AQShning ekologik siyosati - Environmental policy of the United States

The Qo'shma Shtatlarning ekologik siyosati atrof-muhitga ta'sir ko'rsatadigan faoliyatni tartibga solish bo'yicha federal hukumat harakati Qo'shma Shtatlar. Maqsad ekologik siyosat tijorat samaradorligi yoki odamlarning erkinligi uchun imkon qadar kam aralashib, atrof-muhitni kelajak avlodlar uchun himoya qilish va ekologik xarajatlar kimning zimmasiga tushayotgan tengsizlikni cheklashdir. Prezident Richard Nikson 1970-yillarga kelib o'zining birinchi rasmiy harakati sifatida AQShni imzoladi. Milliy ekologik siyosat to'g'risidagi qonun (NEPA) 1970 yil Yangi yil kunida qonun qabul qildi. Xuddi shu yili Amerika bayram qilishni boshladi Yer kuni bu "AQShning atrof-muhit siyosatining katta portlashi, mamlakatni hech qachon boshqa hech bir millatda bo'lmagan yoki unga urinib ko'rmagan ekologik menejment to'g'risida keng qamrovli ijtimoiy o'rganish egri chizig'ini boshlagan" deb nomlangan.[1] NEPA AQShning atrof-muhit bo'yicha milliy keng qamrovli siyosatini o'rnatdi va "atrof-muhit sifatiga sezilarli ta'sir ko'rsatadigan yirik federal harakatlar" uchun atrof-muhitga ta'sir to'g'risidagi bayonotni tayyorlash talabini yaratdi. Muallif va maslahatchi Charlz X. Ekklston dunyodagi "ekologik Magna Carta" ni NEPA deb atadi.[2]

Natijada Qo'shma Shtatlardagi ekologik harakat, atrof-muhit siyosati 1970-yillarda etuklashishda davom etdi, chunki havo va suvning ifloslanishini tartibga soluvchi va shakllantiruvchi bir nechta keng atrof-muhit qonunlari qabul qilindi Atrof muhitni muhofaza qilish agentligi (EPA). Qisman ushbu me'yoriy hujjatlar bilan bog'liq bo'lgan yuqori xarajatlar tufayli, biznes va siyosiy jihatdan reaktsiya yuzaga keldi konservativ manfaatlar, atrof-muhitni tartibga soluvchi byudjetlarning ko'payishini cheklash va atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish ishlarini sekinlashtirish. 1970-yillardan boshlab, tez-tez qonunchilik to'siqlariga qaramay, atrof-muhitni tartibga solishda sezilarli yutuqlarga erishildi, shu jumladan havo va suv sifatining oshishi va ozroq darajada nazorat ostida xavfli chiqindilar. O'sish tufayli global isish bo'yicha ilmiy konsensus va ekologik guruhlarning siyosiy bosimi, o'zgarishi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining energiya siyosati va cheklovlar issiqxona gazi taklif qilingan.

NEPA asosida tashkil etilganidek, AQSh dunyodagi birinchi davlat bo'lib, uni tayyorlash kontseptsiyasini joriy qildi atrof-muhitga ta'siri to'g'risidagi bayonot (EIS) taklif qilinayotgan federal harakatlarning alternativalari va ta'sirini baholash.[3] EIS jarayoni federal siyosat, dasturlar, loyihalar va rejalarni tuzish uchun mo'ljallangan.[4] Dunyo bo'ylab xalqlarning katta qismi Amerikaning EIS jarayonini taqlid qiladigan qoidalarni qabul qildi.

Siyosat vositalari

Federal reestr AQSh atrof-muhit qoidalariga tegishli hujjatlar va adabiyotlar, shu jumladan Resurslarni tejash va tiklash to'g'risidagi qonun (RCRA), 1987 yil

Atrof muhitni muhofaza qilishning ikkita asosiy vositasi bu qoidalar va qoidalar. Qo'shma Shtatlar qoidalarni, birinchi navbatda, tartibga solish orqali foydalanishni tanladi. Bunday qoidalar dizayn standartlari shaklida bo'lishi mumkin va ishlash standartlari. Ishlash standartlari emissiya darajasini belgilaydi va qoidalarga muvofiq ushbu darajalar qanday bajarilishini hal qilishga imkon beradi. Dizayn me'yorlari ishlash standartlari qanday aniq bajarilishini belgilaydi.

Shu bilan bir qatorda, hukumat induksiyalar yoki "bozor islohoti" dan foydalanishi mumkin. Induksiyalar - bu odamlar yoki guruhlarga ta'sir o'tkazish uchun ishlatiladigan mukofotlar va jazolar. Bozor islohotlarining ikkita asosiy turi bu kabi to'lov tizimlari emissiya soliqlari va "savdoga qo'yiladigan ruxsatnoma tizimlari ". Savdoga qo'yiladigan ruxsatnomalar tizimining bir turi" ifloslanish huquqi kim oshdi savdosi "bo'lib, unda ifloslanishning ruxsat etilgan miqdori belgilanadi va bo'linmalarga bo'linib, keyinchalik kim oshdi savdosiga qo'yiladi va atrof muhitni muhofaza qilish tashkilotlariga toza muhit yaratish uchun birliklarni sotib olish imkoniyati beriladi. Dastlab rejalashtirilgan.Bunday reja SO uchun amalga oshirilgan2 1990 yilda emissiya Kislota yomg'ir dasturi va mintaqaviy miqyosda issiqxona gazlari uchun yo'l sifatida qabul qilingan global isishni yumshatish.

Hokimiyat delegatsiyasi va siyosat yurisdiksiyasi

Ijro etuvchi hokimiyat

Davlat hokimiyati Qo'shma Shtatlardagi ekologik muammolar juda parchalangan. EPA atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish bo'yicha eng keng qamrovli agentlik bo'lsa-da, uning bu boradagi vakolatlari mutlaq emas. Deyarli barchasi ijro hokimiyati bo'limlari atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish bo'yicha ba'zi sohalarga ega. Bu Qo'shma Shtatlarning atrof-muhitni tartibga solish xarajatlari va shubhali samaradorligiga bir oz hissa qo'shadi.

Prezident ijro etuvchi hokim sifatida atrof-muhit siyosatida muhim rol o'ynaydi. Teddi Ruzvelt kabi prezident, Franklin D. Ruzvelt va Richard Nikson atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish to'g'risidagi qonun hujjatlarini qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun "bezori minbar" vazifasini bajargan. Ularning bosh diplomat sifatidagi o'rni atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish bo'yicha xalqaro shartnomalarni imzolashga imkon beradi. Ronald Reygan Monreal protokolini imzolagan, Obama Parij kelishuvi bo'yicha muzokaralarda etakchi bo'lgan va Bush ma'muriyati Kioto protokolini rad etgan. Prezidentlar o'zlarining "yumshoq" kuchlaridan foydalanib, atrof-muhit muammolariga e'tiborni jalb qilishlari va keng ma'muriy maqsadlarni belgilashlari mumkin. Ular qonunchilikka veto qo'yishi va ijro buyrug'i orqali ma'muriy xatti-harakatlarni tartibga solishi mumkin.[5]

Federal agentlikEkologik javobgarlik
Oq uyning idorasiUmumiy siyosat, Agentlikni muvofiqlashtirish
Boshqarish va byudjet idorasiByudjet, Agentlikni muvofiqlashtirish va boshqarish
Atrof-muhit sifati bo'yicha kengashAtrof-muhit siyosati, Agentlikni muvofiqlashtirish, Atrof muhitga ta'siri to'g'risidagi bayonotlar
Sog'liqni saqlash va aholiga xizmat ko'rsatish boshqarmasiSog'liqni saqlash
Atrof muhitni muhofaza qilish agentligiHavoning va suvning ifloslanishi, qattiq chiqindilar, radiatsiya, pestitsidlar, shovqin, zaharli moddalar
Adliya vazirligiEkologik sud jarayoni
Ichki ishlar boshqarmasiUmumiy foydalanish joylari, energetika, minerallar, milliy bog'lar
Qishloq xo'jaligi bo'limiO'rmon xo'jaligi, tuproq, tabiatni muhofaza qilish
Mudofaa vazirligiQurilish ishlari, Ruxsatnomalarni chuqurlashtirish va to'ldirish, Mudofaa ob'ektlaridan ifloslanishni nazorat qilish
Yadro nazorati bo'yicha komissiyaLitsenziyalash va tartibga solish atom energiyasi
Davlat departamentiXalqaro muhit
Savdo departamentiOkeanik va atmosferadagi monitoring va tadqiqotlar
Mehnat bo'limiKasbiy sog'liq
Uy-joy va shaharsozlik bo'limiUy-joy, shahar bog'lari, shaharsozlik
Transport bo'limiOmmaviy tranzit, Yo'llar, Samolyot shovqini, Neftning ifloslanishi
Energetika bo'limiEnergiya siyosatini muvofiqlashtirish, neft taqsimotini tadqiq etish va rivojlantirish
Tennessi vodiysi ma'muriyatiElektr energiyasini ishlab chiqarish
Federal favqulodda vaziyatlarni boshqarish agentligiOb-havoning o'zgarishi natijasida yuzaga kelgan tabiiy ofatlarni tozalash
Milliy xavfsizlik bo'limi |Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari sohil xavfsizligiDengiz va atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish, Milliy ifloslanish mablag'lari markazi (NPFC)

Qonunchilik sohasi

Ijro etuvchi hokimiyatdagi parchalanish Kongressda va shtatlarda takrorlanadi. Boshqacha qilib aytganda, kongress atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish federal siyosati bo'yicha prezident bilan vakolatlarga ega. Kongress qonunchilik va nazorat tinglovlari orqali siyosatga katta ta'sir ko'rsatishi mumkin. Shuningdek, ular tadqiqotlar va ma'ruzalarni nashr etish, ma'ruzalar qilish va qonunchilikni kiritish orqali siyosatga ta'sir o'tkazish qobiliyatiga ega. EPA deyarli uchdan ikki qismiga tegishli Vakillar palatasi doimiy komissiyalar va kichik qo'mitalar va shunga o'xshash foizlar Senat. Masalan, etmishta qo'mita va kichik qo'mitalar suv sifati siyosatini nazorat qiladi. Bunday parchalanish imkoniyatlarni ham, muammolarni ham yaratadi. Bunday turli xil qo'mitalar atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish va sanoat guruhlari uchun lobbi uchun ulkan imkoniyat yaratgan bo'lsa-da, vazifalarni taqsimlash shuni anglatadiki, hech kim qo'mita yoki idora atrof-muhit muammolarini umuman ko'rib chiqmaydi. Kongressda siyosiy konsensusni yaratish juda kamdan-kam hollarda, chunki manfaatlar xilma-xilligi va muammolarini qondirish kerak bo'lgan a'zolarning manfaatlari.[6]

Senat va Vakillar qo'mitasining yurisdiksiyalari
Senat
Qishloq xo'jaligi, ovqatlanish va o'rmon xo'jaligi qo'mitasiPestitsidlar
Ajratishlar bo'yicha qo'mitaAjratishlar
Byudjet qo'mitasiByudjet
Savdo, fan va transport qo'mitasiOkeanlar, tadqiqotlar va rivojlanish, radiatsiya, zaharli moddalar
Energetika va tabiiy resurslar qo'mitasiSintetik yoqilg'i, Tabiatni muhofaza qilishni nazorat qilish, Energiya byudjeti, Minalar, slanetsli slanets, tashqi kontinental shelf, Tarmoqli qazib olish
Atrof-muhit va jamoat ishlari qo'mitasiHavo, ichimlik suvi, shovqin, yadro energiyasi, okeanga tashlanish, tashqi kontinental shelf, tadqiqotlar va ishlanmalar, qattiq chiqindilar, zaharli moddalar, suv
Xalqaro aloqalar qo'mitasiXalqaro muhit
Milliy xavfsizlik va hukumat ishlari qo'mitasiIdoralararo mavzu doirasi
Mehnat va kadrlar qo'mitasiAholi salomatligi
Kichik biznes bo'yicha qo'mitaEkologik qoidalarning kichik biznesga ta'siri
Uy
Qishloq xo'jaligi qo'mitasiPestitsidlar
Ajratishlar bo'yicha qo'mitaAjratishlar
Byudjet qo'mitasiByudjet
Nazorat va hukumat islohoti bo'yicha qo'mitaIdoralararo mavzu doirasi
Ichki ishlar va ichki ishlar bo'yicha qo'mitaSintetik yoqilg'i, Tabiatni muhofaza qilishni nazorat qilish, Energiya byudjeti, Minalar, slanets slanetsi, tashqi kontinental shelf, Radiatsiya (Yadro nazorati bo'yicha komissiya nazorat), Tarmoqli qazib olish
Energetika va tijorat qo'mitasiHavo, ichimlik suvi, shovqin, radiatsiya, qattiq chiqindilar, zaharli moddalar
Tabiiy resurslar qo'mitasiOkeanga tashlanish
Transport va infratuzilma qo'mitasiShovqin, suvning ifloslanishi, suv resurslari
Ilmiy va texnologiya qo'mitasiTadqiqot va rivojlantirish
Kichik biznes bo'yicha qo'mitaEkologik qoidalarning kichik biznesga ta'siri

Tarix

Shuningdek qarang: AQSh atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish va mehnatni muhofaza qilish bo'yicha asosiy tartibga solish xronologiyasi
Asosiy ekologik qonunchilik
YilQonunYilQonun
1899Aktni rad etish1975Xavfli materiallarni tashish to'g'risidagi qonun
19181918 yilgi migratsiya qushlari to'g'risidagi qonun1976Resurslarni tejash va tiklash to'g'risidagi qonun
1948Federal suv ifloslanishini nazorat qilish to'g'risidagi qonun1976Qattiq chiqindilarni yo'q qilish to'g'risidagi qonun
1955Havoning ifloslanishini nazorat qilish to'g'risidagi qonun1976Zaharli moddalarni nazorat qilish to'g'risidagi qonun
1963Toza havo to'g'risidagi qonun (1963)1977Toza havo to'g'risidagi qonunga o'zgartirishlar
1965Qattiq chiqindilarni yo'q qilish to'g'risidagi qonun1977Toza suv to'g'risidagi qonunga o'zgartirishlar
1965Suv sifati to'g'risidagi qonun1980CERCLA (Superfund)
1967Havo sifati to'g'risidagi qonun1984Xavfli va qattiq chiqindilarga tuzatishlar
1969Milliy ekologik siyosat to'g'risidagi qonun1986Xavfsiz ichimlik suvi to'g'risidagi qonunga o'zgartirishlar
1970Toza havo to'g'risidagi qonun (1970)1986Superfundni o'zgartirish va qayta avtorizatsiya qilish to'g'risidagi qonun
1970Mehnatni muhofaza qilish to'g'risidagi qonun1986Favqulodda suv-botqoq manbalari to'g'risidagi qonun
1972Iste'molchilar uchun mahsulot xavfsizligi to'g'risidagi qonun1987Suv sifati to'g'risidagi qonun
1972Federal insektitsid, qo'ziqorin va rodentitsid to'g'risidagi qonun1990Yog 'bilan ifloslanish to'g'risidagi qonun
1972Toza suv to'g'risidagi qonun1990Toza havo to'g'risidagi qonun (1990)
1972Shovqinni boshqarish to'g'risidagi qonun1993Shimoliy Amerika erkin savdo shartnomasi
1973Yo'qolib ketish xavfi ostida bo'lgan turlar to'g'risidagi qonun1996Xavfsiz ichimlik suvi to'g'risidagi qonunga o'zgartirishlar
1974Xavfsiz ichimlik suvi to'g'risidagi qonun2003Sog'lom o'rmonlar tashabbusi

Qo'shma Shtatlarda atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish to'g'risidagi qonunlar federal ham, ham davlat darajalar. The umumiy Qonun ning mulk va qabul qilish ekologik muammolarda ham muhim rol o'ynaydi. Bundan tashqari, qonun tik turib da'vo qo'zg'atish huquqiga ega bo'lganlar bilan bog'liq bo'lib, Qo'shma Shtatlardagi ekologik huquqning muhim masalasidir.

Atrof-muhit harakatining kelib chiqishi

Asosiy maqola: Qo'shma Shtatlardagi ekologik harakat

Qo'shma Shtatlarda atrof-muhit huquqining tarixi dastlabki ildizlardan boshlangan umumiy Qonun ta'limotlar, masalan, ning qonuni bezovtalik va jamoat ishonch doktrinasi. Birinchi qonun bilan belgilangan atrof-muhit to'g'risidagi qonun 1899 yildagi daryolar va portlar to'g'risidagi qonun, bu asosan "Toza suv to'g'risida" gi qonun bilan almashtirildi. Biroq, yuqorida sanab o'tilgan federal nizomlar singari hozirgi eng yirik atrof-muhit to'g'risidagi nizomlar 1960-yillarning oxiri va 1980-yillarning boshlari oralig'idagi zamonaviy ekologik harakat paytida qabul qilingan. Ushbu qonunlar qabul qilinishidan oldin, atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish bo'yicha federal qonunlarning aksariyati deyarli keng qamrovli emas edi.[6]

Qo'shma Shtatlardagi zamonaviy ekologik harakatning kashshofi 20-asrning boshlari edi tabiatni muhofaza qilish harakati, Prezident bilan bog'liq Teodor Ruzvelt va Gifford Pinchot. Ushbu davrda AQSh o'rmon xizmati tashkil etildi va iste'molchilar huquqlarini himoya qilish bo'yicha jamoatchilik tashvishi boshlandi O'rmon tomonidan Upton Sinclair. Zamonaviy ekologik harakat qisman nashr etilishidan ilhomlangan Reychel Karson munozarali 1962 yilgi kitob Silent bahor Bu pestitsiddan foydalanish xavfini ko'rsatdi va umuman atrof-muhit uchun tashvish uyg'otdi. Karson tabiat inson himoyasiga loyiq ekanligini ta'kidlab, pestitsidlarni hasharotlar uchun atom bombasi deb atagan. U ushbu zararkunandalarga qarshi vositalar inson va tabiatga zarar etkazadigan atrof-muhit bo'ylab aylanishini ta'kidladi va ulardan oqilona foydalanish kerak deb hisobladi. Karson atrof-muhit faolligida katta rol o'ynadi, keyinchalik u paydo bo'lishi kerak edi.[6] Kabi raqamlardan texnologiyani noto'g'ri ishlatish tanqidlari bilan bir qatorda Uilyam Ophuls, Barri Commoner va Garret Hardin, 1960-yillardagi "Toza havo va toza suv" harakatlarining samarasizligi va tanqid qilinishi ekologik harakatga tez sur'atlarda rivojlanib bordi.[7]

O'sib borayotgan jamoatchilik qo'llab-quvvatlashidan tashqari, Kongressni isloh qilish va sudlarga yangi kirish kabi tarkibiy o'zgarishlar, ekologlarga o'zgarishlarni amalga oshirish uchun yangi kuch berdi. Shakllangan harakat uchta asosiy qadriyatga ega edi: ekologiya, sog'liq va barqarorlik. Bu qadriyatlar - biz qaramligimiz va atrof-muhit bilan o'zaro bog'liqligimiz, atrof-muhitni haqorat qilish bizning sog'ligimizga ta'sir qilishi mumkin va biz qayta tiklanmaydigan manbalarga bog'liqligimizni cheklashimiz kerak - noyob hamdard prezident va Kongress bilan birgalikda buyuk ekologik siyosatni olib bordi 1970-yillarda o'zgarish. 1972 yilda Rim klubi hisoboti chiqdi, bu ekologik muammoning og'irligini aniqlash uchun ilmiy harakat edi. Tadqiqotchilar guruhi o'sha davrning eng qo'rqinchli baholaridan biri bilan xulosa qildi va topilmalar, uning usullari va siyosat ta'siri bo'yicha keng bahslarni boshladi. Model asosan sanoatlashtirishni jadallashtirish, aholining tez o'sishi, to'yib ovqatlanmaslik, qayta tiklanmaydigan resurslarning kamayishi va atrof-muhitning yomonlashishi kabi global tashvishlarning asosiy tendentsiyalarini o'rganish uchun qurilgan. Ularning xulosasiga ko'ra, agar dunyo aholisining hozirgi o'sish tendentsiyalari, sanoatlashtirish, ifloslanish, oziq-ovqat mahsulotlarini ishlab chiqarish va resurslarning kamayishi bu sayyorada o'sish chegaralariga nisbatan o'zgarishsiz qolsa, yaqin yuz yil ichida bo'ladi.[6]

Dastlabki ekologik holatlardan biri sifatida keng tan olingan bitta sud jarayoni Scenic Hudson Conservation Conference-ga qarshi Federal Quvvat Komissiyasi, tomonidan 1965 yilda qaror qilingan Ikkinchi tuman apellyatsiya sudi, federal atrof-muhit to'g'risidagi asosiy qonunlarni qabul qilishdan oldin.[8] Ushbu holat a qurilishini to'xtatishga yordam berdi elektr stantsiyasi kuni Bo'ron King tog'i Nyu-York shtatida. Ushbu holat atrof-muhit bo'yicha sud jarayonlarini tug'dirishi va huquqiy doktrinani yaratishda yordam berish sifatida tasvirlangan tik turib ekologik da'volarni olib kelish.[9] Scenic Hudson ishi ham ushbu voqeani ilhomlantirishga yordam bergani aytiladi Milliy ekologik siyosat to'g'risidagi qonun kabi ekologik targ'ibot guruhlarini yaratish Tabiiy resurslarni mudofaa qilish kengashi.

Prezident ishtiroki

Nikson va ekologik o'n yil (1970-1980)

Qo'shimcha ma'lumotlar: Richard Niksonning prezidentligi § Atrof-muhit siyosati

1970 yil 1 yanvarda Prezident Richard Nikson imzolagan Milliy ekologik siyosat to'g'risidagi qonun (NEPA), 1970-yillardan boshlab ba'zi[JSSV? ] "ekologik o'n yil" deb nomlashgan. NEPA tomonidan yaratilgan Atrof-muhit sifati bo'yicha kengash federal harakatlarning atrof-muhitga ta'sirini nazorat qilgan. Yilning oxirida Nikson uni yaratdi Atrof muhitni muhofaza qilish agentligi (EPA), bu boshqa agentliklarning atrof-muhit dasturlarini yagona tashkilotga birlashtirgan. Ushbu davrda qonunchilik birinchi navbatda havodagi ifloslantiruvchi moddalar, er usti suvlari, er osti suvlari va qattiq chiqindilarni yo'q qilish bilan bog'liq. Kabi havoni ifloslantiruvchi moddalar zarrachalar, oltingugurt dioksidi, azot dioksidi, uglerod oksidi va ozon kabi tartibga solingan va shunga o'xshash masalalar kislotali yomg'ir, ko'rinish va Global isish tashvish ham edi. Er usti suvlarida ifloslantiruvchi moddalar mavjud edi an'anaviy ifloslantiruvchi moddalar (bakteriyalar, biokimyoviy kislorodga bo'lgan talab va to'xtatilgan qattiq moddalar ), erigan qattiq moddalar, ozuqaviy moddalar va zaharli moddalar, masalan, metallar va pestitsidlar. Er osti suvlari uchun ifloslantiruvchi moddalar tarkibiga biologik ifloslantiruvchi moddalar, noorganik va organik moddalar va radionuklidlar. Va nihoyat, qishloq xo'jaligi, sanoat, tog'-kon sanoati, munitsipalitetlar va boshqa sohalardagi qattiq chiqindilarni ifloslantiruvchi moddalar nazorati ostiga olindi.

1970 yildagi Toza havo to'g'risidagi qonunga (CAA) va 1972 yildagi suvning ifloslanishini nazorat qilish to'g'risidagi Federal qonunga (Toza suv to'g'risidagi qonunga) tegishli ekologik muammolarni yangi yo'nalishga olib keldi.

E'lon qilinishi kerak bo'lgan yangi CAA standartlari mavjud texnologiyalar bilan mavjud emas edi - ular texnologiyani majburlashdi. EPA joriy etgan standartlar asosan davlat tomonidan amalga oshirilishini talab qiladi. Har bir davlat EPA tomonidan ma'qullanishni talab qiladigan davlatni amalga oshirish rejalarini (SIP) tayyorladi. 1970 yilgi CAA yangi avtoulovlarda avtomobillar emissiyasi standartlari uchun muddatlar va jarimalarni belgilab qo'ydi, natijada ishlab chiqilgan va qabul qilingan katalitik konvertorlar va avtomobillarning ifloslanishini sezilarli darajada kamaytirish.

Chiqindi suvlari uchun har bir chiqindi suv inshooti ruxsat olishlari kerak edi va EPA yangi federal standartlarni chiqara boshladi (")oqova suvlar bo'yicha ko'rsatmalar ") sanoat tarmoqlaridan"mavjud bo'lgan eng yaxshi texnologiya "ularning chiqindilarini qayta ishlash uchun. Kongress, shuningdek, qurilishida yordam berish uchun katta jamoat ishlarini dasturini yaratdi kanalizatsiya tozalash munitsipalitetlar uchun o'simliklar va ko'pchilik o'simliklar uchrashishi kerak edi ikkilamchi davolash standartlar.

Siyosatshunoslar Bayron Deyns va Glenn Sussman Franklin Ruzveltdan tortib Jorj V.Bushgacha bo'lgan barcha prezidentlarni ularning ekologizmiga baho berishdi. ularning fikriga ko'ra, barcha demokratlar bitta respublikachi bilan birgalikda atrof-muhitga ijobiy ta'sir ko'rsatgan deb baholanadi: Nikson. Qolgan beshta respublikachining poytaxti aralash ta'sirga ega edi (Eyzenxauer, Ford va Jorj H.V.Bush) yoki salbiy ta'sir (Ronald Reygan va Jorj V. Bush).[10] Deyns va Sussman o'zlarining tahlillarini Niksonga bergan oltita asosiy yutuqlarni aniqlash bilan yakunlaydilar.[11]

  • U Teodor Ruzvelt davridan beri birinchi marta Respublikachilar partiyasining atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish masalalariga e'tiborini kengaytirdi. U shu bilan "Demokratik partiyani atrof-muhit ustidan hukmronlik mavqeidan chiqarib yubordi".
  • U prezidentlik vakolatlaridan foydalangan va doimiy siyosiy tuzilmani yaratish uchun Kongressda qonunchilikni targ'ib qilgan, xususan, Atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish agentligi, Oq uyning atrof-muhit sifati bo'yicha kengashi, Milliy Okean va Atmosfera ma'muriyati va boshqalar.
  • U Kongressning atrof-muhitni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi doimiy tuzilishini, ayniqsa 1970 yildagi Milliy atrof-muhit siyosati to'g'risidagi qonuni, barcha federal idoralarga atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilishga yordam berishni buyurganligini ta'minlashga yordam berdi.
  • Nikson ikkita ko'zga ko'ringan lavozimlarda bir qator kuchli ekologlarni tayinladi[qaysi? ] shu jumladan Uilyam Ruckelshaus, Rassel poezdi, Rassel V. Peterson va Jon C. Uaytaker (u to'rt yil davomida Oq uyning katta yordamchisi bo'lgan, 1973 yilda ichki ishlar kotibining o'rinbosari bo'lgan).
  • Nikson atrof-muhit muammolariga butun dunyo bo'ylab diplomatik e'tiborni boshladi, ayniqsa ular bilan ishlash NATO.
  • Nihoyat, ular ta'kidlaydilar: "Nikson atrof-muhitga oid ustuvor vazifalarni ilgari surishda eng muvaffaqiyatli prezidentlardan biri bo'lish uchun atrof-muhitga shaxsan sodiq bo'lishi shart emas edi".[12]

Ford ma'muriyati (1974-1977)

Qisqa ma'muriyat davrida atrof-muhit muhofazasi periferik muammo edi Jerald Ford, 1974–1977. Uning asosiy tashvishi barqaror iqtisodiyot edi va ekologik muammolar iqtisodiy o'sish siyosatiga qarshi qurbon qilindi. Nikson davridan qolgan ekologlar, masalan, EPA rahbari Rassel Train hafsalasi pir bo'lgan, ekologizmning muxoliflari esa Tomas S. Kleppe. Ichki ishlar kotibi sifatida Kleppe "Sagebrush isyoni "Unda G'arbdagi chorvadorlar 15 G'arb shtatlarida hukumat tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanib, qonunlarini qabul qildilar va ularning ishlariga xalaqit beradigan federal atrof-muhit muhofazasini bekor qilishga urinishdi. Ular federal sudlarda bir necha bor yutqazdilar, ayniqsa Oliy sud qarorida Kleppe va Nyu-Meksiko (1976).[13]

Fordning yutuqlari qatoriga ikkita milliy yodgorliklarni oltita tarixiy joylar, uchta tarixiy bog'lar va ikkita milliy qo'riqxonalar qo'shildi. Hech biri bahsli bo'lmagan. U imzoladi Xavfsiz ichimlik suvi to'g'risidagi qonun (1974) va Resurslarni tejash va tiklash to'g'risidagi qonun (1976), "ekologik o'n yillikda" tasdiqlangan muhim qonunlardan ikkitasi. Xalqaro sohada Kanada, Meksika, Xitoy, Yaponiya, Sovet Ittifoqi va Evropaning bir qator davlatlari bilan tuzilgan bitimlarda yo'qolib ketish xavfi ostida bo'lgan turlarni himoya qilish qoidalari kiritilgan. 1976 yilda, atrof-muhit muammolari yuzaga kelmagan paytda Ford nomzodi uchun Ronald Reyganni ozgina mag'lubiyatga uchratdi. U Fordning ekologik rekordiga hujum qilgan Jimmi Karterdan mag'lub bo'ldi.[14]

Karter ma'muriyati (1977-1981)

Jimmi Karter ekologik harakatning ko'plab maqsadlarini qo'llab-quvvatladi va taniqli ekologlarni yuqori lavozimlarga tayinladi. Prezident sifatida uning ritorikasi atrof-muhitni qattiq qo'llab-quvvatladi va atom energiyasini qabul qilishiga nisbatan yumshoqlik bilan; u dengiz flotida atom suvosti kemalari bilan atom energetikasida o'qitilgan.[15] Karter atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish bo'yicha bir qator muhim qonun loyihalarini imzoladi, shu jumladan 1977 yilda yer usti konlarini boshqarish va melioratsiya to'g'risidagi qonun, tarmoqli qazib olishni tartibga soluvchi.[16] 1980 yilda Karter qonun loyihasini imzoladi Superfund, zararli moddalar bilan ifloslangan joylarni tozalash uchun mo'ljallangan federal dastur.

Biroq, oraliq vaqtga kelib, Karterning Demokratik Kongress bilan yaqin hamkorlik qila olmasligi, ko'plab tashabbuslarning hech qachon o'tib ketmasligini anglatdi, chunki uning tarafdorlari umidsizlikka tushishdi. Karterning zaifligi 1977 yilgi 19 ta suv resurslarini qurish loyihalarini moliyalashtirishni bekor qilish to'g'risidagi qarorida, dasturlarni ma'qullagan kongressmenlarning keskin e'tirozlariga qaramay namoyon bo'ldi. O'zining gubernatorlik tajribasiga asoslanib, Karter dasturlarga ishonmadi Armiya muhandislari korpusi, uning saylovoldi tashviqoti va atrof-muhitni qo'llab-quvvatlovchilarining ritorikasi, Kongress bilan tajribasining etishmasligi bilan murakkablashdi. U orqaga chekinishga majbur bo'ldi va Kapitoliy tepaligidagi ta'sirini yo'qotdi. Kongressdagi demokratlar uning qaror qabul qilishda axloqiy, ijro etuvchi, oqilona yondoshishi va kongressning kelishuv, homiylik va standart usullariga amal qilishni istamasligi bilan norozi bo'lishdi. ro'yxatdan o'tish.[17]

Karter uzoq muddatli istiqbolda o'zining energetika siyosatida muvaffaqiyat qozondi, ammo uning kambag'al reklama apparati uning boshqaruvida bo'lgan davrida bu muvaffaqiyatni yashirgan edi. Amerikaliklar vahimali ravishda import qilinadigan neftga qaram bo'lib qolishdi va ularning deyarli to'rtdan bir qismini sotib olishdi OPEK ishlab chiqarish. Aholi jon boshiga Amerika iste'moli Evropa yoki Yaponiyadan ikki baravar ko'p edi. Karterning maqsadi ushbu qaramlikni qaytarish edi. U 1977 yilgi qonunlarni qo'llab-quvvatladi Energetika bo'limi va favqulodda tabiiy gaz to'g'risidagi qonunni yaratdi va yaratdi Sintetik yoqilg'i korporatsiyasi, xususiy sektor bilan qo'shma korxonalarni qurish uchun 20 milliard dollar miqdorida moliyalashtirildi.[18]

Sesil Andrus, avval Aydaho gubernatori 1978 yildan 1981 yilgacha Karterning ichki ishlar bo'yicha kotibi bo'lib ishlagan. U Karterni 375 million akrlik jamoat erlarining deyarli yarmini tijorat maqsadlarida olib ketishga bir qator ijro harakatlari va yangi qonunlar bilan ishontirishga majbur qildi. 1978 yil dekabrda Prezident shtatning federal yerlarining 56 million gektaridan ko'prog'ini erga joylashtirdi Milliy park tizimi, ularni mineral yoki neft rivojlanishidan himoya qilish. 1980 yil Alyaska milliy manfaatdorlik to'g'risidagi erlarni muhofaza qilish to'g'risidagi qonun milliy bog'lar va yovvoyi tabiat muhofazasi uchun ajratilgan jamoat yerlari miqdorini ikki baravarga oshirdi. Karter o'z kuchidan 1906 yilgacha foydalangan Qadimgi buyumlar to'g'risidagi qonun 17 ta milliy yodgorlikda 57 million akr ajratish. Qolgan gektar maydon ostida olib qo'yildi 1976 yilgi Yer siyosati va boshqarish to'g'risidagi federal qonun.[19][20] Biznes va konservativ manfaatlar iqtisodiy o'sishga zarar etkazishidan shikoyat qildilar.[21]

Reygan ma'muriyati (1981–1989)

Ronald Reygan atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish to'g'risidagi qonunlarga shubha bilan qaragan va atrof-muhitni hisobga olgan holda hukumat tomonidan qattiq tartibga solinmagan. Reygan lavozimga kirishi bilan unga o'tish to'g'risida ikkita hisobot berildi. Bitta hisobot "Etakchilik uchun mandat " dan Heritage Foundation ikkinchisi esa konservativ kongressmenning "GOP Economic Dunkirkdan saqlanish" edi Devid Stokman (R-MI). Har bir ma'ruzada atrof-muhitni tartibga solishni, birinchi navbatda, ma'muriy o'zgartirishlar orqali keskin o'zgarishlarga chaqirdi. Ushbu strategiyani amalga oshirishda Reygan 1981 yildagi Omnibus byudjetini yarashtirish to'g'risidagi qonun orqali EPA byudjetini asta-sekin 30 foizga qisqartirdi, EPA xodimlari sonini qisqartirdi va ma'muriy yo'nalishga ishtiyoq bilan amal qiladigan odamlarni muhim agentlik lavozimlariga tayinladi. Kabi tayinlovchilar Anne Burford EPA da va Jeyms G. Vatt Ichki ishlar vazirligida atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilishga nisbatan dushmanlik qilishgan. O'zining tayinlanishi orqali Reygan atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish bo'yicha operatsiyalarni qattiq tartibga solishdan "kooperativ tartibga solish" ga o'zgartirdi. (Burford va uning yordamchi ma'murlarining aksariyati 1983 yilda Superfund va boshqa EPA dasturlarini noto'g'ri boshqarish bilan bog'liq mojarolar sababli iste'foga chiqishga majbur bo'ldilar.[22])

Ushbu tartibga solishning ma'muriy strategiyasiga binoan atrof-muhit to'g'risidagi qonunlar yozilgan va sanoat manfaatlari uchun qulayroq talqin qilingan. The Boshqarish va byudjet idorasi (OMB) ga normativ hujjatlarni yozish bo'yicha yangi vakolatlar berildi. Reyganning birinchi ma'muriyati davrida OMBga har qanday tartibga solish amalga oshirilishidan oldin uning foydasi va foydasi bo'yicha tahlilni talab qilish huquqi berilgan edi. Bu yangi qoidalarni kechiktirish uchun ishlatilgan va tartibga solishga olib keladigan o'zgarishlar ko'pincha ushbu talabdan voz kechgan. Reyganning ikkinchi ma'muriyati boshida OMBga ko'proq vakolat berildi. Barcha tartibga soluvchi idoralar har yili atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish bo'yicha barcha asosiy qoidalar bo'yicha takliflar kiritishlari shart edi, bu esa OMBga ushbu taklif qilinayotgan qoidalar jamoatchilikka aylanishidan oldin tartibga solish harakatlarini kamaytirishga imkon berdi.[23]

Oq uyga kirgandan bir necha oy ichida Reygan avvalgi Karter Oq uyning G'arbiy qanoti tomiga o'rnatgan quyosh panellarini olib tashladi. "Reyganning siyosiy falsafasi erkin bozorni mamlakat uchun foydali bo'lgan narsalarning eng yaxshi hakami deb bilar edi. U o'zining shaxsiy manfaati, u mamlakatni to'g'ri yo'nalishga olib borishini his qilgan", deb yozgan muallif Natali Golddshteyn "Global Warming" da.[24] (2010 yil oktyabr oyida Prezident Obama 31 yildan so'ng Oq uy tomlarida quyosh panellarini qayta tiklashni rejalashtirgan.[25])

Jorj H. V. Bush ma'muriyati (1989-1993)

Birinchi Bush ma'muriyati davrida atrof-muhit siyosati yangilik va cheklovlarni o'z ichiga olgan. Jorj H. V. Bush ekologni tayinladi, Uilyam Reyli, atrof-muhitga moyil bo'lgan boshqalar bilan bir qatorda, EPAni boshqarish. Uchrashuvni qabul qilishdan oldin, Reilly Prezidentning atrof-muhitni himoya qilish va Oq uyga kirishini qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun kelishuvini ta'minladi, ammo raqobatdosh manfaatlar to'qnashuvlarni ta'minladi.[26] Ammo atrof-muhitga mas'uliyatli boshqa bo'limlarda va Oq uydagi idoralarda u ko'proq rivojlanishga yo'naltirilgan odamlarni tayinladi, masalan Jon H. Sununu, Richard Darman va Dan Kvayl. Dastlab sezilarli tartibga solish qabul qilingan bo'lsa-da, oxirgi ikki yillik faoliyati davomida u tartibga solishni keskin cheklab qo'ydi va 1992 yilda yangi me'yoriy hujjatlarni to'liq muzlatib qo'ydi.

1989 yil 21-iyulda Bush Kongressga "Toza havo to'g'risida" gi qonunga o'zgartirishlar kiritishni taklif qiluvchi qonun loyihasini yubordi.[27] Tuzatishlarning asosiy maqsadi ko'mir yoqadigan zavodlardan oltingugurt dioksidi chiqindilarini cheklash orqali kislota yomg'irini kamaytirish, sakson shaharni hozirgi havo sifati standartlariga etkazish va havodagi ikki yuzdan ziyod zaharli kimyoviy moddalar chiqindilarini kamaytirish edi.[27] Bush a savdo-sotiq oltingugurt dioksidi chiqindilarini kamaytirish tizimi, qonunlar maqsadiga erishish uchun kommunal xizmatlarning egiluvchanligini ta'minlaydigan strategiya.[23][27] Qonun loyihasining so'nggi tahririda kislotali yomg'irni nazorat qilish va statsionar manbalardan foydalanishga ruxsatnoma berish bo'yicha yangi me'yoriy dasturlar va zaharli havo chiqindilari uchun me'yoriy dastur kengaytirildi.[28] Kongress har ikki palatada ko'pchilik ovoz bilan qonun loyihasini qabul qildi,[29] va Bush qonun loyihasini 1990 yil 15 noyabrda imzoladilar.[30]

Raqobatbardoshlik bo'yicha xususiy sektor kengashi (federaldan farq qiladi) Raqobatdoshlik siyosati kengashi ) 1989 yilda Bush Reygan ma'muriyatida ishlagan tartibga soluvchi yordam bo'yicha avvalgi ishchi guruhi bilan bir xil rol o'ynashi uchun tuzilgan edi, u federal idoralar rahbarlari bilan tartibga solish bo'yicha prezident nomidan muzokaralar olib borishi kerak edi.[31] Ushbu ijro etuvchi hokimiyat agentligi EPA ma'muri Reilly bilan muzokaralar olib bordi va masalan, sanoat uchun qulay qarorlarni qabul qildi botqoqli erlarni qayta aniqlash va mahalliy chiqindixonalarda ishlov berilmagan zaharli kimyoviy moddalarning miqdori (bu keyinchalik teskari bo'lib qoldi). Reyganning OMB-dan foydalanishi kabi avvalgi tartibga solish choralari bo'ysunar edi Kongress nazorati, Raqobatbardoshlik bo'yicha Kengash mustaqil bo'lib, uning ishi yozuvlarini yuritishi shart emas edi. Raqobatbardoshlik bo'yicha kengash o'z vakolatlarini Oq uyning memorandumlaridan olgan va uning a'zolari orasida vitse-prezident Den Kvayl, moliya vaziri Nikolas Bredi, savdo kotibi Robert Mosbaxer va Oq uy apparati rahbari Jon Sununu bor edi.[32]

1992 yilda Bush xalqaro harakatlarga qarshi chiqdi Yer sammiti yilda Rio-de-Janeyro, Braziliya imzosini rad etish bilan biologik xilma-xillik to'g'risidagi shartnoma cheklash to'g'risidagi taklifdan barcha majburiy maqsadlarni olib tashlash uchun lobbi global karbonat angidrid chiqindilari.[33]

Klinton ma'muriyati (1993-2001)

The Bill Klinton ma'muriyati ekologik siyosat yo'nalishi o'zgarishini va'da qildi. Al Gor, vitse-prezident va shu kabi tayinlovchilar Kerol Brauner EPA da va Bryus Babbitt Atrof-muhit atrof-muhit nuqtai nazaridan dalda berdi. Klinton raqobatbardoshlik bo'yicha Kengashni bekor qildi, tartibga solish vakolatlarini agentlik rahbarlariga topshirdi va Klinton va Gor atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish va iqtisodiy o'sish bir-biriga mos kelmasligini ta'kidladilar.[34]

Klintonning gubernator sifatidagi rekordlari Arkanzas ammo, u murosaga kelishga tayyorligini aytdi. G'arbda boqish uchun to'lovlar va hududlarni tozalash kabi masalalarda bir qator o'rta yo'llar orqali. Everglades va uning qo'llab-quvvatlashi orqali Shimoliy Amerika erkin savdo shartnomasi 1993 yilda va Tariflar va savdo bo'yicha bosh kelishuv 1994 yilda Klinton ba'zi ekologlardan norozi bo'ldi. Xususan, Yashil partiya va uning nomzodi Ralf Nader Klintonning ekologik holatini tanqid qilishda ochiqchasiga gapirishdi.

Atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish bo'yicha ba'zi bir guruhlarning tanqidlariga qaramay, Klinton ma'muriyati atrof-muhitni himoya qilish borasida bir nechta muhim yutuqlarga erishdi. Klinton Prezidentning Barqaror rivojlanish bo'yicha kengashini tuzdi va imzoladi Kioto protokoli[35] (garchi u qilmagan bo'lsa ham shartnomani taqdim eting Senatga) qarshi chiqdi va ularga qarshi qat'iy turdi Respublika 1994 yildagi saylovlardan so'ng atrof-muhit to'g'risidagi qonunlar va qoidalarni ajratish jarayoni orqali qaytarib olishga urinishlar. Klinton ma'muriyati davrida EPA byudjeti ko'paytirildi va mamlakatning tabiiy boyliklarining katta qismi, masalan, Evergladesni qayta tiklash va uning hajmini oshirish kabi katta muhofaza ostiga olindi. Everglades milliy bog'i. Muhim AQSh Oliy sudi ushbu davrdagi ishlar kiritilgan Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari - Vaytsenxof va boshq.

Jorj Bush ma'muriyati (2001-2009)

Shuningdek qarang: Jorj V.Bush ma'muriyatining ichki siyosati § Atrof muhit
Prezidentning tashabbusi

2002 yilda Prezident Jorj V.Bush atrof-muhitga oid qonunchilik tashabbusini e'lon qildi Osmon osmoni.[36] "Clear Sky" taklifining maqsadi uchta ifloslantiruvchi moddalarni kamaytirish edi: oltingugurt dioksidi, azot dioksidi va simob. "Clear Sky" bozorga asoslangan tizimdan foydalanishi kerak edi[37] energiya kompaniyalariga ifloslanish kreditlarini sotib olish va sotish uchun ruxsat berish orqali. Prezidentning ta'kidlashicha, "Osmon osmoni" bozorga asoslangan tizimni qo'llaydi, chunki bu bilan taqqoslaganda millionlab tonna ifloslanish yo'q qilinadi Toza havo to'g'risidagi qonun. Biroq, prezidentning tanqidchilari "Tiniq osmon" siyosati "Toza havo to'g'risida" gi qonun qoidalarini susaytiradi deb ta'kidlashdi.[38][39][23]

1970 yilgi "Toza havo to'g'risida" gi qonunning asosiy qoidalari atmosfera ifloslanishini milliy darajada nazorat qilish va tashabbus dasturi deb nomlangan Yangi manbalarni ko'rib chiqish (NSR). NSR tashabbusi bilan elektr stantsiyalari mavjud quvvatlarni kengaytirish va yangi texnologiyalarni qo'shishdan oldin ularni ifloslanishga qarshi texnologiyalarga o'tishlari kerak.[39] Bush ma'muriyati tomonidan ilgari surilgan "Tiniq osmon" tashabbusi "Yangi manbalarni ko'rib chiqish" qoidasini olib tashlash va "Toza havo to'g'risida" qonunda energiya inshootlariga mos keladigan ba'zi standartlarni tartibga solish edi.[40] NSRni olib tashlashni taklif etilishi to'qqiz shimoli-sharqiy shtatni yangi sud qarorining oldini olish uchun federal sudga da'vo arizasini berishga undadi. "Osmonga qarshi" advokatlar NSRni olib tashlashni amaldagi qonunlarning zaiflashishi va "Toza havo to'g'risidagi qonunga tajovuz" deb hisoblashdi. Atrof-muhit himoyachilari va ularning siyosiy ittifoqchilari oxir-oqibat "Tiniq osmon" tashabbusini mag'lubiyatga uchratishgan.

Global ekologik siyosat

Prezident Bush imzolashdan bosh tortdi Kioto protokoli AQSh iqtisodiyoti uchun salbiy oqibatlarga olib kelishi mumkinligi qo'rquvini keltirib. Bush, shuningdek, rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlarga yoqishini aytib o'tdi Hindiston va Xitoy uning qarshi chiqishiga sabab bo'lgan Kioto talablaridan ozod qilingan.[41] Prezident Bush Kioto protokolidan chiqqach, uning ko'plab tanqidchilari u qarorini ilmga emas, balki mafkuraga bag'ishlagan deb da'vo qilishgan. Guardian-dan Suzanne Goldenberg, Bush yillarini "ma'muriyatning fanni buzishidan kelib chiqqan holda, kelishilgan hujum" deb biladi.[42] Bushning o'zi Atrof muhitni muhofaza qilish agentligi bosh Kristin Todd Uitman "Kyotodan uzoqlashish qarori" butun dunyoga "ochig'ini aytganda" qushni ag'darishga "teng". Shuningdek, Aileen Claussen, ning prezidenti Global iqlim o'zgarishi bo'yicha Pyu markazi dedi davlat rahbarining fanga oid savolni stolga qo'yishi g'oyasi dahshatli edi. Bushning tanqidchilari orasida Jonathon Dorm, Yer siyosati instituti va NASA olim Jeyms Xansen. Dormning ta'kidlashicha, ma'muriyat "ilm-fanni o'chirishga yashirin urinish" qildi, Xansen esa "global isishning tezlashishini ko'rsatuvchi ma'lumotlarni blokirovka qilishga urinmoqda" deb da'vo qildi.

Prezident Bushning Senat tomonidan ratifikatsiya izlashdan bosh tortishi uning muxoliflari tomonidan keng tanqid qilindi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Kongressi va ommaviy axborot vositalarida. Prezident Bushning eng qattiq tanqidchilaridan ba'zilari uning Kioto protokoli bo'yicha qaror qabul qilishiga uning yirik neft kompaniyalari bilan yaqin aloqalari sabab bo'lgan deb da'vo qilmoqda. Greenpeace brifing qog'ozlarini olib, ma'muriyat Exxonga iqlim o'zgarishi masalasidagi "faol ishtiroki" uchun minnatdorchilik bildirgan. Guardian gazetasi kotib o'rinbosari aniqlagan hujjatlar haqida xabar berdi Paula Dobrianskiy "Exxon rahbarlari va boshqa Kiotoga qarshi ishbilarmon guruhlarni Kiotoga muqobil alternativalar to'g'risida gapirish".[43] Biroq, 2003 yilda, Exxon jamoat ishlari bo'yicha Nik Nik Tomas Kiotoga nisbatan har qanday pozitsiyani rad etdi.

Saylovoldi tashviqoti atrof-muhit to'g'risida

2001 yilda Prezident Bush prezidentlik kampaniyasida ko'mir yoqadigan elektr stantsiyalaridan karbonat angidrid chiqindilarini tartibga solish bo'yicha bergan va'dasini bekor qilib, kampaniya muhiti va'dasini buzdi. Gubernator Bush elektrostansiyalar atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish bo'yicha qat'iy siyosat olib borishni va'da berar ekan, toza havo standartlariga javob berishi kerakligini va'da qildi.[44] Saylovoldi kampaniyasining buzilgan va'dasi ekologik guruhlar tomonidan xiyonat sifatida qabul qilindi. Prezidentning karbonat angidrid gazi chiqindilarini tartibga solish bo'yicha bekor qilishi atrof-muhitga oid qator bahsli fikrlardan biri edi. Masalan, Bush ma'muriyati shunday qaror chiqardi zavod fermalari ustidan nazoratni oldini olish uchun hayvonlarning chiqindilarini tashlamasliklarini da'vo qilishlari mumkin Toza havo to'g'risidagi qonun.

Atrof muhitni tartibga solish

Bush ma'muriyati davrida amalga oshirilgan xatti-harakatlarni ekologlar ilmiy jihatdan emas, balki mafkuraviy deb hisoblashgan. Tanqidlar prezidentning nomzodi bo'lganida va prezident sifatida qabul qilingan ijro harakatlarida prezidentning fikrlari o'zgarganidan kelib chiqqan. Bush prezidentligi mafkura va yirik neft bilan yaqin aloqalar tufayli atrof-muhitga zaif deb qaraldi. Biroq, Eli Lerer Raqobatbardosh korxonalar instituti Bush ma'muriyati AQSh tarixidagi boshqa ma'muriyatlarga qaraganda ko'proq qoidalar chiqarganiga da'vo qildi.

Havoning ifloslanishini kamaytirish

Prezident Bush sakkiz yillik faoliyati davomida u o'zining ijro etuvchi vakolatlarini bir qator masalalarda ishlatgan. NSR talablarini chetlab o'tish maqsadida, prezident "zavodlar bo'yicha ruxsatnomalarni ko'rib chiqishni cheklash" bo'yicha ijro etuvchi choralarni ko'rdi.[45] Shuningdek, u EPAga bozorga asoslangan tizimdan foydalangan holda mintaqaviy reglamentni ishlab chiqishni buyurdi. EPA Toza havo davlatlararo qoidasi (CAIR) bilan ishlab chiqilgan. CAIR ko'mir yoqadigan zavodlarning ifloslanishining 70 foizini kamaytirishga qaratilgan edi. Ammo keyinchalik CAIR 2008 yilda Kolumbiya okrugi bo'yicha AQSh Apellyatsiya sudi tomonidan bekor qilingan. Bundan tashqari, toza havo simob qoidasi (CAMR) ham joriy qilingan. CAMR simob chiqindilarining doimiy milliy chegarasini o'rnatish maqsadida yaratilgan.

Bush ekologik merosi

In the later years of the Bush administration, the president engaged in a series of environmental proposals. He called on countries with the largest greenhouse gases to establish a global goal to control emissions[46] and in 2008 initiated the U.S to join the Birlashgan Millatlar to negotiate a post-2012 global climate plan after Kyoto expires. The plan calls for inclusion of both developed and developing nations to address greenhouse gas emissions. In addition, during the later years, President Bush's position on climate changed. The president had taken steps in the later years of his presidency to address environmental criticism of his broken campaign promises, and argued that the Kyoto protocol was a plan to cripple the US economy. This stern position caused him serious credibility challenges on environmental issues both nationally and globally.

The Obama Administration (2009–2017)

Environmental issues were prominent in the 2008 yilgi prezident saylovi. Demokrat Barak Obama obtained a clear lead above his rival, Republican Senator Jon Makkeyn, on the environment, winning the backing of 'all mainstream environmental groups'[47] and public confidence on the issue.[48] Upon election, appointments such as that of the Nobel mukofoti - yutuqli fizik Stiven Chu were seen as a confirmation that his presidency was serious about environmental issues.[49]

One example of a new initiative by the Obama Administration is the America's Great Outdoors Initiative, which preserves and highlights numerous natural features, and also raises public awareness.

The Trump Administration (2017–present)

Asosiy maqola: Donald Tramp ma'muriyatining ekologik siyosati

Ekologik siyosati Tramp ma'muriyati represents a shift from the policy priorities and goals of his predecessor, Barak Obama. While Obama's environmental agenda prioritized the reduction of carbon emissions through the use of clean qayta tiklanadigan energiya,[50] the Trump administration has sought to increase qazilma yoqilg'i use and scrap environmental regulations, which he has often referred to as an impediment to business.[51] Trump has announced plans to pull the United States out of the 191 nation Parij kelishuvi.[52] At a presidential debate in March 2016, Trump said he would eliminate the EPA as a part of his plan to balance the budget.[53]

Trump's "America First Energy Plan", focuses on increasing the use of fossil fuels without mentioning renewable energy. It would repeal many Obama policies including the Iqlim bo'yicha harakatlar rejasi va Clean Water Rule, and limit the EPA's mission to protecting air and water quality. Within days of taking office he signed executive orders to approve two controversial oil pipelines and to require federal review of the Clean Water Rule and the Toza quvvat rejasi. He also invited American manufacturers to suggest which regulations should be eliminated; industry leaders submitted 168 comments, of which nearly half targeted Environmental Protection Agency rules.[54]

Trump's appointments to key agencies dealing in energy and environmental policy reflected his commitment to tartibga solish, ayniqsa qazilma yoqilg'i sanoati. Several of his cabinet picks, such as Rik Perri kabi Energetika kotibi va Skott Pruitt as EPA Administrator, were people with a history of opposition to the agency they were named to head.[55] The Director of the Climate and Development Lab and Braun universiteti atrof-muhitni o'rganish professor J. Timmons Roberts said in 2018, "It's been a hard year.... Literally every country in the world is moving ahead [on reducing carbon emissions] without us."[56]

Green New Deal (2019-present)

Asosiy maqola: Yashil yangi bitim

This environmental policy was first proposed on February 7, 2019 by both Rep. Iskandariya Okasio-Kortez (D-NY) and Sen. Ed. Markey (D-MA).[57] The main goal of the legislation is for the United States "to switch to 100% renewable energy in 10 years"[58] or by 2030. In addition to addressing environmental concerns associated with climate change, the Green New Deal aims to "fix societal problems like economic inequality and racial injustice" [59] by ensuring that everyone has access to education, clean water, and employment with benefits. [60] It also strives to make every building energy efficient. One of the main factors for its proposal was a United Nations report released in October 2018 stating that "the world must cut greenhouse gases by almost half by 2030"[61] to avoid the fate of irreversible damage by 2030, if the United States continues business as usual. "To stop further warming, greenhouse gases must be reduced to 350 parts per million. Carbon dioxide levels are already above 400 parts per million." [62]

The proposed United States legislation was rejected by the Senate on Tuesday, March 26, 2019, with Senate Majority Leader Mitch Makkonnell (R-Ky) leading the voting process.[63] The legislation received 57 "no's" and 43 "presents". [64]

Muammolar

Since the environmental movement of the 1970s, the nature of environmental issues has changed. While the initial emphasis was on conventional air and water pollutants, which were the most obvious and easily measurable problems, newer issues are long-term problems that are not easily discernible and can be surrounded by controversy.

Kislota cho'kmasi

Acid deposition, in the form of kislotali yomg'ir and dry deposition, is the result of oltingugurt va azot dioksidi being emitted into the air, traveling and landing in a different place, and changing the acidity of the water or land on which the chemicals fall. Acid deposition in the Northeast United States from the burning of coal and in the West United States from utilities and motor vehicles caused a number of problems, and was partially exacerbated by the Clean Air Act, which forced ko'mir elektr stantsiyalari to use taller tutun uyumlari, resulting in farther transmission of sulfur dioxide in the air.

Davomida Karter administration, the United States undertook a risk-averse policy, acting through the EPA and Council on Environmental Quality (CEQ) to research and control the pollutants suspected to cause acid deposition even in the face of scientific uncertainty. The Reagan administration was more risk tolerant. It argued that, given the scientific uncertainties about harm and exposure levels, new expenditures should not be undertaken that would curtail energiya xavfsizligi va iqtisodiy o'sish. During George H. W. Bush's presidential campaign, he called for new Clean Air Act legislation to curtail sulfur- and nitrogen-dioxide emissions. In 1990, after he was elected, amendments to the Clean Air Act were finally passed that cut emissions by over 12 million tons per year, set up a market-like system of emissions trading, and set a cap on emissions for the year 2000. These goals were achieved to some degree by the installation of industrial scrubbers.

While the initial costs in cutting emissions levels were expected to be over $4.6 billion for utilities and a 40% rise in electricity costs, the impact ended up being only about $1 billion and a 2–4% rise in electricity costs. Part of the reason for the relatively low costs is the availability of low-sulfur ko'mir.

Ozonning yemirilishi

Asosiy maqola: Iqlim o'zgarishi

Ozonning yemirilishi is the reduced concentration of ozon Yerda stratosfera (called the ozone layer), where it serves to block much of the ultrabinafsha nurlanish dan quyosh. Xloroflorokarbonatlar (CFCs), which were used beginning in the 1930s in a number of important areas, were determined in 1974 to be responsible for much of the depletion of the ozone layer. Four years later, the EPA and FDA banned CFCs in aerosol cans. As research in the 1980s indicated that the problem was worse than before, and revealed a controversial massive hole in the ozone layer over Antarktida, three international agreements were made to reduce the ozone-damaging substances- the Vena konventsiyasi, the 1987 Monreal protokoli, and a third agreement in 1990 in London. In the United States, the 1990 Clean Air Act Amendments phased out production of CFCs and required recycling of CFC products.

Although the phase-out of CFCs took almost two decades, the policy is generally seen as a success. While a crisis seems to be averted, due to the longevity of CFC particles in the atmosphere, the ozone layer is only expected to start showing sign of recovery by 2024.[65]

Xavfli chiqindilar

Asosiy maqola: Qo'shma Shtatlardagi xavfli chiqindilar

Xavfli chiqindilar regulations began in the United States in 1976 with the Resurslarni tejash va tiklash to'g'risidagi qonun (RCRA) to govern hazardous waste from its initial generation to final disposition (cradle-to-grave regulation ) va Zaharli moddalarni nazorat qilish to'g'risidagi qonun (TSCA) to anticipate possible hazards from chemicals. Following the events at Sevgi kanali, Atrof-muhitni muhofaza qilish, kompensatsiya va javobgarlik to'g'risidagi qonuni (CERCLA, or Superfund) was enacted in 1980 to assist in the cleanup of abandoned hazardous waste disposal sites. In the mid-1980s, the Xavfli va qattiq chiqindilarga tuzatishlar (1984) va Superfundni o'zgartirish va qayta avtorizatsiya qilish to'g'risidagi qonun (1986) were passed.

The aim of hazardous waste regulation is to prevent harm from occurring due to hazardous waste and to pass the burdens of cleanup of hazardous waste on to the original producers of the waste. Some of the problems of hazardous waste regulation are that the negative effects of hazardous waste can be difficult to detect and controversial and that, due mainly to the large amount of hazardous waste that is generated (214 million tons in 1995), regulation can be difficult and costly.

Implementation has been difficult, with years sometimes passing between legislation passage and initial regulations. Superfund was passed in December 1980, just before Reagan took office. The first administrator of Superfund was Rita Lavelle who had worked for a major hazardous waste generator. The result was that her implementation of Superfund was designed mainly to delay regulation, and the subsequent controversy resulted in the resignation of Lavelle, EPA administrator Anne Burford, and several other top EPA personnel. In 1986, Congress passed the Superfund Amendments and Reauthorization Act, increasing funding to $9 billion and providing for studies and new technologies. By 1995, Superfund cleanup still took an average of twelve years per site, and costs for each site can range in the billions of dollars. Superfund, while showing improvements, has been probably the most criticized of environmental programs based on costs of tuzatish, implementation problems, and the questionable seriousness of the problems it addresses.

Risk control policy

Underlying the policy decisions made by the United States is the concept of risk control, consisting of two parts: xavf-xatarni baholash va xatarlarni boshqarish. The science behind risk assessment varies greatly in uncertainty and tends to be the focus of political controversy. Masalan, hayvonlarni sinovdan o'tkazish is often used to determine the toksiklik of various substances for humans. But assumptions made about expected dosage and exposure to chemicals are often disputed, and the dosage given to animals is typically much larger than what humans normally consume. While industry groups tend to take a risk-tolerant position, environmentalists take a risk-averse position, following the ehtiyotkorlik printsipi.

Another issue is the effect that chemicals can have relative to lifestyle choices. Saraton, for example, typically surface decades after first exposure to a kanserogen, and lifestyle choices are frequently more important in causing cancer than exposure to chemicals. While the governmental role in mitigating lifestyle-choice risks can be very controversial (see Qo'shma Shtatlarda chekish ), chemical exposure through lifestyle choices can also occur involuntarily if the public is not properly educated (see Endokrinni buzadiganlar ).

Finally, the way that threats are presented to the public plays a large role in how those threats are addressed. The threat of nuclear power va environmental effects of pesticides are overstated, some have claimed, while many high-priority threats go unpublicized. In order to combat this discrepancy, the EPA published a Relative Risk Report in 1987, and a follow-up report published by the Relative Risk Reduction Strategies Committee in 1990 suggested that the EPA should adopt a more pro-active posture, educating the public and assigning budgetary priorities for objectively assessed high-risk threats.

Regulation of these policies are also very difficult to have implemented. The EPA is faced with many challenges when it comes to emplacing these standards. For a more conservative government less EPA action is allowed to be carried out and even more so now with the potential disbandment of the EPA (2018). The battles over environmental science, the EPA, and regulatory decision making in 2017, as well as over the past two decades, say much about the way Congress deals with environmental, energy, and natural resources issues today, and the many obstacles it will face in trying to chart new policy directions of the twenty-first century. The environmental gridlock that often slows the democratic process makes it very difficult for the EPA to pass the risk control policy that they hope to implement.

Ta'sir

Since the major environmental legislation of the 1970s was enacted, great progress has been made in some areas, but the environmental protection has come at a high price. Between 1970 and 1996, air pollutants dropped 32% while the population grew by 29%. Other pollutants have been more difficult to track, especially water pollutants. While air and water standards have been slowly improving, in 1996 70 million people still lived in counties that did not meet EPA ozone standards. 36% of rivers and 39% of lakes did not meet minimum standards for all uses (swimming, fishing, drinking, supporting aquatic life). In the same period, the size of the Milliy park xizmati grew from 26,000,000 acres (110,000 km2) to 83,000,000 acres (340,000 km2), va AQSh baliq va yovvoyi tabiatni muhofaza qilish xizmati expanded by over three times to manage over 92,000,000 acres (370,000 km2). In 1995, 41% of the 960 yo'qolib borayotgan turlari were stable or improving.

Critics of environmental legislation argue that the gains made in environmental protection come at too great a cost. The overall cost of environmental regulation in the United States is estimated to be about 2% of the yalpi ichki mahsulot -similar to many other countries, but calculating the cost is challenging both conceptually (deciding what costs are included) and practically (with data from a broad range of sources).[66] In 1994, almost $122 billion was spent on pollution abatement and control. $35 billion of that has been in direct government spending, $65 billion was spent by business, and $22 billion was spent by individuals.

Shuningdek qarang

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  65. ^ Newman, P. A., Nash, E. R., Kawa, S. R., Montzka, S. A. and Schauffler, S. M (2006). "When will the Antarctic ozone hole recover?". Geofizik tadqiqotlar xatlari. 33 (12): L12814. Bibcode:2006GeoRL..3312814N. doi:10.1029/2005GL025232.CS1 maint: bir nechta ism: mualliflar ro'yxati (havola)
  66. ^ Pizer, William A.; Kopp, Raymond J. (2003-02-28). "Calculating the Cost of Environmental Regulation". Washington, D.C.: Resources for the Future. Working Paper.

Qo'shimcha o'qish

  • Deyns, Bayron V. va Glen Sussman. White House Politics and the Environment: Franklin D. Roosevelt to George W. Bush (2010) Iqtibos
  • Rushefsky, Mark E. Public Policy in the United States: Challenges, Opportunities, and Changes (6th ed. 2017) Iqtibos pp 263–318.
  • EPA Alumni Association: A Half Century of Progress – former senior EPA officials describe the evolution of the U.S. fight to protect the environment

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