Corneliu Zelea Codreanu - Corneliu Zelea Codreanu

Ruminiyalik futbolchi uchun qarang Korneliu Kodreanu (futbolchi).
"Codreanu" bu erga yo'naltiradi. Codreanu ismli boshqa shaxslar uchun qarang Codreanu (familiya).
Kipitanul

Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu.jpg
Corneliu Zelea Codreanu
Kapitan Temir qo'riqchi
Ofisda
1927 yil 24 iyun - 1938 yil may
MuvaffaqiyatliHoria Sima
Shaxsiy ma'lumotlar
Tug'ilgan
Korneliu Zelinski

(1899-09-13)13 sentyabr 1899 yil
Huși, Flciu tumani, Ruminiya Qirolligi
O'ldi 1938 yil 30-noyabr(1938-11-30) (39 yosh)
Tancăbești, Snagov, Ilfov okrugi, Ruminiya Qirolligi
O'lim sababiQotillik
Dam olish joyiJilava, Ilfov okrugi, Ruminiya (1938–1940)
Yashil uy, Buxarest, Ruminiya (1940–?)
Noma'lum (hozir)
MillatiRumin
Siyosiy partiyaMilliy-xristian mudofaasi ligasi (1923–1927)
Temir qo'riqchi (1927–1938)
Turmush o'rtoqlar
​
(m. 1925⁠–⁠1938)​
Olma materAlexandru Ioan Cuza universiteti
Grenobl Alpes universiteti
KasbSiyosatchi
KasbYurist
Ma'lumLegionerlar harakati asoschisi va etakchisi
KitoblarMening legionerlarim uchun
DinRuminiya pravoslavlari
Serialning bir qismi
Fashizm Ruminiya
Ruminiyaning turli xil fashistik ramzlari
Tashkilotlar
Rahbarlar
Davriy nashrlar
Mafkura
Tadbirlar

Corneliu Zelea Codreanu[a] (Rumincha:[korˈneliu ˈzele̯a koˈdre̯anu] (Ushbu ovoz haqidatinglang); tug'ilgan Korneliu Zelinski; 1899 yil 13 sentyabr - 1938 yil 30 noyabr), odatda sifatida tanilgan Corneliu Codreanu, edi a Rumin asoschisi bo'lgan siyosatchi va xarizmatik rahbar ning Temir qo'riqchi. Mafkuraviy jihatdan a fashist, deb nomlangan fashizmning bir variantini ishlab chiqdi Legionarizm (shuningdek, Legioner harakati deb ham ataladi), an ultratovushli, antisemitik,[1] vengerlarga qarshi va antiziganist tashkilotning aksariyat qismida faol urushlararo davr. Odatda Ruminiya fashizmining asosiy xilma-xilligi sifatida qaraladi va shu bilan ajralib turadi Pravoslav nasroniy - ilhomlantiruvchi inqilobiy xabar, temir gvardiya Ruminiya siyosiy sahnasida muhim aktyorga aylanib, siyosiy idora bilan ziddiyatga tushib, demokratik kuchlar. Legionerlar an'anaviy ravishda Codreanu deb atashgan Kipitanul ("Kapitan") va u o'limigacha tashkilot ustidan mutlaq hokimiyatga ega edi. U ro'yxatida keltirilgan 100 eng buyuk ruminlar.

O'zining karerasini keyinchalik boshlagan Codreanu Birinchi jahon urushi sifatida antikommunist bilan bog'liq bo'lgan ajitator A. C. Kuza va Konstantin Panku asoschilaridan biri bo'lgan Milliy-xristian mudofaasi ligasi va qotil Iasi Politsiya prefekt Konstantin Manciu. Codreanu Cuza-ni tark etib, uning o'rnini egalladi o'ta o'ng uning atrofida mamlakatning o'sib borayotgan segmentini birlashtirgan harakatlar ziyolilar va dehqonlar aholisi. Bir necha bor ketma-ket Ruminiya kabinetlari tomonidan taqiqlangan, uning legioni turli nomlarni oldi va er osti qismida omon qoldi, shu vaqt ichida Codreanu rahbarlikni rasmiy ravishda o'ziga topshirdi Gheorghe Cantacuzino-Grănicerul [ro ]. Codreanu ko'rsatmalariga binoan, Legion korruptsiyalashgan deb hisoblagan siyosatchilarga suiqasdlarni amalga oshirdi, shu jumladan Bosh Vazir Ion G. Duka va uning sobiq sherigi Mixay Stelesku. Bir vaqtning o'zida Korneliu Zelea Kodreanu Ruminiyaning harbiy va siyosiy ittifoqqa rioya qilishini qo'llab-quvvatladi Natsistlar Germaniyasi.

U saylovdagi asosiy yutug'ini ro'yxatdan o'tkazdi 1937 saylov huquqi, lekin tomonidan blokirovka qilingan Qirol Kerol II, atrofida raqib fashistik alternativalarni qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun kelgan Milliy xristian partiyasi va Milliy Uyg'onish fronti. Codreanu va boshqa tomondan Kerol va mo''tadil siyosatchilar o'rtasidagi raqobat Nikolae Iorga Codreanu ning qamoqqa olinishi bilan yakunlandi Jilava va oxir oqibat qotillik Jandarmiya. U rahbar sifatida muvaffaqiyat qozondi Horia Sima. 1940 yilda, ostida Milliy legioner davlat temir gvardiyasi tomonidan e'lon qilingan, uning o'ldirilishi zo'ravonlik bilan jazolash uchun asos bo'lib xizmat qilgan.

Corneliu Zelea Codreanu qarashlari zamonaviy o'ta o'ngga ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Uni kashshof sifatida da'vo qiladigan guruhlarga quyidagilar kiradi Noua Dreaptu va temir gvardiyaning boshqa ruminiyalik vorislari, Xalqaro uchinchi pozitsiya va turli xil neofashist tashkilotlar Italiya va Evropaning boshqa qismlari.

Biografiya

Hayotning boshlang'ich davri

Corneliu Codreanu yilda tug'ilgan Xusi Yelizaveta (ism-sharifi Brauner) va Ion Zelea Kodreanu, Nekulayning o'g'li Zelinskiy.[2] Uning otasi, o'qituvchi, bir bosqichda a'zosi bo'lgan Demokratik millatchi partiya[3] keyinchalik o'g'lining harakati ichida siyosiy arbobga aylanadi. Asli Bukovina yilda Avstriya-Vengriya, Ion dastlab sifatida tanilgan edi Zelinski; uning rafiqasi Eliza Brauner qisman edi Nemis ajdodlar.[2][4] U Marița Sarghi va Kerol Braunerdan tug'ilgan Bavariya kelib chiqishi.[2] Uning ota bobosi Simion Zelea qishloqdan kelgan dehqonlar (rzézi) oilasidan kelib chiqqan. Igesti sobiq Bukovina viloyatida.[2] Bukovina Habsburg ma'muriyati ostida bo'lganida (viloyatiga tegishli) Galisiya ), u hokimiyat tomonidan Zelea-dan Zelinskiyga ismini o'zgartirishga majbur bo'ldi.[2] Keyinchalik, 1902 yilda Ion Zelea Codreanu o'z ismini Zelinskiydan ajdodlari Zelea ismiga o'zgartirdi.[2] Ba'zi manbalarda Ion Zelea Codreanu aslida a Slav ning Ukrain yoki Polsha kelib chiqishi.[4][5][6] Codreanu oqsoqol kabi antisemitik raqamlar bilan bog'liq Iasi universiteti professor A. C. Kuza.[7] 1938 yilda suddan oldin Kodreanu kelib chiqishi anti-legioner mavzusi edi targ'ibotchi uning variantining nusxalarini tarqatgan rasmiylar tomonidan tashkil etilgan aktsiya nasabnoma u nafaqat ukrainaliklar, nemislar va ruminlarning, balki ularning avlodlari ham bo'lganligi sababli u ajdodlari aralashgan deb da'vo qilmoqda. Chexlar va Ruslar va ularning bir necha ajdodlari huquqbuzar bo'lgan.[6] Tarixchi Ilarion Tsyu buni xafa qilishga urinish va tuhmat Kodreanu.[6]

Juda yosh muddatli harbiy xizmatga chaqirish, 1916 yilda, Ruminiya kirib kelganida Birinchi jahon urushi ustida Antanta tomoni, Korneliu harbiy xizmatga otasi bilan birga saf tortish va jang qilish uchun qo'lidan kelganicha harakat qildi keyingi kampaniya. Uning harbiy maktabda o'qiganligi Bacau (qaerda u hamkasbi bo'lgan Petre Pandrea [ro ], Kelajak chap qanot faol)[8] Ruminiyaning urushda bevosita ishtirok etishi bilan bir yilda tugadi. Uch kun o'tgach, 1916 yil 18-avgustda Aziz Maryamning bayrami, u oilasini tark etib, frontga jang qilish uchun ketadi. U otasini topib, polkga qo'shilishga harakat qiladi, ammo rad etiladi. Shunga qaramay, u polkovnik va uning otasi tomonidan uyiga jo'natilishidan oldin bir oy norasmiy ravishda xizmat qiladi.[9] 1919 yilda, ko'chib o'tgandan keyin Iasi, Codreanu topildi kommunizm ta'siriga guvoh bo'lganidan keyin uning yangi dushmani bo'lish Bolshevik qo'zg'alish Moldaviya va ayniqsa Ruminiya asosiy ittifoqchisini yo'qotganidan keyin Oktyabr inqilobi, Ruminiya rahbarlarini 1918 yilni imzolashga majbur qildi Buxarest shartnomasi; shuningdek, yangi tashkil etilgan Komintern Ruminiyaga zo'ravonlik bilan qarshi bo'lgan urushlararo chegaralar (qarang Katta Ruminiya ).[10]

Qachonki repressiyalardan keyin bolsheviklar soni umuman kamaygan bo'lsa Sotsialistik partiya tartibsizliklar Buxarest 1918 yil dekabrda,[11] Iasi va boshqa Moldaviya shahar va qishloqlarida u nisbatan kuchli bo'lib qoldi yoki qabul qilindi. Shu nuqtai nazardan, sharqiy mintaqa Bessarabiya 1918 yilda Ruminiya bilan birlashgan Kodreanu va boshqalar, ayniqsa, bolsheviklar ta'siriga moyil deb ishonishgan.[12] Codreanu otasining antisemitizmini takrorladi, lekin u bilan bog'ladi antikommunizm, deb ishongan holda Yahudiylar , boshqa narsalar qatori, ibtidoiy agentlar edi Sovet Ittifoqi (qarang Yahudiy bolshevizmi ).[13]

Kodreanuning qahramoni bolaligidan umrining oxirigacha bo'lgan Buyuk Stiven.[14] Ruminiyalik tarixchi Mariya Bukur kuzatgan Stiven hayotining bir yo'nalishi bo'lgan barcha ijtimoiy darajadagi ayollar tomonidan yuzlab, hatto minglab bolalarni otaliq qilish orqali o'zining erkak va hukmdor sifatida buyukligini namoyish etgan Stivenning jinsiy kuchlarini ayollashtiruvchi ayol atrofida juda katta afsona yaratildi. "unga qarshi hech qachon ushlanmagan, aksincha uning buyukligining dalili sifatida latifalar bilan ishlatilgan".[14] An'anaviy Sharqiy pravoslav qadriyatlarini qo'llab-quvvatlash muhimligini jamoat oldida qat'iy talab qilganiga qaramay, ko'plab ayollar tomonidan juda jozibali deb hisoblangan xarizmatik Codreanu, ko'pincha ularga o'rnak bo'lgan Buyuk Stefanga ergashdi. Ajablanadigan ayol izdoshlaridan biri shunday deb yozgan edi: "Kapitan [Codreanu] Yaxshilik dunyosidan kelgan, Chiroqlar shahzodasi ... o'rta asr ritsari, shahid va qahramon".[15] Codreanu-ning ayol izdoshlari uni Ruminiyani qutqarish uchun kelgan qizg'in ishqiy, olijanob "oq ritsar" sifatida doimiy ravishda maqtashgan.[16]

GCN va Milliy-xristian mudofaasi ligasi

Codreanu Iaida huquqshunoslik bo'yicha o'qigan, u erda siyosiy faoliyatini boshlagan. U otasi singari, u bilan yaqinlashdi A. C. Kuza. Codreanu qo'rqadi Bolsheviklar qo'zg'oloni sanoat ishchilariga murojaat qilish uchun uning harakatlariga olib keldi. O'sha paytda, Kuza yahudiy aholisi ruminlar uchun ochiqdan-ochiq tahdid deb va'z qilar edi, yahudiylar ruminiyalik yosh ayollarning pokligiga tahdid solmoqda deb da'vo qilar edilar va ularning foydasiga tashviqot qilishni boshladilar. irqiy ajratish.[12]

Tarixchi Adrian Cioroianu Codreanu-ni "kvazi-" deb ta'riflagan.demagog ajitator "deb nomlangan.[17] Cioroianu so'zlariga ko'ra, Codreanu Ruminiyani "fanatizm" bilan yaxshi ko'rar edi, bu uning mamlakatni "idilizatsiya qilingan va o'z davrining haqiqiy davridan farq qiladigan" deb bilishini anglatadi.[17] Inglizlar olim Kristofer Katervud Codreanu-ni "obsesif antisemit va diniy fanatik" deb atagan.[18] Tarixchi Zeev Barbu "Kuza Kodreanuning ustozi edi [...], ammo Kodreanu undan o'rgangan hech narsa ajoyib darajada yangi emas edi. Kuza asosan uning millatchiligi va antisemitizmi uchun katalizator bo'lib xizmat qildi".[12] Keyinchalik o'zi tan olganidek, yosh faolga fiziolog va antisemitik mafkurachi ham chuqur ta'sir ko'rsatgan Nikolae Paulesku, Kuzaning harakati bilan shug'ullangan.[19]

1919 yil oxirida u qisqa umr ko'rishga qo'shildi Garda Contiinței Naionale (GCN, "Milliy vijdon qo'riqchisi"), tomonidan tashkil etilgan guruh elektrchi Konstantin Panku.[20] Panku Kodreanuga juda katta ta'sir ko'rsatdi.[3]

Dastlab a'zoligi 40 dan oshmagan Pancu harakati,[21] jonlantirishga harakat qildi sadoqat ichida proletariat (advokatlikka va'da berib, kommunizmga alternativani taklif qilganda, ko'paygan mehnat huquqlari ).[22] Boshqalar singari reaktsion guruhlar, generalning jimjitlik qo'llab-quvvatlashiga sazovor bo'ldi Aleksandru Averesku va uning tobora ommalashib borayotgani Xalq partiyasi (undan Cuza filialga aylandi);[23] Averesku 1920 yilda hokimiyat tepasiga ko'tarilishi katta shaharlarda yangi ijtimoiy muammolarni keltirib chiqardi (qarang Ruminiyadagi ishchilar harakati ).[22]

Codreanu millatchilikning yadrosini ko'raman deb o'ylagan GCN kasaba uyushmalari, maydalashda faol bo'ldi ish tashlash harakatlari.[24] Ularning faoliyati, ayniqsa, Xristian Talabalar Uyushmasida guruhlangan Kodreanuga itoat etgan talabalar, talabni boshlaganlaridan so'ng, e'tiborni jalb qilmadi. Yahudiy kvotasi uchun Oliy ma'lumot - bu GCN uchun mashhurlikni yig'di va bu uning barcha raqiblariga qarshi hujumlarning chastotasi va intensivligining keskin o'sishiga olib keldi.[25] Bunga javoban Codreanu Universitetdan haydaldi. Kuza va boshqalar unga aralashganida (Universitet Senatining qarorini hurmat qilishni rad etishgan) qaytib kelishga ruxsat berilgan bo'lsa ham, unga hech qachon diplom uni tugatgandan so'ng.[26]

O'qish paytida Berlin va Jena 1922 yilda Codreanu ga nisbatan tanqidiy munosabatda bo'ldi Veymar Respublikasi va maqtay boshladi Rimda mart va Italiya fashizmi katta yutuqlar sifatida; u hukumatni to'liq qondirish niyatidan kelib chiqib, dekabr oyida bo'lib o'tgan talabalar katta norozilik namoyishlari haqida bilganidan so'ng, u o'z yashash muddatini qisqartirishga qaror qildi. ozodlik yahudiylar (qarang Ruminiyadagi yahudiylar tarixi ).[27]

Codreanu tomonidan uyushtirilgan norozilik namoyishlari yangilar bilan uchrashganda Milliy liberal hukumatning qiziqishi yo'qligi sababli u va Kuza (1923 yil 4 martda) nasroniy millatchi tashkilotini tashkil etishdi Milliy-xristian mudofaasi ligasi.[28] Ular 1925 yilda qo'shilgan Ion Moța, antisemitik tarjimoni yolg'on sifatida tanilgan Sion oqsoqollarining bayonnomalari va legionning kelajakdagi mafkurachisi.[29] Keyinchalik Codreanuga Ligani milliy darajada tashkil etish vazifasi qo'yildi va ayniqsa, yoshlar bilan shug'ullanish bilan band bo'ldi.[30]

Ning to'liq huquqlarini berish bilan fuqarolik ostida yahudiy millatiga mansub shaxslarga 1923 yilgi konstitutsiya, Liga Iaiga hujum qildi getto, guruhni boshqargan murojaat qildi hukumat Buxarest (beparvolik bilan qabul qilingan) va oxir-oqibat suiqasd qilishga qaror qildi Premer Ion I. C. Britianu va hukumatning boshqa a'zolari.[31] Codreanu, shuningdek, Ruminiyaga xiyonat qilgan siyosatchilarning ismlarini o'z ichiga olgan bir nechta o'lim ro'yxatining birinchi qismini ham tuzdi. Bunga kiritilgan Georgiy Gh. Merzesku Brutianu ijroiya idorasida bir nechta vakolatxonalarni egallagan va yahudiylarning ozod qilinishiga ko'maklashish uchun shaxsan javobgar bo'lgan.[32] 1923 yil oktyabrda u sheriklaridan biri tomonidan xiyonat qilingan, hibsga olingan va sudga berilgan. Tez orada u va boshqa fitna uyushtiruvchilar oqlandi, chunki Ruminiya qonunchiligi jinoiy javobgarlikka tortilishga yo'l qo'ymadi fitnalar aniq sana tayinlanmagan. Hakamlar hay'ati muhokamasini tugatishidan oldin, Moța xoinni otib tashladi va o'zi qamoq jazosiga hukm qilindi.[33]

Mancuuning o'ldirilishi

Codreanu Luza tuzilishi bo'yicha Kuza bilan to'qnashdi: u undan rivojlanishini talab qildi harbiylashtirilgan va inqilobiy xarakter, Kuza esa bu g'oyaga dushman edi.[34] Noyabr oyida, ichida Văcăretti qamoqxonasi yilda Buxarest, Codreanu a yaratishni rejalashtirgan edi yoshlar tashkiloti u qo'ng'iroq qilishni maqsad qilgan Liga doirasida Legion Bosh farishta Maykl. Bu an sharafiga aytilgan edi Pravoslav belgisi qamoqxona cherkovining devorlarini bezatgan,[35] yoki aniqrog'i, Codreanu-ning bosh farishtaning o'zi tashrif buyurganligi haqidagi da'volari bilan bog'liq.[21] Shaxsiy muammo yana Kodreanu va Kuzani ikkiga ajratdi, ya'ni Kuzaning o'g'li Kodreanu singlisi bilan ishqiy munosabatda bo'lib, uni homilador qildi.[36] Er-xotin kenja Kuza bilan ajrashishdi, qiz do'sti uning bolasini ko'tarayotgan paytda unga turmushga chiqishini talabini rad etdi. Garchi janjal to'xtatilgan bo'lsa-da, uning singlisining noqonuniy farzandi borligi Kodreanu uchun chuqur xo'rlik edi, chunki u o'z oilasini pravoslav cherkovining namunali a'zolari sifatida namoyish etishni yaxshi ko'rar edi va u Kuza o'z o'g'lini singlisiga uylanishiga majbur qilish uchun muvaffaqiyatsiz harakat qildi. .[36]

Iasi shahriga qaytib, Codreanu Liga doirasida o'zining sodiqlik tizimini yaratdi, Fria de Cruce ("Xoch birodarligi") nomi bilan nomlangan. qon birodarligi bu talab qiladi va'z xoch bilan).[37] U 1924 yil 6-mayda Iashi atrofidagi qishloqda yig'ilib, talabalar markazi binosida ish boshladi. Ushbu yig'ilish hokimiyat tomonidan buyruqlar bilan zo'ravonlik bilan tarqatib yuborilgan Ruminiya politsiyasi prefekt Konstantin Manciu.[38] Cuzreanu va yana bir necha kishi kaltaklangan va bir necha kun davomida qiynoqqa solingan, chunki ularning nomidan Kuzaning aralashuvi samarali bo'lmaguncha.[39]

Vaqt oralig'idan so'ng, u har qanday siyosiy faoliyatdan chekinganida, Codreanu Manciudan qasos oldi, uni o'ldirdi va boshqa politsiyachilarni 24 oktyabrda qattiq yaraladi,[40] Iași tribunalining binosida (mancheri ayblovlarga javob berish uchun chaqirilgan edi, Kodreanuning o'rtoqlaridan biri shikoyat qilganidan keyin).[41] Sud tibbiyoti Manciu o'lishi paytida qotiliga duch kelmaganligini ko'rsatdi, bu esa Kodreanuni o'zini o'zi harakat qilayotgan deb bilishini ko'rsatishga undadi. o'zini himoya qilish faqat Manciuning avvalgi harakatlariga asoslangan.[41] Codreanu miltig'ini otganidan so'ng darhol o'zini tashladi va hibsda sud jarayonini kutdi.[41] Iasi politsiyasi keng tarqalgan korruptsiya sababli jamoatchilikka unchalik yoqmadi va ko'pchilik Mancuuning o'ldirilishini Codreanu tomonidan qilingan qahramonlik harakati deb bildi.[42] Qolaversa, bu masala Ruminiya parlamenti tomonidan Dehqonlar partiyasi "s Pol Bujor, birinchi bo'lib siyosiy zo'ravonlik va fitna; u boshqaruv tomonidan ma'qullandi Milliy liberal partiya, qaysi, 19 dekabr kuni o'tgan Merzesku qonuni[41] (tayinlangan Merzesku nomzodi nomi bilan atalgan Adliya vaziri ). Uning eng sezilarli, agar bilvosita bo'lsa, ta'siri taqiqlangan Kommunistik partiya. Oktyabr va noyabr oylarida parlament a'zolari o'rtasidagi bahslar qizg'in tus oldi va Kuza guruhi qotillik uchun axloqiy javobgar sifatida ajratildi: Petre Andrey "janob Kuza nishonga oldi va Kodreanu o'q uzdi",[43] bunga Kuza o'zining aybsizligini da'vo qilish bilan javob berdi, ammo Mancuuning shafqatsizligi zo'ravonlik bilan qasos olish uchun asosli sabab bo'lganligini nazarda tutdi.[41]

Codreanu atayin Iosidan uzoqroq joyda sinab ko'rilgan bo'lsa ham Turnu Severin, rasmiylar neytral hakamlar hay'atini topa olmadilar.[44] U oqlangan kuni, besh daqiqa davomida muhokama qilgan hakamlar hay'ati a'zolari Liga ramzlari tushirilgan nishonlarni kiyib, svastikalar (Cuza's League tomonidan ishlatiladigan belgi).[45] Tantanali qaytish va Elena Ilinoiuga dabdabali to'ydan so'ng,[46] Codreanu Kuza bilan ikkinchi bor to'qnashdi va ziddiyatni ta'tilni olib tashlashga qaror qildi Frantsiya. Kodreanuning 1925 yil iyun oyida Foc'ani shahrida bo'lib o'tgan to'y, o'sha yili Ruminiyadagi eng yirik ijtimoiy voqea edi; u dabdabali, psevdo-qirollik uslubida nishonlandi va minglab odamlar ishtirok etib, ommaviy axborot vositalarining katta e'tiborini tortdi.[47] To'ydan so'ng, Kodreanu va uning kelinining ortidan quvonchli baxtli dehqonlar to'rt millik uzunlikdagi yurishda 3000 ho'kiz aravani kuzatib borishdi.[42] Kodreanu izdoshlaridan biri o'sha paytda ruminlar qirol ko'zoynagini, ayniqsa qirollik to'ylarini yaxshi ko'rishlarini yozgan edi, ammo Valiahd shahzoda Kerol birinchi bo'lib 1918 yilda oddiy to'yda oddiy odam bilan turmush qurishni va undan keyin Gretsiyada qirollik to'yini o'tkazgan edi, Codreanu to'yi Ruminiya xalqi ko'rishni istagan qirollik to'yining eng yaxshi o'rnini egalladi.[48] Codreanu to'yi uning qiyofasini romantik, notinch, Bayronik qahramoni u shu paytgacha turmush qurgan erkakning "o'tirgan" qiyofasiga ega edi va shu tariqa ko'proq konservativ ruminlar tomonidan uning ijtimoiy radikalizmi haqidagi xavotirlarni yumshatdi.[48] Ruminiyadan ketishdan oldin, u suiqasd qurboni bo'ldi - qamoqdan qaytgan Moța, repressiyalarni boshqarganidan keyin yana qisqa jazo oldi.

Legionning yaratilishi

U qaytib keldi Grenobl ishtirok etish 1926 yilgi saylovlar va shaharchaga nomzod sifatida qatnashdi Focsani. U yutqazdi va garchi u katta muvaffaqiyatga erishgan bo'lsa-da, o'sha yili Liga tarqatib yuborildi.[49] Kodreanu qamoqda o'tirgan Liganing sobiq a'zolarini yig'di va Legionni shakllantirish orzusini amalga oshirdi (1927 yil noyabr, Kuzani qo'llab-quvvatlashni davom ettirgan yangi Averesku kabineti qulaganidan bir necha kun o'tgach).[50] Codreanu, bosh farishta Mayklni ko'rganligini va u Xudo tomonidan Ruminiyaning xaloskori sifatida tanlanganligini aytgan.[42] Boshidanoq, Sharqiy pravoslav cherkovining qadriyatlariga sodiqlik Legion xabarining asosi bo'lgan va Codreanu taxmin qilingan vahiy uning xabarining markazida bo'lgan.[42]

Asoslangan Frantsiya de Cruce, Codreanu tanlangan va sifatida yaratilgan avtarkik guruhi, unga sodiq bo'lib, boshqalarga sodiq qolishdi va tez orada "uyalar" deb nomlangan takrorlanadigan siyosiy hujayralar tarmog'iga aylandi (cuiburi).[51] Fratiya Legionning eng maxfiy va eng yuqori organi sifatida yashab, o'z a'zolaridan a o'tish marosimi, ular davomida kapitanga sodiq bo'lish uchun qasamyod qildilar.[21] Ga binoan Amerika tarixchi Barbara Jelavich, harakat "dastlab hech qanday aniq mafkurani qo'llab-quvvatlamadi, aksincha shaxsning axloqiy yangilanishini ta'kidladi", shu bilan birga Ruminiya pravoslav cherkovi.[52] Legion o'zining siyosiy mitinglari doirasida pravoslav marosimlarini o'tkazdi,[53] Kodreanu esa jamoat oldida kiyinib chiqdi xalq kostyumi[54] - o'sha paytda faqat o'zi va u tomonidan qabul qilingan an'anaviyizm pozitsiyasi Milliy dehqon partiyasi "s Ion Mixalache.[55] Legion mavjud bo'lgan davr mobaynida Ruminiya pravoslav ruhoniylari a'zolari bilan mustahkam aloqada bo'lib kelgan,[56] va uning a'zolari siyosatni Ruminiya pravoslav xabarlarini asl talqini bilan birlashtirdilar, shu jumladan Ruminiyalik qarindoshlar diniy ma'noda uning milliy najotini kutmoqdalar.[57]

Bunday sirli diqqat, Jelavich ta'kidlaganidek, zo'ravonlik va fidoyilik bilan mashg'ul bo'lganligi bilan bir qatorda, "faqat [terror harakatlari] maqsad manfaati uchun qilingan va keyinchalik kechirilgan taqdirdagina".[52] Zo'ravonlik yoki qotillik bilan shug'ullangan legionerlar ko'pincha hibsga olish uchun o'zlarini topshirishdi,[58] va zo'ravonlik kutilgan dunyoda zarur qadam sifatida qaralishi odatiy holga aylandi Ikkinchi kelish ning Masih.[59] Vaqt o'tishi bilan Legion, o'liklarning abadiy milliy jamoatning ajralmas qismini tashkil etishda davom etishini anglatadigan darajada yiqilganlarga sig'inish atrofida ta'limot ishlab chiqdi.[60][61] Tasavvufi natijasida, harakat biron bir platformani qabul qilmaslik yoki reklama qilmaslik kerak edi,[62] va Corneliu Zelea Codreanu erta tushuntirgan edi: "Mamlakat siyosiy dasturlarning etishmasligi uchun emas, balki erkaklar etishmasligi uchun o'lmoqda".[63] Boshqa joyda u Legion "yangi odam" ni yaratishga qiziqishini ta'kidladi (omul nou).[64]

Siyosiy xabarlar etishmasligiga qaramay, bu harakat antisemitizm bilan, Ruminiya "bilan duch kelgan" degan bahs bilan darhol qayd etildi.Yahudiylarning savoli "va yahudiylarning hushsizligi tufayli rivojlanganligini e'lon qilish uchun pornografiya.[65] Legioner rahbar: "Bizning avlodimizning tarixiy vazifasi kike muammosini hal qilishdir. So'nggi 15 yil ichidagi barcha janglarimiz shu maqsadda edi, bundan buyon hayotimizning barcha urinishlari shu maqsadda bo'ladi" deb yozgan.[66] U umuman yahudiylarni Ruminiya bilan Xudo o'rtasidagi to'g'ridan-to'g'ri bog'liqlik deb da'vo qilgan narsani yo'q qilishga urinishda aybladi va Legion o'zaro hech qanday aloqasi yo'q degan tushunchani qo'llab-quvvatladi. Eski Ahd Ibroniylarga va zamonaviy yahudiylar.[67] Bir misolda, ga murojaat qilish ruminlarning kelib chiqishi, Codreanu yahudiylar buzib tashlaganligini aytdi "Rim -Dacian xalqimizning tuzilishi. "[68] Isroil tarixchisi Jan Ancel 19-asrning o'rtalaridan boshlab Ruminiya yozgan ziyolilar "G'arbga va uning qadriyatlariga nisbatan shizofreniya munosabati" bo'lgan.[69] Ruminiya 19-asrda boshlangan kuchli frankofil mamlakat va Ruminiyaning aksariyati edi ziyolilar o'zlarini demokratiya, erkinlik va inson huquqlarining umumjahon da'vosiga oid frantsuz g'oyalariga ishonamiz, shu bilan birga Ruminiyaning yahudiy ozchiliklari to'g'risida antisemitizm qarashlarini qo'llab-quvvatladik.[70] Anchel yozishicha, Kodreanu nafaqat hukmron frankofiliyani rad etgan birinchi muhim ruminiyalik bo'lgan ziyolilarCodreanu Ruminiyani yo'q qilish uchun mo'ljallangan "yahudiy ixtirolari" deb da'vo qilgan universal demokratik qadriyatlarning butun doirasi.[71]

U yahudiylarni yo'q qilishga ochiqdan-ochiq chaqira boshladi,[72][73] va 1927 yildayoq yangi harakat a-ni ishdan bo'shatishni va yoqishni uyushtirdi ibodatxona shahrida Oradea.[74] Shunday qilib, bu Ruminiya jamiyatida antisemitizmning juda mashhurligidan foyda oldi: bitta tahlilga ko'ra, Ruminiya bundan mustasno edi Polsha, eng antisemitik mamlakat Sharqiy Evropa.[75]

Codreanu ning xabari Ruminiya antisemitizmining eng radikal shakllaridan biri bo'lgan va Kuzaning sobiq hamkori, taniqli tarixchining odatda mo''tadil antisemitik qarashlariga zid bo'lgan. Nikolae Iorga.[76] Legion tomonidan ma'qullangan model bu shakl edi irqiy antisemitizm va Rodiyaliklarning biologik jihatdan ajralib turishi va qo'shni yoki birga yashaydigan etniklardan (shu jumladan, Vengriya jamoasi ).[73] Codreanu, shuningdek, Ruminiya ekspansionizmi masalasida o'z fikrlarini bildirdi, bu uning birlashishi haqida o'ylayotganligini ko'rsatmoqda. Sovet ustidan erlar Dnestr (keyinchalik mintaqada nomi bilan ilova qilingan) Dnestryani ) va Ruminiya boshchiligidagi transmilliy federatsiyani rejalashtirish Karpatlar va Dunay.[73]

Dastlabdanoq, harakat orasida muhim yutuqlar qayd etildi o'rta sinf va bilimli yoshlar.[77] Biroq, turli xil sharhlovchilarning fikriga ko'ra, Codreanu qishloq sharoitida o'zining eng muhim izdoshlarini yutdi, bu qisman o'zi va boshqa legioner rahbarlarning birinchi avlod shahar aholisi bo'lganligini aks ettirdi.[78] Amerikalik fashizm tarixchisi Stenli G. Peyn Legion universitetlarga qabul qilishning 400% o'sishidan foyda ko'rganligini ta'kidlagan ("Evropaning boshqa joylariga qaraganda mutanosib ravishda ko'proq"), kapitan va uning shogirdlari tarmog'ini "talabalar va kambag'al dehqonlar inqilobiy ittifoqi" deb ta'riflagan. to'g'risida "yangi ishsizlar ziyolilar radikal millatchilikka moyil ".[79] Shunday qilib, yangi tashkil etilgan harakatning o'ziga xos xususiyati uning etakchilarining yoshligi edi: keyingi yozuvlar shuni ko'rsatadiki, legioner elitaning o'rtacha yoshi 27,4 edi.[80]

Shu paytgacha antikapitalist, u yahudiylarda umumiy manbani aniqladi iqtisodiy liberalizm va ikkalasi ham kommunizm internatsionalist tomonidan boshqariladigan kuchlar Yahudiylarning fitnasi.[81] Raqibi sifatida modernizatsiya va materializm, u faqat uning harakatining iqtisodiy maqsadlari nodavlat ma'nosini anglatishini noaniq ravishda ko'rsatdi.Markscha shakli kollektivizm,[79] va uning izdoshlarining turli xil tashabbuslariga rahbarlik qildi kooperativlar.[82]

Birinchi noqonuniy va deputatlik mandati

Codreanu, ikki yildan ortiq turg'unlikdan so'ng, harakatning maqsadiga o'zgartirish kiritishi kerakligini his qildi: u va harakat rahbariyati qishloq joylarini aylanib, savodsiz aholiga murojaat qilib, savodsiz aholiga murojaat qildi. va'zlar, uzun oq rangda kiyinish mantiyalar va qarshi xristianlarning xurofotlarini qo'zg'atish Yahudiylik[83] (bu qizg'in kampaniyaga Legioning an'anaviy ravishda Kuza ligasi tomonidan darhol chetlatilishi ham sabab bo'ldi. Moldaviya va Bukovinian markazlar).[84] 1928-1930 yillar orasida Aleksandru Vaida-Voevod Milliy dehqonlar partiyasi kabineti Gvardiyaga jimgina yordam berdi, ammo Iuliu Maniu (o'sha partiyaning vakili) Legionni 1930 yil iyulidan keyin siqib chiqardi.[85] Bu ikkinchisi to'lqinni qo'zg'atmoqchi bo'lganidan keyin sodir bo'ldi pogromlar yilda Maramureș va Bessarabiya.[85] 1930 yilgi bir muhim voqeada legionerlar dehqon aholisini rag'batlantirdilar Borșa shaharning 4000 yahudiylariga hujum qilish uchun.[74] Legion, shuningdek, hukumat amaldorlari va jurnalistlarni o'ldirishga urinib ko'rgan, shu jumladan Konstantin Anjelesku, ichki ishlar kotibining o'rinbosari.[86] Codreanu qotil bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan shaxs bilan birga qisqa vaqt ichida hibsga olingan Georgiy Beza: ikkalasi ham sud qilindi va oqlandi.[87] Shunga qaramay, zo'ravonlik to'lqini va Bessarabiyaga rejalashtirilgan yurish partiyaning Bosh vazir tomonidan taqiqlanganligini ko'rsatdi. Georgiy Mironesku va Ichki ishlar vaziri Ion Mixalache (1931 yil yanvar); yana hibsga olingan, Codreanu fevral oxirida oqlangan.[88]

Tomonidan kuchaytirildi Katta depressiya va u keltirib chiqargan noqulaylik,[89] 1931 yilda Legion o'rtasidagi kelishmovchilikdan ham foyda ko'rdi Qirol Kerol II va atrofida tashkil etilgan kabinetni olib kelgan Milliy dehqonlar partiyasi Nikolae Iorga.[88] Natijada Codreanu saylandi Deputatlar palatasi "Corneliu Zelea Codreanu Grouping" (Gvardiyaning vaqtinchalik nomi) ro'yxatlarida, uning asl harakatining boshqa taniqli a'zolari bilan birgalikda - otasi Ion Zelea va Mixay Stelesku, oxir-oqibat Legion bilan ziddiyatga kelgan yosh faol; Vaida-Voevodning yangi kabineti keyingi qisman o'tkazilgan saylovlarda Guruhga indamay yordam bergan bo'lsa kerak.[90] Legion beshta o'rinni qo'lga kiritdi, bu uning saylovdagi birinchi muhim yutug'i edi.[91]

U tez orada vazirlar va boshqa siyosatchilarning korruptsiyasini har bir holat bo'yicha fosh etishi bilan mashhur bo'ldi (garchi o'sha paytdagi bir necha siyosiy dushmanlari uni muloyim va qobiliyatsiz deb atashgan bo'lsa ham).[90]

Dyuka bilan to'qnashing va Tresresku bilan sulh tuzing

Ion Antonesku va Codreanu 1935 yilda chang'i sportida

Hokimiyat Legionning inqilobiy salohiyati bilan chinakamiga qiziqish uyg'otdi va 1932 yilda bo'lib o'tgan kichik to'qnashuvlar 1933 yildan o'n yilga yaqin siyosiy zo'ravonlikka aylandi. Kodreanu uni to'liq qo'llab-quvvatlashini bildirgandan keyin vaziyat yomonlashdi Adolf Gitler va nazizm (hatto zarariga ham) Italiya fashizmi,[92] va ehtimol kapitan va Stelesku o'rtasidagi ziddiyat uchun qo'shimcha manbadir).[93] Ruminiya an'anaviy ravishda Evropaning eng frankofil mamlakatlaridan biri bo'lgan va 1926 yildan beri uning "lotin singlisi" Frantsiya bilan ittifoqdosh bo'lgan, shuning uchun Kodreanuning Germaniya bilan ittifoqqa chaqirishi o'sha davr uchun juda yangi bo'lgan. Tomonidan tashkil qilingan yangi Milliy Liberal kabinet Ion G. Duka, Legion qo'g'irchoq vazifasini bajarayotganini aytib, bunday tashabbuslarga qarshi harakat qildi Germaniya fashistlar partiyasi va juda ko'p sonli legionerlarni hibsga olishga buyruq bergan 1933 yildagi yangi saylovlar (bu liberallar yutgan).[94] Hibsda ushlab turilgan ayrim kishilar rasmiylar tomonidan o'ldirilgan.[95] Buning asosiy ta'siri Dukani temir gvardiyasi tomonidan o'ldirilishi edi Nikadori 30 dekabrda.[96] Yana biri bu atrofdagi guruhdan keyin temir gvardiyaning sherik bo'lmagan xayrixohlariga qarshi birinchi tazyiq edi Nae Ionesku repressiyalarga qarshi norozilik bildirishga qaror qildi.[97]

Codreanu yashirinib, tinchlanishini kutib, rahbarlikni generalga topshirdi Gheorghe Cantacuzino-Grănicerul, keyinchalik Dyukaning o'ldirilishi uchun qisman aybni o'z zimmasiga olgan;[98] Stelesku, tez orada u boshliq sifatida Kodreanuning raqibiga aylandi Ruminiyaning salib yurishi, keyinchalik uning amakivachchasi tomonidan boshpana berganini ta'kidlagan Magda Lupesku, Kerolning bekasi, Gvardiya buzilib ketayotganini anglatadi ("U sizning harakatingizga salbiy ta'sir ko'rsatadigan odam edi. Qanday qilib siz yaxshi munosabatda bo'ldingiz?").[99] Codreanu-ning qayta tiklanishi hibsga olingan va jinoiy javobgarlikka tortilgan harbiy holat mamlakatda o'rnatilgan; u yana oqlandi. Codreanu elitaga umidsiz ravishda buzilgan va o'z manfaati yo'lidagi hujumlariga qaramay, 1934 yilda uning sudida bir qator hurmatli siyosatchilar kabi Georghe I. Brutianu, Aleksandru Vaida-Voevod va Konstantin Argetoianu belgi guvohlari sifatida Codreanu uchun guvohlik berdi.[100] Temir gvardiya ostida fashistlar partiyasining tashqi idorasi bilan ba'zi aloqalar mavjud edi Alfred Rozenberg, ammo 1933–34 yillarda Rozenberg tomonidan moliyaviy ko'makdan asosiy foyda olgan ruminiyalik fashist Kodreanuning raqibi edi. Oktavian Goga Codreanu-ning ommaviy izdoshlari etishmayotgan va shuning uchun ancha maqbulroq bo'lgan.[101] Natsistlar uchun yana bir masala Codreanu-ning Ruminiyada o'z manfaati uchun juda ko'p ozchiliklar borligi haqidagi bayonotidan tashvishlanish edi, bu esa Codreanu-ni ta'qib qilishidan qo'rqishiga olib keldi. dilshod_ agar u hokimiyatga kelgan bo'lsa, ozchilik.[101] Ammo NSDAP va Temir Gvardiya o'rtasidagi aloqalar, ular kabi cheklangan bo'lib, Legionning murojaatiga qo'shimcha qildi, chunki temir gvardiyasi jamoatchilik ongida fashistlar Germaniyasining ko'rinadigan dinamik va muvaffaqiyatli jamiyati bilan bog'liq edi.[101]

Boshlanganidan bir muncha vaqt o'tgach Georgiy Tetresku Premerlik va Ion Inculeț ning rahbarligi Ichki ishlar vazirligi, Legionni qatag'on qilish to'xtatildi, bu Kerolning barqarorlikning yangi davrini ta'minlashga bo'lgan umidini aks ettirdi.[102] 1936 yilda, yoshlar kongressi paytida Tyrgu Mureș, Codreanu doimiy tashkil etishga rozi bo'ldi O'lim guruhi, darhol Mixay Stelesku o'ldirilishi bilan maqsadlarini ko'rsatdi Decemviri (boshchiligidagi Ion Karatinaz ),[103] zararsizlantirish Salib yurishi 'Gvardiyaning zaif tomonlarini ochib berish va Steleskuning Codreanu o'zining rasmiy namoyishida ikkiyuzlamachilik qilgani haqidagi da'volarini o'chirish kampaniyasi. astsetizm, siyosiy buzuq, madaniyatsiz va a plagiatchi.[104] 1936 yilda Codreanu o'zi yozgan "Irqning tirilishi" nomli inshoini nashr etdi

Men buni yana bir bor ta'kidlayman: biz bu erga tasodifan kelib tushgan va endi himoya va boshpana izlayotgan achinarli odamlarga qarshi emasmiz. Biz yahudiylarning to'laqonli davlatiga, zabt etish uchun o'z ko'zlari bilan bu erga kelgan butun armiyaga qarshimiz. Yahudiy aholisi harakati va uning Ruminiyaga kirib borishi aniq rejalarga muvofiq amalga oshirilmoqda. Ehtimol, "Buyuk yahudiylar kengashi" Boltiq dengizidan boshlanadigan quruqlik bo'ylab yangi Falastinni yaratishni rejalashtirmoqda, Polsha va Chexoslovakiyaning bir qismi va Ruminiyaning yarmini Qora dengizga tutashgan. .

Yahudiylar va siyosatchilar bizdan yomonroq narsa qilishgan, ular bizning xalqimizga duch kelgan eng katta xavf - bu ularning mamlakatimiz boyliklari va mol-mulklarini egallab olishlari, Ruminiyaning o'rta sinfini yo'q qilishlari, bizning maktablarimizni botqoqlantirishlari emas. liberal kasblar yoki ularning butun siyosiy hayotimizga zararli ta'siri, garchi bu odamlar uchun o'lik xavf tug'dirsa ham. Ular odamlarga etkazadigan eng katta xavf - bu bizni irqiy jihatdan buzayotganliklari, bizning xalqimizning irqiy, romano-dakiy tuzilishini yo'q qilishlari va hech narsa emas, balki irqiy halokat bo'lgan odam tipiga aylanishlari. "[105]

Yil bilan ham belgilandi o'lim va dabdabali dafn marosimlari Moța (shu paytgacha harakat vitse-prezidenti) va Vasiliy Marin, kim ko'ngilli bo'lgan Frantsisko Franko tomonida Ispaniya fuqarolar urushi va o'ldirilgan edi Majadahonda jang.[106] Codreanu o'zining avtobiografik va g'oyaviy insholarini ham nashr etdi Pentru legionari ("Legionerlar uchun" yoki "Mening legionerlarim uchun").[107]

Aynan o'sha davrda Gvardiya mablag 'bilan ta'minlandi Nikolae Malaxa (aks holda Kerolning taniqli hamkori sifatida tanilgan),[108] va yanada kengroq auditoriyani qamrab olish uchun o'zini isloh qilishdan manfaatdor bo'ldi: Codreanu a meritokratik saflarning ichki tuzilishi, keng doirasini o'rnatgan xayriya korxonalar, yana sanoat ishchilariga murojaat qilgan va yaratgan mavzular Corpul Muncitoresc Legionar, a'zolarini birlashtirgan Legion filiali sifatida ishchilar sinfi.[109] Qirol Kerol ko'proq an'anaviy partiyalarning murojaatlari pasayishiga duch kelganidan keyin o'z hukmronligini saqlab qolish borasida qiyinchiliklarga duch keldi va Termeskuning muddati tugashiga yaqinlashganda, u Legionga evaziga Legion rahbarligini talab qilib, dadil taklif bilan Kodreanuga murojaat qildi. kabinet; u darhol rad etildi.[110]

"Hamma narsa mamlakat uchun"

Corneliu Zelea Codreanu va 1937 yilda temir gvardiya a'zolari

Natijada harbiylashtirilgan guruhlarga taqiq qo'yilgandan so'ng, Legion siyosiy partiyaga aylanib, saylovlarda qatnashgan Totul Pentru Țară ("Hamma narsa mamlakat uchun"). Ko'p o'tmay, Codreanu Ruminiyaning ittifoqlariga nisbatan nafratini bayon qilib rekord o'rnatdi Sharqiy Evropa, xususan Kichik Antanta va Bolqon shartnomasi va uning harakati hokimiyatga kelganidan 48 soat o'tgach, mamlakat bilan mos kelishini ko'rsatmoqda Natsistlar Germaniyasi va Fashistik Italiya.[111] Xabar qilinishicha, bunday ishonch va ishonch Germaniya rasmiylari tomonidan ham qaytarilgan Italiya tashqi ishlar vaziri Galeazzo Ciano, ikkinchisi Goga kabinetini temir gvardiyasi boshqaruviga o'tish deb hisoblagan.[112]

In 1937 yilgi saylovlar, u milliy dehqonlar partiyasi bilan saylov shartnomasini imzolaganida, hukumat undan foydalanishni oldini olish maqsadida saylovdagi firibgarlik, Guard 15,5% ovoz oldi[6][113] (vaqti-vaqti bilan 16 foizga yaxlitlanadi).[91] G'olib chiqa olmaganiga qaramay ko'pchilik uchun bonus, Kodreanu harakati, o'sha paytda, Ruminiya siyosatidagi uchinchi siyosiy variant edi, uning jozibasi 1937-1938 yillarda o'sib borishi ko'rsatilgan yagona va eng mashhur fashistik guruh edi.[114]

Legion nomzod fashist qirol Kerol tomonidan siyosiy koalitsiyalardan chiqarildi, u yangi tashkil topgan bo'ysunuvchi harakatlarni va qayta tiklangan Milliy-Xristian Mudofaa Ligasini afzal ko'rdi.[115] Kuza o'zining antisemitik hukumatini shoir bilan birgalikda yaratdi Oktavian Goga va uning Milliy agrar partiya. Codreanu va ikkala etakchilar kelisha olmadilar va legion asrab olish orqali hokimiyat bilan raqobatlasha boshladi korporativlik. Bunga parallel ravishda, u o'z izdoshlarini maslahatiga amal qilishni da'vo qilib, xususiy biznesni ochishga undagan Nikolae Iorga, ikkinchisi Ruminiya tomonidan olib boriladigan tijorat o'zi o'ylagan narsaning echimini isbotlashi mumkin deb da'vo qilgandan keyin. "Yahudiylarning savoli ".[6]

Sifatida birlashtirilgan hukumat ittifoqi Milliy xristian partiyasi, o'zini legiondan katta miqdorda qarz olgan ko'k-ko'ylak harbiylashtirilgan korpusni berdi - the Lncieri[116] - va jamoat temir gvardiyasiga bo'lgan qiziqishni qaytarishga urinib, yahudiylarni ta'qib qilish bo'yicha rasmiy kampaniyani boshladi.[117] Ko'plab zo'ravonliklardan so'ng, Codreanuga Goga murojaat qildi va partiyasini saylovoldi kampaniyasidan 1938 yilgi saylovlarda olib chiqishga rozi bo'ldi,[118] Qanday bo'lmasin, rejimning hayotga tatbiq etiladigan echimi yo'qligi va charchashiga ishonish - shohning foydasidan foyda olishga urinish paytida avtoritarizm mumkin bo'lgan har qanday narsani birlashtirishga tayyorligini ko'rsatib bir partiyali tizim.[119]

Qirol bilan to'qnashuv va 1938 yilgi sinovlar

Codreanu-ning dizaynlarini Kerol bekor qildi, u Goga-ni ishdan bo'shatib, o'zining dizaynini namoyish etdi diktatura a ni shakllantirishga urinishlaridan so'ng milliy hukumat. Tizim o'rniga yangisiga ishongan 1938 yil Konstitutsiyasi, yirik biznesdan olingan moliyaviy yordam va bir nechta yoki ozgina an'anaviy siyosatchilarning g'olibi, masalan, Nikolae Iorga va Ichki ishlar vaziri Armand Clineses (qarang Milliy Uyg'onish fronti ). The ban on the Guard was again tightly enforced, with Călinescu ordering all public places known to have harbored Legion meetings to be closed down (including several restaurants in Buxarest ).[120] Members of the movement were placed under close surveillance or arrested in cases where they did not abide by the new legislation, while civil servants risked arrest if they were caught spreading Iron Guard propaganda.[6]

The official and semi-official press began attacking Codreanu. He was thus virulently criticized by the magazine Neamul Romanesk, which was edited by Iorga.[6] When Carol felt he had enough control of the situation, he ordered a brutal suppression of the Iron Guard and had Codreanu arrested on the charge that he had tuhmat qilingan Iorga, based on a letter Codreanu sent to the latter on 26 March 1938, in which he had attacked Iorga for collaborating with Carol, calling him "morally dishonest".[6][121] Codreanu was referring to the historian's charge that Legionary commerce was financing rebellion, and repeated his claim that the enterprising solution had originated with Iorga's own arguments.[6] Nicolae Iorga replied by filing a complaint with the Military Tribunal (as the new law required in cases of insult to a minister in office),[6][122] and by writing Codreanu a letter which advised him to "descend in [his] conscience to find remorse" for "the amount of blood spilled over him".[123]

Upon being informed of the indictment, he urged his followers not to take any action if he was going to be sentenced to less than six months in prison, stressing that he wanted to give an example of dignity, but ordered a group of Legionaries to defend him in case of an attack by the authorities.[6] He was arrested together with 44 other prominent members of the movement, including Ion Zelea Codreanu, Georgiy Klim, Aleksandru Kristian ayt, Radu Gyr, Nae Ionesku, Şerban Milcoveanu va Mixail Polihroniade, on the evening of April 16.[6] The crackdown coincided with the Orthodox celebration of Palm Sunday (when all those targeted were known to be in their homes).[6] Qisqa vaqtdan keyin Ruminiya politsiyasi Prefecture, Codreanu was dispatched to Jilava prison, while the other prisoners were sent to Tismana monastiri (va keyinroq kontslagerlar ichidagi kabi Miercurea Ciuc ).[6]

Codreanu was tried for slander and sentenced to six months in jail, before the authorities indicted him for fitna, and for the crimes of politically organizing underage students, issuing orders inciting to violence, maintaining links with foreign organizations, and organizing fire practices.[6] Of the people to give evidence in his favor at the trial, the best-known was General Ion Antonesku, keyinchalik kim edi Dirijyor and Premier of Romania.[6]

The two trials were marked by irregularities, and Codreanu accused the judges and prosecutors of conducting it in a "Bolshevik " manner, because he had not been allowed to speak in his own defence.[6] He sought the counsel of the prominent lawyers Istrat Micesku va Grigore Yunian, but was refused by both, and, as a consequence, his defence team comprised Legionary activists with little experience.[6] They were several times prevented by the authorities from preparing their pleas.[6] The conditions of his imprisonment were initially harsh: his cell was damp and cold, which caused him health problems.[6]

Hukm va o'lim

Codreanu's funeral, December 1940

He was eventually sentenced to ten years of og'ir mehnat.[6][124] According to historian Ilarion Țiu, the trial and verdict were received with general apathy, and the only political faction believed to have organized a public rally in connection with it was the outlawed Ruminiya Kommunistik partiyasi, some of whose members gathered in front of the tribunal to express support for the conviction.[6] The movement itself grew disorganized, and provincial bodies of the Legion came to exercise control over the center, which had been weakened by the arrests.[6] While the political establishment's main branches welcomed the news of Codreanu's sentencing, the Iron Guard organized a retaliation attack targeting the National Peasant Party's Virjil Madgearu, who had become known for expressing his opposition to the movement's extremism (Madgearu managed to escape the violence unharmed).[6]

Codreanu was moved from Jilava to Doftana qamoqxonasi, where, despite the sentence, he was not required to perform any form of physical work.[6] The conditions of his detention improved, and he was allowed to regularly communicate with his family and subordinates.[6] At the time, he rejected all possibility of an escape, and ordered the Legion to refrain from violent acts.[6] However, the provisional leadership announced that he was faring badly, and threatened with more retaliation measures, to the point where the prison staff increased security as a means to prevent a potential break-in.[6]

In the autumn, following the successful Nazi German expansion into Markaziy Evropa which seemed to provide momentum for the Guard, and especially the international context provided by the Myunxen shartnomasi va Birinchi Vena mukofoti, its clandestine leadership grew confident and published manifestos threatening King Carol.[6] Those members of the Iron Guard who escaped or were omitted in the first place started a violent campaign throughout Romania, meant to coincide with Carol's visit to Hitler at the Berghof, as a way to prevent the tentative approach between Romania and Nazi Germany; confident that Hitler was not determined on supporting the Legion, and irritated by the incidents, Carol ordered the decapitation of the movement.[125]

On 30 November, it was announced that Codreanu, the Nikadori va Decemviri had been shot after trying to flee custody the previous night.[126] The details were revealed much later: the fourteen persons had been transported from their prison and executed (strangled or garroted and shot) by the Jandarmiya atrofida Tancăbesti (near Bucharest), and it was shown that their bodies had been buried in the courtyard of the Jilava prison.[127][128] Their bodies were dissolved in acid, and placed under seven tons of concrete.[127]

Meros

Lifetime influence and Legionary power

1940 stamp issued by the Milliy legioner davlat and showing Codreanu. The caption reads: "Captain, may you give the country the likeness of the Holy Sun [that shines] up in the sky"

Ga binoan Adrian Cioroianu, Codreanu was "the most successful political and at the same time anti-political model of urushlararo Romania".[17] The Legion was described by British researcher Norman Devies as "one of Europe's more violent fascist movements."[127] Stenli G. Peyn also argued that the Iron Guard was "probably the most unusual mass movement of interwar Europe", and noted that part of this was owed to Codreanu being "a sort of religious mystic",[79] while British historian James Mayall sees the Legion as "the most singular of the lesser fascist movements".[61]

The xarizmatik etakchilik represented by Codreanu has drawn comparisons with models favored by other leaders of far right and fascist movements, including Hitler and Benito Mussolini.[73][129] Payne and German historian Ernst Nolte proposed that, among European far rightists, Codreanu was most like Hitler in what concerns fanaticism.[129] In Payne's view, however, he was virtually unparalleled in demanding "self-destructiveness" from his followers.[129] Mayall, who admits the Legion "was inspired in large measure by Milliy sotsializm and fascism", argues that Corneliu Zelea Codreanu's vision of omul nou, although akin to the "new man" of Nazi and Italian doctrines, is characterized by an unparalleled focus on mysticism.[61] Tarixchi Renzo De Felice, who dismisses the notion that Nazism and fascism are connected, also argues that, due to Legionary attack on "burjua values and institutions", which the fascist ideology wanted instead to "purify and perfect", Codreanu "was not, strictly speaking, a fascist."[130] Ispaniya historian Francisco Veiga argued that "fascization" was a process experienced by the Guard, accumulating traits over a more generic nationalist fiber.[131]

Amerikalik jurnalistning fikriga ko'ra R. G. Valdek, who was present in Romania in 1940–1941, Codreanu's violent killing only served to cement his popularity and aroused interest in his cause. She wrote: "To the Rumanian people the Capitano [that is, Kipitanul] remained a saint and a martyr and the apostle of a better Rumania. Even skeptical ones who did not agree with him in political matters still grew dreamy-eyed remembering Codreanu."[132] Tarixchi Lucian Boia notes that Codreanu, his rival Carol II, and military leader Ion Antonesku were each in turn perceived as "savior" figures by the Romanian public, and that, unlike other such examples of popular men, they all preached avtoritarizm.[133] Cioroianu also writes that Codreanu's death "whether or not paradoxically, would increase the personage's charisma and would turn him straight into a legend."[134] Attitudes similar to those described by Waldeck were relatively widespread among Romanian youths, many of whom came to join the Iron Guard out of admiration for the deceased Codreanu while still in middle or high school.[135]

Dirijyor of Romania Marshal Ion Antonescu and Iron Guard leader Horia Sima in a tribute to Iron Guard founder Codreanu, October 1940

Boshchiligidagi Horia Sima, the Iron Guard eventually came to power in 1940–1941, proclaiming the fascist Milliy legioner davlat and forming an uneasy partnership with Dirijyor Ion Antonescu. This was a result of Carol's downfall, effected by the Ikkinchi Vena mukofoti, through which Romania had lost Shimoliy Transilvaniya ga Vengriya. On November 25, 1940, an investigation was carried out on the Jilava prison premises. The discovery of Codreanu and his associates' remains caused the Legionaries to engage in a reprisal against the new regime's political prisoners, who were detained on the same spot. On the next night, sixty-four inmates were shot, while on the 27th and 28 November there were fresh arrests and swift executions, with prominent victims such as Iorga and Virjil Madgearu (qarang Jilava qirg'ini ).[136] The widespread disorder brought the first open clash between Antonescu and the Legion.[137] During the events, Codreanu was o'limdan keyin exonerated of all charges by a Legionary tribunal.[138] His exhumation was a grandiose ceremony, marked by the participation of Romania's new ally, Nazi Germany — Luftwaffe planes dropped wreaths on Codreanu's open tomb.[127]

Codreanu's wife Elena withdrew from the public eye after her husband's killing, but, after the kommunistik rejim took hold, was arrested and deported to the Bărăgan, where she grew close to women aviators of the Moviy otryad.[139] She also met and married Barbu Praporgescu (son of General Devid Praporgesku ), moving in with him in Bucharest after their liberation.[139] Widowed for a second time, she spent her final years with her relatives in Moldavia.[139]

Codreanu and modern-day political discourse

The movement was eventually toppled from power by Antonescu as a consequence of the Legioner isyon. The events associated with Sima's term in office resulted in the conflicted tendencies within the Legion and its contemporary successors: many "Codrenist" Legionaries claim to obey Codreanu and his father Ion Zelea, but not Sima, while, at the same time, the "Simist" faction claims to have followed Codreanu's guidance and inspiration in carrying out violent acts.[140]

Codreanu had an enduring influence in Italiya. His views and style were attested to have influenced the controversial An'anaviy philosopher and racial theorist Julius Evola. Evola himself met with Codreanu on one occasion, and, in the words of his friend, the writer and historian Mircha Eliade, was "dazzled".[141] Reportedly, the visit had been arranged by Eliade and philosopher Vasile Lovinesku, both of whom sympathized with the Iron Guard.[142] Their guest later wrote that the Iron Guard founder was: "one of the worthiest and spiritually best oriented figures that I ever met in the nationalist movements of the time."[143] According to De Felice, Codreanu has also become a main reference point for the Italian neofashist groups, alongside Evola and the ideologues of Nazism. He argues that this phenomenon, which tends to shadow references to Italiya fashizmi itself, is owed to Mussolini's failures in setting up "a true fascist state", and to the subsequent need of finding other role models.[144] Evola's disciple and prominent neofascist activist Franko Freda published several of Codreanu's essays at his Edizioni di Ar,[145] while their follower Claudio Mutti was noted for his pro-Legionary rhetoric.[146]

In parallel, Codreanu is seen as a hero by representatives of the maverick Neo-natsist sifatida tanilgan harakat Strasserizm,[147] and in particular by the British-based Strasserist Xalqaro uchinchi pozitsiya (ITP), which uses one of Codreanu's statements as its motto.[148] Codreanu's activities and mystical interpretation of politics were probably an inspiration on Ruscha siyosatchi Aleksandr Barkashov, founder of the far right Rossiya milliy birligi.[149]

Keyin Ruminiya inqilobi toppled the communist regime, various extremist groups began claiming to represent Codreanu's legacy. Reportedly, one of the first was the short-lived Mişcarea pentru România ("Movement for Romania"), founded by the student leader Marian Munteanu.[150] It was soon followed by the Romanian branch of the ITP and its Timșoara -based mouthpiece, the journal Gazeta de Vest, as well as by other groups claiming to represent the Legionary legacy.[148][151] Ikkinchisi orasida Noua Dreaptu, which depicts him as a spiritual figure and often with attributes equivalent to those of a Ruminiya pravoslavlari avliyo.[152] Each year around November 30, these diverse groups have been known to reunite in Tâncăbești, where they organize festivities to commemorate Codreanu's death.[152][153]

2000-yillarning boshlarida, Gigi Bekali, Romanian businessman, owner of the Steaua București football club and president of the right-wing Yangi avlod partiyasi, said that he admires Codreanu and has otherwise made attempts to capitalize on Legionary symbols and rhetoric, such as adopting a slogan originally coined by the Iron Guard: "I vow to God that I shall make Romania in the likeness of the holy sun in the sky".[154][155] The statement, used by Becali during the 2004 yilgi prezidentlik kampaniyasi, owed its inspiration to Legionary songs, was found in a much-publicized homage sent by Ion Mota to his Captain in 1937,[155] and is also said to have been used by Codreanu himself.[154][156] As a result of it, Becali was argued to have broken the 2002 government ordinance banning the use of fascist discourse.[155] However, the Central Electoral Bureau rejected complaints against Becali, ruling that the slogan was not "identical" to the Legionary one.[155] During the same period, Becali, speaking live in front of Oglinda Television cameras, called for Codreanu to be kanonizatsiya qilingan.[155] The station was fined 50 million ley tomonidan Milliy audiovizual kengash (around 1,223 USD, in the year 2004).[155]

A Ruminiya televideniesi poll conducted in 2006, Codreanu was voted the 22nd among 100 eng buyuk ruminlar, coming in between Steaua footballer Mirel Rodoy at number 21 and the interwar democratic politician Nikolae Titulesku 23-raqamda.[157]

Madaniy ma'lumotnomalar

Late in the 1930s, Codreanu's supporters began publishing books praising his virtues, among which are Vasiliy Marin "s Crez de Generație ("Generation Credo") and Nicolae Roșu's Orientări în Veac ("Orientations in the Century"), both published in 1937.[158] After the National Legionary State officially hailed Corneliu Zelea Codreanu as a martyr to the cause, his image came to be used as a tashviqot tool in cultural contexts. Codreanu was integrated into the Legionary cult of death: usually at Iron Guard rallies, Codreanu and other fallen members were mentioned and greeted with the shout Prezent! ("Present!").[60][159] Uning shaxsga sig'inish was reflected into Legionary art, and a stylized image of him was displayed at major rallies, including the notorious and large-scale Bucharest ceremony of October 6, 1940.[159] Although Codreanu was officially condemned by the communist regime a generation later, it is possible that, in its final stage under Nikolae Cheesku, it came to use the Captain's personality cult as a source of inspiration.[160] The post-kommunistik Noua Dreaptă, which publicizes portraits of Codreanu in the form of Orthodox icons, often makes use of such representation in its public rallies, usually associating it with its own symbol, the Seltik xoch.[152]

In November 1940, the Legionary journalist Ovid Țopa, publishing in the Guard's newspaper Buna Vestire, claimed that Codreanu stood alongside the mythical Dacian prophet and "precursor of Christ" Zalmoksis, 15-asr Moldaviya shahzodasi Buyuk Stiven, and Romania's national poet Mixay Eminesku, as an essential figure of Romanian history and Romanian spirituality.[161] Other Legionary texts of the time drew a similar parallel between Codreanu, Eminescu, and the 18th century Transilvaniya Romanian peasant leader Horeya.[161] Thus, in 1937, sociologist Ernest Bernea had authored Cartea căpitanilor ("The Book of Captains"), where the preferred comparison was between Codreanu, Horea, and Horea's 19th century counterparts Tudor Vladimiresku va Avram Yanku.[162] Also in November 1940, Codreanu was the subject of a conference given by the young philosopher Emil Cioran and aired by the state-owned Ruminiya radiosi, in which Cioran notably praised the Guard's leader for "having given Romania a purpose".[163] Other tribute pieces in various media came from other radical intellectuals of the period: Eliade, brothers Arșavir va Xeyg aktyor, Traian Brileanu, Nichifor Crainic, N. Crevedia, Radu Gyr, Traian Xerseni, Nae Ionesku, Konstantin Noika, Petre P. Panaitescu va Marietta Sadova.[164]

The Legionary leader was portrayed in a poem by his follower Gyr, who notably spoke of Codreanu's death as a prelude to his tirilish.[165] In contrast, Codreanu's schoolmate Petre Pandrea, who spent part of his life as a Ruminiya Kommunistik partiyasi affiliate, left an unflattering memoir of their encounters, used as a preferential source in texts on Codreanu published during the communist period.[166] Despite his earlier confrontation with the Iron Guard, the leftist poet Tudor Arghezi is thought by some to have deplored Codreanu's killing, and to have alluded to it in his poem version of the Făt-Frumos hikoyalar.[167] Eliade, whose early Legionary sympathies became a notorious topic of outrage, was indicated by his disciple Ioan Petru Kulianu to have based Eugen Cucoanes, the main character in his novella Un om mare ("A Big Man"), on Codreanu.[146] This hypothesis was commented upon by literary critics Matei Clineses va Mircha Iorgulesku, the latter of whom argued that there was too little evidence to support it.[146] The neofascist Claudio Mutti claimed that Codreanu inspired the character Ieronim Thanase in Eliade's Nouăsprăzece trandafiri ("Nineteen Roses") story, a view rejected by Călinescu.[146]

Izohlar

  1. ^ Although "Zelea" is in fact a surname, not a middle name, dictionary entries generally refer to Codreanu as "Codreanu, Corneliu Zelea.
  1. ^ Ruminiyadagi Xolokost bo'yicha xalqaro komissiya (2004). Yakuniy hisobot. Bucharest: Polirom. p. 45. ISBN  973-681-989-2.
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  3. ^ a b Yavetz, Zvi (1991). "An Eyewitness Note: Reflections on the Rumanian Iron Guard". Zamonaviy tarix jurnali. 26 (3/4): 597–610. doi:10.1177/002200949102600313. JSTOR  260662.
  4. ^ a b Xyu Seton-Uotson, The East European Revolution, Frederick A. Prager, New York, 1961, p.206
  5. ^ Jelavich, pp.204–205; Emil Cioran, a philosopher who, early in his life, had been attracted to the Iron Guard, stated in a later interview that he believed Corneliu Zelea Codreanu to be "in fact, Slavyan, a ko'proq Ukrain hetman type" (Cioran, Convorbiri cu Cioran, Humanitas, Bucharest, 1993, in Ornea, p.198)
  6. ^ a b v d e f g h men j k l m n o p q r s t siz v w x y z aa ab ak (Rumin tilida) Ilarion Ziu, "Relaţiile regimului autoritar al lui Carol al II-lea cu opoziţia. Studiu de caz: arestarea conducerii Mişcării Legionare"[o'lik havola ], yilda Revista Erasmus Arxivlandi 2008-02-23 da Orqaga qaytish mashinasi, 14/2003–2005, at the Buxarest universiteti Tarix fakulteti; retrieved February 13, 2008
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  8. ^ Veiga, p.51, 68
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  13. ^ Veiga, p.48-49, 54
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  105. ^ Codreanu, Corneliu "The Resurrection of the Race" pages 221–222 from Fashizm edited by Roger Griffin, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995 page 221.
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  107. ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.35, 45
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