Italiyadagi fashistik rejimning qulashi - Fall of the Fascist regime in Italy

Ushbu maqola Italiya Qirolligida fashizm qulashi haqida. 1945 yilgi fashistik kooperatsionist Italiya Ijtimoiy Respublikasining oxiriga qarang Ozodlik kuni (Italiya).

Diktor diktor sifatida Benito Mussolini portreti (tuzatilgan) .jpgUshbu maqola qismidir
haqida bir qator
Benito Mussolini
  • Siyosiy qarashlar
  • Tomonlar
  • Saylovlar
  • Tarixiy voqealar
Italiya qirolligining kichik gerbi (1929-1943) .svg
Qismi bir qator kuni
Fashizm
Fasces
  • Rangli ovoz berish qutisi.svg Siyosat portali

The Italiyada fashistik rejimning qulashi, shuningdek Italiyada sifatida tanilgan 25 Lyuglio (Venticinque Luglio, talaffuz qilingan[ˌVentiˈtʃiŋkwe ˈluʎʎo]; Italyancha "25 iyul" uchun), mos ravishda Count boshchiligidagi parallel uchastkalar natijasida paydo bo'ldi Dino Grandi va Qirol Viktor Emmanuel III 1943 yil bahor va yoz oylarida, Bosh vazirga nisbatan ishonchsizlik muvaffaqiyatli ovoz berish bilan yakunlandi Benito Mussolini yig'ilishida Fashizmning Buyuk Kengashi 1943 yil 24-25 iyul kunlari. Natijada, a yangi hukumat ning 21 yiliga nuqta qo'yilgan holda tashkil etildi Fashistik hukmronlik ichida Italiya qirolligi va Mussolini hibsga olingan.[1][2][3][4]

Fon

1943 yil boshida Italiya mag'lubiyatga yuz tutdi. The Afrika frontining qulashi 1942 yil 4-noyabrda va Shimoliy Afrikada ittifoqchilar qo'nish 8–12-noyabr kunlari Italiyani ittifoqchi kuchlar bosqini ostiga oldi.[5] Italiya ekspeditsiya kuchlarining mag'lubiyati (ARMIR ) Rossiyada shaharlarning kuchli bombardimon qilinishi, oziq-ovqat va yoqilg'ining etishmasligi aholining ruhini tushirdi, aksariyati urushni tugatishni va Germaniya bilan ittifoq.[6] Buning uchun Italiya Germaniya yordamiga muhtoj edi Tunis ustidan nazoratni saqlab qolish, ning so'nggi qal'asi Eksa kuchlari Afrikada. Italiyaning Duce, Benito Mussolini, urushni qaror qilish mumkinligiga ishontirdi O'rta er dengizi teatri. 1943 yil 29 apreldagi uchrashuvda Klessxaym, Gitler Mussolinining Rossiya bilan alohida tinchlik o'rnatish va Germaniya armiyasining asosiy qismini janubga ko'chirish haqidagi taklifini rad etdi.[7] Tunisdagi ko'prikni himoya qilish uchun qo'shimcha kuchlarni talab qilish rad etildi Vermaxt, endi qarshilikni saqlab qolish uchun italiyalik irodasiga ishonmadi.[8] Mussolinining sog'lig'i noaniqlikning yana bir asosiy omili edi. Tashxis qo'yilgandan so'ng u ruhiy tushkunlik va kasal bo'lib qoldi gastrit va duodenit asabiy kelib chiqishi.[9] Kasalligi tufayli Dyuk ko'pincha Italiyada samarali hukumatdan mahrum bo'lib, uyda qolishga majbur bo'ldi.

Bunday vaziyatda to'rt xil doiraga tegishli bo'lgan bir nechta guruhlar (Qirollik sudi, fashistlarga qarshi partiyalar, fashistlar va Bosh shtab) chiqish yo'lini izlay boshladilar. Aristokratlar, masalan, Valiahd malika Mari-Xose, yuqori sinf vakillari va fashistgacha bo'lgan elitaga mansub siyosatchilar mustaqil ravishda ittifoqchilar bilan aloqa o'rnatish uchun fitnalarni boshladilar. Keyingi Kasablanka deklaratsiyasi, ittifoqchilar faqat qabul qiladilar so'zsiz taslim bo'lish. Valiahd malika ishtirok etganiga qaramay, ingliz-amerikaliklar qirol singari yuqori martabali shaxslardan ko'chib o'tishni kutishgan va bu guruhlar bilan aloqani e'tiborsiz qoldirishgan.[10]

20 yillik diktatura tufayli zaiflashgan fashizmga qarshi partiyalar hali ham embrional holatda edi.[11] Hammasi bundan mustasno kommunistlar va respublikachilar Partito d'Azione harakatsizligi uning fe'l-atvori, qo'rquvi va konstitutsiyaviy shafqatsizligi va monarxiya urush qanday bo'lishidan qat'i nazar tugatilganligi bilan bog'liq bo'lgan qirol Viktor Emmanuel IIIdan signal kutdi.[12][13][14] Qirol fashistgacha bo'lgan siyosatchilarga nisbatan katta nafrat bilan qaragan va ularni kinoyali tarzda "revants" deb atagan (frantsuzcha "arvohlar").[15] Shuningdek, u anglo-amerikaliklar Italiyadan qasos olmaydi, degan da'vo qiluvchilarga nisbatan ishonchsiz edi.[16]

Viktor Emmanuel III Mussoliniga bo'lgan ishonchini saqlab qoldi va Dyus vaziyatni saqlab qoladi deb umid qildi.[17] Shoh o'z maslahatiga rioya qildi va uning niyatini bilib olishga harakat qilgan har kimdan o'zini ajratib oldi.[18] Ular orasida Bosh shtabning yangi boshlig'i general ham bor edi Vittorio Ambrosio, Qirolga bag'ishlangan va nemislarga dushman bo'lgan. Ambrosio urush Italiya uchun yutqazganiga ishontirdi, ammo u hech qachon shoh bilan maslahatlashmasdan vaziyatni o'zgartirish uchun hech qachon shaxsiy tashabbus ko'rsatmadi.[19] Ambrosio, yordamida Juzeppe Kastellano va Giacomo Carboni (ikkalasi ham voqea sodir bo'lishida muhim rol o'ynaydi sulh 1943 yil 8-sentyabrda), shohga bag'ishlangan amaldorlar bilan qurolli kuchlarda bir necha muhim lavozimlarni asta-sekin egallab olishga kirishdi. U iloji boricha Italiyaning chet eldagi kuchlarini qaytarishga harakat qildi, ammo Germaniyadan shubha tug'dirmasdan buni amalga oshirish qiyin edi.[20]

1943 yil 6-fevralda Mussolini 21 yillik fashistlar hokimiyatidagi eng keng ko'lamli hukumat o'zgarishini amalga oshirdi.[21] Deyk barcha vazirlar, shu jumladan Dyusning kuyovi o'zgartirildi, Galeazzo Ciano va Dino Grandi, Juzeppe Bottai, Gvido Buffarini Guidi va Alessandro Pavolini. Vaziyat murosaga keltirilgan va bu haqda jamoatchilik fikrini joylashtirish operatsiyasining asosiy maqsadi Fashistlar partiyasi muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi. Yangi tayinlashlar orasida yangi tashqi ishlar kotibining o'rinbosari (Dyuk bo'limni o'zi oldi) Juzeppe Bastianini, vaziyatning jiddiyligidan xabardor edi.[22] Bastianinining strategiyasi ikki xil edi: Mussolini singari u Germaniya va SSSR o'rtasida tinchlik o'rnatish uchun bahslashishga urindi.[23] Shuningdek, u Germaniya reyxining Evropadagi haddan tashqari kuchiga qarshi muvozanat vazifasini o'tashi mumkin bo'lgan Italiya boshchiligidagi Bolqon mamlakatlari blokini (kichik eksa sheriklari Vengriya, Ruminiya va Bolgariya) yaratishni maqsad qilgan. 14 aprelda Dyuk politsiya boshlig'i Karmin Seniseni (qirolning odami) Lorenzo Chierici bilan almashtirdi. Besh kundan keyin u partiyaning yosh va tajribasiz kotibini almashtirdi, Aldo Vidussoni, bilan Karlo Skorza. Mussolini Scorza tayinlanishi bilan partiyani galvanizatsiya qilmoqchi edi.[24]

Tunisni yo'qotish

The Tunisning qulashi 1943 yil 13-mayda strategik vaziyatni tubdan o'zgartirdi. Reyxning tashqi qal'asiga aylangan Italiyani boshqarish Germaniya uchun juda muhim edi, chunki ular bosqinga moyil edi. Nemislar rejalarini tuzdilar operatsiyalar Alarich va Konstantin Italiyani egallashga va ittifoqchilar bilan kutilgan sulhdan keyin italiyalik kuchlarni qurolsizlantirish uchun Italiya va Italiya armiyasi tomonidan ishg'ol qilingan Bolqon mintaqalariga bag'ishlangan.[25] Tayyorgarlik paytida nemislar Italiyada quruqlik kuchlarini ko'paytirmoqchi edilar. Ambrosio va Mussolini rad qilishdi va faqat ko'proq samolyotlar so'rashdi, chunki ular Italiya mustaqilligini saqlab qolishmoqchi edilar.[26] 1943 yil 11-iyunda ittifoqchilar orolni egallab olishdi Pantelleriya, yo'qolgan Italiyaning birinchi qismi. Pantelleria Mussolini tomonidan qal'aga aylantirildi, ammo farqli o'laroq Maltada - bu bir hafta davom etgan og'ir bombardimondan keyin Ittifoqchilarga katta qarshiliksiz tushdi.[26] Endi ittifoqchilarning keyingi harakati Sitsiliya, Sardiniya, Korsika bosqini bo'lishi aniq edi[27] yoki Yunoniston.

Qirol Viktor Emmanuel III Savoy, konstitutsiyaga rasmiy hurmat ko'rsatganini aytib, Mussolini o'rnini egallashdan oldin ishonchsizlik bildirishni talab qildi

May oyining o'rtalarida qirol qirollik uyi vaziri Dyuk Pyetro d'Akvarone tomonidan ishontirilgandan so'ng, qirollik monarxiyasining kelajagidan xavotirlanib, urushdan chiqish haqida o'ylashni boshladi.[28][29] Italiya jamoatchilik fikri qirolning harakatsizligidan keyin monarxiyaga qarshi chiqa boshladi.[30] May oyining oxirida fashistgacha bo'lgan davrdagi ikki yuqori martabali siyosatchi, Ivanoe Bonomi va Marchello Soleri, d'Accarone va King's tomonidan qabul qilingan yordamchi, General Puntoni. 2 va 8 iyun kunlari ular Qirol tomonidan tinglandi, ular Mussolini hibsga olinishi va harbiy hukumat nomzodi ko'rsatilishi uchun bosim o'tkazdilar, ammo ular monarxiya harakatsizligidan hafsalalari pir bo'ldi.[31][32][33] 30 iyun kuni Bonomi uchrashdi Valiahd shahzoda Umberto va uchta generalni taklif qildi (Ambrosio, Marshal) Pietro Badoglio va Enriko Kavigliya ) Mussolinining potentsial vorislari sifatida.[34] 4 iyulda Badoglio Umberto tomonidan qabul qilindi, u shuni anglatadiki, toj endi hukumat o'zgarishiga qarshi emas.[35] Ertasi kuni Ambrosio qirolga Badoglio yoki Kavigliyani Mussolini o'rnini bosadigan har qanday hukumat boshlig'i etib tayinlashni taklif qildi.[36][37] Kavigliya, yuqori lavozimli mason, antifashistik pozitsiyasiga qaramay, bunday qiyin vazifa uchun juda keksa deb hisoblangan.[38] Dan keyin Bosh shtab boshlig'i lavozimidan ketgan Badoglio Yunonistonni buzish 1941 yilda Mussolinining ashaddiy dushmaniga aylangan va qasos olishni xohlagan. U Dyuk d'Akvaronening o'zi bilan do'st bo'lgan yordamchiVa ikkalasi ham Kavigliyaga o'xshab mason bo'lgan.[33] Ikki marshalning hamkorligi aqlga sig'maydigan edi, chunki Kavigliya Badoglioni yomon ko'rardi.

Dino Grandi, soni Mordano, Mussolinining qulashini uyushtirgan odam edi

4 iyun kuni qirol hali ham prezident bo'lgan Dino Grandini qabul qildi Fasces and Korporatsiyalar palatasi, kabinetdan tushirilganiga qaramay. Grandi fashistlar partiyasining eng yuqori rahbarlaridan biri bo'lgan gerarchi. 20 yildan ortiq Mussolinining yaqin hamkasbi bo'lganiga qaramay, u fashistga qaraganda ko'proq o'ng qanot himoyachisi edi. U fashizmni Mussolinining umri bilan cheklangan vaqtinchalik hodisa sifatida ko'rib chiqdi. Grandi Ducening sobiq tashqi ishlar vaziri va Buyuk Britaniyadagi elchisi sifatidagi diplomatik tajribasi va Buyuk Britaniyaning katta do'stlari doirasi bilan Germaniyaning ashaddiy dushmani bo'lganligi sababli ko'pincha Dyusning ehtimoliy vorisi deb hisoblangan.[39][40] Mussoliniga shaxsiy sadoqatidan qat'i nazar, Grandi unga xizmat qilishning eng samarali usuli - bu uning buyruqlariga vaqti-vaqti bilan qarshi turish va har qanday muvaffaqiyatning obro'sini berish deb hisoblagan. 1943 yil 25 martda Viktor Emmanuil uni eng yuqori qirollik sharafi bilan taqdirladi collare dell'Annunziata, bu unga Qirollik uyiga cheklovsiz kirish huquqini berdi. 25 iyul oldidan qirol bilan so'nggi uchrashuvida Grandi Mussolinini yo'q qilish va nemislarga hujum qilish bo'yicha o'zining jasur rejasini tasvirlab berdi.[41] Grandi Viktor Emmanuelni 18-asrga qiyosladi Savoy gersogi, Viktor Amedeus II, JSSV yoqilgan sulolani qutqarib, frantsuzlardan imperatorlik ittifoqiga qadar.[42] Qirolga boshqa narsa kerak edi Pietro Mikka (qurbonligi uchun milliy qahramonga aylangan Savoyard askari Turinni himoya qilish 1706 yilda frantsuzlarga qarshi) va Grandi bu rol uchun o'zini taklif qildi.[43] Viktor Emmanuel uning konstitutsiyaviy monarx ekanligiga qarshi chiqdi, shuning uchun u faqat parlament yoki ovoz berganidan keyin harakat qilishi mumkin edi Fashizmning Buyuk Kengashi.[44] Qirol xiyonat deb hisoblashi mumkin bo'lgan to'satdan harakatga qarshi edi. Qirol Grandi-dan parlament va Buyuk Kengashni faollashtirish va unga bo'lgan ishonchni saqlab qolish orqali harakatlarini engillashtirishni so'radi.[45] Grandi yangi rivojlanishni kutish uchun tug'ilgan shahri Bolonya shahriga qaytib, qirol bu vaziyatdan nihoyat xabardor bo'lganligini va shu bilan birga uning potentsial harakatsizligini ham bilishini bildi.[46]

1943 yil 19-iyunda fashistlar davridagi oxirgi hukumat yig'ilishi bo'lib o'tdi.[47] Aloqa vaziri, kuchli italiyalik sanoatchi senator Vittorio Sini urushdan chiqish uchun vaqt va yo'l topishda Mussoliniga duch keldi.[48] Uchrashuvdan so'ng Sini iste'foga chiqdi, bu esa Mussolinining xarizmasida hatto uning atrofidagilar orasida sustlik borligini ko'rsatdi. Unga bag'ishlangan odamlar, shu jumladan OVRA agentlari va nemislar, unga doimiy ravishda bir nechta fitna uyushtirilayotganini aytib berishdi. Duce hech qachon munosabat bildirmadi, ularning har biriga juda ko'p jinoyatlar haqidagi romanlarni o'qiyotganingizni yoki ta'sirlanib qolganingizni aytdi ta'qib mani.[49] 24-iyun kuni Mussolini bosh vazir sifatida so'nggi muhim nutqini o'tkazdi, "yuklash tepasi" deb nomlandi (Italyancha: bagnasciuga) nutq. Duce, Angliya-Amerikaliklar egallashi mumkin bo'lgan Italiyaning yagona qismi qirg'oq chizig'i ekanligini va'da qildi. U Italiyani faqat jasad sifatida egallab olishlarini aytish uchun u noto'g'rilandi va u noto'g'ri so'z birikmalaridan foydalangan.[50] Ko'p italiyaliklar uchun uning chalkash va bir-biriga mos kelmaydigan nutqi Mussolinida biron bir narsa noto'g'ri bo'lganligining so'nggi isboti bo'ldi.[35]

Sitsiliyaga qo'nish

10 iyulga o'tar kechasi Ittifoqchilar Sitsiliyaga tushdi.[51] Bosqinni kutganiga qaramay, italiyalik kuchlar dastlabki qarshiliklardan so'ng haddan oshib ketishdi va shunga o'xshash Augusta (orolning eng mustahkam qal'asi), ular jangsiz qulab tushishdi.[52] Bir necha kun ichida Sitsiliya yo'qolishi aniq bo'ldi. 16-iyul kuni Bastianini bordi Palazzo Venesiya (Dyusning o'rindig'i) Mussoliniga Gitlerga yuboriladigan telegrammani ko'rsatish uchun, u erda Germaniyani qo'shimcha kuchlarni yubormaganligi uchun tanbeh qilgan.[53] Dyusning ma'qullashidan so'ng, kotib ittifoqchilar bilan aloqa o'rnatish uchun ruxsat so'radi. Mussolini to'g'ridan-to'g'ri aralashmaslik sharti bilan rozi bo'ldi.[54][55] Yashirin elchi bu edi Vatikan Londonga Madrid yoki Lissabon orqali etib borishi kerak bo'lgan bankir Jovanni Fummi.[56] O'sha kuni kechqurun Bastianini Kardinal bilan uchrashish uchun Tiberni kesib o'tdi Maglione, Vatikan davlat kotibi, urushdan ehtimoliy bir tomonlama chiqish to'g'risida Italiya pozitsiyasini tushuntirib beruvchi hujjatni olgan.[57]

Roberto Farinachchi, Ras ning Kremona, fashistik qattiqqo'l, nemislarning sodiq ittifoqchisi va Grandining raqibi

Tunis va Pantelleriya qulaganidan keyin Italiyaning aksariyati urush yutqazilgan deb hisoblar edi.[58] Sitsiliyaga tushish inqirozni tezlashtirdi va qarshilikning etishmasligi fashistlarni hayratda qoldirdi, ular Dyus nima uchun bunga munosabat bildirmayapti degan savolni berishdi. Qirolga yoki Mussoliniga qaraganlar to'xtab qolishdi va Italiya uchun siyosiy harakatlarni amalga oshirishga mos muassasani topish vaqti keldi.[59]

Mavjud to'rtta davlat muassasalari orasida Partiya, Fasces and Korporatsiyalar palatasi, Senat va Buyuk Kengash, faqat oxirgi ikkitasi harakatga yaroqli edi: Senat, chunki hali ham fashistlarga qarshi yoki undan oldingi a'zolari juda kam edi va Buyuk Kengash bir necha a'zolari Dyusga qarshi edi. Senatni chaqirishni so'ragan 22 senatordagi 61 senatorning taklifiga Mussolini to'sqinlik qildi va Buyuk Kengashni chaqirish va uning kun tartibini belgilash vakolatiga faqat Mussolini ega edi.[60] Faqat gerarca (bundan mustasno Roberto Farinachchi, qarama-qarshi binolardan boshlagan) Dino Grandi edi. Uning g'oyasi Mussolinini ag'darish, qirolga fashistlarsiz hukumat tuzish va shu bilan birga Italiyadagi nemis qo'shiniga hujum qilish edi. Bu Italiya misolida Kasablanka deklaratsiyasini yumshatish imkoniyatini berishi mumkin.[61] Partiyaning yangi kotibi, Karlo Skorza, shuningdek, o'z rejasini ishlab chiqdi. Farinachchi singari, u ham yagona echim Mussolinini siyosiy "mo'miyalash" va uni ta'qib qilish deb o'ylagan. umumiy urush. Farinachchi nemislar bilan yaqin hamkorlikda ish olib bordi, ammo Skorza hokimiyatni bevosita oldingi bir necha yil ichida obro'sizlanib qolgan partiya qabul qilishi kerak deb o'ylardi.[62] 13 va 16 iyul kunlari Farinachchi boshchiligidagi bir necha fashistlar partiyaning asosiy joyida uchrashishdi Piazza Colonna va Buyuk Kengashni chaqirishni so'rash uchun Venetsiyadagi Palazzo shahridagi Mussoliniga borishga qaror qildi.[63] Uchrashuv oxirida Mussolini fashizmning oliy yig'ilishini chaqirishga rozilik berdi.[64]

Guruh ikkiga bo'lingan: Farinachchi va Skorza Germaniya bilan birgalikda totalitar echim tarafdorlari, boshqalari shoshilinch urush vakolatlarini qirolga qaytarib berish tarafdori edilar.[65] Farinachchi izolyatsiya qilingan va mo''tadillardan hech biri yo'q edi gerarchi bunday vaziyatda etakchilik qilish uchun etarlicha siyosiy ta'sirga ega edi. 15 iyul kuni Qirol Badoglio bilan uchrashdi - u do'stlariga a tashkil qilishini aytgan edi putch qirol bilan yoki bo'lmasdan - va unga hukumatning yangi rahbari bo'lishini ma'lum qildi.[38][66] Viktor Emmanuelning aytishicha, u siyosiy hukumatga qarshi edi va Badoglio uni izlamasligi kerak sulh birinchi bosqichda.[67]

Feltradagi uchrashuv

Sitsiliyaning qulashi bir necha kun ichida yuz berdi va qurolli kuchlar Germaniyaning katta yordamisiz materik Italiya bosqiniga qarshi turishga qodir emas edi. Mussolini Gitlerga Italiyadagi vaziyatni muhokama qilish uchun uchrashuv o'tkazishni so'rab murojaat qildi, ammo Fyurerdan beri bu xat hech qachon yuborilmadi - u Vatikandagi elchisidan har kuni Italiya to'g'risida hisobot olib turdi va Gimmler agent, Evgen Dollmann va Dyusning befarqligi va davom etayotgan Italiya harbiy falokatidan xavotirda edi - iloji boricha tezroq uchrashishni iltimos qildi.[68]

Qurolli kuchlar shtabi boshlig'i Feltre uchrashuvidan oldin Vittorio Ambrosio Italiyani Germaniyadan ajratish uchun Mussoliniga ikki hafta muhlat berdi

Uchrashuv 19-iyul kuni senator Axil Gaggiyaning villasida bo'lib o'tdi Feltre. Mussolini, Bastianini va Ambrosio uchrashdi Gitler va generallari OKW vaziyatni va mumkin bo'lgan qarshi choralarni muhokama qilish. Germaniya delegatsiyasi tarkibida bir nechta generallar bor edi, ammo ikkalasi ham yo'q edi Ko'rish na Ribbentrop mavjud edi, chunki nemislar vaziyatning harbiy tomonlariga e'tibor qaratdilar. Ambrosio uchrashuvga puxta tayyorgarlik ko'rdi va Mussoliniga vazifasi yaqin 15 kun ichida urushdan chiqish ekanligini aytdi.[69] Nemislar italiyaliklarga bo'lgan ishonchni yo'qotgan va mamlakatni ittifoqchilardan himoya qilish uchun Italiya armiyasini yolg'iz qoldirib, faqat shimoliy va markaziy Italiyani egallashdan manfaatdor edilar. Shuningdek, ular yarimorolda Axis oliy qo'mondonligi kabi nemis generali tomonidan qabul qilinishini taklif qilishdi Ervin Rommel. Gitler uchrashuvni italiyaliklarning zaif harbiy ko'rsatkichlarida ayblash va keskin choralar ko'rishni boshlash bilan boshladi.[70] Uchrashuvni italiyalik yordamchi Mussoliniga ittifoqchilar hozir bo'lganligini aytib to'xtatdi Rimni qattiq bombardimon qilmoqda birinchi marta.[71] Ambrosio va Bastianini Gitlerga urush uchun siyosiy echim Italiya uchun zarurligini aytish uchun Dyusni bosishdi, ammo Mussolini uni bir necha oydan beri ittifoqdan chiqish yoki urushni davom ettirish dilemmasi qiynaganini aytdi. Mussolini Gitler huzurida his qilgan kamlik tuyg'usini engish va nemis hamkasbi bilan ochiqchasiga gaplashish uchun kurashdi.[72][73] Oxir-oqibat Dyus 3 kun davom etishi kerak bo'lgan uchrashuvni Gitlerning g'azabi bilan to'xtatib qo'ydi. Delegatsiyalar Bellunoga poezd orqali qaytib kelishdi va tushdan keyin Gitler bilan salomlashgandan so'ng, Mussolini o'zining shaxsiy samolyotini uchib Rimga qaytib keldi, u erda shaharning sharqiy kvartallari hamon yonayotganini ko'rgan.[74]

Grandi harakatsizlik natijasida ko'chib o'tishga qaror qildi.[75] 19-iyulning o'sha kuni kechqurun u Bolonya shahridan o'zining "Kunduzgi ordeni" ning birinchi loyihasini olib ketdi (Ordine del Giorno, OdG) Buyuk Kengashga taqdim etilishi kerak.[46][76] U faqat bir kundan keyin Rimga etib bordi va 21-kuni ertalab u Mussolini Buyuk Kengashni chaqirishga qaror qilganini aytgan Scorza bilan uchrashdi. Bu nihoyat "gioco grosso", Grandi kutgan ajoyib o'yin.[77][78]

Ikkala parallel uchastkalar

Feltre uchrashuvi muvaffaqiyatsiz tugaganidan va Rim birinchi bombardimon qilinganidan so'ng, inqiroz tezlashdi.[79] Feltrdan keyingi kun, 20-iyul, Mussolini Ambrosio bilan ikki marta uchrashdi. Ikkinchi uchrashuv paytida Dyus unga Italiyaning ittifoqdan voz kechishi kerakligini tan olib, Gitlerga xat yozishga qaror qilganini aytdi. Ambrosio hali ham Feltrada o'tkazib yuborilgan imkoniyatdan g'azablandi va uni rad etgan Dyusga iste'foga chiqishni taklif qildi.[80] Mussolini endi Ambrosio uchun foydasiz edi. Shuning uchun, Ambrosio o'rnatishga qaror qildi putch harakatda.[81]

Shu bilan birga, Grandi va Luidji Federzoni, uning yaqin ittifoqchisi va italiyalik millatchi lider Buyuk Kengashning 27 a'zosi orasida qanchasi uning hujjati uchun ovoz berishini taxmin qilishga urinishgan. Ularning xulosasiga ko'ra, 27 a'zodan 4 nafari tarafdor, 7 nafari qarshi va 16 nafari qaror qilmagan.[82][83] Grandi o'z hamkasblariga o'zining OdG-ni ma'qullashning haqiqiy oqibatlarini ochib berolmadi: Mussolinining ishdan bo'shatilishi, Fashistlar partiyasining tugashi va Germaniyaga qarshi urush.[82] Faqat ikkitasi gerarchi uni tushunish uchun zarur siyosiy aqlga ega edi. Qolganlari hali ham so'nggi 21 yil ichida qaror qabul qilgan Dyuk yana bir bor mo''jiza yaratishi mumkinligidan umidvor edilar. Binobarin, Grandi OdG-ni noaniq shaklda yozishga va uni izohlash uchun ochiq qoldirishga qaror qildi.[84] OdG uch qismga bo'lingan. Bu xalqqa va qurolli kuchlarga bosqinchilarga qarshilik ko'rsatgani uchun ularni maqtab, uzoq, ritorik murojaat bilan boshlandi. Ikkinchi qismda hujjat fashizmgacha bo'lgan institutlar va qonunlarni tiklashni iltimos qildi. Hujjatning oxiri Qirolga murojaat qilish edi; 5-moddasiga binoan u yuqori fuqarolik va harbiy hokimiyatni o'z zimmasiga olishi kerak qirollik konstitutsiyasi. Grandi OdG-ning ma'qullanishi Qirol kutayotgan signal bo'ladi deb ishongan. 21 iyulda Mussolini Skorzaga Buyuk Kengashni chaqirishni buyurdi va u taklifnomani bir kundan keyin yubordi.[84] Grandi Scorza-ga bordi va o'sha kuni o'z OdG-ni tushuntirdi, ular uni qo'llab-quvvatlashga rozi bo'lishdi.[85] Scorza Grandi-dan hujjatining nusxasini so'radi va u Mussolini bilan uchrashdi va ertasi kuni OdG-ni ko'rsatdi. Duce buni "qabul qilinmaydigan va qo'rqoq" hujjat deb atagan.[86] Shundan so'ng, Scorza yashirincha Grandi-ga o'xshash boshqa OdG-ni tayyorladi, ammo Fashistlar partiyasida hokimiyatning konsentratsiyasini so'radi.

Italiya marshali Pietro Badoglio Mussolinining o'rnini egallagan qirol tomonidan tanlangan Enriko Kavigliya

22-iyul kuni qirol Feltrening natijalari haqida xabar bermoqchi bo'lgan Mussolini bilan uchrashdi.[66] Badoglioning so'zlariga ko'ra, Mussolini qirolga 15 sentyabrgacha Italiyani urushdan xalos etishni va'da qilgan.[87] Ikki oylik kechikishni Bastianini ittifoqchilar bilan aloqani boshlaganligi bilan izohlash mumkin, bu davom etish uchun vaqt kerak bo'ladi va Mussolini xiyonati uchun o'zini va Italiyani dunyo oldida o'zini oqlash uchun vaqt kerak edi. Badoglioning so'zlariga ko'ra, qirol Mussolinining fikriga qo'shilgan, shu sababli Dyuk Buyuk Kengash yig'ilishi natijasidan xavotir olmagan.[88] Qirolning yordamisiz davlat to'ntarishi muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lishi kerak edi. Uchrashuv yakunida Mussolini qirol uning yonida turishiga amin edi va Viktor Emmanuel iste'foga chiqishi kerakligini bekorga aytgandan keyin hafsalasi pir bo'ldi.[89] Qirol endi ko'rib chiqishga majbur bo'ldi putch jiddiy, chunki u Bastianini ittifoqchilar bilan bog'lanishga harakat qilayotganini, chunki fashist qattiqqo'l Farinachchi putch uni va Mussolinini qulatish va Italiyani to'g'ridan-to'g'ri Germaniya nazorati ostiga olish.[90] Haqiqiy qaror Buyuk Kengash Grandi-ning OdG-ni tasdiqlaganligini bilganidan keyin qabul qilindi.[91]

O'sha kuni soat 17: 30da Grandi Venesiyaga Palazzo shahriga bordi, chunki u Italiyaning Ispaniyadagi aralashuvlar qo'mitasidagi ishtiroki haqidagi yangi kitobni Mussoliniga taqdim etdi.[92][93] Uchrashuv 15 daqiqa davom etishi kerak edi, ammo u soat 18:45 gacha uzaytirildi. Politsiya boshlig'i va nemis Feldmarschall Kesselring Duce tomonidan qabul qilinishini kutishgan.[84] Keyinchalik Mussolini Grandi bilan OdG haqida gaplashganini rad etdi, ammo Dushni sevgan Grandi unga OdG ning oqibatlarini tushuntirib berdi va ovoz berishdan oldin yuzini tejash va iste'foga chiqish imkoniyatini bergani aniq.[94][95] U holda Buyuk Kengash yig'ilishi ortiqcha bo'lib o'tgan bo'lar edi.[96] Grandi falokatga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun iste'foga chiqish zarurligini tushuntirayotganda, Mussolini tingladi, ammo oxirida uni xulosalari noto'g'ri ekanligini aytdi, chunki Germaniya uni ishlab chiqarishni rejalashtirmoqda hal qiluvchi maxfiy qurol.[97] Shundan so'ng, Mussolini Kesselring va politsiya boshlig'i Chierici bilan uchrashdi, u Grandini olib kelish oson bo'lar edi, deb ishondi. Bottai va Ciano orqaga qaytib, ular uni ishontirishga intilishganida.[98] 23 iyulda Mussolini o'zining raqiblari uchun signal bo'lishi kerak bo'lgan Tsinining iste'fosini qabul qildi.[99] Shu bilan birga, Grandi, Federzoni, de Marsiko (Italiyaning eng yaxshi huquqshunoslaridan biri), Bottai va Ciano, Buyuk Kengashning funktsiyalarini tushuntiradigan izohlovchi kirish so'zini olib tashlash orqali OdG-ni o'zgartirdilar. Bu yig'ilish Mussolinini olib tashlash uchun konstitutsiyaviy kuchga ega ekanligini namoyish etdi.[100] Konstitutsionistlarning fikriga ko'ra "Leggi fashistissimi"1925 yil dekabrda Konstitutsiya egildi, lekin uni buzmadi. Ushbu qonunlar tufayli Dyuk mamlakatni har doim ijro hokimiyatining manbai bo'lib qoladigan qirol nomidan boshqargan. Agar Buyuk Kengash xususiyati fashizm va davlat o'rtasida, diktatorga ishonchsizlik ovozini berganida, qirol uni olib tashlash va uning o'rnini egallash huquqini tayinlash huquqiga ega bo'lar edi.[101] Ciano Bottai tomonidan OdG bilan tanishgan va Grandi uni qabul qilishni istamagan, chunki u Mussolinining kuyovi bo'lgan va o'zining yuzaki va turg'un xarakteri bilan tanilgan. Biroq, Ciano bu qaror uning o'limiga sabab bo'lishini bilmagan holda turib oldi olti oydan keyin Veronada. Shundan so'ng, Grandi Farinachchiga tashrif buyurdi uning parlamentdagi idorasi unga o'zining OdG-ni ko'rsatish uchun. Farinachchi Grandiga hujjatning birinchi qismini qabul qilganini, ammo qolganlari bilan rozi emasligini aytdi: harbiy kuchlar nemislarga berilishi kerak edi va Italiya Mussolini va generallardan qutulish bilan urushga kirishishi kerak. .[100] Farinachchi undan o'zining OdG nusxasini so'radi va Scorza singari, u undan yana bitta OdG ishlab chiqarish uchun foydalangan.[102] Uchrashuvdan oldin qolgan vaqt ichida Grandi boshqa ishtirokchilar bilan bog'lanib, uning aktsiyasiga qo'shilishlarini so'radi.[103]

1943 yil 24-25 iyul voqealari

Grandi kunning ordeni
Fashizmning Buyuk Kengashi,

ushbu o'ta og'ir sinovlar soatlarida uchrashish, barcha fikrlarini har qanday korpusdagi qahramon jangchilariga qaratadi, ular Sitsiliya xalqi bilan yonma-yon, italyan xalqining shubhasiz e'tiqodini yoritadi, shijoatli va jasoratli olijanob an'analarni yangilaydi. ichki va xalqaro vaziyatni va urushning siyosiy va harbiy rahbarligini o'rganib chiqqan ulug'vor Qurolli Kuchlarimizning fidoyilik ruhi,

e'lon qiladi

barcha italiyaliklar uchun har qanday mudofaani himoya qilish muqaddas burch - vatanning birligi, mustaqilligi va ozodligi, qurbonlik samaralari va Risorgimentodan to hozirgi kungacha bo'lgan to'rt avlodning sa'y-harakatlari, italyan xalqining hayoti va kelajagi;

tasdiqlaydi

millat taqdiri uchun ushbu jiddiy va hal qiluvchi soatda barcha italiyaliklarning ma'naviy va moddiy birligi zarurligi;

e'lon qiladi

shu maqsadda tojga, Buyuk Kengashga, hukumatga, Parlamentga va korporativ guruhlarga bizning qonunchilik va konstitutsiyaviy qonunlarimiz bilan belgilangan vazifalar va mas'uliyatni yuklash bilan barcha davlat funktsiyalarini zudlik bilan tiklash zarur;

taklif qiladi
hukumat butun xalqning sodiq va ishonchli yuragini aylantirgan podshoh hazratlaridan yolg'on so'rab, Vatan sharafi va najoti uchun quruqlik, dengiz va havo Qurolli Kuchlariga samarali boshqaruvni o'z zimmasiga olishini so'raydi. bizning institutlarimiz unga topshiradigan va bizning xalqimiz tarixida doimo avgust avgustidagi Savoy uyining ulug'vor merosi bo'lgan Konstitutsiya.

Dino Grandi, [104]

Katta Kengash kechasi

1943 yil 24-iyul kuni soat 17:00 da Buyuk Kengashning 28 a'zosi to'tiqush xonasida (Yer sharining saloni, Mussolini idorasi) yig'ilishdi. Palazzo Venesiya. Buyuk Kengash tarixida birinchi marta Uyg'onish saroyida na Dushning mushketyorlari deb tanilgan Mussolinining tansoqchisi va na "M" batalyonlari bo'limi ishtirok etdi.[105] To'liq qurollangan qora ko'ylaklar hovli, eskalad va antechamaterani egallab oldi.[106] Mussolini stenografni istamadi, shuning uchun uchrashuvning biron bir daqiqasi olinmadi.[107]

Grandi ikkitasini yashiringan holda olib keldi Breda u bilan birga qo'l granatalari, shuningdek, uning irodasini qayta ko'rib chiqish va yig'ilish oldidan iqror bo'lishga borishdan tashqari, chunki u saroyni tiriklayin tark etmasligi mumkin degan fikrda edi.[108] Mussolini uchrashuvni bosh qo'mondonlik tarixini sarhisob qilish bilan boshladi va unga atribut Badoglio tomonidan homiylik qilinganligini ko'rsatishga urindi.[109] U o'tgan oylarda yuz bergan urush voqealarini sarhisob qilib, hukumatni bu erga ko'chirishga tayyorligini aytdi Po vodiysi.[110] U so'zlarini yakunida ishtirokchilardan o'zi chaqirgan narsalar to'g'risida shaxsiy fikrlarini bildirishni so'radi "ilemma": urush yoki tinchlik o'rtasida tanlov. Dyus unga qarshi bo'lgan uch-to'rt kishidan tashqari," botqoq "ning qarorga kelmaganligini bilar edi. U ularni faqat harbiylarga beradigan OdG Scorza-ga ovoz berishga ishontirishiga umid qildi. Dyukning so'zlaridan keyin, De Bono (qolgan ikki tirik kishidan biri quadrumvirs ) so'zga chiqdi, keyin Farinachchi va De Vekchi (boshqa kvadrumvir).[111]

Keyin Grandi o'z hujjatini o'qib chiqdi va tushuntirdi, nutqini Mussolinining: "Millatlar yashashi uchun barcha fraksiyalar halok bo'lsin" degan so'zlari bilan yakunladi.[112] Keyin Farinachchining ta'kidlashicha, uning tanqidlari Grandinikiga qarshi bo'lgan. Grandi Mussolini konstitutsiyaga xiyonat qildi deb da'vo qilsa, xiyonatning haqiqiy qurboni fashizm edi.[113] Farinachchining aytishicha, urushda g'alaba qozonish uchun partiyada hanuzgacha uyushtirilgan demokratlar va liberallarni hamda generallarni yo'q qilish kerak. U qurolli kuchlarning oliy qo'mondonligini qirolga qaytarib berishni va Germaniya bilan urush yo'nalishini birlashtirmoqchi edi.[114][115] So'zining oxirida u ushbu fikrlarning barchasini umumlashtirgan taklif qilgan OdG-ni o'qidi. Ba'zi bir kichik aralashuvlardan so'ng, fashist ziyolisi Bottai OdGni himoya qilgan holda faqat siyosiy nutq so'zladi.[111] Buning ortidan Ciano nemislar bilan ittifoq tarixini sarhisob qildi va italiyaliklar xoinlar emas, balki xiyonat qilganlar deb e'lon qildi.[116] Soat 23: 30da Duce yig'ilish davom etganligi sababli ba'zi o'rtoqlar keyingi kunga qoldirishni iltimos qilishganini e'lon qilishdi.[117] Shu payt Grandi Italiya askarlari o'z vatanlari uchun jon kuydirayotgan paytda uxlash uyatli ekanligini aytib, OdG-ni ovoz berishga chaqirdi.[118] Majlisning 20 yillik tarixida hech qachon hech kim ovoz berishni so'ramagan. Fashizm kuchli parlamentga qarshi bo'lganligi sababli, avvalgi barcha uchrashuvlarda faqat Dyus tomonidan umumlashtirilgan munozaralar bo'lib o'tdi. Mussolini istamay rozi bo'ldi va yarim tunda uchrashuv 10 daqiqaga to'xtatildi.[119] Bu orada Grandi o'zining OdG-ga imzolarni yig'di.[120]

OdGga qarshi va unga qarshi boshqa aralashuvlardan so'ng, Mussolini ishtirokchilarga o'z qarorlari haqida mulohaza yuritishlarini aytdi, chunki Grandi-ning OdG-ning tasdiqlanishi fashizmning tugashini anglatadi. Shuningdek, u ingliz-amerikaliklar bunga mamnun bo'ladi, degan xayollarga qarshi ogohlantirdi, ammo ular haqiqatan ham xohlagan narsa, uning boshqaruvi ostida juda kuchli bo'lgan Italiyaning oxiri edi. Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, bu u haqida emas, lekin urush g'alaba qozonishi mumkinligiga amin edi. U oshkor qila olmagan narsani amalga oshirish uchun "kaliti" bor edi va u shoh tomonidan uning tomog'ini kesib tashlashga tayyor emas edi.[121][122] Agar qirol unga bo'lgan ishonchini yana bir bor tasdiqlasa, Grandi-ning OdG tarafdorlari uchun oqibatlari dahshatli bo'lar edi.[122][123] So'zining oxirida ko'pchilik gerarchi sezilarli darajada silkitilgan.[124] Grandi, Duce ularning barchasini shantaj qilayotganini va agar unga sodiqlik va Vatanga sodiqlikni tanlash kerak bo'lsa, tanlov aniq bo'lganligini aytdi.[122][125] Shu payt Scorza o'zining OdG-ni taqdim etib, barchani hayratda qoldirdi.[126][127] Bu Mussolini boshchiligidagi uchta urush va ichki ishlar vazirlarining nomzodlarini ko'rsatishni va hokimiyatni Fashistlar partiyasi qo'lida to'plashni taklif qildi.[127]

Ovoz berishning rasmiy natijasi Ordine del Giorno Grandi

Uning nutqi Dyusning deyarli barcha yuqori martabali fashistlar orasida obro'sizlantirilgandan buyon Grandini mag'lub etish umidiga ziyon etkazdi. Scorza aralashuvi oxirida, Suardo OdG Grandi-dan imzosini qaytarib olishini e'lon qildi va uchta hujjatni birlashtirishni taklif qildi.[128] Ciano Farinacci-dan OdG-ni qaytarib olishni va Grandi-dan ikkita hujjatni birlashtirishni so'radi, ammo Farinachchi rad etdi.[129] Bottai Grandi uchun ovoz berish sharaf masalasiga aylanganini aytdi.[130] Boshqa aralashuvlar va to'qqiz soatlik muhokamalardan so'ng, Mussolini tungi soat ikkida yig'ilishni yopiq deb e'lon qildi va Skorzaga ovoz berishni davom ettirishni buyurdi. Ular OdG Grandi-ga birinchi bo'lib ovoz berishdi, chunki u eng ko'p tarafdorlarga ega edi.[131] Skorza birinchi bo'lib "yo'q" deb ovoz berdi. Uning ortidan marshal de Bono "ha" dedi va u bilan bir qarorga kelmaganlarni tortib oldi. Yakunda OdG Grandi 19 ta ovoz oldi, 8 ta qarshi.[132] Mussolini hujjatni ma'qullagan deb e'lon qildi va natijani qirolga kim etkazishi kerakligini so'radi. Grandi javob berdi: "Siz". Duce xulosa qildi: "Siz rejim inqirozini qo'zg'atdingiz".[1] Shundan so'ng, Scorza "saluto al duce", ammo Mussolini uni to'xtatdi.[1]

Boshqa barcha gerarxlar saroyni tark etishganda, Mussolini OdG ning huquqiy qiymatini muhokama qilish uchun Scorza-da qoldi. Ular bu shunchaki Qirolga berilgan "tavsiya" degan xulosaga kelishdi.[133] Skorza Mussoliniga OdG Grandini qabul qilishni taklif qildi, ammo u rad etdi, chunki u Buyuk Kengashdagi ittifoqchilariga qarshi edi.[134] Shundan so'ng, etib borishdan oldin uning xotini yilda Villa Torlonia, Mussolini ma'shuqasiga telefon qildi, Claretta Petacci. During his conversation, which was bugged, he told her in desperation: "We arrived to the epilogue, the greatest watershed in history"; "The star darkened"; "It's all over now".[135] Afterwards, Scorza accompanied the Duce to Villa Torlonia at 3:00 am on Sunday 25 July 1943.

Arrest of Mussolini

The park of Villa Savoia (now Villa Ada ) Rimda. Mussolini was arrested there in the afternoon of 25 July 1943.

Grandi met with Duke Pietro d'Acquarone until 06:00 after the Grand Council meeting to give him one of the two copies of the OdG.[136] At 07:00, d'Acquarone informed the King.[137] The King called Badoglio and told him that he would be the successor to Mussolini.[138] The operation was due to start on 29 July. Mussolini went to work and found a letter on his desk from Tullio Cianetti, withdrawing his vote for the OdG Grandi. He ordered a search for Grandi from his office at Montecitorio, but he replied that he was not in Rome, potentially in an effort to give him the task of making contact with the Allies to prepare an armistice.[139][140] Mussolini contacted the royal household in order to request an audience with the King to report on the previous night's meeting. This call unsettled the King, who had decided to arrest the Duce on that same day.[4] The arrest occurred at 17:00 at Villa Savoia.

General Castellano contacted the Commander in Chief of the Carabinieri, General Cerica, who organized the arrest. Lieutenant Colonel Giovanni Frignani oversaw the arrest of Mussolini by order of the king. Captain Paul Vigneri of the Carabinieri was commissioned to carry out the arrest. He was summoned by telephone with his colleague Captain Raffaele Aversa around 14:00 on 25 July by Giovanni Frignani, who explored their method of carrying out the order of arrest issued against the Duce. Vigneri was told to deliver Mussolini and complete the mission at any cost; he was provided with three non-commissioned officers of the Carabinieri (Bertuzzi, Gianfriglia and Zenon), who were allowed to use weapons if needed.[iqtibos kerak ]

In the meantime, Mussolini met the Japanese ambassador, Shinrokuro Hidaka, who had been waiting three weeks for a courtesy hearing. Hidaka heard Mussolini request that the Yaponiya bosh vaziri, General Tojo, contact Hitler and convince him to reach an agreement with Stalin.[141] Otherwise, Italy would be forced to abandon the alliance.[142] In the afternoon, Mussolini visited the San Lorenzo quarter to observe the damage from the bombing.[143] Back at Villa Torlonia, his wife, Donna Rachele, told him not to go to the appointment with the King since Victor Emmanuel could not be trusted.[144] She told him: "You won’t be back", but he said that the King was his best friend.[144]

At 17:00, Mussolini, escorted by agents of the "presidenziale", arrived at the Villa Savoia where the King was waiting for him. He brought a copy of the law of the Grand Council, the OdG Grandi, and the letter of Cianetti. The Duce tried to convince Victor Emmanuel that the OdG had no legal value and that many of its supporters had changed their minds. The King told him that the country was broken, and the situation required him to quit his post; the new President of the Council of Ministers would be Marshal Badoglio. Mussolini feared for his future, but the King assured him that he would personally take care of his security and that of his family.[145] Victor Emmanuel accompanied him to the door where he met Captain Vigneri. The Duce went to his car, but Captain Vigneri told him to go to a nearby ambulance for his security.[146] Mussolini said there was no need for that, but followed him to the ambulance where the policemen were waiting. The ambulance left the park and rushed through Rome until reaching the "Podgora" army barracks in Trastevere before ultimately being moved to the "Legnano" Carabinieri barracks in Prati.[147][148] The Duce received a kind letter from Badoglio the same night, explaining the necessity of his custody and asking him where he wanted to be brought. Mussolini asked to go to his summer residence, the Rocca delle Caminate, in Romagna, and he wrote to Badoglio that he was gladly willing to help him and his government. A transfer to his summer residence was not an option, and two days later he was accompanied to Gaeta, qaerda korvet Persefone brought him to the island of Ponza. He was transferred to the island of La Maddalena va nihoyat Campo Imperatore, where he remained until 12 September 1943 when a German commando unit led by Otto Skorzeni freed him.[149]

In the meantime, all the telephone centrals were blocked. The new Chief of the Police, Senise, who was appointed at 17:30 by Duke d’Acquarone, ordered the kvestor of Rome to arrest all the gerarchi present in the capital.[150] The EIAR, linked with the headquarters of the MVSN, was also isolated. The King had his first meeting with Badoglio. At 18:00, the Secretary of the Party, Scorza, was waiting to meet Mussolini and seeing that he did not come, he went to the headquarters of the Carabinieri. There he was arrested by Cerica, but released on his word after promising that both he and the Fascist party would be faithful to the new government.[151] The same fate befell the MVSN: its Commander in Chief, Enzo Galbiati, advised Mussolini to arrest the 19 gerarchi who voted for the OdG Grandi, but he refused. After knowing about the arrest of Mussolini, he observed that the MVSN headquarters in Viale Romania had been surrounded by army units. Galbiati then ordered his men not to provoke incidents. Although the majority of his officers wanted to react, he called the Undersecretary to the Interiors, Albini, after consulting with four generals and declaring that the MVSN would have "remained faithful to its principles, that is to serve the fatherland through its pair, Duce and King". Since the war against the Allies was continuing, the duty of each Blackshirt was to continue the fight.[152] Badoglio had nothing to fear from the Blackshirts. Immediately, Galbiati was replaced by Quirino Armellini, an Army general, and arrested a few days later.[152] The MVSN was then integrated into the Regio Esercito va tarqatib yuborildi.

Announcement and Italian public reaction

At 22:45 on 25 July 1943, a warm summer night, the Roman (and Italian) people heard from the radio the voice of the official speaker, Giambattista Arista (nicknamed the "voce littoria"), always used for solemn occasions, announcing that Mussolini had resigned and that Badoglio was the new premier.[2]

Diqqat. Diqqat. His Majesty the King and Emperor has accepted the resignation from office of the Head of Government, Prime Minister, and Secretary of State His Excellency il Cavaliere Benito Mussolini, and has named as Head of Government, Prime Minister, and Secretary of State the Italiya marshali, Sir Pietro Badoglio.

— G. Arista, 25 July 1943

The communique finished with the words: "La guerra continua. L'Italia tiene fede alla parola data" ("The war goes on. Italy will be true to its word"). After the end of the transmission, the population slowly understood what was going on. Thus Paolo Monelli, writer and journalist, describes what happened in the capital:

"The silence of the summer night is broken by songs, screams, clamors. A group exited by Caffè Aragno[153] climbs up Via del Tritone screaming with a crazy explosion: 'Citizens, wake up, they arrested Mussolini, Mussolini to death, down with Fascism!' It sounded like the scream of a mute who gets his voice back after twenty years. Windows illuminate violently, front doors burst open, houses empty, all are out embracing each other, telling each other the news, with those simple and exuberant gestures belonging to people overwhelmed by emotion. Hotheads throw themselves on the ones still wearing the Fascist pin, tearing it away, trampling on it. 'Off with the bug!' Columns of people go to acclaim the king at the Quirinal, Badoglio at Via XX Settembre."[154]

All over Italy, men and women went outside and chiseled away the Fascist emblems and removed propaganda posters from the buildings. In Rome, the government locked up high-ranking Fascists in Forte Boccea, Rome's military jail at the time.[155] The lack of violence was remarkable; the people's revenge was mostly limited to tearing off the "bug", the Fascist pin, from the jackets of the Fascists or forcing them to toast to Badoglio.

Without firing a shot, Mussolini and the Fascist party that dominated Italy for the last 21 years fell. As the Italian intellectual, Ranuchcio Byanki Bandinelli, wrote in his diary at the time: "Behind the façade there was nothing. The first actor took his large cardboard head off and his idiot servants could be sent home with a cuff".[156]

Natijada

Asosiy maqolalar: Kassibil sulh, Italiya kampaniyasi (Ikkinchi jahon urushi) va Italiya fuqarolar urushi

Germaniya reaktsiyasi

The Germans received news about Mussolini's arrest around 19:30 and informed Berlin immediately. The Führer was infuriated.[157] Farinacci went to the German embassy, where Kesselring suggested that he join the armored Division "M", a group of devoted Fascists. They were encamped at Monterotondo where it could have been possible to march on Rome and free the Duce.[157] Farinacci refused and asked to be brought to Germany. He left Italy by plane from Frascati and landed in Munich.[158]Birliklari 44-piyoda diviziyasi and of the 36th Mountain Brigade of the Wehrmacht broke through the Brenner, Reschen va Toblach passes, occupying Janubiy Tirol.[159] Other German units also penetrated Italy from the Julian va Pyemont chegaralar. The trains transporting the troops were covered in praise for and images of Mussolini.[159] From 26 July until 8 August, eight Wehrmacht divisions and one brigade were moved without Italian consent to northern and central Italy: the same troops that Hitler denied to Mussolini two weeks before in Feltre.[154]

Allied reaction

The "forty six days", armistice and civil war

After letting the populace celebrate, the government proclaimed a qamal holati and a curfew on 26 July.[160] On 27 July, the first council of ministers under Badoglio took place. In this meeting, it was decided to move Mussolini ("The State prisoner") to an island and to dissolve the Fascist Party, the Grand Council, the Chamber of Fasci and Corporations, and the Special Tribunal for the Defense of the State.[161] The reconstitution of all political parties was also forbidden.[161] Despite this prohibition, representatives of the political parties met on 26 July in Milan and on 27 July in Rome under the direction of Ivanoe Bonomi. They met again in Rome on 2 August. A'zolari Xristian demokratiyasi, Italiya Liberal partiyasi, Italiya sotsialistik partiyasi, Harakat partiyasi, va Italiya Kommunistik partiyasi started to organize a common action against the government; at the same time, several demonstrations against Badoglio resulted in 83 deaths and several hundreds wounded around the country.[162]

Grandi transmitted an account of the meeting to the foreign press representative on Sunday morning, but he knew it was blocked.[163] Grandi understood that the new government wanted to let the Fascist contribution to the fall of Mussolini fade away. He convoked the ambassadors of Spain and Switzerland, who were eager to get a first-hand account, to his office in Montecitorio under the sole request that his account be published in the press.[164] After the publication of the meeting in the Swiss press the next day, he met with Duke d'Acquarone, with whom he had an argument. Grandi later met the King, Badoglio and Papa, proposing to be secretly sent to Madrid where he could meet his old friend Semyuel Xare, the British ambassador in Spain.[165] He wanted to talk about Italy's surrender. The Germans were informed about his visit to Pius XII, and the Gestapo was tracing him. On 31 July, he met the new foreign minister, Guariglia, but Guariglia was not in a hurry to send him to Madrid.[165]

The government made no attempt to establish contact with the Anglo-Americans or defend the country from the German invasion. The new foreign minister, Guariglia, was ambassador to Turkey, and time was lost while waiting for his return from Ankara.[166] The King, after his activism on 25 July, was inactive, delegating the political action to d'Acquarone and Badoglio.[167] The last sentence of the communique of 25 July, while not deceiving Hitler, puzzled the Allies. It marked the beginning of an ambiguous policy of the Badoglio government, which would bring about the national catastrophe of 8 September: the meltdown of the armed forces, the missing defense of Rome followed by the flight of the royal family and the government, the freeing of Mussolini with the establishment of the Italiya ijtimoiy respublikasi va Fuqarolar urushi, all of which have their roots in those forty six days between the 25 July and the armistice.[168]

Adabiyotlar

  1. ^ a b v Byanki (1963), p. 609
  2. ^ a b Byanki (1963), p. 704
  3. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 21
  4. ^ a b De Felice (1996), p. 1391
  5. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1092
  6. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1117
  7. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1125
  8. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1137
  9. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 283
  10. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1168
  11. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 29
  12. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 74
  13. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1174
  14. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1132
  15. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 77
  16. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 76
  17. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1180
  18. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1169
  19. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1126
  20. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 46
  21. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 56
  22. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 57
  23. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 65
  24. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 58
  25. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1136
  26. ^ a b De Felice (1996), p. 1148
  27. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1151
  28. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 81
  29. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1181
  30. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 82
  31. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 379
  32. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 382
  33. ^ a b Byanki (1963), p. 392
  34. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 413
  35. ^ a b Byanki (1963), p. 417
  36. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 426
  37. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1184
  38. ^ a b Byanki (1963), p. 427
  39. ^ Grandi (1983), p. 196
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  41. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 384-6
  42. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 386
  43. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 384
  44. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1236
  45. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1237
  46. ^ a b De Felice (1996), p. 1239
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  49. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 405
  50. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 410
  51. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1219
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  53. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1313
  54. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1316
  55. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 435
  56. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 436
  57. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 71
  58. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1193
  59. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1198
  60. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1199
  61. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1203
  62. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1220
  63. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 445
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  65. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1226
  66. ^ a b De Felice (1996), p. 1186
  67. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 85
  68. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 454
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  71. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1325
  72. ^ Bullock, Alan (1962), Gitler: Tiraniyada ish, London: Pelican, p. 580
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  76. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 468
  77. ^ Grandi (1983), p. 224
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  82. ^ a b De Felice (1996), p. 1248
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  87. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1188
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  89. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 477
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  91. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1189
  92. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 481
  93. ^ "Il significato reale del Comitato di non intervento negli affari di Spagna" (italyan tilida). international communist party. Olingan 23 iyul 2013.
  94. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1252
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  104. ^ Paolo Nello. "Un fedele disubbidiente: Dino Grandi da Palazzo Chigi al 25 luglio" , Il Mulino, 1993.
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  108. ^ Grandi (1983), p. 246
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  113. ^ Grandi (1983), p. 256
  114. ^ Monelli (1946), p. 125
  115. ^ Grandi (1983), p. 257
  116. ^ Monelli (1946), p. 124
  117. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 575
  118. ^ Grandi (1983), p. 260
  119. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 576
  120. ^ Monelli (1946), p. 126
  121. ^ Grandi (1983), p. 263
  122. ^ a b v Monelli (1946), p. 128
  123. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 588
  124. ^ Grandi (1983), p. 264
  125. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 605
  126. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 590
  127. ^ a b Grandi (1983), p. 265
  128. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 596
  129. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 597
  130. ^ Grandi (1983), p. 266
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  135. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 616
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  137. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1388
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  139. ^ Grandi (1983), p. 272
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  142. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 73
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  146. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 670
  147. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1400
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  150. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 687
  151. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 694
  152. ^ a b Byanki (1963), p. 732
  153. ^ At that time it was the most famous caffè in Rome, in Del Corso orqali, attended by artists and intellectuals
  154. ^ a b Byanki (1963), p. 715
  155. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 729
  156. ^ De Felice (1996), p. 1366
  157. ^ a b Byanki (1963), p. 702
  158. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 703
  159. ^ a b Byanki (1963), p. 713
  160. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 724
  161. ^ a b Byanki (1963), p. 746
  162. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 740
  163. ^ Grandi (1983), p. 282
  164. ^ Grandi (1983), p. 283
  165. ^ a b Grandi (1983), pp. 368-76
  166. ^ Byanki (1963), p. 751
  167. ^ De Felice in Grandi (1983), p. 106
  168. ^ De Felice (2008), "La catastrofe nazionale dell'8 Settembre", passim

Manbalar

  • Monelli, Paolo (1946). Roma 1943 yil (italyan tilida) (4 nashr). Roma: Migliaresi.
  • Byanki, Janfranko (1989). 25 Luglio: crollo di un rejim (italyan tilida). Milano: Mursia.
  • Bottai, Giuseppe (1963). Diario 1935-1944 (italyan tilida) (1 nashr). Milano: Ritsoli.
  • Grandi, Dino (1983). De Felice, Renzo (ed.). Il 25 Luglio 40 anni dopo (italyan tilida) (3 nashr). Bologna: Il Mulino. ISBN  8815003312.
  • De Felice, Renzo (1996). Mussolini. L'Alleato. 1: L'Italia II Gererada: Crisi e agonia del rejim (in Italian) (2 ed.). Torino: Einaudi. ISBN  8806195697.
  • De Felice, Renzo (2008). Mussolini. L'Alleato. 2: La Guerra Civile (italyan tilida) (3 nashr). Torino: Einaudi. ISBN  8806195719.