Fashizm iqtisodiyoti - Economics of fascism

Qismi bir qator kuni
Fashizm
Fasces
Mavzular
  • Rangli ovoz berish qutisi.svg Siyosat portali
Qismi bir qator kuni
Iqtisodiy tizimlar
Mafkura bo'yicha
  • Emblem-money.svg Biznes va iqtisodiy portal

Tarixchilar va boshqa olimlar aniqmi yoki yo'qmi degan savolga kelishmaydilar fashist turi iqtisodiy siyosat mavjud deb aytish mumkin. Devid Beykerning ta'kidlashicha, fashizmda boshqa mafkuralar tomonidan ilgari surilganlardan ajralib turadigan, fashist millatlar baham ko'rgan muhim xususiyatlardan iborat bo'lgan aniqlanadigan iqtisodiy tizim mavjud.[1] Peyn, Pakton, Sternhell va boshq. Fashistik iqtisodiyotning ba'zi o'xshashliklari mavjud bo'lsa-da, fashistik iqtisodiy tashkilotning o'ziga xos shakli mavjud emasligini ta'kidlaydilar.[2][3][4] Jerald Feldman va Timoti Mason fashizm izchil iqtisodiy mafkuraning yo'qligi va jiddiy iqtisodiy fikrlashning yo'qligi bilan ajralib turishini ta'kidlaydilar. Ularning ta'kidlashicha, fashistik rahbarlar tomonidan qabul qilingan qarorlarni mantiqiy iqtisodiy doirada tushuntirish mumkin emas.[5]

Fashistik harakatlar turli xil iqtisodiy sharoitlarga nisbatan amaliy javoblarni qo'llab-quvvatlashga moyil edilar va iqtisodiyot kuchli millatni barpo etishga yordam berishi kerak degan umumiy istakdan boshqa qat'iy iqtisodiy printsiplarga ega emas edilar.[6] Shunday qilib, olimlar fashistlarda iqtisodiy mafkura yo'q edi, ammo ular xalq fikriga, donorlarning manfaatlariga va Ikkinchi jahon urushi. Umuman olganda, fashistik hukumatlar xususiy mulk ustidan nazoratni amalga oshirgan, ammo bunday qilmagan milliylashtirmoq u.[7] Olimlar ham buni ta'kidladilar katta biznes bilan tobora yaqin hamkorlik aloqalarini rivojlantirdi Italiya fashisti va Nemis fashisti hukumatlar. Korxona rahbarlari hukumatning siyosiy va harbiy maqsadlarini qo'llab-quvvatladilar. Buning evaziga hukumat o'z biznes ittifoqchilari daromadlarini maksimal darajada oshiradigan iqtisodiy siyosat olib bordi.[8]

Boshqa G'arbiy kapitalistik mamlakatlar o'sha davrda sanoatga davlat mulkchiligini oshirishga intilib, Natsistlar Germaniyasi o'tkazildi jamoat mulki va davlat xizmatlari ichiga xususiy sektor.[9] Fashistik rejimlar deb tasvirlangan avtoritar yoki totalitar kapitalistik.[9][10][11][12]

Umumiy nuqtai

Mahbuslar a Natsistlar kontslageri qilish majburiy mehnat

Birinchi fashistik harakatlar so'nggi yillarda paydo bo'ldi Birinchi jahon urushi. Ular radikallikning bir shakli edi millatchilik milliy qayta tug'ilish va'dasini bajarish; ular aybdor liberalizm, sotsializm va materializm ular jamiyat va madaniyatdagi tanazzul uchun ular zo'ravonlik va jamiyatni shakllantirishdagi etakchilik va irodaning roli uchun minnatdorlik bildirdilar.[13]

Fashistik iqtisodiy e'tiqodlardan biri shundaki, xalq madaniy va ma'naviy jihatdan qayta uyg'onganidan so'ng, farovonlik tabiiy ravishda paydo bo'ladi.[14] Fashistik partiyaning turli a'zolari ko'pincha o'zlari qo'llab-quvvatlagan iqtisodiy siyosat to'g'risida mutlaqo teskari bayonotlar berishardi.[15] Hokimiyat tepasida bo'lganidan so'ng, fashistlar odatda o'zlarining siyosiy maqsadlari uchun eng mos bo'lgan iqtisodiy dasturni qabul qilishadi. Uzoq muddatli fashistik rejimlar (masalan, Benito Mussolini yilda Italiya ) vaqti-vaqti bilan o'zlarining iqtisodiy siyosatiga keskin o'zgarishlar kiritdilar.

1920-1930 yillardagi siyosiy va iqtisodiy ob-havodan, xususan ba'zi Evropa jamiyatlarining chuqur qutblanishidan (masalan, Italiya qirolligi va Veymar Germaniyasi ) edi demokratik davlatlar tarafdorlari ustun bo'lgan saylangan parlamentlar bilan laissez-faire kapitalizm va Marksistik sotsializm, ularning bir-biriga qattiq qarshiliklari barqaror hukumatlar tuzilishini qiyinlashtirdi.[16] Fashistlar bu vaziyatni demokratiyaga qarshi dalil sifatida ishlatishdi, uni samarasiz va kuchsiz deb hisoblashdi.[17] Fashistik rejimlar odatda inqiroz davrida, iqtisodiy elita, er egalari va biznes egalari inqilob yoki qo'zg'olon yaqinlashib qolishidan qo'rqqan paytda vujudga kelgan.[18] Fashistlar o'zlarining ijtimoiy mavqeini himoya qilishni va har qanday mumkin bo'lgan ishchilar sinfi inqilobini bostirishni va'da qilib, iqtisodiy elita bilan ittifoq qildilar.[19] Buning evaziga elitalardan o'z manfaatlarini yanada kengroq millatchilik loyihasiga bo'ysundirish so'ralgan, shu sababli fashistik iqtisodiy siyosat odatda tengsizlik va imtiyozlarni himoya qiladi, shuningdek, davlatning iqtisodiyotga aralashuvi uchun muhim rol o'ynaydi.[20]

Fashistlar ikkalasiga ham qarshi chiqdilar xalqaro sotsializm va erkin bozor kapitalizm, ularning qarashlari a uchinchi pozitsiya.[21][22] Ular real iqtisodiy alternativani taqdim etishlarini da'vo qilishdi, ammo bu ham emas laissez-faire kapitalizm na kommunizm.[23] Ular ma'qullashdi korporativlik va sinf hamkorligi tengsizlik va ijtimoiy ierarxiyaning mavjudligi foydali (sotsialistlarning qarashlariga zid), deb ishonib,[24][25] shuningdek, davlatlar sinflar o'rtasidagi munosabatlarga vositachilik qilishda (liberal kapitalistlarning qarashlariga zid) rol o'ynaganligini ta'kidlaydilar.[26] Fashistik iqtisodiyotning muhim jihati iqtisodiy edi dirigizm,[27] bu hukumat tez-tez qulay kompaniyalarni subsidiyalashtiradigan va shunchaki tartibga soluvchi roldan farqli o'laroq investitsiyalarga kuchli direktiv ta'sir ko'rsatadigan iqtisodiyotni anglatadi. Umuman olganda, fashistik iqtisodiyot xususiy mulk va xususiy tashabbusga asoslangan edi, ammo ular davlat xizmatiga bog'liq edi.[28]

Fashistik hukumatlar xususiy foyda olishga intilishni rag'batlantirdilar va yirik korxonalarga ko'plab imtiyozlar taklif qildilar, ammo ular evaziga barcha iqtisodiy faoliyat milliy manfaatlarga xizmat qilishini talab qildilar.[13] Tarixchi Gaetano Salvemini 1936 yilda fashizm soliq to'lovchilarni xususiy tadbirkorlik uchun javobgar qiladi, degan fikrni ilgari surdi, chunki "davlat xususiy tadbirkorlikning qo'pol xatolarini to'laydi. [...] Foyda xususiy va individualdir. Yo'qotish ommaviy va ijtimoiydir ".[29] Stenli Peyn fashistik harakatlar xususiy mulk tamoyilini "individual shaxsning erkinligi va o'z-o'zidan paydo bo'lishiga xos" deb tutganligi sababli himoya qilgan, ammo ular avtonomiyani yoki ba'zi hollarda keng ko'lamli kapitalizm mavjudligini yo'q qilishni ham maqsad qilganliklarini ta'kidlaydilar.[30] Yurgen Kuczinskiy fashistik iqtisodiyotni "monopolistik kapitalizm" ning bir turi sifatida tavsiflaydi, u "kapitalistik ishlab chiqarishning asosiy xususiyatlarini" saqlaydi, masalan, ishlab chiqarishni ma'lum maosh evaziga ishchilarni ish bilan ta'minlaydigan xususiy firmalar tomonidan bozor uchun amalga oshiriladi.[31] Uning ta'kidlashicha, fashizm "kapitalistik jamiyat ichida boshqaruvning o'ziga xos shaklidan boshqa narsa emas",[32] Bu avvalgi asrlarning ba'zi dastlabki kapitalistik jamiyatlarida bo'lgani kabi davlat uchun katta rol o'ynaydi.[33]

Fashizm a ijtimoiy darvinist odamlar o'rtasidagi munosabatlar va ularning maqsadi yuqori darajadagi shaxslarni targ'ib qilish va zaiflarni yo'q qilish edi.[20] Iqtisodiy amaliyot nuqtai nazaridan, bu muvaffaqiyatli ishbilarmonlarning manfaatlarini qo'llab-quvvatlashni anglatar edi kasaba uyushmalari va boshqa tashkilotlar ishchilar sinfi.[34] Fashistik hukumatlar kasaba uyushma harakatini noqonuniy deb e'lon qildi va uning o'rniga hukumatning bevosita nazorati ostidagi mehnat tashkilotlarini tashkil etdi, bu esa ishchilar hech qanday samarali iqtisodiy choralar ko'rmasligini ta'minladi.[35] Ushbu mehnat tashkilotlariga a'zolik majburiy edi,[36] ularning rahbarlari a'zolari tomonidan saylanish o'rniga hukmron partiya tomonidan tayinlangan[37] va ular ishchilar va korxonalar manfaatlarini uyg'unlashtirishga xizmat qiladigan kasaba uyushmalarining yangi turi sifatida namoyish etildi.[38] Biroq, amalda ular birinchi navbatda hukmron partiyani o'zlari xohlagan rahbarlarni tayinlash uchun lobbi qilishga qodir bo'lgan yirik biznes egalarining manfaatlariga xizmat qildilar.[39] Sanoat foydasini saqlab qolish va ko'paytirish uchun fashistik davlatlar ommaviy norozilik ehtimolini yo'q qildilar va keyin ish haqini to'g'ridan-to'g'ri yoki bilvosita qisqartirdilar.[40] Ish tashlashlar qat'iyan taqiqlangan va guruh sifatida ishlashni to'xtatgan xodimlarga qamoq jazosi berilishi mumkin edi.[41]

Italiyada ham, Germaniyada ham fashistik hukumatlar xususiylashtirilgan ma'lum vaqtlarda davlat korxonalari.[42][43][44] Ushbu xususiylashtirishlar har ikkala rejimning dastlabki bosqichlarida (Italiya uchun 1922-1925 va Germaniya uchun 1934-1937) amalga oshirildi va o'zlaridan oldingi demokratik hukumatlar siyosatining aksini ko'rsatdi. Demokratik hukumatlar bir qator sanoat tarmoqlarini davlat mulkiga o'tkazdilar va fashistlar ularni xususiy mulkka qaytarishga qaror qildilar.[45] Bunda ular aksariyat G'arb hukumatlari davlat mulkini ko'paytirayotgan davrdagi asosiy iqtisodiy tendentsiyalarga qarshi chiqishdi.[46][47] Fashistik xususiylashtirish siyosati boy sanoatchilarni qo'llab-quvvatlashga intilish hamda byudjetlarni muvozanatlash uchun davlat daromadlarini ko'paytirish zarurati bilan bog'liq edi.[48][49] Shunisi ahamiyatliki, fashistik hukumatlar birinchilardan bo'lib zamonaviy zamonda keng ko'lamli xususiylashtirishni amalga oshirdilar.[50]

Ko'pgina hollarda, fashistlar tashqi savdoni qo'llab-quvvatlab, tushkunlikka tushirishdi yoki taqiqladilar protektsionizm. Fashistlar haddan tashqari xalqaro savdo milliy iqtisodiyotni xalqaro kapitalga bog'liq qiladi va shuning uchun xalqaro iqtisodiy sanktsiyalar ta'siriga tushib qoladi, deb hisoblashgan. Iqtisodiy o'zini o'zi ta'minlash, deb nomlanuvchi avtarkiy, ko'pchilik fashistik hukumatlarning asosiy maqsadi edi.[51] Bundan tashqari, fashizm juda yuqori edi militaristik va shunga o'xshash fashistlar ko'pincha sezilarli darajada ko'paygan harbiy xarajatlar. Harbiy xizmatga yollash fashistik hukumatlar tomonidan qisqartirishda qo'llanilgan asosiy siyosatlardan biri edi ishsizlik.[52]

Fashizm va kapitalizm

Shuningdek qarang: Fashizm va kapitalizm va Fashizm va davlat kapitalizmi

Fashizm vaqt o'tishi bilan o'zgarib turadigan va fashistik davlatlar o'rtasida farq qiladigan kapitalizm bilan murakkab munosabatlarni o'rnatgan. Fashistlar odatda keng ko'lamli kapitalizm avtonomiyasini yo'q qilishga va uni davlat ixtiyoriga berishga intilishgan.[53] Biroq, fashizm qo'llab-quvvatlaydi xususiy mulk huquqlari va mavjudligi a bozor iqtisodiyoti va juda boy shaxslar.[54] Shunday qilib, fashistik mafkura kapitalistik tarafdorlarni ham, antiqapitalistik elementlarni ham qamrab oldi.[55][56] Amalda, fashistik hukumatlarning iqtisodiy siyosati asosan mafkuraviy tamoyillarga emas, balki pragmatik maqsadlarga asoslangan bo'lib, ular asosan kuchli milliy iqtisodiyotni qurish, targ'ib qilish bilan shug'ullangan. avtarkiy va katta urush harakatlarini qo'llab-quvvatlashga qodir.[57][58][59]

Fashistik Italiyaning siyosiy iqtisodiyoti

Asosiy maqola: Fashizm davrida Italiya iqtisodiyoti

The Milliy fashistlar partiyasi ning Benito Mussolini 1922 yilda ijtimoiy notinchlik davri oxirida Italiyada hokimiyat tepasiga keldi. Ishchilar sinfi faollik eng yuqori nuqtada edi, jangari kasaba uyushmalari tobora tez-tez tashkil etilardi ish tashlashlar talab qilmoq ishchilarning huquqlari va Italiya sotsialistik partiyasi saylovlarda katta yutuqlarga erishmoqda. Bu Italiya ishbilarmon doiralari va ularning bir qismi orasida keng qo'rquvni keltirib chiqardi o'rta sinf, kim ishongan a kommunistik inqilob yaqinda edi.[60] An'anaviy o'ng qanot partiyalari vaziyatni ko'rib chiqishga qodir emasligi sababli Viktor Emmanuel III u zarbalarni zo'ravonlik bilan bostirish orqali qattiq o'ng qanot yo'nalishini olgan deb hisoblagan yosh fashistik harakatga murojaat qildi va Benito Mussolini bosh vazir etib tayinladi.[60] Hokimiyat tepasiga kelganidan ko'p o'tmay Mussolini o'zining iqtisodiy pozitsiyasini quyidagicha belgilab berdi: "[Fashistlar] hukumati xususiy tadbirkorlikka to'la erkinlik beradi va xususiy iqtisodiyotga har qanday aralashuvdan voz kechadi".[61]

Xususan, ko'p partiyali koalitsiya hukumati (1922-1925) davrida yangi rejimning dastlabki to'rt yilida fashistlar umuman olganda laissez-faire moliya vaziri huzuridagi iqtisodiy siyosat Alberto De Stefani, Markaziy partiyaning sobiq sodiq rahbari.[62] Erkin raqobat rag'batlantirildi va De Stefani dastlab soliqlarni, qoidalarni va savdo cheklovlarini umuman kamaytirdi.[63] De Stefani davlat xarajatlarini kamaytirdi va byudjetni muvozanatlashtirdi. Sotsialistlar tomonidan kiritilgan ba'zi oldingi qonunchilik, masalan meros solig'i, bekor qilindi.[64] Bu davrda farovonlik oshdi va 20-asrning 20-yillari o'rtalariga kelib sanoat ishlab chiqarishi urush davrining eng yuqori cho'qqisiga chiqdi, ammo bu inflyatsiya bilan birga kechdi.[65] Umuman olganda, bu fashistik iqtisodiy siyosat asosan kuzatilgan davr edi klassik liberal ichki ishlab chiqarishni rag'batlantirishga urinishlar (tashqi savdo o'rniga) va byudjetni muvozanatlashning qo'shimcha xususiyatlari bilan.[66]

Bu, shuningdek, Italiya fashistik hukumati keng ko'lamli xususiylashtirish siyosatini olib borgan davr edi, bu zamonaviy dunyodagi birinchi siyosatlar qatoriga kiradi.[67] Fashistik Italiya 1920-yillarda davlat korxonalari va aktivlarini xususiy firmalarga sotgan yagona mamlakat edi; ushbu yondashuvni qabul qilgan keyingi mamlakat 1930-yillarda fashistik Germaniya edi.[68] Italiyadagi xususiylashtirishlar aksariyati davlatga tegishli telefon tarmoqlari va xizmatlarini sotishni o'z ichiga olgan davlat monopoliyasi o'yinni sotishda. Hayotni sug'urtalash bo'yicha davlat monopoliyasi bekor qilindi, Ansaldo metallsozlik firmasi xususiy mulkka qaytarildi (avvalgi hukumat tomonidan davlatlashtirilgandan keyin) va xususiy firmalar avtoyo'llarda haq to'lashga imtiyozlar berishdi.[69]

Shunga qaramay, "bir marta Mussolini kuchliroq kuchga ega bo'lgan [...] laissez-faire hukumat aralashuvi foydasiga asta-sekin voz kechildi, erkin savdo o'rnini himoya [izm] egalladi va iqtisodiy maqsadlar nasihatlarda va harbiy terminologiyada tobora ko'payib bormoqda ".[65] De Stefani 1925 yilda iste'foga chiqishga majbur bo'ldi, chunki uning erkin savdo siyosati ko'plab italiyalik ishbilarmonlarning rahbarlariga qarshi bo'lib, ular buni ma'qullashdi protektsionizm va mahalliy biznesni xalqaro raqobatdan izolyatsiya qilish uchun subsidiyalar. 1926 yilda Mussolini inflyatsiyani to'xtatish va Italiya valyutasini barqarorlashtirish uchun pul-kredit siyosatini talab qilib, dadillik bilan nutq so'zladi ( lira ). Shuningdek, u har qanday ish tashlash harakatlarini rasman taqiqlashning so'nggi qadamini qo'ydi. 1927 yildan 1929 yilgacha yangi moliya vaziri Alberto Beneduce rahbarligida Italiya iqtisodiyoti bir davrni boshdan kechirdi deflyatsiya, hukumatning pul-kredit siyosati tomonidan boshqariladi.[70][71]

1929 yilda Italiya Katta depressiya. Monetar barqarorlashish davridan yangi chiqqan Italiya iqtisodiyoti bu zarbaga tayyor emas edi va narxlar pasayib, ishlab chiqarish sustlashdi. Ishsizlik 1929 yildagi 300787 dan 1933 yilda 1.018.953 ga ko'tarildi.[72] Fashistlar hukumati inqirozni bartaraf etishga urinib, muhim sanoat qimmatli qog'ozlarini to'plagan yirik banklarning aktsiyalarini milliylashtirdi.[73] Hukumat, shuningdek, banklar uchun kredit manbasini ta'minlash uchun yangi qimmatli qog'ozlarni chiqargan va turli xil yordamga murojaat qilgan kartellar (konsorzi1922 yildan beri Italiya biznes rahbarlari tomonidan yaratilgan. Hukumat ushbu tashkilotlarga narxlarni hukumatning ustuvor yo'nalishlariga muvofiq ravishda manipulyatsiya qilishlarini va'da berish evaziga ularni tan olish va qo'llab-quvvatlashni taklif qildi.[74]

Bir qator aralash sub'ektlar tashkil etildi, deb nomlangan instituti yoki enti nazionalimaqsadi hukumat va yirik biznes vakillarini birlashtirish edi. Ushbu vakillar iqtisodiy siyosatni muhokama qildilar va hukumatning ham, biznesning ham xohishlarini qondirish uchun narxlar va ish haqlarini manipulyatsiya qildilar. Hukumat ushbu kelishuvni muvaffaqiyatli deb hisobladi va ko'p o'tmay italiyalik fashistlar Buyuk Depressiyadan xususiy mulkka tajovuz qilmasdan omon qolganlarini aytib, bu natijadan faxrlanishni boshladilar. 1934 yilda fashistik qishloq xo'jaligi vaziri: "Deyarli hamma joyda xususiy mulk katta og'irliklarni boshdan kechirayotgan va depressiyaning eng og'ir zarbalaridan aziyat chekayotgan bo'lsa-da, Italiyada ushbu fashistik hukumatning harakatlari tufayli nafaqat xususiy mulk saqlandi, lekin u ham mustahkamlandi ".[75]

Hukumat va biznesning sherikligiga asoslangan ushbu iqtisodiy model tez orada siyosiy sohada tarqaldi korporativlik. 1934 yildan boshlab Italiya katta depressiyadan xalos bo'lishi mumkin edi, agar u xalqaro bozorlar bilan bog'lanmagan bo'lsa edi, deb ishongan Mussolini buni ta'kidladi avtarkiy uning hukumatining iqtisodiy siyosatining asosiy maqsadlaridan biri bo'lishi kerak. Shu maqsadda fashistlar muhim tariflar va boshqa savdo to'siqlarini joriy qila boshladilar.[76] 1934 yilda Mussolini Italiya korxonalarining to'rtdan uch qismi "davlat qo'lida" deb maqtandi.[77][78]

Turli xil bank va sanoat kompaniyalari davlat tomonidan moliyaviy qo'llab-quvvatlandi. Mussolinining birinchi harakatlaridan biri haqiqatan ham metallurgiya ishonchini moliyalashtirish edi Ansaldo balandligi 400 million Lira. 1926 yilda boshlangan deflyatsiya inqirozidan so'ng, kabi banklar Banco di Roma, Banco di Napoli yoki Banco di Sitsiliya davlat tomonidan ham yordam berildi.[79] 1933 yilda Mussolini Ricostruzione Industriale bo'yicha tanlov (IRI) maxsus maqsad bilan floundering kompaniyalarini qutqarish. 1939 yilga kelib, IRI Italiya sanoatining 20 foizini boshqargan hukumat bilan bog'liq kompaniyalar (GLC), shu jumladan 75% cho'yan ishlab chiqarish va 90% kemasozlik sanoat.[80]

Mussolini shuningdek, a Keynscha iqtisodiyotni rag'batlantirish uchun davlat ishlariga davlat xarajatlari siyosati. 1929-1934 yillarda davlat xarajatlarining eng katta qismi sifatida mudofaa xarajatlarini qoplash uchun jamoat ishlariga sarflanadigan xarajatlar uch baravar ko'paydi.[81] Ayni paytda Mussolini Keyns haqida "ikkinchisining liberal sifatida taniqli mavqeiga ega bo'lishiga qaramay", uning ishi "fashistik iqtisodiyotga foydali kirish" deb qaralishi mumkinligini aytdi.[82] Italiyalik fashistlar ham asarlariga katta qiziqish bildirishdi neoklassik iqtisodchi Vilfredo Pareto.[83] Pareto demokratiya illuziya ekanligini va hukmron sinf har doim paydo bo'lib, o'zini boyitib borishini ta'kidlagan edi. Uning uchun asosiy savol hukmdorlar qanchalik faol boshqarganligi va shu sababli u davlatni keskin qisqartirishga chaqirgani va Mussolini boshqaruvini "sof" iqtisodiy kuchlarni ozod qilish uchun ushbu minimal davlatga o'tish sifatida qabul qilgani edi.[84] Fashist ziyolilar iqtisodiyotni "ishlab chiqarish darajasiga erishish" uchun iqtisodiy rivojlanishni ta'minlashga qat'iy qaror qilishdi. Ular o'zlarining tarixiy mas'uliyatini "yakuniy xulosaga qadar kapitalizmda saqlanib qolgan ijodiy elementlarni rivojlantirish" deb hisoblashgan.[85]

Italiya fashistlari va ularning o'tmishdoshlari har doim sinflarning iqtisodiy hamkorligi, sinfiy kurashga qarshi bo'lgan holda yanada samarali jamiyat yaratish zarurligiga e'tibor berishgan.[86] Ular iqtisodiy mahsuldorlikning inqilobiy kuch sifatida muhim ahamiyatiga ishonishgan va ular "distribyutorlar emas, balki produktivistlar".[87] Shunga qaramay, fashistlar hukumati "o'zaro kelishilgan, xarizmatik rejim" ni yaratish va yarimorolning ko'pchiligini boshqaruvga ega qilish uchun o'z sub'ektlarining haqiqiy manfaatlari bilan bog'liq ko'rinishga harakat qildi.[88] Fashist mafkurachilar quyi tabaqalarning noroziligi "farovonlik, ichki xavfsizlik, qudrat va davlat mavjudligiga" tahdid solishini anglatadi va shuning uchun bu norozilikni engillashtirish uchun choralar ko'rish zarurligini ta'kidladilar.[89] Shuningdek, ular "ishchi kuchi farovonligi to'g'risida minimal g'amxo'rlik" ishlab chiqarish salohiyatini yaxshilash orqali milliy manfaatlarga xizmat qilishini ta'kidladilar.[89] Shu sabablarga ko'ra hukumat Italiyaning yarim orolidagi sanoat rivojlanishining past darajasiga qaramay, "ijtimoiy jihatdan rivojlangan Evropa davlatlari bilan solishtirganda" murakkab ijtimoiy ta'minot va yordam dasturini amalga oshirdi.[90]

1935 yilda, Italiya istilosidan keyin Efiopiya, Millatlar Ligasi Italiyaga qarshi savdo sanktsiyalarini joriy etdi. Bu Italiyani avtarkriyaga zudlik bilan erishishga majbur qildi va Mussolinining iqtisodiy o'zini o'zi ta'minlash milliy xavfsizlik uchun juda muhim ekanligiga ishonchini kuchaytirdi. Sanksiyalar o'zlarining kutilgan natijalarini bermadi, chunki Italiya hukumati allaqachon savdo-sotiqni cheklab, avtarkiyaga tayyorlana boshlagan edi. Xususan, Italiya aksariyat importga qattiq taqiq qo'ydi va hukumat iste'molchilarni Italiyada ishlab chiqarilgan mahsulotlarni sotib olishga ishontirishga intildi. Masalan, u shiorni boshladi Il Prodotto Italiano-ni afzal qiling ("Italiya mahsulotlarini sotib oling").[91] 1935 yil may oyida hukumat jismoniy shaxslar va tadbirkorlik sub'ektlarini chet elda chiqarilgan barcha qimmatli qog'ozlarni Italiya bankiga topshirishga majbur qildi (Banca d'Italiya ). 1936 yil 15-iyulda Italiyaga qarshi iqtisodiy sanktsiyalar bekor qilindi, ammo fashistlar iqtisodiy izolyatsiyani davom ettirdilar.

30-yillar davomida Italiya iqtisodiyoti Buyuk Depressiya davrida tashkil etilgan korporativ modelni saqlab qoldi. Shu bilan birga, Mussolini ham diplomatiya, ham harbiy aralashuv orqali Italiyaning tashqi ta'sirini kengaytirish niyatlarini kuchaytirdi. Efiopiyaga bostirib kirgandan so'ng, Italiya general boshchiligidagi ispan millatchilariga ikkala qo'shin va texnika etkazib berishni boshladi Frantsisko Franko ichida jang qilganlar Ispaniya fuqarolar urushi chap hukumatga qarshi. Ushbu xorijiy aralashuvlar harbiy xarajatlarni ko'paytirishni talab qildi va Italiya iqtisodiyoti tobora qurolli kuchlarning ehtiyojlariga bo'ysundi. 1939 yilga kelib Italiya davlat korxonalarining eng yuqori foiziga ega bo'ldi Sovet Ittifoqi.[92]

Va nihoyat, Italiyaning ishtiroki Ikkinchi jahon urushi a'zosi sifatida Eksa kuchlari tashkil etishni talab qildi urush iqtisodiyoti. Urush tezda Italiya uchun yomon boshlanib ketganligi va hukumat korxona rahbarlarini harbiy falokat deb bilgan narsalarini moliyalashtirishga ishontirishlari qiyin bo'lganligi sababli, bu korporatistik modelga jiddiy ziyon keltirdi. The Ittifoqchilarning Italiyaga bosqini 1943 yilda Italiya siyosiy tuzilishi va iqtisodiyoti tezda qulab tushishiga sabab bo'ldi. Boshqa tomondan, ittifoqchilar va nemislar o'zlarining nazorati ostidagi Italiya hududlarini boshqarishni o'z zimmalariga oldilar. Urushning oxiriga kelib Italiya iqtisodiyoti barbod bo'ldi - 1944 yilda jon boshiga daromad 20-asrning boshidan beri eng past darajaga tushdi.[93]

Fashistlar Germaniyasining siyosiy iqtisodiyoti

Asosiy maqola: Fashistik Germaniya iqtisodiyoti

Adolf Gitler iqtisodiy masalalarni nisbatan ahamiyatsiz deb hisoblagan. 1922 yilda Gitler "dunyo tarixi bizni hech bir xalq o'z iqtisodiyoti orqali buyuk odamga aylanmaganligini, ammo u orqali xalq juda yaxshi halok bo'lishini o'rgatadi" deb e'lon qildi va keyinchalik "iqtisodiyot ikkinchi darajali ahamiyatga ega narsa" degan xulosaga keldi.[94] Gitler va natsistlar juda kuchli edi idealist tarix kontseptsiyasi, insoniyat hodisalari yuqori idealga ergashgan kam sonli istisno shaxslar tomonidan boshqarilishini nazarda tutadi. Ular barcha iqtisodiy muammolar, faqat moddiy jihatdan, ularni ko'rib chiqishga loyiq emas deb hisobladilar. Gitler bundan buyon Germaniyaning barcha oldingi hukumatlarini ayblashgacha bordi Bismark urush orqali kengayish o'rniga tinch iqtisodiy rivojlanishga ko'proq tayanib, "xalqni moddiy narsalarga bo'ysundirgan".[95]

Shu sabablarga ko'ra fashistlar hech qachon aniq belgilangan iqtisodiy dasturga ega bo'lmaganlar. Asl nusxa "Yigirma beshta dastur "1920 yilda qabul qilingan partiyaning bir nechta iqtisodiy talablari sanab o'tilgan,[96] ammo keyingi yillarda natsistlar ushbu dasturni qanchalik qo'llab-quvvatlagani shubha ostiga qo'yildi. 1920-yillarda dasturning bir qismini o'zgartirish yoki uni butunlay almashtirish uchun bir necha bor urinishlar qilingan. Masalan; misol uchun, Gotfrid Feder 39 taxtadan iborat yangi dasturni taklif qildi (1924), unda eski taxtalarning bir qismi saqlanib qolgan, boshqalari o'rnini bosgan va juda ko'p yangilarini qo'shgan.[97] Gitler 1925 yildan keyin partiya dasturining har qanday muhokamasiga ruxsat bermadi, go'yo hech qanday munozaraga ehtiyoj qolmadi, chunki dastur "daxlsiz" edi va hech qanday o'zgarishga muhtoj emas edi. Shu bilan birga, Gitler hech qachon dasturni hech qachon jamoatchilik tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlamagan va ko'plab tarixchilar u aslida unga qarshi bo'lganligini ta'kidlamoqdalar. Gitler o'z kitobida dasturning biron bir taxtasini eslatmadi Mein Kampf va bu haqda faqat "harakat dasturi deb atalgan" deb o'tish paytida gaplashdi.[98]

Gitler o'zining siyosiy partiyasini "Milliy sotsialistik" deb atadi, ammo u o'zining sotsializmni talqin qilishiga "hech qanday aloqasi yo'qligini ta'kidlashi aniq edi. Marks sotsializmi "," Marksizm mulkka qarshi; haqiqiy sotsializm bunday emas ".[99] Keyinchalik Gitler shunday degan edi: "Sotsializm! Bu umuman noxush so'z. [...] Sotsializm aslida nimani anglatadi? Agar odamlarda yeyish uchun biron bir narsa va ularning lazzatlari bo'lsa, demak ular o'zlarining sotsializmlariga ega".[100] U shuningdek, uning o'rniga partiyasini "ijtimoiy inqilobchi" deb atashini istaganini bildirdi.[101]

Gitler o'zining iqtisodiy qarashlari to'g'risida har xil vaziyatlarda juda boshqacha bayonotlar qilgan va bir nuqtada shunday so'zlar keltirilgan edi: "Men mantiqiy ravishda ijtimoiy demokratiya muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lgan narsani rivojlantirishim kerak edi. [...] Milliy sotsializm - bu marksizm, agar u bo'lishi mumkin bo'lsa demokratik tartib bilan bema'ni aloqalarini uzdi. [...] Nega biz banklar va fabrikalarni ijtimoiylashtirishga qiynalishimiz kerak? Biz odamlarni ijtimoiylashtiramiz ".[102] Boshqa bir paytda, Gitler "Men xususiy mulkni himoya qilishni qat'iyan talab qilaman. [...] Shu ma'noda biz xususiy tashabbusni rag'batlantirishimiz kerak" dedi.[103] Yana bir marta, u ushbu bayonotni hukumat xususiy mulkdan millat manfaati uchun foydalanishni tartibga soluvchi kuchga ega bo'lishi kerak deb aytdi.[104] Shunga qaramay, u keyinchalik: "Mening mulk huquqi [...] so'zsiz hurmat qilinishi kerakligiga qat'iy ishonaman. Ularni har qanday buzish inson faoliyatining eng muhim rag'batlantiruvchi omillaridan birini yo'q qiladi va kelajakdagi ishlarga ziyon etkazadi".[105] Gitler aniq iqtisodiy dasturning yo'qligi fashistlar partiyasining kuchli tomonlaridan biri ekanligiga aniq ishonib: "Bizning iqtisodiy nazariyamizning asosiy xususiyati shundaki, bizda umuman nazariya yo'q".[106]

Gitlerning siyosiy e'tiqodi og'ir tortdi ijtimoiy darvinizm - bu ko'rinish tabiiy selektsiya biologik organizmlar singari insoniyat jamiyatiga ham taalluqlidir.[107] Gitler tarix shiddatli kurash tufayli shakllangan deb hisoblar edi millatlar va irqlar; va bu kurashda muvaffaqiyat qozonish uchun millatni qahramon rahbar boshchiligidagi kuchli, markazlashgan davlat ostida birlashtirish zarurligi va millat ichidagi shaxslar omon qolish uchun bir-biri bilan kurashganligi; va bunday shafqatsiz raqobat millatning sog'lig'i uchun foydalidir, chunki u "ustun shaxslarni" jamiyatdagi yuqori lavozimlarga ko'targan.[108]

Urushgacha bo'lgan iqtisodiyot: 1933-1939

Ikkinchi Jahon Urushidan oldin natsistlar natsist bo'lmagan partiyaning mutaxassislarini iqtisodiy siyosat uchun mas'ul qildilar. Gitler tayinlandi Xyalmar Shaxt, sobiq a'zosi Germaniya Demokratik partiyasi, raisi sifatida Reyxbank 1933 yilda va 1934 yilda iqtisod vaziri. Dastlab Shaxt hukumat tomonidan joriy qilingan iqtisodiy siyosatni davom ettirdi Kurt von Shleyxer ta'siriga qarshi kurashish uchun 1932 yilda Katta depressiya. Ushbu siyosatlar asosan edi Keynscha, katta narsalarga tayanib jamoat ishlari tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan dasturlar defitsit xarajatlari - kabi qurilish Avtobahn - iqtisodiyotni rag'batlantirish va kamaytirish ishsizlik (bu 1933 yil boshida 30% ni tashkil etdi). Katta pasayish yuz berdi ishsizlik keyingi yillarda, narxlarni nazorat qilish takrorlanishning oldini oldi inflyatsiya.

Natsistlar mustaqil deb e'lon qildi kasaba uyushmalari va taqiqlangan ish tashlashlar, yaratish Germaniya mehnat fronti 1939 yilga kelib 35000 dan ortiq doimiy ishchilarni o'z ichiga olgan Germaniyaning eng yirik tashkilotlaridan biriga aylangan (DAF).[109] Shuningdek, ular Shaxtni harbiy ishlab chiqarish va qayta qurollantirishga ko'proq e'tibor berishga yo'naltirishdi. 1933 yilda natsistlar hukmronligini qo'lga kiritgandan so'ng, Germaniya asta-sekin Buyuk Depressiyadan qutulishni boshladi. Kabi bir nechta iqtisodchilar Mixal Kalecki, Germaniyaning tiklanishini misol sifatida ko'rdik harbiy Keynschilik. Biroq, boshqalar Germaniya harbiy kuchlarining asosiy qismi 1936 yildan keyin iqtisodiy tiklanish boshlanganda sodir bo'lganligini ta'kidladilar.[iqtibos kerak ]

1930-yillarda fashistlar Germaniyasi ko'plab kompaniyalar va xizmatlarni davlat mulkidan xususiy sektorga o'tkazdi, boshqa G'arb kapitalistik mamlakatlari esa teskari yo'nalishda harakat qildilar va sanoatga davlat mulkchiligini oshirishga intildilar.[110] Ko'pgina hollarda, bu Buyuk Depressiya natijasida Veymar Respublikasining demokratik hukumati tomonidan davlat mulkiga olingan firmalarning xususiy sektoriga qaytish edi.[111] Natsistlar hukumati tomonidan xususiy mulkka qaytarilgan firmalar "turli sohalarga tegishli edi: po'lat, tog'-kon sanoati, bank ishi, mahalliy kommunal xizmatlar, tersaneler, kema liniyalari, temir yo'llar va boshqalar."[112] va qo'shimcha ravishda ayrim davlat xizmatlari Germaniya davlatiga emas, balki fashistlar partiyasiga bog'langan yarim xususiy shaxslar tomonidan ko'rsatila boshlandi.[113] Natsistlarni xususiylashtirish siyosatining ikkita asosiy sababi bor edi. Birinchidan, ayniqsa fashistlar rejimining dastlabki yillarida, u hukumat va biznes manfaatlari o'rtasida yaxshi munosabatlarni o'rnatish uchun foydalanilgan.[114] Ikkinchidan, fashistlar hukumati davlat xarajatlarini, ayniqsa, harbiy qayta qurollantirish va infratuzilma loyihalariga sarf-xarajatlarni sezilarli darajada oshirdi. Mavjud daromad manbalari yangi xarajatlarni qoplash uchun etarli emas edi, shuning uchun hukumat mablag 'topish uchun aktivlarni sotishga majbur bo'ldi.[115]

1933 yil iyun oyida Reyxardt dasturi joriy etildi. Bu infratuzilmani rivojlantirish bo'yicha keng ko'lamli loyiha bo'lib, soliqlarni kamaytirish kabi bilvosita imtiyozlarni suv yo'llari, temir yo'llar va avtomobil yo'llariga to'g'ridan-to'g'ri davlat investitsiyalari bilan birlashtirdi.[116] Reinhardt dasturidan keyin boshqa shunga o'xshash tashabbuslar kuzatildi, natijada 1933-1936 yillarda Germaniyaning qurilish sohasi juda kengaytirildi. 1933 yilda qurilishda faqat 666 ming nemis ishlagan va 1936 yilga kelib ularning soni 2 000 000 kishiga yetgan.[117] Xususan, yo'l qurilishi juda tez sur'atlar bilan kengaymoqda. Bu Gitlerning urushga tayyorgarligining bir qismi edi, chunki Germaniya o'z qo'shinlari va materiallarini tezda ko'chirish uchun zamonaviy avtomagistral tizimiga muhtoj edi. Yon ta'siri sifatida avtoulovlar va motorli transportning boshqa turlari aholi uchun tobora jozibador bo'lib qoldi, shuning uchun nemis avtosanoati 1930-yillarda ham avj oldi.[118]

Natsistlar partiyasining mafkurasi irqlar o'rtasidagi tengsizlik printsipiga asoslanib, irqiy istilo urushini qo'llab-quvvatlagan bo'lsa-da, uning maqsadlarini qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan irqiy toza, mehnatga layoqatli nemislarga ijtimoiy farovonlik va boshqa imtiyozlarni va'da qildi.[119] Shunday qilib, fashistlar Germaniya hukumati "deb nomlangan agentlikni tashkil etdi Nationalsozialistische Volkswohlfahrt (NSV, Milliy Sotsialistik Xalq farovonligi) irqiy yo'naltirilgan ijtimoiy farovonlik maqsadiga erishish uchun. Gitler NSV raisiga ko'rsatma berdi Erix Xilgenfeldt kimga ijtimoiy nafaqa olish kerakligini yo'naltirish maqsadida "barcha xususiy ijtimoiy ta'minot muassasalarining tarqatib yuborilishini ko'rish".[120] Ushbu tanlab olingan farovonlik tuzilmasi asosida fashistlar ma'murlari turli sabablarga ko'ra yordam olishga loyiq emas deb topilgan "o'z shaharlarini" asotsiallardan "tozalash" ga harakat qilishdi.[121] Millat va irqning ahamiyatini ta'kidlab, Jozef Gebbels, fashistlar targ'ibot vaziri, 1944 yilda da'vo qilgan: "Biz va o'zimiz [natsistlar] eng yaxshi ijtimoiy ta'minot choralariga egamiz. Hammasi millat uchun qilingan".[122]

1936 yilda Germaniyada harbiy xarajatlar YaIMning 10 foizidan oshdi (o'sha paytdagi boshqa Evropa mamlakatlaridan yuqori). 1936 yildan boshlab harbiy sarmoyalar fuqarolik sarmoyalaridan ham oshib ketdi. Qurol-yarog 'mollar va xizmatlarga davlat xarajatlarida ustunlik qildi.[123] O'sha yili Germaniyaning savdo siyosati uchun burilish davri bo'ldi, chunki xom ashyoning (Germaniya importining asosiy qismini tashkil etuvchi) jahon narxlari o'sib bormoqda edi. Shu bilan birga, ishlab chiqarilgan tovarlarning jahon narxlari (Germaniyaning asosiy eksporti) pasayib bormoqda. Natijada Germaniya to'lov balansini saqlashni tobora qiyinlashtirmoqda. Savdo katta defitsiti deyarli muqarrar bo'lib tuyuldi, ammo Gitler bu istiqbolni nomaqbul deb topdi. Shunday qilib, Germaniya Italiyaning etakchiligiga amal qilib, qisman erkin savdo-sotiqdan iqtisodiy o'zini o'zi ta'minlash yo'nalishida uzoqlasha boshladi.[124]

Italiyadan farqli o'laroq, Germaniya to'liqlikka erishishga intilmadi avtarkiy Garchi 1933 yil may oyida Gitler rejimi Germaniyaning tashqi qarzini to'lashda bir qatorda defolt qilgan bo'lsa ham, tashqi savdo bilan shug'ullanishni qiyinlashtirgan kapital nazorati bo'yicha qaror qabul qildi.[125] Gitler Germaniyada xomashyo zaxiralari etishmasligidan xabardor edi va shuning uchun to'liq avtarkiya imkonsiz edi, shuning uchun u boshqa yo'lni tanladi. Natsistlar hukumati o'z savdo sheriklari sonini cheklashga urindi va iloji bo'lsa faqat Germaniyaning ta'sir doirasidagi mamlakatlar bilan savdo qiladi. 1930-yillarda Germaniya va boshqa Evropa davlatlari (asosan Janubiy va Janubi-Sharqiy Evropada joylashgan mamlakatlar) o'rtasida bir qator ikki tomonlama savdo shartnomalari imzolandi. Germaniya hukumati ushbu mamlakatlar bilan savdoni qat'iyan rag'batlantirdi, ammo boshqalar bilan savdo qilishni qat'iyan rad etdi.[126]

30-yillarning oxiriga kelib Germaniya savdo siyosatining maqsadi iqtisodiy va siyosiy kuchdan foydalanib, Janubiy Evropa va Bolqon yarim orollarini Germaniyaga qaram qilib qo'yish edi. Germaniya iqtisodiyoti o'z xom ashyosini o'sha mintaqadan tortib olardi va ushbu davlatlar evaziga Germaniya ishlab chiqaradigan mahsulotlarini oladilar. 1938 yilda allaqachon Yugoslaviya, Vengriya, Ruminiya, Bolgariya va Gretsiya Germaniya bilan tashqi savdosining 50 foizini amalga oshirdilar.[127] 30-yillar davomida Germaniya korxonalari kartellar, monopoliyalar va oligopoliyalarni shakllantirishga da'vat etilib, ularning manfaatlari keyinchalik davlat tomonidan himoya qilindi.[128] Uning kitobida, Uchinchi reyxdagi katta biznes, Artur Shvaytser shunday deydi:

Monopolistik narxlarni belgilash aksariyat sanoat tarmoqlarida qoidaga aylandi va kartellar endi og'ir yoki yirik sanoat bilan chegaralanib qolmadi. [...] Kartellar va kvazi-kartellar (xoh katta biznes bo'lsin, xoh kichik biznes bo'lsin) narxlarni belgilab, ishlab chiqarishni cheklash bilan shug'ullangan va monopoliyaviy foyda olish uchun bozorlarni taqsimlashga va iste'molchilarni tasniflashga kelishib olgan.[129]

Xuddi shu kitobda Shvitser 1936 yilda fashistlar partiyasi, yirik biznes va generallar o'rtasida mavjud bo'lgan uchburchak kuch tuzilishini batafsil bayon qildi. Gitler qo'shilgandan bir necha yil ichida "o'rta sinf sotsializmi" mag'lub bo'ldi, jamoaviy bitimlar taqiqlandi va kasaba uyushmalari noqonuniy deb e'tirof etilgan - kichik korxonalar o'rniga yirik kompaniyalar foydasiga. Gitler kansler bo'lganidan ko'p o'tmay, Germaniya Versal shartnomasida ko'rsatilgandek qoplash to'lovlarini to'lashdan bosh tortdi. Shuningdek, u katta miqdordagi mablag'ni qayta qurollanishga sarfladi, bu esa ushbu shartnomani buzdi. Buni generallar va ishbilarmon doiralar qo'llab-quvvatladilar, chunki ularning foydalari ushbu buyurtmalar bo'yicha kafolatlangan. Big business developed an increasingly close partnership with the Nazi government as it became increasingly organized.[130]

Under Hjalmar Schacht, a policy was introduced whereby certain nations who traded with Germany (such as the United States) had to deal with special banks. Foreign currency was deposited in these institutions and Americans were paid for their goods (especially raw materials) in scrips that could only be redeemed for German goods in kind. These scrips soon declined in value as they were not truly fungible and many were used by travellers to Germany in the mid-1930s. Schacht was able to build up foreign currency reserves for later use.[131]

Wartime policies: 1939–1945

Shuningdek qarang: Ikkinchi jahon urushi davrida Germaniyada majburiy mehnat va Ochlik rejasi

Initially, the outbreak of World War II did not bring about any large changes in the German economy. Germany had spent six years preparing for war and a large portion of the economy was already devoted to military production. Unlike most other governments, the Nazis did not increase direct taxes by any significant amount in order to fund the war. The top income tax rate in 1941 was 13.7% in Germany as opposed to 23.7% in Great Britain.[132]

Urush paytida Germaniya yangi hududlarni qo'lga kiritishi bilan (to'g'ridan-to'g'ri anneksiya yo'li bilan yoki mag'lubiyatga uchragan mamlakatlarda qo'g'irchoq hukumatlarni o'rnatish yo'li bilan) ushbu yangi hududlar nemis xaridorlariga xom ashyo va qishloq xo'jaligi mahsulotlarini juda arzon narxlarda sotishga majbur bo'ldilar. Hitler's policy of Lebensraum ("living space") strongly emphasized the conquest of new lands in the East and the exploitation of these lands to provide cheap goods to Germany. However, in practice the intensity of the fighting on the Eastern Front and the Soviet kuygan er policy meant that the Germans found little they could use. On the other hand, a large quantity of goods flowed into Germany from conquered lands in the West. For example, two-thirds of all French trains in 1941 were used to carry goods to Germany. Norway lost 20% of its national income in 1940 and 40% in 1943.[133]

From 1939 to 1941, when the Molotov - Ribbentrop pakti was in effect, there was trade between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union provided raw materials and Germany provided finished industrial goods. In the first year, Nazi Germany received "one million tons of cereals, half a million tons of wheat, 900,000 tons of oil, 100,000 tons of cotton, 500,000 tons of phosphates" and at least one million tons of soybeans.[134] Some of the Nazi–Soviet trade included machine tools for manufacturing munitions, the cruiser Lyetsov, "plans of the Bismark, heavy naval guns and other gear and some thirty of Germany's latest warplanes, including the Messerschmitt fighters 109 and 110 and the Ju-88 dive bombers".[134] In addition, the Soviets received diesel engines, generators, turbines, locomotives and “samples of German artillery, tanks, explosives, chemical-warfare equipment”.[135][134] This trade ended abruptly in June 1941, when Germaniya Sovet Ittifoqiga bostirib kirdi.

Even before the war, Nazi Germany maintained a supply of qul mehnati. Ushbu amaliyot dastlabki kunlardan boshlandi mehnat lagerlari of "undesirables" (Nemis: unzuverlässige Elemente), such as the homeless, homosexual and criminals as well as political muxoliflar, kommunistlar, Yahudiylar and anyone that the regime wanted out of the way. As the war progressed, the use of slave labour experienced massive growth. Harbiy asirlar va ishg'ol etilgan hududlardan fuqarolik "nomaqbul narsalar" olib kelingan. Hundreds of thousands of Poles, Jews, Slavyanlar and other conquered peoples were used as slave labourers by German corporations such as Tissen, Krupp, IG Farben and even Fordwerke—a subsidiary of the Ford Motor Company.[136] By 1944, slave labour made up one quarter of Germany's entire work force and the majority of German factories had a contingent of prisoners.[137] The Nazis also had plans for the deportation and enslavement of Britain's adult male population in the event of a muvaffaqiyatli bosqin.[138]

The proportion of military spending in the German economy began growing rapidly after 1942 as the Nazi government was forced to dedicate more and more of the country's economic resources to fighting a losing war, therefore civilian factories were converted to military use and placed under military administration. By late 1944, almost the entire German economy was dedicated to military production. At the same time, Allied bombings were destroying German factories and cities at a rapid pace, leading to the final collapse of the German war economy in 1945.[139]

Political economy of Franco's Spain

Frantsisko Franko, diktator Ispaniya dan Ispaniya fuqarolar urushi in the 1930s until his death in 1975, based his economic policies on the theories of national syndicalism as expounded by the Falang (Ispaniya for "phalanx"), the Spanish Fascist party founded in 1933 by Xose Antonio Primo de Rivera which was one of Franco's chief supporters during his bid for power.

Korporatizm

During and after the Spanish Civil War, Franco and the Falange created a corporative system based on the Italian model. Iqtisodiy liberalizm was implemented according to the wishes of the corporations, which also set prices and wages. Bilan birga avtarkiy va yo'q bo'lganda Marshall rejasi aid after Ikkinchi jahon urushi, Spain's post-war economic growth stagnated. The Spanish corporative system was less successful than the Italian experience. At one point, the Spanish farmers' corporation created a massive bread shortage by setting the price too low. As a result, bread production was abandoned in favour of other, more profitable goods. Although the aim of this policy was to make bread accessible to the poorest among the population, the opposite occurred and a black market emerged.

As in Italy, wages were set by the state in negotiations between officially recognized workers' syndicates and employers' organizations, with the state as mediator. Davomida Ikkinchi Ispaniya Respublikasi, workers' groups had aligned with the anarxistlar, kommunistlar yoki boshqa Respublika kuchlar. However, Franco's regime tended to favour the interests of large capitalist businesses despite its proclaimed syndicalist rhetoric. In response, workers (often anarchists) created illegal syndicates and organized strikes, which usually were repressed brutally by Franco's police state.

Liberalization and Opus Dei

In 1954, Franco abandoned the corporative system in favour of free market reforms implemented by economic technocrats. Many of these technocrats were members of Opus Dei, a Rim katolik lay group to which Franco had given powerful positions within the Ministry of Finance and Economics.[140] The reforms of the 1950s were a huge success and Spain experienced a period of rapid economic growth known as the "Ispaniya mo''jizasi ", continuing until Franco's death in 1975. During this period, tourism became an important part of the Spanish economy. Although the corporatist organs and rhetoric from the earlier years of the Franco regime were maintained, they now played a secondary role. Spain's economy was further liberalized by the Ispaniyaning demokratiyaga o'tishi following Franco's death.

Family finances and permiso oilaviy

During Franco's rule, Spanish law discriminated strongly against married women. Without her husband's approval, referred to as the permiso oilaviy, a wife was prohibited from almost all economic activities, including employment, ownership of property or even travel away from home. Qonunda bunday jinoyatlarga nisbatan unchalik qat'iy bo'lmagan ta'riflar berilgan zino xotinlarnikiga qaraganda erlar uchun tark etish. Significant reforms of this system were begun shortly before Franco's death and they have continued at a rapid pace since then. The permiso oilaviy was abolished in 1975, laws against zino were cancelled in 1978 and ajralish was legalized in 1981. During the same year, the parts of the fuqarolik kodeksi that dealt with family finances were also reformed.[141]

Shuningdek qarang

Adabiyotlar

Izohlar

  1. ^ Beyker, Devid (2006 yil iyun). "The political economy of fascism: Myth or reality, or myth and reality?" Yangi siyosiy iqtisod 11 (2): 227–250. doi:10.1080/13563460600655581.
  2. ^ Asheri, Maia; Sznajder; Mario; Zeev, Sternhell (1994) [1985]. The Birth of Fascist Ideology. Translated by Maisel, David. Prinston: Prinston universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  9780691044866.
  3. ^ Payne, Stanley G. (1995). Fashizm tarixi, 1914-1945 yillar. Medison: Viskonsin universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  9780299148744.
  4. ^ Pakton, Robert O. (2004). Fashizm anatomiyasi. Nyu-York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN  9781400040940.
  5. ^ Woodley, Daniel (2009). Fashizm va siyosiy nazariya: fashistik mafkuraning tanqidiy qarashlari. London: Routledge. p. 161. ISBN  9781135248802.
  6. ^ Cyprian Blamires (ed.) with Paul Jackson, "World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1", ABC-CLIO, 2006, pp. 188.
  7. ^ Pauley, Bruce (2003). Hitler, Stalin, and Mussolini: Totalitarianism in the Twentieth Century. European History Series. Xarlan Devidson. pp. 72, 84. ISBN  9780882959931.
  8. ^ Schweitzer, Arthur (1964). Uchinchi reyxdagi katta biznes. Bloomington: Indiana universiteti matbuoti. p. 288. ISBN  9780835735995.
  9. ^ a b Bel, Germà (2006 yil aprel). "Asosiy oqimga qarshi: 1930-yillarda Germaniya natsistlarini xususiylashtirish" (PDF). Iqtisodiy tarixni ko'rib chiqish. Barselona universiteti. 63 (1): 34–55. doi:10.1111 / j.1468-0289.2009.00473.x. Olingan 8 iyul 2020.
  10. ^ Gat, Azar (2007 yil avgust). "Avtoritar buyuk davlatlarning qaytishi". Tashqi ishlar. Xalqaro aloqalar bo'yicha kengash. 86 (4): 59–69. JSTOR  20032415.
  11. ^ Fuks, Kristian (2017 yil 29-iyun). "Frants L. Neymanning 2017 yildagi tanqidiy nazariyasining dolzarbligi: avtoritar kapitalizmning yangi davrida tashvish va siyosat" (PDF). Ommaviy axborot vositalari, madaniyat va jamiyat. 40 (5): 779–791. doi:10.1177/0163443718772147. Olingan 8 iyul 2020.
  12. ^ Fuks, Kristian (2018 yil 27 aprel). "Authoritarian Capitalism, Authoritarian Movements, Authoritarian Communication" (PDF). uch karra. 15 (2): 637–650. doi:10.1177/0163443718772147. Olingan 8 iyul 2020.
  13. ^ a b Alexander J. De Grand, Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, Routledge, 1995, ISBN  0-415-33629-5, pp. 57
  14. ^ William G. Welk, Fascist Economic Policy, Harvard University Press, 1938. pp. 38-39
  15. ^ Henry A. Turner, "German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler", 1985, pp. 61-68
  16. ^ Alexander J. De Grand, "Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany", Routledge, 1995, ISBN  0-415-33629-5, pp. 15-16
  17. ^ John Weiss, "The Fascist Tradition", Harper & Row, New York, 1967. pp. 15
  18. ^ Joseph A. Leighton, "Social Philosophies in Conflict", D. Appleton-Century Company, 1937. pp. 10-11
  19. ^ Alexander J. De Grand, "Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany", Routledge, 1995, ISBN  0-415-33629-5, pp. 16-17
  20. ^ a b Alexander J. De Grand, "Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany", Routledge, 1995, ISBN  0-415-33629-5, 47-bet
  21. ^ Blamires, Cyprian; Jekson, Pol (2006). World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, Volume 1. ABC-CLIO. pp. 404, 610. ISBN  978-1576079409.CS1 maint: ref = harv (havola)
  22. ^ "Hitler and the socialist dream". Mustaqil. 1998-11-22. Olingan 17 iyul 2019.
  23. ^ Filipp Morgan, Fascism in Europe, 1919-1945", New York, Taylor & Francis, 2003, p. 168.
  24. ^ "Fashizm haqidagi ta'limot". Entsiklopediya Italiana. Rim: Istituto Jovanni Trekkani. 1932 yil. "[Fascism] affirms the irremediable, fruitful and beneficent inequality of men"
  25. ^ John Weiss, "The Fascist Tradition", Harper & Row, New York, 1967. pp. 14
  26. ^ Calvin B. Hoover, The Paths of Economic Change: Contrasting Tendencies in the Modern World, Amerika iqtisodiy sharhi, jild. 25, No. 1, Supplement, Papers and Proceedings of the Forty-seventh Annual Meeting of the American Economic Association. (March, 1935), pp. 13-20.
  27. ^ Tibor Ivan Berend, An Economic History of Twentieth-Century Europe, Cambridge University Press, 2005, p. 93
  28. ^ James A. Gregor, The Search for Neofascism: The Use and Abuse of Social Science, Cambridge University Press, 2006, p. 7
  29. ^ Salvemini, Gaetano. Under the Axe of Fascism 1936.
  30. ^ Peyn, Stenli (1996). Fashizm tarixi. Yo'nalish. ISBN  1857285956 10-bet
  31. ^ Kuczynski, Jurgen, "Germany: Economic and Labour Conditions under Fascism", Greenwood Press, New York, 1968. Routledge, ISBN  0-8371-0519-6, 30-31 betlar
  32. ^ Kuczynski, Jurgen, "Germany: Economic and Labour Conditions under Fascism", Greenwood Press, New York, 1968. Routledge, ISBN  0-8371-0519-6, pp. 34
  33. ^ Kuczynski, Jurgen, "Germany: Economic and Labour Conditions under Fascism", Greenwood Press, New York, 1968. Routledge, ISBN  0-8371-0519-6, 29-bet
  34. ^ Alexander J. De Grand, "Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany", Routledge, 1995, ISBN  0-415-33629-5, pp. 48-51
  35. ^ Francis J. Gorman, The Fate of Trade Unions Under Fascism, Bob. 1: "Fascism and the Trade Union Movement", 1937, p. 10-11
  36. ^ Gaetano Salvemini, The Fate of Trade Unions Under Fascism, Bob. 3: "Italian Trade Unions Under Fascism", 1937, p. 35
  37. ^ Gaetano Salvemini, The Fate of Trade Unions Under Fascism, Bob. 3: "Italian Trade Unions Under Fascism", 1937, p. 30
  38. ^ Gaetano Salvemini, The Fate of Trade Unions Under Fascism, Bob. 3: "Italian Trade Unions Under Fascism", 1937, p. 33
  39. ^ Gaetano Salvemini, The Fate of Trade Unions Under Fascism, Bob. 3: "Italian Trade Unions Under Fascism", 1937, p. 31
  40. ^ Francis J. Gorman, The Fate of Trade Unions Under Fascism, Bob. 1: "Fascism and the Trade Union Movement", 1937, p. 11
  41. ^ Joseph A. Leighton, "Social Philosophies in Conflict", D. Appleton-Century Company, 1937. pp. 24
  42. ^ Germà Bel (13 November 2004). "Asosiy oqimga qarshi: 1930-yillarda Germaniya natsistlarini xususiylashtirish" (PDF). Barselona universiteti. IREA. Olingan 30 mart 2014.
  43. ^ "From Public to Private: Privatization in 1920's Fascist Italy"" (PDF). Evropa universiteti instituti. Olingan 5 avgust 2017.
  44. ^ "The First Privatization: Selling SOEs and Privatizing Public Monopolies in Fascist Italy (1922–1925)" (PDF). Universitat de Barcelona (GiM-IREA) & Barcelona Graduate School of Economics. Olingan 5 avgust 2017.
  45. ^ Germà Bel (13 November 2004). "Asosiy oqimga qarshi: 1930-yillarda Germaniya natsistlarini xususiylashtirish" (PDF). Barselona universiteti. IREA. Olingan 30 mart 2014. [T]he last governments of the Weimar Republic took over firms in diverse sectors. Later, the Nazi regime transferred public ownership and public services to the private sector.
  46. ^ "The First Privatization: Selling SOEs and Privatizing Public Monopolies in Fascist Italy (1922–1925)" (PDF). Universitat de Barcelona (GiM-IREA) & Barcelona Graduate School of Economics. Olingan 5 avgust 2017. Privatization was an important policy in Italy in 1922-1925. The Fascist government was alone in transferring State ownership and services to private firms in the 1920s; no other country in the world would engage in such a policy until Nazi Germany did so between 1934 and 1937.
  47. ^ Germà Bel (13 November 2004). "Asosiy oqimga qarshi: 1930-yillarda Germaniya natsistlarini xususiylashtirish" (PDF). Barselona universiteti. IREA. Olingan 30 mart 2014. Many scholars have pointed out that the Great Depression spurred State ownership in Western capitalist countries (e.g. Aharoni, 1986, pp. 72 and ff.; Clifton, Comín and Díaz Fuentes, 2003, p. 16; Megginson, 2005, pp. 9-10), and Germany was no exception. But Germany was alone in developing a policy of privatization in the 1930s.
  48. ^ "The First Privatization: Selling SOEs and Privatizing Public Monopolies in Fascist Italy (1922–1925)" (PDF). Universitat de Barcelona (GiM-IREA) & Barcelona Graduate School of Economics. Olingan 5 avgust 2017. [P]rivatization was used mainly as a political tool to build confidence among industrialists and to increase support for the government and the Partito Nazionale Fascista. Privatization also contributed to balancing the budget, which was the core objective of Fascist economic policy in its first phase.
  49. ^ Germà Bel (13 November 2004). "Asosiy oqimga qarshi: 1930-yillarda Germaniya natsistlarini xususiylashtirish" (PDF). Barselona universiteti. IREA. Olingan 30 mart 2014. The Nazi government may have used privatization as a tool to improve its relationship with big industrialists and to increase support among this group for its policies. Privatization was also likely used to foster more widespread political support for the party. Finally, financial motivations played a central role in Nazi privatization. The proceeds from privatization in 1934-37 had relevant fiscal significance: No less than 1.37 per cent of total fiscal revenues were obtained from selling shares in public firms.
  50. ^ "The First Privatization: Selling SOEs and Privatizing Public Monopolies in Fascist Italy (1922–1925)" (PDF). Universitat de Barcelona (GiM-IREA) & Barcelona Graduate School of Economics. Olingan 5 avgust 2017. Contemporary economic analyses of privatization have so far overlooked the Fascist privatization policy in 1922-1925 Italy, which may well be the earliest case of large-scale privatization in a capitalist economy.
  51. ^ Alexander J. De Grand, "Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany", Routledge, 1995, ISBN  0-415-33629-5, pp. 60-61
  52. ^ Francis J. Gorman, The Fate of Trade Unions Under Fascism, Bob. 1: "Fascism and the Trade Union Movement", 1937, p. 11-12
  53. ^ Payne, Stanley G., Fascism: Comparison and Definition. (Madison, Wisconsin; London: University of Wisconsin Press, 1980) p. 162.
  54. ^ Sternhell, Zeev, Mario Sznajder and Maia Ashéri. The Birth of Fascist Ideology: From Cultural Rebellion to Political Revolution (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1994) 7.
  55. ^ Buchheim, Christoph; Scherner, Jonas (June 2006). "The Role of Private Property in the Nazi Economy: The Case of Industry". Iqtisodiy tarix jurnali. 66 (2): 408–409.
  56. ^ William G. Welk, "Fascist economy policy; an analysis of Italy's economic experiment", Harvard University Press, 1938. pp. 35
  57. ^ Robert O. Paxton, "The Anatomy of Fascism", Random House, 2004, pp. 141-142; 145.
  58. ^ Stanley G. Payne, "A History of Fascism, 1914-1945", University of Wisconsin Press, 1996, pp. 187-188; 226.
  59. ^ Jozef V. Benderskiy, "A Concise History of Nazi Germany", Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2014, pp. 104.
  60. ^ a b Joseph A. Leighton, "Social Philosophies in Conflict", D. Appleton-Century Company, 1937. pp. 11
  61. ^ Carl T. Schmidt, "The corporate state in action; Italy under fascism", Oxford University Press, 1939. pp. 115
  62. ^ Xovard M. Sakar, Evropaga suiqasd, 1918-1942: siyosiy tarix, Toronto: Canada, University of Toronto Press, 2015, p. 48
  63. ^ Sheldon Richman, "Fascism".
  64. ^ William G. Welk, "Fascist economy policy; an analysis of Italy's economic experiment", Harvard University Press, 1938. pp. 160-161
  65. ^ a b Patricia Knight, Mussolini va fashizm, Routledge 2003 page 64
  66. ^ William G. Welk, "Fascist economy policy; an analysis of Italy's economic experiment", Harvard University Press, 1938. pp. 163
  67. ^ "From Public to Private: Privatization in 1920's Fascist Italy" (PDF). Evropa universiteti instituti. Olingan 5 avgust 2017. Contemporary economic analyses of privatization have so far overlooked the Fascist privatization policy in 1922-1925 Italy, which may well be the earliest case of large-scale privatization in a capitalist economy.
  68. ^ "From Public to Private: Privatization in 1920's Fascist Italy" (PDF). Evropa universiteti instituti. Olingan 5 avgust 2017. The Fascist government was alone in transferring State ownership and services to private firms in the 1920s; no other country in the world would engage in such a policy until Nazi Germany did so between 1934 and 1937.
  69. ^ "From Public to Private: Privatization in 1920's Fascist Italy" (PDF). Evropa universiteti instituti. Olingan 5 avgust 2017. Mussolini’s government privatized the State monopoly on match sale, and suppressed the state monopoly of life insurance; it sold most State-owned telephone networks and services to private firms, reprivatized the metal machinery firm Ansaldo and awarded concessions for tolled motorways to private firms.
  70. ^ William G. Welk, "Fascist economy policy; an analysis of Italy's economic experiment", Harvard University Press, 1938. pp. 165
  71. ^ Adrian Lyttelton (editor), "Liberal and fascist Italy, 1900-1945", Oxford University Press, 2002. pp. 75
  72. ^ William G. Welk, "Fascist economy policy; an analysis of Italy's economic experiment", Harvard University Press, 1938. pp. 166
  73. ^ Gaetano Salvemini, "Italiya fashizmi". London: Viktor Gollancz Ltd., 1938 yil.
  74. ^ William G. Welk, "Fascist economy policy; an analysis of Italy's economic experiment", Harvard University Press, 1938. pp. 169
  75. ^ Carl T. Schmidt, "The corporate state in action; Italy under fascism", Oxford University Press, 1939. pp. 128
  76. ^ William G. Welk, "Fascist economy policy; an analysis of Italy's economic experiment", Harvard University Press, 1938. pp. 172
  77. ^ Karl Shmidt, "The Corporate State in Action London", Victor Gollancz Ltd., 1939, pp. 153–76.
  78. ^ Janni Toniolo, muharrir, Birlashgandan beri Italiya iqtisodiyotining Oksford qo'llanmasi, Oksford: Buyuk Britaniya, Oxford University Press, 2013, p. 59; Mussolinining Deputatlar palatasidagi nutqi 1934 yil 26 mayda bo'lib o'tdi
  79. ^ Daniel Gyerin, Fascism and Big Business, Chapter IX, Fifth section, p.197 in the 1999 Syllepse Editions
  80. ^ Martin Blinkhorn, Mussolini va fashistik Italiya, 2nd edition, New York: NY, Routledge, 1991, p. 26
  81. ^ Farrell, Nicholas, Mussolini: yangi hayot, Sterling Publishing, 2005 page 233
  82. ^ Jeyms Strakey Barns, Universal Aspects of Fascism, Williams and Norgate, London: UK, 1928, pp. 113-114
  83. ^ A. James Gregor, Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship, Princeton: NJ, Princeton University Press, 1979, p. 255
  84. ^ Eatwell, Roger; Anthony Wright (1999). Contemporary Political Ideologies. London: doimiylik. 38-39 betlar.
  85. ^ A. James Gregor, Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship, Princeton: NJ, Princeton University Press, 1979, pp. 60-61
  86. ^ A. James Gregor, Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship, Princeton: NJ, Princeton University Press, 1979, pp. 59-60
  87. ^ A. James Gregor, Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship, Princeton: NJ, Princeton University Press, 1979, p. 60
  88. ^ A. James Gregor, Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship, Princeton: NJ, Princeton University Press, 1979, p. 256
  89. ^ a b A. James Gregor, Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship, Princeton: NJ, Princeton University Press, 1979, p. 257
  90. ^ A. James Gregor, Italian Fascism and Developmental Dictatorship, Princeton: NJ, Princeton University Press, 1979, p. 263
  91. ^ William G. Welk, "Fascist economy policy; an analysis of Italy's economic experiment", Harvard University Press, 1938. pp. 175
  92. ^ Patricia Knight, Mussolini va fashizm, Routledge (Buyuk Britaniya), ISBN  0-415-27921-6, p. 65
  93. ^ Adrian Lyttelton (editor), "Liberal and fascist Italy, 1900-1945", Oxford University Press, 2002. pp. 13
  94. ^ Henry A. Turner, "Hitler's Einstellung", 1976, p. 90-91
  95. ^ Henry A. Turner, "German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler", 1985, p. 73
  96. ^ Lee, Stephen J. (1996), Weimar and Nazi Germany, Harcourt Heinemann, page 28
  97. ^ Henry A. Turner, "German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler", Oxford University Press, 1985. p.62
  98. ^ Henry A. Turner, "German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler", Oxford University Press, 1985. p.77
  99. ^ Francis Ludwig Carsten, The Rise of Fascism, University of California Press, 1982, p. 137. Hitler quote from Sunday Express.
  100. ^ Henry A. Turner, "German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler", Oxford University Press, 1985. pg 77
  101. ^ Konrad Xayden, "A History of National Socialism", vol. 2, New York: NY, Rutledge, 2010, p. 85. First published in 1934
  102. ^ "Nazis and Soviets". Arxivlandi 2008 yil 11-may kuni Orqaga qaytish mashinasi. Qabul qilingan 11 may 2008 yil.
  103. ^ A private statement made by Hitler on March 24, 1942. Cited in "Hitler's Secret Conversations." Norman Kemeron va RH Stivens tomonidan tarjima qilingan. Farrar, Straus and Young, Inc. 1953. p. 294
  104. ^ Richard Allen Epstein, Principles for a Free Society: Reconciling Individual Liberty With the Common Good, De Capo Press 2002, p. 168
  105. ^ "Hitler's Secret Conversations." Norman Kemeron va RH Stivens tomonidan tarjima qilingan. Farrar, Straus and Young, Inc. 1953. p. 368. The quoted statement was made by Hitler in May 1942.
  106. ^ Hans-Joachim Braun, "The German Economy in the Twentieth Century", Routledge, 1990, p. 78
  107. ^ Adolf Hitler, "Mein Kampf", vol. 1, chapter 11.
  108. ^ Henry A. Turner, "German Big Business and the Rise of Hitler", 1985, p. 76
  109. ^ Richard Bessel, Natsizm va urush, Nyu-York: NY, Modern Library, 2006, p. 67
  110. ^ Germà Bel (13 November 2004). "Asosiy oqimga qarshi: 1930-yillarda Germaniya natsistlarini xususiylashtirish" (PDF). Barselona universiteti. IREA. Olingan 30 mart 2014. [T]he Nazi regime transferred public ownership and public services to the private sector. In doing so, they went against the mainstream trends in the Western capitalist countries, none of which systematically reprivatized firms during the 1930s.
  111. ^ Germà Bel (13 November 2004). "Asosiy oqimga qarshi: 1930-yillarda Germaniya natsistlarini xususiylashtirish" (PDF). Barselona universiteti. IREA. Olingan 30 mart 2014. Most of the enterprises transferred to the private sector at the Federal level had come into public hands in response to the economic consequences of the Great Depression.
  112. ^ Germà Bel (13 November 2004). "Asosiy oqimga qarshi: 1930-yillarda Germaniya natsistlarini xususiylashtirish" (PDF). Barselona universiteti. IREA. Olingan 30 mart 2014.
  113. ^ Germà Bel (13 November 2004). "Asosiy oqimga qarshi: 1930-yillarda Germaniya natsistlarini xususiylashtirish" (PDF). Barselona universiteti. IREA. Olingan 30 mart 2014. In addition, the delivery of some public services that were produced by government prior to the 1930s, especially social and labor-related services, was transferred to the private sector, mainly to organizations within the party.
  114. ^ Germà Bel (13 November 2004). "Asosiy oqimga qarshi: 1930-yillarda Germaniya natsistlarini xususiylashtirish" (PDF). Barselona universiteti. IREA. Olingan 30 mart 2014. It is likely that privatization – as a policy favorable to private property – was used as a tool for fostering the alliance between Nazi government and industrialists.
  115. ^ Germà Bel (13 November 2004). "Asosiy oqimga qarshi: 1930-yillarda Germaniya natsistlarini xususiylashtirish" (PDF). Barselona universiteti. IREA. Olingan 30 mart 2014. Nazi economic policy implied a sharp rise in public expenditure. The intensity of this increase was unique among the Western capitalist countries in the pre-war period. Consistent with this, financial policy was subject to strong restrictions, and exceptional methods were devised to obtain resources. In fact, Schacht was considered more a financial technician than an economist (Thyssen, 1941, p. 138). Privatization was one of the exceptional methods used.
  116. ^ Hans-Joachim Braun, "The German Economy in the Twentieth Century", Routledge, 1990, p. 83
  117. ^ Hans-Joachim Braun, "The German Economy in the Twentieth Century", Routledge, 1990, p. 84
  118. ^ Hans-Joachim Braun, "The German Economy in the Twentieth Century", Routledge, 1990, p. 83-84
  119. ^ Götz Aly, Gitlerning naf oluvchilari: talonchilik, irqiy urush va fashistlarning farovonligi davlati, Nyu-York: NY, Metropolitan Books, 2007, p. 13
  120. ^ Martina Steber and Bernhard Gotto, Visions of Community in Nazi Germany: Social Engineering and Private Lives, Oxford: UK, Oxford University Press, 2014, p. 92, p 2.
  121. ^ Michael Geyer, Sheila Fitzpatrick, Beyond Totalitarianism: Stalinism and Nazism Compared, Kembrij universiteti matbuoti, 2009, p. 147
  122. ^ Victor Klemperer, I Will Bear Witness: A Diary of the Nazi Years, 1942-1945, Jild 2, Random House, Inc., 2001, p. 317. Goebbels’ editorial was written on April 30, 1944.
  123. ^ Hans-Joachim Braun, "The German Economy in the Twentieth Century", Routledge, 1990, p. 85
  124. ^ Hans-Joachim Braun, "The German Economy in the Twentieth Century", Routledge, 1990, p. 86
  125. ^ Nicholas Crafts and Peter Fearon, editors, 30-yillardagi yirik depressiya: bugungi kun uchun darslar, Oxford University Press, 2013, p.118
  126. ^ Hans-Joachim Braun, "The German Economy in the Twentieth Century", Routledge, 1990, p. 101
  127. ^ Hans-Joachim Braun, "The German Economy in the Twentieth Century", Routledge, 1990, p. 102
  128. ^ Arthur Schweitzer, "Big Business in the Third Reich", Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1964, p. 265
  129. ^ Arthur Schweitzer, "Big Business in the Third Reich", Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1964, p. 269
  130. ^ Arthur Schweitzer, "Big Business in the Third Reich", Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1964, p. 288
  131. ^ Arthur Schwwietzer, "Big Business in the Third Reich"
  132. ^ Hans-Joachim Braun, The German Economy in the Twentieth Century, Routledge, 1990, p. 114
  133. ^ Hans-Joachim Braun, The German Economy in the Twentieth Century, Routledge, 1990, p. 121 2
  134. ^ a b v Uilyam L. Shirer, The Rise and Fall of the Third Reich: A History of Nazi Germany, New York: NY, Simon & Schuster (2011) p. 668
  135. ^ Text of trade treaty of Feb. 11, 1940 and figures on deliveries, Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1919-1945, VIII, Washington: U.S. Department of State, pp. 762-64
  136. ^ Shon-Rethel, Alfred Germaniya fashizmining iqtisodiyoti va sinfiy tuzilishi, CSE Books, 1978 yil ISBN  0-906336-01-5
  137. ^ Michael Thad Allen, Genotsid biznesi, The University of North Carolina Press, 2002. p. 1
  138. ^ Shirer, Uilyam. Uchinchi reyxning ko'tarilishi va qulashi, Arrow kitoblari 1991 yil.
  139. ^ Adam Toze, Yo'q qilishning ish haqi, Penguin Books, 2006, ISBN  978-0-670-03826-8, pp. 648–649
  140. ^ Medits, Sandra V.; Solsten, Eric (1990). Country Studies: Spain. "The Franco Years: Policies, Programs, and Growing Popular Unrest". Vashington, Kolumbiya: Kongress kutubxonasi Federal tadqiqot bo'limi. Arxivlandi 2006 yil 6 oktyabr Orqaga qaytish mashinasi. Qabul qilingan 8 iyul 2020 yil.
  141. ^ Medits, Sandra V.; Solsten, Erik (1990). Mamlakatshunoslik: Ispaniya. "Ijtimoiy qadriyatlar va munosabat". Vashington, Kolumbiya: Kongress kutubxonasi Federal tadqiqot bo'limi. Arxivlandi 2006 yil 6 oktyabr Orqaga qaytish mashinasi. Qabul qilingan 8 iyul 2020 yil.

Bibliografiya

  • Adler, Les K. va Tomas G. Patterson. "Qizil fashizm: Amerika totalitarizm qiyofasida fashistlar Germaniyasi va Sovet Rossiyasining birlashishi". Amerika tarixiy sharhi 75 (1970 yil aprel): 1046-64. JSTOR-da
  • Alpers, Benjamin L. Diktatorlar, demokratiya va Amerika jamoat madaniyati: Totalitar dushmani tasavvur qilish, 1920-1950 yillar. Shimoliy Karolina universiteti matbuoti. 2003 yil
  • Beyker, Devid, "Fashizmning siyosiy iqtisodi: afsona yoki haqiqatmi yoki afsona va haqiqatmi?" Yangi siyosiy iqtisod, 11-jild, 2006 yil 2-iyun, 227-250-betlar
  • Blum, Jorj P. Evropada fashizmning ko'tarilishi Greenwood Press, 1998 yil
  • Brady, Robert A. Nemis fashizmining ruhi va tuzilishi 1937.
  • Brady, Robert A. Biznes kuch tizimi sifatida. Nyu-York: Columbia University Press, 1943, Milliy ishlab chiqaruvchilar uyushmasi (NAM) va NRA proto-fashistik edi
  • Braun, Xans-Yoaxim. Yigirmanchi asrda Germaniya iqtisodiyoti, Routledge, 1990 yil.
  • Brinkli, Alan. Islohotning oxiri: turg'unlik va urushdagi yangi bitim liberalizm. Amp, 1995 yil.
  • Byorxem, Jeyms. Boshqaruv inqilobi: dunyoda nima sodir bo'lmoqda 1941.
  • Kannistraro, Filipp (tahr.) Fashistik Italiyaning tarixiy lug'ati, Greenwood Press, 1982 yil.
  • De Grand, Aleksandr J. Fashistik Italiya va fashistlar Germaniyasi, Routledge, 1995 y.
  • Diggins, Jon P. Mussolini va fashizm: Amerikadan ko'rinish. Prinston universiteti matbuoti, 1972 yil.
  • Falk, Richard. "Imperiya fashist bo'ladimi?", Tinchlik va kelajakni tadqiq qilish uchun transmilliy fondi, 2003 yil 24 mart, [1].
  • Feyr, Lyuis S. "1917-1932 yillarda Sovet Ittifoqiga sayohat qilgan amerikalik sayohatchilar: yangi bitim mafkurasining tarkibiy qismini shakllantirish." Amerika chorakligi 14 (1962 yil iyun): 119-49. JSTOR-da
  • Griffin, Rojer. Fashizmning tabiati London, Routledge, 1993 yil
  • Xaseler, Stiven Britaniya demokratiyasining o'limi: Britaniyaning siyosiy bugungi va kelajagini o'rganish. Prometey kitoblari 1976. p. 153
  • Kershou, Yan. Natsistlar diktaturasi. Interpretatsiya muammolari va istiqbollari, London, Arnold, 3-nashr, 1993 yil.
  • Leyton, Jozef A. Konfliktdagi ijtimoiy falsafalar, D. Appleton-Century kompaniyasi, 1937 yil.
  • Littelton, Adrian (muharrir). Liberal va fashistik Italiya, 1900-1945 yillar, Oksford universiteti matbuoti, 2002 yil.
  • Maddux, Tomas R. "Qizil fashizm, jigarrang bolshevizm: 30-yillardagi Amerika totalitarizm qiyofasi". Tarixchi '40 (1977 yil noyabr): 85-103.
  • Mises, Lyudvig fon Qudratli hukumat: Jami davlatning ko'tarilishi va umumiy urush, Yel universiteti matbuoti, 1944 yil. [2]
  • Morgan, Filipp. Evropada fashizm, 1919-1945 yillar Yo'nalish. 2002 yil
  • Peyn, Stenli G. Fashizm tarixi, 1914-1945 yillar 1995
  • Pakton, Robert O .. Fashizm anatomiyasi, Nyu-York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2004 yil
  • Pells, Richard H. Radikal qarashlar va Amerika orzulari: Depressiyalar yillaridagi madaniyat va fikr. Harper va Row, 1973 yil.
  • Rozenof, Teodor. Uzoq muddatda iqtisodiyot: yangi bitim nazariyotchilari va ularning merosi, 1933-1993. Shimoliy Karolina universiteti matbuoti, 1997 y.
  • Salvemini, Gaetano. Italiya fashizmi. London: Viktor Gollancz Ltd., 1938 yil.
  • Shmidt, Karl T. Amaldagi korporativ davlat; Italiya fashizm ostida, Oksford universiteti matbuoti, 1939 yil.
  • Shveytsar, Artur. Uchinchi reyxdagi katta biznes, Bloomington, Indiana University Press, 1964 yil.
  • Shon-Rethel. Alfred. Germaniya fashizmining iqtisodiyoti va sinfiy tuzilishi, CSE Books, 1978 yil ISBN  0-906336-01-5
  • Skotxaym, Robert Allen. Totalitarizm va Amerika ijtimoiy fikri. Xolt, Raynxart va Uinston, 1971 yil.
  • Sternhell, Zev, Mario Sznajder va Mayya Asheri bilan, Fashistik mafkuraning tug'ilishi, Devid Mayzel tomonidan tarjima qilingan (Princeton: Princeton University Press, [1989] 1995).
  • Shvedberg, Richard. Shumpeter: Biografiya Princeton University Press, 1991 yil.
  • Toz, Adam. Yo'q qilishning ish haqi: fashistlar iqtisodiyotini yaratish va buzish, Pingvin kitoblari, 2006 y.
  • Tyorner, Genri A. Germaniyaning yirik biznesi va Gitlerning paydo bo'lishi, 1985.
  • Uelk, Uilyam G. Fashistik iqtisodiy siyosat, Garvard universiteti matbuoti, 1938 yil.
  • Vizen, S. Jonathan. Germaniya sanoati va uchinchi reyx Olchamlari: Holokost tadqiqotlari jildi. 13, № 2 [3]

Tashqi havolalar