, was enrolled there, the first child of a sitting president to attend public school in almost 70 years.^[185]Stevens also owned a farmhouse on Seminary Ridge, in Gettysburg. Between 1 va 3 July 1863 the farmhouse would become the headquarters of General Robert E. Lee, during the Battle of Gettysburg.

Historical and popular view

As Stevens biographer Richard N. Current put it, "to find out what really made the man go, the historian would need the combined aid of two experts from outside the profession – a psychoanalyst and a spiritualist."^[186] The historical view of Thaddeus Stevens has fluctuated widely since his death, generally in a manner inverse to that of Andrew Johnson. Early biographical works on Stevens were composed by men who knew him, and reflected their viewpoints. Biographies at the turn of the twentieth century, such as those by Samuel Makkol in 1899 and by James Albert Woodburn in 1913, presented Stevens favorably, as a sincere man, motivated by principle.^[187] Early African-American historian W. E. B. Du Bois called Stevens "a leader of the common people" and "a stern believer in democracy, both in politics and in industry".^[188] Pulitzer Prize–winning historian Jeyms Ford Rods argued that though Stevens had a "profound sympathy" towards the African-American, "coming straight from the heart", he also showed "virulence toward the South" and was "bitter and vindictive".^[188] This view of a vengeful Stevens originated during Reconstruction, and persisted well into the 20th century.^[189]

Ralf Lyuis as Austin Stoneman and Meri Alden as Lydia Brown, Xalqning tug'ilishi, 1915

Kelishi bilan Dunning maktabi 's view of Reconstruction after 1900, Stevens continued to be viewed negatively, and generally as motivated by hatred. These historians, led by Uilyam Dunning, taught that Reconstruction had been an opportunity for radical politicians, motivated by ill will towards the South, to destroy what little of southern life and dignity the war had left.^{[190][191][192]} Dunning himself deemed Stevens "truculent, vindictive, and cynical".^[190] Lloyd Paul Stryker, who wrote a highly favorable 1929 biography of Johnson, labeled Stevens as a "horrible old man ... craftily preparing to strangle the bleeding, broken body of the South" and who thought it would be "a beautiful thing" to see "the white men, especially the white women of the South, writhing under negro domination".^[192][193] 1915 yilda, D. V. Griffit film Xalqning tug'ilishi (roman asosida Klanman, tomonidan Kichik Tomas Dixon ) was released, containing the influenceable and ill-advised Congressman Austin Stoneman, who resembles Stevens down to the ill-fitting wig, limp, and African-American lover, Lydia Brown. This popular treatment reinforced and reinvigorated public prejudices towards Stevens.^[194][195] According to Foner, "as historians exalted the magnanimity of Lincoln and Andrew Johnson, Stevens came to symbolize Northern malice, revenge, and irrational hatred of the South."^[196] The highly popular historian Jeyms Truslov Adams described Stevens as "perhaps the most despicable, malevolent, and morally deformed character who has ever risen to high power in America".^[197]

Historians who penned biographies of Stevens in the late 1930s sought to move away from this perspective, seeking to rehabilitate him and his political career. Thomas F. Woodley, writing in 1937, shows admiration of Stevens, but he attributed Stevens's driving force to bitterness over his clubfoot. Alphonse Miller, in his 1939 biography, found that the former congressman was motivated by a desire for justice. Both men were convinced that recent books had not treated him fairly. Richard Current's 1942 work reflected current Beardian historiography, which saw all American history, including Reconstruction, as a three-way economic struggle between the industrialists of the Northeast (represented by Stevens), the planters of the South, and the farmers of the Midwest. Current argued that Stevens was motivated in his Reconstruction policies by frustrated ambitions and a desire to use his political position to promote industrial capitalism and advance the Republican Party. He concluded that despite Stevens's egalitarian beliefs, he actually promoted inequality, for "none had done more than he to bring on the age of Big Business, with its concentration of wealth."^[198]

With Ralph Korngold's 1955 biography of Stevens, the neoabalitsionist school of historians began to consider the former congressman. These professors rejected the earlier view that those who had gone South to aid the African-American after the war were "rapscallion carpetbaggers" defeated by "saintly redeemers". Instead, they applauded those who had sought to end slavery and forward civil rights, and castigated Johnson for obstructionism. They took the view that the African-American was central to Reconstruction, and the only things wrong with the congressional program were that it did not go far enough and that it stopped too soon. Brodie's 1959 biography of Stevens was of this school. Controversial in its conclusions for being a psixobiografiya, it found that Stevens was a "consummate underdog who identified with the oppressed" and whose intelligence won him success, while his consciousness of his clubfoot stunted his social development.^[199][200] According to Brodie, this also made him unwilling to marry a woman of his own social standing.^[201]

Scholars who followed Brodie continued to chip away at the idea of Stevens as a vindictive dictator, who dominated Congress to get his way. 1960 yilda, Erik MakKitrik deemed Stevens "a picturesque and adroit politician, but a very limited one" whose career was "a long comic sequence of devilish schemes which, one after another, kept blowing up in his face".^[202] From the mid-1970s onward, Foner argued that Stevens's role was in staking out radical position, but events, not Stevens, caused the Republicans to support him. Maykl Les Benedikt in 1974 suggested that Stevens's reputation as a dictator was based more on his personality than on his influence. In 1989, Allan Bogue found that as chairman of Ways and Means, Stevens was "less than complete master" of his committee.^[203]

Tarixchi Xans Trefuz stated in a 1969 study of the Radical Republicans that Stevens's "one abiding passion was equality".^[204] In 1991, he noted that Stevens "was one of the most influential representatives ever to serve in Congress. [He dominated] the House with his wit, knowledge of parliamentary law, and sheer willpower, even though he was often unable to prevail."^[205] In his 1997 biography of Stevens, though, he took a position similar to McKitrick's: that Stevens was a relatively marginal figure, with his influence often limited by his extremism.^[206] Trefousse believed Brodie went too far – in deeming Stevens's clubfoot responsible for so much about him and in giving full credence to the Stevens–Smith relationship – both those things cannot now be determined with certainty.^[207]

Stevens was celebrated for his wit and sarcasm. When Lincoln questioned whether Pennsylvania Republican leader Simon Kemeron, who was frequently accused of corruption, was a thief, Stevens was said to have replied "I don't think he would steal a red-hot stove."^[208] When Cameron allegedly heard about and objected to this characterization, Stevens is supposed to have told Lincoln "I believe I told you he would not steal a red hot stove. I will now take that back."^[209] Stevens's ill-fitting wigs were a well-known topic of discussion in Washington, but when a female admirer who apparently did not know asked for a lock of Stevens's hair as a keepsake, he removed his hairpiece, held it out to her, and invited her to take any curl she found acceptable.^[210]

Stiven Spilberg 2012 yilgi film Linkoln, in which Stevens was portrayed by Tommi Li Jons, brought new public interest in Stevens. Jones's character is portrayed as the central figure among the radicals, responsible in large part for the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment. Historian Matthew Pinsker notes that Stevens is referred to only four times in Doris Kearns Gudvin "s Raqiblar jamoasi on which screenwriter Toni Kushner based the film's screenplay; other radicals were folded into the character. Stevens is depicted as unable to moderate his views for the sake of gaining passage of the amendment until after he is urged to do so by the ever-compromising Lincoln.^[211] According to Aaron Bady in his article about the film and how it portrays the radicals, "he's the uncle everyone is embarrassed of, even if they love him too much to say so. He's not a leader, he's a liability, one whose shining heroic moment will be when he keeps silent about what he really believes."^[212] The film depicts a Stevens–Smith sexual relationship; Pinsker comments that "it may well have been true that they were lovers, but by injecting this issue into the movie, the filmmakers risk leaving the impression for some viewers that the 'secret' reason for Stevens's egalitarianism was his desire to legitimize his romance across racial lines."^[211]

Shuningdek qarang

• Taddey Stivensning kuzatuv maktabi

Izohlar

Izohlar

Adabiyotlar

Bibliografiya

• Andreasen, Bryon C. (2000 yil yoz). "Thaddeus Stevens: XIX asr Egalitarian tomonidan Hans Hans Trefousse: Review". Avraam Linkoln uyushmasining jurnali. Champaign, IL: Illinoys universiteti matbuoti. 21 (2): 75–81. JSTOR  20149003.
• Berlin, Jan V. (1993 yil aprel). "Taddey Stivens va uning biograflari". Pensilvaniya tarixi. University Park, PA: Penn State University Press. 60 (2): 153–162. JSTOR  27773615.
• Bond, Horace Mann. "Alabama tiklanishidagi ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy kuchlar". Negr tarixi jurnali 23 (3), iyul 1938. Kirish JStor orqali, 7 2013 yil iyul.
• Brodie, Fawn (1966) [1959]. Taddey Stivens: Janubning ofati (Norton kutubxonasi tahriri). Nyu-York: W.W. Norton & Co., Inc. ISBN  0-393-00331-0.
• Bryant-Jons, Mildred (1941). "Taddey Stivensning siyosiy dasturi, 1865 yil". Filon. Atlanta: Klark Atlanta universiteti. 2 (2, II chorak 1941): 147–154. doi:10.2307/271784. JSTOR  271784.
• Kastel, Albert E. (1979). Endryu Jonsonning prezidentligi. Amerika prezidentligi. Lourens, Kan .: Kanzas shtatidagi Regents Press. ISBN  0-7006-0190-2.
• Xemilton, Xovard Devon. O'n uchinchi tuzatishning qonunchilik va sud tarixi. Illinoys Universitetida siyosiy fanlar bo'yicha dissertatsiya; 1950 yil 15-mayda qabul qilingan. Kirish ProQuest orqali, 4 2013 yil iyul.
• Koks, LaWanda va Jon H. Koks. Siyosat, tamoyil va xurofot 1865–1866: qayta qurish Amerika dilemmasi. London: Klier-Makmillan, 1963 yil.
• Hozirgi, Richard N. (1947 yil oktyabr). "Sevgi, nafrat va Thaddeus Stivens". Pensilvaniya tarixi. University Park, PA: Penn State University Press. 14 (4): 259–272. JSTOR  27766829.
• Donald, Devid Gerbert (1995). Linkoln. London: Jonathan Keyp. ISBN  0-684-80846-3.
• DuBois, W. E. B. Qora rekonstruksiya: Amerikada demokratiyani tiklashga urinishda qora tanli odamlar o'ynagan qism tarixiga bag'ishlangan insho, 1860-1880. Nyu-York: Rassel va Rassell, 1935 yil.
• Epps, Garret (2006). Demokratiyaning qayta tug'ilishi: Fuqarolar urushidan keyingi Amerikada o'n to'rtinchi tuzatish va teng huquqlar uchun kurash. Nyu-York: Genri Xolt va Kompaniya. ISBN  0-8050-7130-X.
• Foner, Erik. Fuqarolar urushi davrida siyosat va mafkura. Oksford universiteti matbuoti, 1980 yil. ISBN  978-0-19-972708-7
• Foner, Erik (2002) [1988]. Qayta qurish: Amerikaning tugallanmagan inqilobi. Nyu-York: HarperKollinz. ISBN  0-06-093716-5.
• Glatfelter, Charlz H. (1993 yil aprel). "Thaddeus Stivens ta'lim yo'lida: Gettisburg yillari". Pensilvaniya tarixi. University Park, PA: Penn State University Press. 60 (2): 163–175. JSTOR  27773616.
• Meltser, Milton (1967). Taddey Stivens va negrlarning huquqlari uchun kurash. Nyu-York: Tomas Y. Crowell kompaniyasi. ISBN  978-0-690-80973-2.
• Soifer, Aviam. "Federal himoya, paternalizm va ixtiyoriy pionajni deyarli unutilgan taqiqlash ". Columbia Law Review 112 (7), 2012 yil noyabr; 1607–1640-betlar.
• Styuart, Devid O. (2009). Impichment e'lon qilindi: Prezident Endryu Jonson ustidan sud jarayoni va Linkoln merosi uchun kurash. Nyu-York: Simon va Shuster. ISBN  978-1-4165-4749-5.
• Trefuz, Xans (1997). Taddey Stivens: O'n to'qqizinchi asrning tengdoshi. Chapel Hill, NC: Shimoliy Karolina universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  0-8078-5666-5.
• Tsesi, Aleksandr. O'n uchinchi tuzatish va Amerika erkinligi: huquqiy tarix. Nyu-York universiteti matbuoti, 2004 yil. ISBN  0-8147-8276-0
• Vorenberg, Maykl. Yakuniy erkinlik: fuqarolar urushi, qullikni bekor qilish va o'n uchinchi tuzatish. Kembrij universiteti matbuoti, 2001 yil. ISBN  978-1-139-42800-2.
• Gans, Devid H. (2011-11-16). "Deklaratsiyani takomillashtirish: o'n to'rtinchi tuzatishning teng himoya moddasining matni va tarixi". Konstitutsiyaviy javobgarlik markazi. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi (PDF) 2015-01-31. Olingan 2020-11-15.CS1 maint: ref = harv (havola)
• Xelbruk, Stiven P. (1998). Fridmenlar, o'n to'rtinchi tuzatish va qurol ko'tarish huquqi, 1866–1876. Westport, KT: Grinvud. ISBN  0-275-96331-4.CS1 maint: ref = harv (havola)

Qo'shimcha o'qish

• Beale, Xovard K. Muhim yil: Endryu Jonsonni o'rganish va qayta qurish. (1930)
• Belz, Xerman. Ittifoqni qayta qurish: fuqarolar urushi davrida nazariya va amaliyot. (1969)
• Benedikt, Maykl Les. Printsipning murosasi: Kongress respublikachilari va qayta qurish 1863–1869. (1974)
• Bowers, Klod G. Fojiali davr - Linkolndan keyingi inqilob. 1929
• Qo'ng'iroq qiluvchi, Edvard Beecher. Thaddeus Stivens: oddiy. Boston: A. Uilyams va Kompaniya, 1882 yil.
• Hozirgi, Richard Nelson. Old Thad Stivens: ambitsiyalar haqida hikoya (1942) Stivins birinchi navbatda o'z kuchini, Respublikachilar partiyasining qudratini va yirik biznes, ayniqsa temir ishlab chiqarish va temir yo'llarning ehtiyojlarini oshirish bilan shug'ullangan degan ilmiy biografiya.
• Foner, Erik. "Taddey Stivens, musodara qilish va qayta qurish", Stenli Elkins va Erik MakKitrik, tahr. Hofstadter Egey (1974).
• Everdell, Uilyam R. "Tadeus Stivens: Amerika vijdonlari merosi" Shohlarning oxiri: respublikalar va respublikachilar tarixi. Chikago: Chikago universiteti matbuoti, 2000 yil.
• Goldenberg, Barri M. Fuqarolik huquqlarining noma'lum me'morlari: Taddey Stivens, Uliss S. Grant va Charlz Sumner. Los-Anjeles, Kaliforniya: Critical Minds Press. (2011).
• Graber, Mark A. "Qo'shish yo'li bilan olib tashlash? O'n uchinchi va o'n to'rtinchi tuzatishlar ". Columbia Law Review 112 (7), 2012 yil noyabr; 1501-1549 betlar.
• Louson, Yelizaveta. Taddey Stivens. Nyu-York: Xalqaro noshirlar. 1942. (1962 yil qayta nashr etish)
• Makkol, Semyuel Uoker. Taddey Stivens (1899) 369 bet; eskirgan tarjimai hol onlayn nashr
• Pits, Jou (2002 yil 24 aprel). Taddey Stivens, O'z davridan oldin odam. Pensilvaniya shtatining o'n oltinchi Kongress okrugi. Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Vakillar palatasi. Asl nusxasidan arxivlangan 2003 yil 16 yanvar. Olingan 16 yanvar, 2003.CS1 maint: BOT: original-url holati noma'lum (havola)
• Shepard, Christopher, "Boy va kambag'allar o'rtasida farq qilmaslik: Taddey Stivens va sinf tengligi", Pensilvaniya tarixi, 80 (2013 yil qish), 37-50.
• Simpson, Bruks D. (1993 yil aprel). "Er va saylov byulleteni: Emansipatsiya samarasini ta'minlash?". Pensilvaniya tarixi. University Park, PA: Penn State University Press. 60 (2): 176–188. JSTOR  27773617.
• Stryker, Lloyd Pol; Endryu Jonson: Jasorat bo'yicha tadqiq (1929), Stivensga dushman onlayn versiyasi
• Vudbern, Jeyms Albert. Thaddeus Stivensning hayoti: Amerika siyosiy tarixini o'rganish, ayniqsa, fuqarolar urushi va qayta qurish davrida. (1913) onlayn versiyasi
• Vudbern, Jeyms Albert. "Taddey Stivensning fuqarolar urushi olib borishga munosabati", Amerika tarixiy sharhi, Jild 12, yo'q 3 (1907 yil aprel), 567-583-betlar JSTOR-da
• Zayts, Josh. "Stivens, Taddey", Amerika milliy tarjimai holi onlayn. 2000 yil fevral.

Tarixnoma

• Jolli, Jeyms A. "Taddey Stivensning tarixiy obro'si", Lancaster County tarixiy jamiyati jurnali (1970) 74:33–71
• Pikens, Donald K. "Respublikachilar sintezi va Taddey Stivens", Fuqarolar urushi tarixi (1985) 31: 57-73; Stivens butunlay sodiq bo'lganini ta'kidlaydi Respublikachilik va o'z-o'zini rivojlantirish, jamiyat taraqqiyoti, erlarning teng taqsimlanishi va hamma uchun iqtisodiy erkinlik nuqtai nazaridan kapitalizm; unga qullik va aristokratiyani yo'q qilish kerak edi.

Birlamchi manbalar

• Kendrik, Benjamin B. Qayta qurish bo'yicha o'n besh kishilik qo'shma qo'mitaning jurnali. Nyu-York: Kolumbiya universiteti, 1914 yil.
• Palmer, Beverli Uilson va Xolli Byers Ochoa, nashr. Taddey Stivensning tanlangan hujjatlari. Ikki jild (1998), 900pp; uning nutqlari va Stivensga va undan kelgan maktublar.
• Stivens, Taddeys va boshq. Qayta qurish bo'yicha qo'shma qo'mitaning birinchi sessiyadagi hisoboti ... Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Kongressi tomonidan. Qayta qurish bo'yicha qo'shma qo'mita, (1866) 791 bet; onlayn nashr
• Tadeus Stivensning hayoti va xarakteriga bag'ishlangan yodgorlik manzillari: etkazib berildi ... Qo'shma Shtatlar tomonidan 40-Kong., 3-sessiya, 1868-1869. (1869) 84 bet; onlayn nashr

Tashqi havolalar

• Lidiya Xemilton Smit, Abolitsionist va afroamerikalik ishbilarmon ayol
• Stivens va Smitning tarixiy sayti
• Thaddeus Stivens jamiyati
• Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Kongressi. "Thaddeus Stevens (id: S000887)". Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Kongressining biografik ma'lumotnomasi. O'z ichiga oladi Tadqiqot to'plamlari uchun qo'llanma uning hujjatlari joylashgan joyda.
• Janob Linkoln va Ozodlik: Taddey Stivens
• Janob Linkolnning Oq uyi: Taddey Stivens