Ion Antonesku - Ion Antonescu
Ion Antonesku | |
|---|---|
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| Ruminiya dirijyori | |
| Ofisda 1940 yil 6 sentyabr - 1944 yil 23 avgust | |
| Oldingi | Lavozim belgilandi Kerol II kabi Ruminiya qiroli |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Lavozim bekor qilindi |
| Ruminiya Bosh vaziri | |
| Ofisda 1940 yil 5 sentyabr - 1944 yil 23 avgust | |
| Monarx | Kerol II Maykl I |
| O'rinbosar | Horia Sima (1940-1941) Mixay Antonesku (1941-1944) |
| Oldingi | Ion Gigurtu |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Konstantin Sonetsku |
| Harbiy vazir | |
| Ofisda 1941 yil 22 sentyabr - 1942 yil 23 yanvar | |
| Bosh Vazir | O'zi |
| Oldingi | Iosif Iacobici |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Konstantin Pantazi |
| Ofisda 1940 yil 4 sentyabr - 1941 yil 27 yanvar | |
| Bosh Vazir | O'zi |
| Oldingi | Konstantin Nikolesku |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Iosif Iacobici |
| Ofisda 1937 yil 28 dekabr - 1938 yil 31 mart | |
| Bosh Vazir | Oktavian Goga Miron Kristea |
| Oldingi | Konstantin Ilasievich |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Gheorghe Argeanu |
| Madaniyat va din ishlari vaziri | |
(Aktyorlik) | |
| Ofisda 1941 yil 11 noyabr - 1941 yil 5 dekabr | |
| Bosh Vazir | O'zi |
| Oldingi | Radu R. Rozetti |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Ion Petrovici |
| Tashqi ishlar vaziri | |
(Aktyorlik) | |
| Ofisda 1941 yil 27 yanvar - 1941 yil 29 iyun | |
| Bosh Vazir | O'zi |
| Oldingi | Mixail R. Sturdza |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Mixay Antonesku |
| Havo transporti va dengiz vaziri | |
(Aktyorlik) | |
| Ofisda 1938 yil 10 fevral - 1938 yil 30 mart | |
| Bosh Vazir | Miron Kristea |
| Oldingi | Radu Irimesku |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Pol Teodoresku |
| Ruminiya Bosh shtabi boshlig'i | |
| Ofisda 1933 yil 1-dekabr - 1934 yil 11-dekabr | |
| Monarx | Kerol II |
| Oldingi | Konstantin Lezresku |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Nikolae Samsonovici |
| Shaxsiy ma'lumotlar | |
| Tug'ilgan | 1882 yil 14-iyun[1] Pitesti, Argez okrugi, Ruminiya Qirolligi |
| O'ldi | 1946 yil 1-iyun (63 yosh) Jilava, Ilfov okrugi, Ruminiya Qirolligi |
| O'lim sababi | Otishma otib tashlash |
| Millati | Rumin |
| Siyosiy partiya | Yo'q[b] |
| Turmush o'rtoqlar | |
| Kasb | Askar |
| Ma'lum | Bessarabiya va Bukovinani qaytarib olish |
| Din | Ruminiya pravoslavlari |
| Harbiy xizmat | |
| Taxallus (lar) | Kainel Roxu ("Qizil it") |
| Sadoqat |  Ruminiya (1904-1944)  Eksa kuchlari (1940-1944) |
| Filial / xizmat |  Ruminiya quruqlik qo'shinlari |
| Xizmat qilgan yillari | 1904–1944 |
| Rank |  Ruminiya marshali |
| Buyruqlar | Bosh qo'mondon ning Ruminiya qurolli kuchlari |
| Janglar / urushlar | 1907 yil Dehqonlar qo'zg'oloni |
| Mukofotlar | Jasur Maykl ordeni Ritsarning temir xochning xochi Qrim qalqoni |
| Jinoiy hukm | |
| Sudlanganlik (lar) | Harbiy jinoyatlar Tinchlikka qarshi jinoyat Insoniyatga qarshi jinoyatlar Xiyonat |
| Sinov | Ruminiya Xalq Tribunallari |
| Jinoiy jazo | O'lim jazosi |
| Tafsilotlar | |
| Jabrlanganlar | Ruminiya yahudiylari Ukraina yahudiylari Rim xalqi |
| a. ^ Qarang Legioner isyon (1941 yil 21-23 yanvar) b. ^ Bilan rasmiy ravishda ittifoqdosh Temir qo'riqchi (1940–41) | |
| Serialning bir qismi |
| Fashizm Ruminiya |
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Tashkilotlar
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Davriy nashrlar |
Tadbirlar
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Ion Antonesku (/ˌæntəˈnɛskuː/; Rumincha:[jon antoˈnesku] (
tinglang); 14 iyun [O.S. 2 iyun] 1882 - 1946 yil 1 iyun) a Rumin ketma-ket ikkita rahbarlik qilgan askar urush davridagi diktatura sifatida Bosh Vazir Ikkinchi Jahon urushining aksariyat davrida. Urushdan keyin u qatl qilindi.
A Ruminiya armiyasi davomida o'z nomini e'lon qilgan mansab xodimi 1907 yilgi dehqonlar qo'zg'oloni va Birinchi jahon urushi Ruminiya kampaniyasi, antisemitik Antonesku hamdard o'ta o'ng va fashist Milliy nasroniy va Temir qo'riqchi urushlararo davrning katta qismi uchun guruhlar. U Frantsiyadagi harbiy attashe va keyinchalik Bosh shtab boshlig'i, qisqacha bo'lib xizmat qiladi Mudofaa vaziri Milliy nasroniylar kabinetida Oktavian Goga shuningdek keyingi Birinchi Cristea shkafi, unda u shuningdek havo va dengiz vaziri sifatida ishlagan. 1930-yillarning oxirlarida uning siyosiy pozitsiyasi uni King bilan ziddiyatga olib keldi Kerol II va uning hibsga olinishiga olib keldi. Antonesku, baribir 1940 yildagi siyosiy inqiroz paytida siyosiy mavqega ko'tarildi va Milliy legioner davlat, temir gvardiya rahbari bilan noqulay hamkorlik Horia Sima. Ruminiyaga ittifoqqa kirgandan so'ng Natsistlar Germaniyasi va ta'minlash Adolf Gitler ishonch, u davomida Guardni yo'q qildi Legioner isyon 1941 yil. Bosh vazir bo'lishdan tashqari u o'zining tashqi ishlar vaziri va mudofaa vaziri bo'lib ishlagan. Ruminiya "Axis" ga qo'shilganidan ko'p o'tmay Barbarossa operatsiyasi, tiklanish Bessarabiya va Shimoliy Bukovina, Antonesku ham bo'ldi Ruminiya marshali.
Oddiy bo'lmagan raqam Holokost jinoyatchilar, Antonesku 400 mingga yaqin odamning o'limi uchun mustaqil ravishda mas'ul bo'lgan siyosatni amalga oshirdi, ularning aksariyati Bessarabiya, Ukrain va Ruminiya yahudiylari, shu qatorda; shu bilan birga Ruminiyalik Romani. Rejim Holokostda ishtirok etish kabi birlashgan pogromlar va ommaviy qotilliklar Odessa qirg'ini bilan etnik tozalash va ishg'ol qilinganlarga muntazam ravishda deportatsiya qilish Dnestryani. Amaldagi tizim baribir o'ldirishdan ko'ra talon-taroj qilishni birinchi o'ringa qo'ygan va aksariyat yahudiylarga nisbatan yumshoqlikni ko'rsatadigan yagona ziddiyatlar bilan ajralib turardi. Eski Shohlik va oxir-oqibat qabul qilishdan bosh tortish Yakuniy echim davomida qo'llanilgandek Natsistlar tomonidan bosib olingan Evropa. Bunga Ruminiya, fashistlar Germaniyasining kichik ittifoqchisi sifatida, bosib olinishidan qochib qutulishi mumkin bo'lganligi tufayli erishildi. Vermaxt va siyosiy avtonomiyani saqlab qolish.
Ittifoqchilar tomonidan Ruminiyaga havo hujumlari 1944 yilda sodir bo'lgan va Ruminiya qo'shinlari katta yo'qotishlarga duch kelgan Sharqiy front, Antoneskuni ittifoqchilar bilan tinchlik muzokaralarini boshlashga undadi va natijasi noaniq natijalar bilan yakunlandi. 1944 yil 23-avgustda qirol rahbarlik qildi davlat to'ntarishi hibsga olingan Antoneskuga qarshi; urushdan keyin u urush jinoyatlarida ayblanib, 1946 yil iyun oyida qatl etilgan. Uning Holokostdagi ishtiroki rasman tasdiqlangan va 2003 yildan keyin qoralangan Vizel komissiyasi hisobot.
Biografiya
Dastlabki hayot va martaba
Shahrida tug'ilgan Pitesti, poytaxtning shimoli-g'arbiy qismida joylashgan Buxarest, Antonesku edi scion ning yuqori o'rta sinf Ruminiya pravoslavlari ba'zi harbiy urf-odatlar bilan oila.[1] U, ayniqsa, o'limidan omon qolgan onasi Lița Baranga juda yaqin edi.[2] Uning otasi, armiya zobiti, Ionni izidan yurishini xohlagan va shu tariqa uni piyoda va otliqlar maktabiga o'qishga yuborgan. Krayova.[1] Bolaligida otasi pravoslavlikni qabul qilgan yahudiy ayolga uylanish uchun onasidan ajrashgan.[3] Ota-onasining nikohining buzilishi yosh Antonesku uchun og'ir voqea bo'ldi va u har doim o'zini tasvirlab bergan o'gay onasini yoqtirmasligini yashirmadi. femme fatale ota-onasining baxtli nikohi deb bilgan narsani buzgan.[3]
Bir ma'lumotga ko'ra, Ion Antonesku qisqacha sinfdoshi bo'lgan Vilgelm Filderman, Kelajak Ruminiyalik yahudiylar jamoasi aralashuvi bo'lgan faol Dirijyor Antonesku o'zining bir qator yadrochilarini qutqarishda yordam berdi.[4] Bitirgandan so'ng, 1904 yilda Antonesku ikkinchi leytenant unvoni bilan Ruminiya armiyasiga qo'shildi. Keyingi ikki yilni u maxsus otliqlar bo'limidagi kurslarda qatnashdi Torgovíte.[1] Xabar qilinishicha, Antonesku g'ayratli va maqsadlarni ko'zlovchi talaba bo'lgan, past darajadagi lavozim ko'tarilishidan xafa bo'lgan va qattiqligi tufayli uning kichraytirishi uchun o'rnini qoplagan.[5] Vaqt o'tishi bilan, qizg'ish sochlari bilan birga qattiq va shafqatsiz qo'mondon bo'lish obro'si unga laqab qo'ydi Kainel Roxu ("Qizil it").[5] Antonesku, shuningdek, o'z qo'mondonlarini so'roq qilish va ularning xatolarini sezganida boshlari ustidan shikoyat qilish uchun obro'ga ega bo'ldi.[5]
Qatag'on paytida 1907 yilgi dehqonlar qo'zg'oloni, u otliq qismni boshqargan Covurlui okrugi.[1][5] Uning voqealardagi roli haqidagi fikrlar bir-biridan farq qiladi: ba'zi tarixchilar Antonesku qo'zg'olonni bostirishda ayniqsa zo'ravonlik bilan qatnashgan deb hisoblashadi,[5][6] boshqalar uning ishtirokini oddiy ofitserlar bilan tenglashtiradilar[5] yoki buni nihoyatda muloyim deb biling.[1] Antonesku dehqonlarning noroziligini cheklashdan tashqari, unga bo'ysundirildi sotsialistik faoliyati Galați port.[6] Vaziyatni boshqarish uning maqtoviga sazovor bo'ldi Qirol Kerol I, valiahd shahzodani (bo'lajak monarx) yuborgan Ferdinand uni butun garnizon oldida tabriklash uchun.[1] Keyingi yil Antonesku leytenant unvoniga ega bo'ldi va 1911-1913 yillarda u ishtirok etdi Ilg'or urush maktabi, tugatgandan so'ng kapitan unvonini olish.[1] 1913 yilda, davomida Ikkinchi Bolqon urushi qarshi Bolgariya, Antonesku a vazifasini o'tagan xodim ofitseri birinchi otliq diviziyasida Dobruja.[1]
Birinchi jahon urushi
1916 yildan so'ng, Ruminiya Birinchi Jahon urushiga ittifoqchilar tomonida kirganda, Ion Antonesku generalning shtabi boshlig'i vazifasini bajargan. Konstantin Prezan.[1] Dushman qo'shinlari Transilvaniyadan tog'larni kesib o'tganda Valaxiya, Antoneskuga Buxarest uchun mudofaa rejasini tuzish buyurilgan.[1]
Ruminiya qirol sudi, armiyasi va ma'muriyati keyinchalik orqaga chekinishga majbur bo'ldi Moldaviya. Antonesku mudofaa harakatlarini o'z ichiga olgan muhim qarorda qatnashdi, ehtimol bu uning ambitsiyalarini qo'zg'atgan g'ayrioddiy reklama.[5] Dekabr oyida, Prezan bo'lib Bosh shtab boshlig'i, Antonesku, hozirgi kunga qadar mayor bo'lgan, operatsiyalar boshlig'i deb nomlangan, Moldaviyani himoya qilishda ishtirok etgan. U davomida ishlatilgan taktikaga hissa qo'shdi Meritti jangi (1917 yil iyul-avgust), qachon generallar boshchiligidagi ruminlar Eremiya Grigoresku Feldmarshal qo'mondonligi ostida nemis kuchlarining oldinga siljishini to'xtatishga muvaffaq bo'ldi Avgust fon Makensen.[7] "Iqtidorli, agar tikanli shaxs" deb ta'riflansa,[8] Antonesku urushning qolgan qismida Prezan yaqinida yashagan va uning qarorlariga ta'sir ko'rsatgan.[9] Antoneskuning General Prezanga bo'lgan ta'siri shu general edi Aleksandru Averesku o'z xotiralarida Prezanning rejalari va harakatlarini ko'rsatish uchun "Prezan (Antonesku)" formulasidan foydalangan.[10]
O'sha kuzda Ruminiyaning asosiy ittifoqchisi Rossiya Muvaqqat hukumati, mojaroni tark etdi. Uning vorisi bolsheviklar Rossiyasi Markaziy kuchlar bilan sulh tuzib, Ruminiyani Markaziy kuchlarning yagona dushmani sifatida qoldirdi. Sharqiy front. Bunday sharoitda Ruminiya hukumati o'zini o'zi qildi Markaziy kuchlar bilan tinchlik shartnomasi. Ruminiya shoh Ferdinand I imzolamaganligi sababli yil oxirida shartnomani buzdi. Vaqt oralig'ida alohida tinchlikni "eng oqilona echim" deb hisoblagan Antoneskuga otliqlar polki ustidan qo'mondonlik tayinlandi.[9] Yangilangan hujum hujumni ta'minlashda muhim rol o'ynadi Transilvaniyaning Ruminiya bilan birlashishi. Urushdan keyin Antoneskuning operatsiya zobiti sifatidagi xizmatlarini boshqalar qatori siyosatchi ham sezdi Ion G. Duka, "uning [Antoneskuning] aql-zakovati, mahorati va faoliyati o'ziga ishonch va mamlakatga bebaho xizmat olib keldi" deb yozgan.[9] Urush oxirida sodir bo'lgan yana bir voqea ham Antonesku hayotida katta rol o'ynagan deb hisoblanadi: 1918 yilda valiahd shahzoda Kerol (bo'lajak qirol Kerol II) o'z qo'shinini oddiy odamga topshirdi. Bu Antoneskuni g'azablantirdi, u bo'lajak qirolga nisbatan doimiy nafratni rivojlantirdi.[5]
Diplomatik topshiriqlar va Bosh shtab lavozimlari
Podpolkovnik Ion Antonesku urushlar oralig'ida jamoatchilik e'tiborida ko'rinishini saqlab qoldi. U tan olinishi uchun siyosiy kampaniyada ishtirok etdi Parij tinchlik konferentsiyasi 1919 yil Ruminiyaning Transilvaniyadagi yutuqlari uchun. Uning kelajakdagi davlat haqidagi millatchilik dalili insho sifatida nashr etildi Romanii. Origina, traktul, qurbonlik și drepturile lor ("Ruminlar. Ularning kelib chiqishi, o'tmishi, qurbonliklari va huquqlari"). Buklet Ruminiya hukmronligini chegaralaridan tashqariga chiqarishni qo'llab-quvvatlagan Katta Ruminiya va paydo bo'lishi bilan urush xavfi ostida tavsiya etiladi Yugoslaviya qirolligi, barchaning qo'shilishi Banat maydonlar va Timok vodiysi.[11] Antonesku kayfiyatning tez-tez va tartibsiz o'zgarib turishi bilan tanilgan edi, u o'ta g'azabdan xotirjamlikdan yana g'azablanishga, yana bir necha daqiqada tinchlanishga, u bilan ishlashga majbur bo'lganlarni tez-tez yo'naltirmaydigan xatti-harakatlarga o'tdi.[3] Isroil tarixchisi Jan Ancel Antoneskuning tez-tez kayfiyatini o'zgartirishi uning yoshligida yuqtirgan sifilis tufayli sodir bo'lganligi, bu kasallik umrining oxirigacha azoblangani haqida yozgan.[3]
U 1922 yilda Parijda attashega aylandi. U frantsuz qurollarini sotib olish uchun 100 million frantsuz frankiga kredit ajratish to'g'risida kelishib oldi.[12] Ruminiyalik diplomat bilan birga ishlagan Nikolae Titulesku; ikkalasi shaxsiy do'st bo'lishdi.[13] Shuningdek, u Ruminiyada tug'ilgan konservativ aristokrat va yozuvchi bilan aloqada bo'lgan Marthe Bibesko g'oyalari bilan Antoneskuni tanishtirgan Gustav Le Bon, tadqiqotchisi olomon psixologiyasi fashizmga ta'sir ko'rsatgan.[14] Bibesko Antoneskuni 19-asr millatchi frantsuzning yangi versiyasi sifatida ko'rdi Jorj Bulanger, uni Le Bon bilan tanishtirdi.[14] 1923 yilda u advokat bilan tanishdi Mixay Antonesku uning yaqin do'sti, qonuniy vakili va siyosiy hamkori bo'lishi kerak edi.[15]
1926 yilda Ruminiyaga qaytib kelganidan so'ng, Antonesku Sibiuda o'qitishni davom ettirdi va 1928 yilning kuzida Bosh kotib bo'ldi. Mudofaa vazirligi ichida Vintilă Brutianu kabinet.[13] U turmushga chiqdi Mariya Nikulesku, uzoq vaqt oldin Frantsiyada yashovchi, bundan oldin ikki marta turmush qurgan: birinchi a Ruminiya politsiyasi ofitser, u bilan birga o'g'li Gheorghe (1944 yilda vafot etgan), so'ngra kelib chiqishi yahudiy bo'lgan frantsuzga.[16] Bosh shtab boshlig'ining o'rinbosari bo'lgan davrdan so'ng,[13] u uning boshlig'i etib tayinlangan (1933–1934). Ushbu topshiriqlar Kerolning voyaga etmagan o'g'lining hukmronligiga to'g'ri keldi Maykl I va uning regentslari va 1930 yilda Kerolning hokimiyatni qo'lga kiritishi bilan. Bu davrda Antonesku birinchi marta qiziqishni kuchaytirdi. Temir qo'riqchi boshchiligidagi antisemitik va fashistik harakat Corneliu Zelea Codreanu. Shtab boshlig'ining o'rinbosari sifatida u armiyaning razvedka bo'limiga fraksiya to'g'risida hisobot tuzishni buyurdi va Codreanu-ning turli bayonotlariga bir qator tanqidiy eslatmalar qildi.[13]
Ma'lumotlarga ko'ra, shtab boshlig'i sifatida Antonesku siyosiy sinf va monarx bilan birinchi to'qnashuviga duch kelgan. Uning qurollarni modernizatsiya qilish bo'yicha loyihalari Mudofaa vaziri tomonidan so'roq qilindi Pol Anjelesku, Antoneskuni iste'foga chiqishini taklif qilishiga olib keldi.[13] Boshqa bir ma'lumotga ko'ra, u rasmiy hisobotni to'ldirdi o'zlashtirish bilvosita Kerol va unga aloqador bo'lgan armiya mablag'lari kamarilla (qarang Škoda ishi ).[5][17] Binobarin, qirol uni siyosiy lavozimning ayrim guruhlari orasida g'azablantirib, uni ishdan bo'shatishni buyurdi.[5] Kerolning buyrug'i bilan Antonesku tomonidan kuzatuv ostiga olindi Siguranța Statului razvedka xizmati va tomonidan yaqindan kuzatib boriladi Ichki ishlar vazirligi Kotib Armand Clineses.[18] Zobitning siyosiy vakolatlari tobora ortib borar edi, chunki u siyosiy spektrning barcha tomonlarida odamlar bilan aloqalarni o'rnatgan va qo'llab-quvvatlagan, shu bilan birga Kerolni qo'llab-quvvatlash keskin pasaygan. Ular orasida ikkita asosiy demokratik guruhlar bilan aloqalar mavjud edi Milliy liberal va Milliy dehqonlar, PNL va PNȚ sifatida tanilgan partiyalar.[5] U ko'tarilish bilan munozaralarda ham qatnashgan juda to'g'ri, antisemitik va fashistik harakatlar; garchi bir-biri bilan raqobatdosh bo'lsa ham, ikkalasi ham Milliy xristian partiyasi (PNC) ning Oktavian Goga va temir gvardiya Antoneskuni o'z tomoniga jalb qilishga intildi.[5][19] 1936 yilda, hokimiyatning ogohlantirishiga ko'ra, armiya generali va temir gvardiyasi a'zosi Gheorghe Cantacuzino-Grănicerul Ion Antonesku va harakat rahbari Corneliu Codreanu o'rtasida uchrashuv tashkil qildi. Xabarlarga ko'ra, Antonesku Kodreanuni mag'rur deb topgan, ammo uning siyosatdagi inqilobiy yondashuvini mamnuniyat bilan qabul qilgan.[18]
Mudofaa portfeli va Codreanu sinovlari
1937 yil oxirida, keyin Dekabr umumiy saylovlari natijasiz natijaga erishdi, Kerol Goga tayinladi Bosh Vazir birinchi ijrochi hokimiyatni o'rnatgan o'ta o'ng kabinet ustidan irqiy kamsitish uni davolashda Yahudiylar jamoasi. Goganing tayinlanishi yanada mashhur va yanada radikalroq bo'lgan Codreanu-ning ko'tarilishini to'xtatish uchun mo'ljallangan edi. Dastlab berilgan Aloqa portfeli uning raqibi, Ichki ishlar vaziri tomonidan Armand Clineses, Antonesku bir necha bor Mudofaa vaziri lavozimini talab qildi va unga oxir-oqibat berildi.[20] Uning vakolati muammoli davrga to'g'ri keldi va Ruminiya parchalanayotgan Frantsiya, Angliya bilan an'anaviy ittifoqi orasidan birini tanlashi kerak edi. Kichik Antanta va Millatlar Ligasi yoki unga yaqinlashish Natsistlar Germaniyasi va uning Kominternga qarshi pakt. Antoneskuning o'ziga qo'shgan hissasi tarixchilar tomonidan turli xil tortishuvlarga sabab bo'lib, ular uni Angliya-Frantsiya ittifoqining tarafdori yoki PNCning o'zi kabi hamkorlik uchun qulayroq deb bilishadi. Adolf Gitler Germaniya.[5] O'sha paytda Antonesku Ruminiyaning Antanta bilan ittifoqini venger va Sovet revanshizm, lekin antikommunist, u shubhali edi Frantsuz-Sovet yaqinlashuvi.[21] Vengriyaning Transilvaniyadagi talablaridan ayniqsa xavotirlanib, u Bosh shtabga g'arbiy hujumga tayyorgarlik ko'rishni buyurdi.[22] Biroq, uning xizmatdagi asosiy hissasi ichki inqiroz bilan bog'liq edi: temir gvardiya va PNC ning o'z fashistik militsiyasi o'rtasidagi zo'ravon to'qnashuvlarga javob sifatida Lncieri, Antonesku allaqachon qo'yilgan muddatni uzaytirdi harbiy holat.[23]
Goga kabineti Goga va Kodreanu o'rtasidagi taxminiy yaqinlashuv tugagach tugadi[24] Kerolni demokratik tuzumni ag'darishga va o'z avtoritar rejimini e'lon qilishga undadi (qarang 1938 yil Ruminiya Konstitutsiyasi, Milliy Uyg'onish fronti ). Bosh vazir 1938 yilda vafot etdi, Antonesku esa bevasining yaqin do'sti bo'lib qoldi, Veturiya Goga.[25] O'sha paytga kelib, Antonesku avvalgi pozitsiyasini qayta ko'rib chiqib, Kodreanu bilan yaqin munosabatlarni o'rnatdi va hatto uning ishonchli odamiga aylandi.[26][27] Kerolning iltimosiga binoan u ilgari Gvardiya rahbaridan podsho bilan ittifoq tuzishni so'ragan edi, Kodreanu zudlik bilan Goga bilan muzokaralar foydasiga rad etdi va shu bilan birga siyosiy janglarga qiziqish yo'q, degan da'volar bilan, go'yoki Antoneskuning o'zi tomonidan qo'zg'atilgan munosabat.[28]
Ko'p o'tmay Clinesz monarxning ko'rsatmalariga binoan Kodreanuni hibsga oldi va uni ketma-ket ikkita sud jarayonida jinoiy javobgarlikka tortdi. Antonesku, Mudofaa vazirining vakolat muddati boshchiligida uzaytirildi Miron Kristea, Codreanu hibsga olinganiga norozilik sifatida iste'foga chiqdi.[29] Antonesku vakolati 1938 yil 30 martda tugagan. Shuningdek, u 2 fevraldan 30 martgacha iste'foga chiqquniga qadar havo va dengiz vaziri lavozimida ishlagan.[30] U ikkinchisida taniqli shaxslarning mudofaasi guvohi bo'lgan[27] va ikkinchi sinovlar.[29] Ikkinchisida, natijada Codreanu sudlangan xiyonat, Antonesku hakamlar hay'ati oldida qo'l silkib turganda do'stining halolligi uchun kafolat berdi.[29] Sud jarayoni tugagandan so'ng, qirol o'zining sobiq vaziriga buyruq berdi internirlangan da Oldindan oldindan aytib berish, uni buyruq berishni tayinlashdan oldin Uchinchi armiya ning uzoq sharqiy mintaqasida Bessarabiya (va keyinchalik Antonesku qamoqdagi gvardiyachilarga hamdardlik bildirganidan keyin uni olib tashladi Kishinyu ).[31] Raqibini obro'sizlantirishga urinib ko'rgan Kerol, shuningdek, Antoneskuning xotinini sud qilish to'g'risida buyruq berdi ikkilanish, uning ajralishi yakunlanmaganligi haqidagi yolg'on da'vo asosida. Mixay Antonesku tomonidan himoya qilingan ofitser o'zining yomon tomonlarini noto'g'ri ekanligini isbotlay oldi.[32] Codreanu o'zi hibsga olingan va ehtiyotkorlik bilan o'ldirilgan Jandarmalar Kerolning buyrug'i bilan harakat qilish (1938 yil noyabr).[33]
Kerol rejimi asta-sekin inqirozga aylandi, tarqatish boshlangandan keyin tezlashdi Ikkinchi jahon urushi, yadroning harbiy muvaffaqiyati Eksa kuchlari va hujum qilmaslik to'g'risidagi bitim Germaniya tomonidan imzolangan va Sovet Ittifoqi Ruminiyani xavfsiz holatga keltirgan va tahdid qilganqarang Ruminiya Ikkinchi Jahon urushi paytida ). 1940 yilda Ruminiyaning ikkita mintaqasi, Bessarabiya va Shimoliy Bukovina, a ga yutqazdi Sovet istilosi qirolning roziligi bilan. Bu Ruminiya tomonidan sodir bo'ldi Frantsiyaning qulashi, siyosatini Germaniya bilan moslashtirishga intildi.[34] Ion Antoneskuning o'zi 1938 yildan keyin eksa tarafdorining alternativasini qadrlashdi Myunxen shartnomasi, Germaniya talablar qo'yganida Chexoslovakiya Frantsiya va Buyuk Britaniyaning tan olinishi bilan, mahalliy aholi, agar yo'nalish o'zgartirilmasa, Ruminiya unga ergashadi, deb qo'rqishadi.[35] 1940 yilgi hududiy yo'qotishlardan g'azablangan general Antonesku Kerolga umumiy norozilik notasini yubordi va natijada hibsga olindi va internatda Bistriya monastiri.[5][36] U erda bo'lganida u Mixay Antoneskuga Germaniya iqtisodiy manfaatlarini, ayniqsa, mahalliy neft sanoati, tasdiqlash evaziga.[37] Gitlerning Ruminiyadagi vaziri Ion Antoneskuning noaniq pozitsiyasini sharhlar ekan, Vilgelm Fabricius, boshliqlariga shunday deb yozgan edi: "Men uning xavfsiz odam ekanligiga amin emasman".[38]
Kuchga ko'tariling
Ruminiya XIX asrda o'z mustaqilligini qo'lga kiritganidan beri Ruminiyaning elitasi shiddat bilan frankofil edi, chindan ham frankofil shu qadar Frantsiyaning 1940 yil iyun oyida mag'lub bo'lishi butun elitani obro'sizlantirishga olib keldi.[39] Antonesku stajirovkasi avgust oyida tugadi, shu vaqt oralig'ida Axis bosimi ostida Ruminiya Janubiy Dobrujani Bolgariyaga berdi (qarang Krayova shartnomasi ) va Shimoliy Transilvaniya ga Vengriya (qarang Ikkinchi Vena mukofoti ). So'nggi grant Ruminiya aholisining katta qismini hayratga solib, Kerolning mashhurligini rekord darajada pasayishiga olib keldi va poytaxt Buxarestda keng miqyosli noroziliklarga sabab bo'ldi. Ushbu harakatlar proektsiya tomonidan raqobatbardosh tarzda tashkil etilgan.Ittifoqdosh Boshchiligidagi PNȚ Iuliu Maniu va natsistlarni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi temir gvardiya.[5] So'nggi guruh rahbarligi ostida qayta tiklandi Horia Sima va tashkil etgan Davlat to'ntarishi.[40] Ushbu noqulay sharoitda Antonesku o'z tayinlangan qarorgohini tark etdi. Bunda unga yashirincha nemis shafoati yordam bergan bo'lishi mumkin,[41] ammo sotsialit tomonidan qochishga to'g'ridan-to'g'ri yordam berildi Elis Sturdza, Maniu talabiga binoan harakat qilgan.[42] Keyinchalik Antonesku Maniu bilan uchrashdi Ploieti, bu erda ular siyosiy vaziyatni qanday boshqarishni yaxshiroq muhokama qildilar.[5][42][43] Ushbu muzokaralar olib borilayotganda, monarxning o'zi atrofidagilar tomonidan tobora ommalashib borayotgan Antonesku bilan tandemda boshqarish orqali qonuniylikni tiklashni va mavjud kuchlardan yangi siyosiy ko'pchilikni yaratishni maslahat berayotgan edi.[5][42] 1940 yil 2-sentabrda sud a'zosi va uning muhim a'zosi Valer Pop kamarilla, dastlab Kerolga Antoneskuni inqirozning echimi sifatida Bosh vazir etib tayinlashni maslahat berdi.[44] Popning Kerolga Antoneskuni Bosh vazir etib tayinlashiga maslahat berishining sababi, qisman temir gvardiyasi bilan do'stona munosabatda bo'lgan va Kerol davrida qamoqqa tashlangan Antonesku jamoatchilikni tinchlantirish uchun Kerol rejimiga qarshi bo'lgan qarama-qarshilikka ega ekanligiga ishonishgan. va qisman Pop Antoneskuning barcha legioner hamdardliklari uchun elita a'zosi ekanligini bilganligi va hech qachon bunga qarshi chiqmasligiga ishonganligi sababli. Kerol Antoneskuni Bosh vazir qilishni xohlamaganida, Pop 1940 yil 4-sentyabrga o'tar kechasi Fabricius bilan uchrashish uchun Germaniya legatsiyasiga tashrif buyurdi va Germaniya vaziridan Kerolga telefon qilib, unga Reyx Antoneskuni Bosh vazir bo'lishini xohladi va Fabricius darhol buni amalga oshirdi.[45] Kerol va Antonesku taklifni qabul qilishdi, Antoneskuga PN party partiyasi rahbarlari Maniu va yaqinlashishga buyruq berildi Dinu Brutianu PNL.[5][42][46] Ularning barchasi Kerolni chaqirdilar taxtdan voz kechish dastlabki chora sifatida,[5][42][47] muzokaralar olib borishga intilgan boshqa bir rahbar Sima, o'z fikrini bildirish uchun vaqtida topilmadi.[42] Antonesku bu iltimosni qisman bajardi, shuningdek Keroldan unga bu narsani berishni so'radi zaxira kuchlari Ruminiya davlatlari rahbarlari uchun.[5][48] Kerol taslim bo'ldi va 1940 yil 5-sentabrda general Bosh vazir bo'ldi va Kerol o'zining diktatorlik vakolatlarining ko'pini unga topshirdi.[5][49] Ikkinchisining birinchi chorasi, armiya ichidagi potentsial qarshilikni yumshatish orqali kamaytirish edi Buxarest garnizoni boshliq Gheorghe Argeanu uning lavozimi va uni almashtirish Dumitru Coroamă.[50] Ko'p o'tmay, Antonesku Kerolning ikki sodiq generali, Georgiy Mixail va Pol Teodoresku, uni o'ldirishni rejalashtirgan.[51] Reaksiya sifatida u Kerolni taxtdan voz kechishga majbur qildi, general Koroam esa temir Guardist namoyishchilarni otib tashlashning qirollik buyrug'ini bajarishdan bosh tortdi.[52]
Maykl ikkinchi marta taxtga o'tirdi, Antoneskuning diktatorlik vakolatlari tasdiqlandi va uzaytirildi.[5][53] Maykl rasman taxtga o'tirgan kunning 6 sentyabrida Antoneskuni e'lon qilgan qirol farmonini chiqardi Dirijyor (rahbar) davlat. Xuddi shu farmon monarxni tantanali vazifaga topshirdi.[54] Antoneskuning keyingi chora-tadbirlari qatoriga Kerol va uning ma'shuqasining o'z-o'zini surgun qilishiga xavfsiz ketishni ta'minlash kiradi Elena Lupesku, qirol poyezdiga temir gvardiyaning qurollangan a'zolari hujum qilganida uni himoya qilish.[5] Qirol Kerol rejimi 1930-yillarda Evropadagi eng korruptsiyalashgan rejim bo'lganligi bilan mashhur bo'lgan va Kerol Ruminiyadan qochib ketgach, Ruminiya xazinasining yaxshi qismini o'zi bilan olib, yangi hukumatni juda katta moliyaviy muammolarga duch kelgan.[55] Antonesku, ehtimol, beparvolik bilan Kerolning o'zi bilan qulay surgunni ta'minlash uchun etarli mablag'ni olib ketishini kutgan edi va Kerol deyarli butun milliy xazinani olib tashlaganiga hayron bo'ldi. Keyingi to'rt yil ichida Antonesku hukumatining asosiy tashvishi Kerolning mol-mulkini qo'ygan Shveytsariya banklaridan Ruminiyaga pulni qaytarib berishga urinish edi; bu harakat muvaffaqiyat bilan kutib olmadi.[55] Xoriya Simaning Antonesku bilan keyingi hamkorligini yuqori martabali fashistlar nemis amaldorlari qo'llab-quvvatladilar, ularning aksariyati temir gvardiyasining kuchsizligidan qo'rqib, o'z-o'zidan hukmronlik qila olmadilar.[56] Shuning uchun Antonesku elchi Fabricius tomonidan ma'qullandi.[57] Dastlabki va'dalarga qaramay, Antonesku a yaratilish loyihalaridan voz kechdi milliy hukumat,[5][58] va o'rniga a ni tanladi koalitsiya o'rtasida a harbiy diktatura lobbi va temir gvardiya.[5][59] Keyinchalik u o'z tanlovini temir gvardiya "mamlakatning o'sha paytdagi siyosiy bazasini namoyish etganini" aytib o'tdi.[60] Antonessku boshidanoq Sima bilan iqtisodiy masalalarda to'qnashdi, Antoneskuning asosiy tashvishi - Kerol tomonidan talon-taroj qilingan xazinaga soliq to'lash uchun iqtisodiyotni o'sishini ta'minlash edi, Sima esa Antonesku pul yo'qligini ta'kidlagan populistik iqtisodiy choralarni ma'qul ko'rdi.[61]
Antonesku-Sima sherikligi
Natijada paydo bo'lgan rejim Milliy legioner davlat, rasmiy ravishda 14 sentyabrda e'lon qilingan edi. Shu sanada temir gvardiya qayta tuzilgan edi yagona qonuniy ruxsat berilgan tomon Ruminiyada. Antonesku Premer va sifatida davom etdi Dirijyorva Gvardiyaning faxriy qo'mondoni deb nomlangan. Sima Bosh vazir o'rinbosari va Gvardiya etakchisiga aylandi.[5][62][63][64] Keyinchalik Antonesku Kerol tomonidan qamoqqa olingan Guardistlarni ozod qilishni buyurdi.[65] 6 oktyabrda u temir yo'l qo'riqchilarining Buxarestdagi ommaviy mitingiga rahbarlik qildi, bu 1940 yilning oxirlarida harakat tomonidan tashkil qilingan bir qator yirik tantanali va esdalik tadbirlaridan biri.[66] Biroq, u PNȚ va PNLning norasmiy mavjudligiga toqat qilib, ularga siyosiy qo'llab-quvvatlashning katta qismini saqlab qolishlariga imkon berdi.[67]
Antonesku va Sima o'rtasida qisqa muddatli va har doim hamjihat sheriklik kuzatildi. Sentyabr oyi oxirida yangi rejim Kerol davrida imzolangan barcha shartnomalar, kelishuvlar va diplomatik shartnomalarni rad etib, mamlakatni Germaniya orbitasiga olib chiqib, sobiq bilan munosabatlarini buzdi. Bolqon ittifoqdosh, Yugoslaviya qirolligi.[68] Nemis qo'shinlari mahalliy neft sanoatini himoya qilish uchun mamlakatga bosqichma-bosqich kirib kelishdi[69] va ruminiyalik hamkasblariga ko'rsatma berishda yordam bering Blitskrig taktika.[70] 23 noyabrda Antonesku edi Berlin Bu erda uning imzosi Ruminiyaning asosiy Axis asbobiga bo'lgan sadoqatini muhrlagan Uch tomonlama pakt.[5][71] Ikki kundan keyin mamlakat ham fashistlar boshchiligidagi mamlakatga rioya qildi Kominternga qarshi pakt.[72] Ushbu umumiy majburiyatlardan tashqari, Ruminiyaning Germaniya bilan bog'laydigan hech qanday shartnomasi yo'q edi va Ruminiya-Germaniya ittifoqi norasmiy ravishda ishlagan.[73] 1946 yilda nutq so'zlagan Antonesku oldingi siyosatni davom ettirishda va fashistlardan qo'rqib Germaniya tarafdori bo'lgan yo'lni tutganini ta'kidladi. protektorat Ruminiyada.[74]
Milliy legioner davlat davrida ilgari antisemitik qonunchilik qo'llab-quvvatlandi va mustahkamlandi, "Ruminlashtirish "yahudiylarga qarashli korxonalar odatdagi rasmiy amaliyotga aylandi.[5][75] Darhol ish boshlaganidan so'ng, Antonesku o'zi yahudiylarga qarshi va Nürnberg qonuni - o'zidan avvalgi Goga va tomonidan qabul qilingan ilhomlangan qonunlar Ion Gigurtu,[76] 1941-1942 yillarda yahudiylarga qarshi o'nlab yangi qoidalar qabul qilingan.[77] Bu uning rasmiy va'dasiga qaramay amalga oshirildi Vilgelm Filderman va Yahudiy jamoalari federatsiyasi agar "sabotaj" bilan shug'ullanmasa, "yahudiy aholisi azob chekmaydi".[78] Antonesku Legioner siyosatining qo'llanilishini rad qilmadi, ammo Simaning advokatlik qilishidan xafa bo'ldi paramilitarizm Gvardiyaning ko'cha zo'ravonliklariga tez-tez murojaat qilishlari.[5][79] U temir gvardiya hibsga olgan sobiq martabali shaxslarni bir oz himoya qilish orqali sheriklaridan ko'p dushmanlik oldi.[80] Birinchi voqealardan biri Antoneskuga Guard jurnaliga qarshi chiqdi Buna Vestire, uni yumshoqlik bilan ayblagan va keyinchalik tahririyatni o'zgartirishga majbur bo'lgan.[81] O'sha paytga kelib, Legioner matbuoti muntazam ravishda u inqilobga to'sqinlik qilayotganini va temir gvardiyani boshqarishni maqsad qilganini va uni qurolga aylantirganini da'vo qilar edi. Masonluk (qarang Masonlikka qarshi ).[82] Siyosiy ziddiyat katta ijtimoiy muammolarga, shu jumladan yil boshida yo'qolgan hududlardan qochqinlar oqimi va a Buxarestga ta'sir qiladigan keng ko'lamli zilzila.[83]
Tartibsizlik 1940 yil noyabr oyining so'nggi kunlarida avj oldi, o'shanda Kodreanu o'limining holatlarini aniqlagandan so'ng, fashistik harakat Kerol bilan ilgari bog'liq bo'lgan siyosiy arboblarga qarshi qasos olishni buyurdi. Jilava qirg'ini, suiqasdlar Nikolae Iorga va Virjil Madgearu va boshqa bir qancha zo'ravonlik harakatlari.[5][84] Ushbu bo'ysunmaslik uchun qasos sifatida Antonesku armiyaga ko'chalarni nazoratini tiklashni buyurdi,[85] qotillarni hibsga olish uchun Simaga bosim o'tkazib, Buxarest temir gvardiyasi prefektidan quvib chiqardi Politsiya Ștefan Zăvoianu va legioner vazirlarga qasamyod qilishni buyurdi Dirijyor.[86] Uning qotillikni qoralashi baribir cheklangan va aqlli edi va shu oyda u Codreanu yangi topilgan qoldiqlarini dafn etish marosimida Simaga qo'shildi.[87] Diktator va Simaning partiyasi o'rtasidagi tafovut Berlinda aks-sado berdi. Qachon, dekabrda, Legioner Tashqi ishlar vaziri Mixail R. Sturdza bilan Fabricius o'rnini egalladi Manfred Freiherr fon Killinger Antonesku temir gvardiyasiga nisbatan xushyoqar deb qabul qilingan va zudlik bilan itoatkor diplomat bilan vazirlikni boshqarishni o'z zimmasiga oldi. Konstantin Greceanu uning o'ng qo'li sifatida.[88] Germaniyada bunday rahbarlar Natsistlar partiyasi kabi Geynrix Ximmler, Baldur fon Shirach va Jozef Gebbels qo'llab-quvvatlashlarini legionerlar orqasiga tashladilar,[5][89] Holbuki Tashqi ishlar vaziri Yoaxim fon Ribbentrop va Vermaxt Antonesku yonida turdi.[5] Ikkinchi guruh har qanday ichki mojaro Germaniyaning urush harakati uchun muhim bo'lgan Ruminiyaning neft sanoatiga tahdid solishi mumkinligidan xavotirda edi.[5][90] Germaniya rahbariyati o'sha paytda yashirincha tashkilotchilik qilar edi Barbarossa operatsiyasi, Sovet Ittifoqiga hujum.[91][92]
Legioner isyon va Barbarossa operatsiyasi
Antonesku Gitlerning ma'qullashiga bog'liq bo'lgan tartibsizliklar yuzaga kelganda, koalitsiya sheriklariga qarshi harakat qilishni rejalashtirmoqda,[5][63][93][94] marosimlar paytida Ruminiyaning Uch tomonlama paktga sodiqligini tasdiqlovchi noaniq signal.[5][95] Gitler Antonesku va Simani ikkalasini munozaraga taklif qilganida keskin burilish yuz berdi: Antonesku rozi bo'lganida, Sima Ruminiyada qoldi, ehtimol Davlat to'ntarishi.[5][96] Gitler Simaning partiyasini siqib chiqargani uchun aniq tasdiqlamagan bo'lsa-da, u ularni qabul qiluvchilar tomonidan egri marhamat sifatida izohladi.[97] 1941 yil 14 yanvarda Germaniya-Ruminiya sammiti paytida Gitler Antoneskuga Sovet Ittifoqiga bostirib kirish rejalari to'g'risida shu yil oxirida xabar berdi va Ruminiyadan qatnashishni so'radi.[98] Bu vaqtga kelib, Gitler Sima mafkuraviy jihatdan unga yaqinroq bo'lsa-da, Antonesku Ruminiyada barqarorlikni ta'minlashga qodir bo'lgan va o'z mamlakatini Axisga moslashtirishga qodir bo'lgan eng vakolatli rahbar degan xulosaga keldi.
Antonesku-Sima mojarosi 1941 yil yanvarida temir gvardiyasi davlat muassasalariga qarshi qator hujumlarni qo'zg'atganda, zo'ravonlikka aylandi. pogrom, "deb nomlanuvchi hodisalarLegioner isyon."[5][99] Bu Buxarestdagi nemis agenti mayor Döringning sirli qotilligidan keyin sodir bo'ldi, bu temir gvardiya tomonidan ayblov uchun bahona sifatida ishlatilgan. Dirijyor Germaniyaga qarshi maxfiy kun tartibiga ega bo'lish,[100] va Antoneskuni legionerni haydab chiqardi Ichki ishlar vaziri, Konstantin Petrovitsku, Legionerlar nazorati ostidagi "Ruminlashtirish" idoralarining hammasini yopish paytida.[101] Turli xil to'qnashuvlar uni harakatga xayrixoh bo'lgan barcha Politsiya qo'mondonlarining iste'fosini talab qilishga undadi.[102] Ikki kunlik keng qamrovli zo'ravonliklardan so'ng, Guardistlar Buxarestning 120 yahudiylarini o'ldirdilar,[5][103] Antonesku general qo'mondonligi ostida armiyani yubordi Konstantin Sonetsku.[5] Gitlerning buyrug'iga binoan ishlaydigan nemis amaldorlari, shu jumladan yangi elchi Manfred Freiherr fon Killinger, Antoneskuga temir gvardiyachilarni yo'q qilishga yordam berdi, ammo ularning bir necha quyi darajadagi hamkasblari Simaning bo'ysunuvchilariga faol yordam berishdi.[104] Gebbels, ayniqsa, Antoneskuni "masonlar" uchun foydali bo'lgan deb hisoblab, uni qo'llab-quvvatlash qaroridan xafa bo'ldi.[105]
Temir Gvardiya tozalagandan so'ng, Gitler o'z imkoniyatlarini berib qo'ydi siyosiy boshpana Antonesku sudlari bo'lgan Simaga o'limga mahkum etilgan - va shunga o'xshash boshqa legionerlarga.[106] Guardians maxsus sharoitda hibsga olingan Byuxenvald va Dachau kontslagerlar.[107] Shu bilan birga, Antonesku jamoatchilik bilan hamkorlik qildi Kodreanistlar, Simaga qarshi qattiq qarshilik ko'rsatgan va uning etakchisi Codreanuning otasi bo'lgan Temir Guardist qanotining a'zolari Ion Zelea Codreanu.[108] Antonesku yana milliy kabinet tuzish uchun PNȚ va PNLdan yordam so'radi, ammo rad etdi parlamentarizm ikki guruh uni rad etishga majbur qildi.[109]
Antonesku Germaniyaga sayohat qildi va 1941 yil iyunidan 1944 yil avgustigacha yana sakkiz marta Gitler bilan uchrashdi.[110] Bunday yaqin aloqalar ikki diktator o'rtasidagi mustahkam munosabatlarni mustahkamlashga yordam berdi va Gitler Antoneskuni Ruminiyadagi yagona ishonchli odam sifatida ko'rishga keldi,[5][111] va harbiy masalalarda maslahat beradigan yagona chet ellik.[112] Amerikalik tarixchi Gerxard Vaynberg Gitler Antonesku bilan birinchi uchrashuvdan so'ng "... u juda katta taassurot qoldirgan; Gitler Mussolinidan boshqa biron bir rahbarni hech qachon nemis diktatoridan bunday izohli mulohazalarni olmagan" deb yozgan edi. Ruminiya tarixi va vengerlarning beparvoligi - tashrif buyuruvchilarni o'zlarining tiradalari bilan boshqarishga odatlangan odam uchun qiziq tomonga burilish. "[113] Keyingi bayonotlarida Gitler Antoneskuning "ko'rish kengligi" va "haqiqiy shaxsiyatiga" maqtovlar aytdi.[114] A remarkable aspect of the Hitler-Antonescu friendship was neither could speak others' language. Hitler only knew German while the only foreign language Antonescu knew was French, in which he was completely fluent.[115] During their meetings, Antonescu spoke in French which was then translated into German by Hitler's translator Paul Schmidt and vice versa since Schmidt did not speak Romanian either. The German military presence increased significantly in early 1941, when, using Romania as a base, Hitler invaded the rebellious Kingdom of Yugoslavia and the Yunoniston Qirolligi (qarang Bolqon kampaniyasi ).[116] In parallel, Romania's relationship with the United Kingdom, at the time the only major adversary of Nazi Germany, erupted into conflict: on February 10, 1941, Britaniya Premer-ligasi Uinston Cherchill esladi His Majesty's Ambassador Reginald Hoare, and approved the blokada of Romanian ships in British-controlled ports.[117] On 12 June 1941, during another summit with Hitler, Antonescu first learned of the "special" nature of Operation Barbarossa, namely, that the war against the Soviet Union was to be an ideological war to "annihilate" the forces of "Judeo-Bolshevism," a "war of extermination" to be fought without any mercy; Hitler even showed Antonescu a copy of the "Guidelines for the Conduct of the Troops in Russia" he had issued to his forces about the "special treatment" to be handed out to Soviet Jews.[98] Antonescu completely accepted Hitler's ideas about Operation Barbarossa as a "race war" between the Aryans, represented by the Nordic Germans and Latin Romanians on the Axis side vs. the Slavs and Asians, commanded by the Jews on the Soviet side.[118] Besides anti-Semitism, there was an extremely strong current of anti-Slavic and anti-Asian racism to Antonescu's remarks about the "Asiatic hordes" of the Red Army.[119] The Asians Antonescu referred were the various Asian peoples of the Soviet Union, such as the Qozoqlar, Qalmoqlar, Mo'g'ullar, O'zbeklar, Buryatlar, etc. During his summit with Hitler in June 1941, Antonescu told the Fyer that he believed it was necessary to "once and for all" eliminate Russia as a power because the Russians was the most powerful Slavic nation and that as a Latin people, the Romanians had an inborn hatred of all Slavs and Jews.[119] Antonescu went on to tell Hitler: "Because of its racial qualities, Romania can continue to play its role as an anti-Slavic buffer for the benefit of Germany."[120] Ancel wrote that Romanian anti-Slavic racism differed from the German variety in that the Romanians had traditionally feared the Slavic peoples whereas the Germans had traditionally held the Slavic peoples in contempt.[121] In Antonescu's mind, the Romanians as a Latin people had attained a level of civilization that the Slavs were nowhere close to, but theoretically the Slavic Russians and Ukrainians might be able to reach under Romanian auspices, through Antonescu's remarks to Hitler that "We must fight this race (i.e. the Slavs) resolutely" together, with the need for "colonization" of Transnistria, suggested that he did think this would happen in his own lifetime.[122] Subsequently, the Romanians assigned to Barbarossa were to learn that as a Latin people, the Germans considered them to be their inferiors, albeit not as inferior as the Slavs, Asians and Jews who were viewed as untermenschen ("sub-humans").[122] Hitler's promise to Antonescu that after the war, the Germanic and Latin races would rule the world in a partnership turned out to be meaningless.[119]
In June of that year, Romania joined the attack on the Soviet Union, led by Germany in coalition with Hungary, Finlyandiya, State of Slovakia, Italiya qirolligi va Xorvatiyaning mustaqil davlati. Antonescu had been made aware of the plan by German envoys, and supported it enthusiastically even before Hitler extended Romania an offer to participate.[123] On 18 June 1941, Antonescu gave orders to his generals about "cleansing the ground" of Jews when Romanian forces entered Bessarabia and Bukovina.[98] Right from the start, Antonescu proclaimed the war against the Soviet Union to be a "holy war", a "crusade" in the name of Eastern Orthodox faith and the Romanian race against the forces of "Judeo-Bolshevism".[124] The propaganda of the Antonescu regime demonized everything Jewish as Antonescu believed that Communism was invented by the Jews, and all of the Soviet leaders were really Jews.[125] Reflecting Antonescu's anti-Slavic feelings, despite the fact that the war was billed as a "crusade" in defence of Orthodoxy against "Judeo-Bolshevism", the war was not presented as a struggle to liberate the Orthodox Russians and Ukrainians from Communism; instead rule by "Judeo-Bolshevism" was portrayed as something brought about the innate moral inferiority of the Slavs, who thus needed to be ruled by the Germans and the Romanians.[125] The Romanian force engaged formed a General Antonescu Army Group under the effective command of German general Eugen Ritter von Schobert.[126] Romania's campaign on the Sharqiy front began without a formal declaration of war, and was consecrated by Antonescu's statement: "Soldiers, I order you, cross the Prut daryosi " (in reference to the Bessarabian border between Romania and post-1940 Soviet territory).[127] A few days after this, a large-scale pogrom was carried out in Iai with Antonescu's agreement; thousands of Jews were killed in the bloody Iogi pogrom.[92][128] Antonescu had followed a generation of younger right-wing Romanian intellectuals led by Corneliu Zelea Codreanu who in the 1920s-30s had rejected the traditional Francophila of the Romanian elites and their adherence to Western notions of universal democratic values and human rights.[129] Antonescu made it clear that his regime rejected the moral principles of the "demo-liberal world" and he saw the war as an ideological struggle between his spiritually pure "national-totalitarian regime" vs. "Jewish morality".[130] Antonescu believed that the liberal humanist-democratic-capitalist values of the West and Communism were both invented by the Jews to destroy Romania.[130] In a lengthy speech just before the war, Antonescu attacked democracy in the most violent terms as it allowed Jews equal rights and thus to undercut the Romanian "national idea".[130] As such, Antonescu stated what was needed was a "new man" who would be "tough", "virile" and willing to fight for an ethnically and religiously "pure" Romania.[130] Despite his quarrel with Sima, much of Antonescu's speech clearly reflected the influence of the ideas of the Iron Guard that Antonescu had absorbed in the 1930s.[130] Antonescu's anti-Semitism and sexism went so far that he tacitly condoned the rape of Jewish women and girls in Bessarabia and northern Bukovinia by his forces under the grounds that he was going take away all of the property that the Jews had "stolen" from the Romanians, and as far he was concerned, Jewish females were just another piece of property.[131] Since the Jewish women were going to exterminated anyway, Antonescu felt there was nothing wrong about letting his soldiers and gendarmes have "some fun" before shooting them.[131]
After becoming the first Romanian to be granted the Ritsarning temir xochning xochi, which he received from Hitler at their August 6 meeting in the Ukrain shahar Berdixiv, Ion Antonescu was promoted to Ruminiya marshali by royal decree on August 22, in recognition for his role in restoring the eastern frontiers of Katta Ruminiya.[132] In a report to Berlin, a German diplomat wrote that Marshal Antonescu had syphilis and that "among [Romanian] cavalry officers this disease is as widespread as a common cold is among German officers. The Marshal suffers from severe attacks of it every several months."[3] Antonescu took one of his most debated decisions when, with Bessarabia's conquest almost complete, he committed Romania to Hitler's war effort beyond the Dnestr —that is, beyond territory that had been part of Romania between the wars—and thrust deeper into Soviet territory, thus waging a bosqinchilik urushi.[92][133] On August 30, Romania occupied a territory it deemed "Dnestryani ", formerly a part of the Ukraina SSR (including the entire Moldavian ASSR and further territories).[92][134] Like the decision to continue the war beyond Bessarabia, this earned Antonescu much criticism from the semi-clandestine PNL and PNȚ.[92] Insofar as the war against the Soviet Union was a war to recover Bessarabia and northern Bukovina - both regions that been a part of Romania until June 1940 and that had Romanian majorities - the conflict had been very popular with the Romanian public opinion.[135] But the idea of conquering Transnistria was not as that region had never been part of Romania, and a minority of the people were ethnic Romanian.[136] Soon after the takeover, the area was assigned to a civil administration apparatus headed by Gheorghe Alexianu and became the site for the main component of the Holocaust in Romania: a mass deportation of the Bessarabiya va Ukrainian Jews, followed later by transports of Romani Romanians and Jews from Moldavia proper (that is, the portions of Moldavia west of the Prut).
The accord over Transnistria's administration, signed in Tigina, also placed areas between the Dniester and the Dnepr under Romanian military occupation, while granting control over all resources to Germany.[137] In September 1941, Antonescu ordered Romanian forces to take Odessa, a prize he badly wanted for reasons of prestige.[138] Russians had traditionally been seen in Romania as brutal aggressors, and for Romanian forces to take a major Soviet city and one of the largest Black Sea ports like Odessa would be a sign of how far Romania had been "regenerated" under Antonescu's leadership. Much to Antonescu's intense fury, the Red Army were able to halt the Romanian offensive on Odessa and 24 September 1941 Antonescu had to reluctantly ask for the help of the Wehrmacht with the drive on Odessa.[139] On 16 October 1941 Odessa fell to the German-Romanian forces. The Romanian losses had been so heavy that the area around Odessa was known to the Romanian Army as the Vale of Tears.[139] Antonescu's anti-Semitism was sharpened by the Odessa fighting as he was convinced that the only reason why the Red Army had fought so fiercely around Odessa was that the average Russian soldier had been terrorized by bloodthirsty Jewish commissars into fighting hard.[139] Qachon Wilhelm Filderman wrote a letter to Antonescu complaining about the murder of Jews in Odessa, Antonescu wrote back: "Your Jews, who have become Soviet commissars, are driving Soviet soldiers in the Odessa region into a futile bloodbath, through horrendous terror techniques as the Russian prisoners themselves have admitted, simply to cause us heavy losses".[139] Antonescu ended his letter with the claim that Russian Jewish commissars had savagely tortured Romanian POWs and that the entire Jewish community of Romania, Filderman included were morally responsible for all of the losses and sufferings of the Romanians around Odessa.[139] In the fall of 1941, Antonescu planned to deport all of the Jews of the Regat, southern Bukovina and southern Transylvania into Transnistria as the prelude to killing them, but this operation was vetoed by Germany, who complained that Antonescu had not finished killing the Jews of Transnistria yet.[140] This veto was largely motivated by bureaucratic politics, namely if Antonescu exterminated all of the Jews of Romania himself, there would be nothing for the SS and the Auswärtiges Amt to do.[140] Killinger informed Antonescu that Germany would reduce its supplies of arms if Antonescu went ahead with his plans to deport the Jews of the Regat into Transnistria and told him he would be better off deporting the Jews to the death camps in Poland that the Germans were already busy building.[141] Since Romania had almost no arms industry of its own and was almost entirely dependent upon weapons from Germany to fight the war, Antonescu had little choice, but to comply with Killinger's request.
Reversal of fortunes
The Romanian Army's inferior arms, insufficient armour and lack of training had been major concerns for the German commanders since before the start of the operation.[142] One of the earliest major obstacles Antonescu encountered on the Eastern Front was the resistance of Odessa, a Soviet port on the Qora dengiz. Refusing any German assistance, he ordered the Romanian Army to maintain a ikki oylik qamal on heavily fortified and well-defended positions.[92][143] The ill-equipped 4-armiya suffered losses of some 100,000 men.[144] Antonescu's popularity again rose in October, when the fall of Odessa was celebrated triumphantly with a parade through Bucharest's Arcul de Triumf, and when many Romanians reportedly believed the war was as good as won.[92] In Odessa itself, the aftermath included a large-scale massacre of the Jewish population, ordered by the Marshal as retaliation for a bombing which killed a number of Romanian officers and soldiers (General Ioan Glogojeanu among them).[92][145] The city subsequently became the administrative capital of Transnistria.[92][146] According to one account, the Romanian administration planned to change Odessa's name to Antonesku.[147] Antonescu's planned that once the war against the Soviet Union was won to invade Hungary to take back Transylvania and Bulgaria to take back the Dobruja with Antonescu being especially keen on the former.[148] Antonescu planned on attacking Hungary to recover Transylvania at the first opportunity and regarded Romanian involvement on the Eastern Front in part as a way of proving to Hitler that Romania was a better German ally than Hungary, and thus deserving of German support when the planned Romanian-Hungarian war began.[148]
As the Soviet Union recovered from the initial shock and slowed down the Axis offensive at the Moskva jangi (October 1941 – January 1942), Romania was asked by its allies to contribute a larger number of troops.[149] A decisive factor in Antonescu's compliance with the request appears to have been a special visit to Bucharest by Wehrmacht chief of staff Vilgelm Keytel, who introduced the Dirijyor to Hitler's plan for attacking the Kavkaz (qarang Kavkaz jangi ).[149] The Romanian force engaged in the war reportedly exceeded German demands.[149] It came to around 500,000 troops[149][150] and thirty actively involved divisions.[151] As a sign of his satisfaction, Hitler presented his Romanian counterpart with a luxury car.[149] On December 7, 1941, after reflecting on the possibility for Romania, Hungary and Finland to change their stance, the British government responded to repeated Soviet requests and declared war on all three countries.[152] Keyingi Yaponiya "s Perl-Harborga hujum and in compliance with its Axis commitment, Romania declared war on the Qo'shma Shtatlar within five days. These developments contrasted with Antonescu's own statement of December 7: "I am an ally of the [German] Reich against [the Soviet Union], I am neutral in the conflict between Great Britain and Germany. I am for America against the Japanese."[153]
A crucial change in the war came with the Stalingrad jangi in June 1942 – February 1943, a major defeat for the Axis. Romania's armies alone lost some 150,000 men (either dead, wounded or captured)[149] and more than half of the country's divisions were wiped out.[154] The loss of two entire Romanian armies who all either killed or captured by the Soviets produced a major crisis in German-Romanian relations in the winter of 1943 with many people in the Romanian government for the first time questioning the wisdom of fighting on the side of the Axis.[155] Outside of the elites, by 1943 the continuing heavy losses on the Eastern Front, anger at the contempt which the Wehrmacht treated their Romanian allies and declining living standards within Romania made the war unpopular with the Romanian people, and consequently the Dirijyor o'zi. Amerikalik tarixchi Gerxard Vaynberg wrote that: "The string of broken German promises of equipment and support, the disregard of warnings about Soviet offensive preparations, the unfriendly treatment of retreating Romanian units by German officers and soldiers and the general German tendency to blame their own miscalculations and disasters on their allies all combined to produce a real crisis in German-Romanian relations."[155] For part of that interval, the Marshal had withdrawn from public life, owing to an unknown affliction, which is variously rumoured to have been a mental breakdown, a oziq-ovqat bilan kasallanish or a symptom of the sifiliz he had contracted earlier in life.[156] He is known to have been suffering from digestive problems, treating himself with food prepared by Marlene von Exner, an Avstriyalik - tug'ilgan parhezshunos who moved into Hitler's service after 1943.[157]
Upon his return, Antonescu blamed the Romanian losses on German overseer Arthur Hauffe, whom Hitler agreed to replace.[158] In parallel with the military losses, Romania was confronted with large-scale economic problems. Romania's oil was the Reich's only source of natural oil after the invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941 to August 1944 (Germany also had synthetic oil plants operating from 1942 onwards), and as such for economic reasons, Romania was always treated as a major ally by Hitler.[148] While Germany monopolized Romania's exports,[159] it defaulted on most of its payments.[160] Like all countries whose exports to Germany, particularly in oil, exceeded imports from that country, Romania's economy suffered from Nazi control of the valyuta kursi (qarang Fashistik Germaniya iqtisodiyoti ).[161] On the German side, those directly involved in harnessing Romania's economic output for German goals were economic planners Hermann Göring va Uolter Fank bilan birga Hermann Neubacher, the Special Representative for Economic Problems.[162] A recurring problem for Antonescu was attempting to obtain payments for all of the oil he shipped to Germany while resisting German demands for increased oil production.[148] The situation was further aggravated in 1942, as USAAF va RAF were able to bomb the oil fields in Prahova okrugi (qarang Bombing of Romania in World War II, "Tidal Wave" operatsiyasi ).[163] Official sources from the following period amalgamate military and civilian losses of all kinds, which produces a total of 554,000 victims of the war.[164]
In this context, the Romanian leader acknowledged that Germany was losing the war, and he therefore authorized his Deputy Premier and new Foreign Minister Mihai Antonescu to set up contacts with the Allies.[149][165] In early 1943, Antonescu authorized his diplomats to contact British and American diplomats in Portugal and Switzerland to see if were possible for Romania to sign an armistice with the Western powers.[166] The Romanian diplomats were informed that no armistice was possible until an armistice was signed with the Soviet Union, a condition Antonescu rejected.[166] In parallel, he allowed the PNȚ and the PNL to engage in parallel talks with the Allies at various locations in neutral countries.[149][167] The discussions were strained by the G'arbiy ittifoqchilar ' call for an so'zsiz taslim bo'lish, over which the Romanian envoys bargained with Allied diplomats in Shvetsiya va Misr (among them the Soviet representatives Nikolai Vasilevich Novikov va Aleksandra Kollontai ).[168] Antonescu was also alarmed by the possibility of war being carried on Romanian territory, as had happened in Italy after Ko'chki operatsiyasi.[169] The events also prompted hostile negotiations aimed at toppling Antonescu, and involving the two political parties, the young monarch, diplomats and soldiers.[149][170] A major clash between Michael and Antonescu took place during the first days of 1943, when the 21-year-old monarch used his New Year's address on national radio to part with the Axis war effort.[171]
Ouster and arrest
In March 1944, the Soviet Qizil Armiya sindirdi Janubiy bug and Dniester fronts, advancing on Bessarabia. This came just as Field Marshal Genri Meytlend Uilson, the British Allied commander of the O'rta er dengizi teatri, presented Antonescu with an ultimatum.[149] After a new visit to Germany and a meeting with Hitler, Antonescu opted to continue fighting alongside the remaining Axis states, a decision which he later claimed was motivated by Hitler's promise to allow Romania possession of Shimoliy Transilvaniya in the event of an Axis victory.[149] Upon his return, the Dirijyor oversaw a counteroffensive which stabilized the front on a line between Iași and Kishinyu to the north and the lower Dniester to the east.[149] This normalized his relations with Nazi German officials, whose alarm over the possible loss of an ally had resulted in the Margarethe II plan, an adapted version of the Nazi takeover in Hungary.[149][172]
However, Antonescu's non-compliance with the terms of Wilson's ultimatum also had drastic effects on Romania's ability to exit the war.[149] By then, Antonescu was conceiving of a alohida tinchlik with the Western Allies,[149][173] while maintaining contacts with the Soviets.[174] In parallel, the mainstream opposition movement came to establish contacts with the Ruminiya Kommunistik partiyasi (PCR), which, although minor numerically, gained importance for being the only political group to be favored by Soviet leader Jozef Stalin.[175] On the PCR side, the discussions involved Lucrețiu Ptrășcanu va keyinroq Emil Bodnăraș.[149][176] Another participating group at this stage was the old Romanian Social Democratic Party.[177]
Keng ko'lamli Allied bombings of Bucharest took place in spring 1944, while the Soviet Qizil Armiya approached Romanian borders.[178] The Battle for Romania began in late summer: while German commanders Yoxannes Frissner va Otto Vohler ning Armiya guruhi Janubiy Ukraina attempted to hold Bukovina, Sovet Dasht jabhasi rahbar Rodion Malinovskiy stormed into the areas of Moldavia defended by Petre Dumitresku qo'shinlari.[179] In reaction, Antonescu attempted to stabilize the front on a line between Focșani, Nămoloasa va Brila, deep inside Romanian territory.[149] On August 5, he visited Hitler one final time in Ktrzyn. On this occasion, the German leader reportedly explained that his people had betrayed the Nazi cause, and asked him if Romania would go on fighting (to which Antonescu reportedly answered in vague terms).[180] Keyin Sovet tashqi ishlar vaziri Vyacheslav Molotov more than once stated that the Soviet Union was not going to require Romanian subservience,[181] the factions opposing Antonescu agreed that the moment had come to overthrow him, by carrying out the Royal Coup of August 23.[149][182] On that day, the sovereign asked Antonescu to meet him in the royal palace building, where he presented him with a request to take Romania out of its Axis alliance.[149][183] The Dirijyor refused, and was promptly arrested by soldiers of the guard, being replaced as Premier with General Konstantin Sonetsku, who presided over a milliy hukumat.[149][184]
The new Romanian authorities declared peace with the Allies and advised the population to greet Soviet troops.[149] On August 25, as Bucharest was successfully defending itself against German retaliations, Romania declared war on Nazi Germany.[185] The events disrupted German domination in the Balkans, putting a stop to the Maibaum offensive against Yugoslaviya partizanlari.[186] The coup was nevertheless a unilateral move, and, until the signature of an sulh 12 sentyabr kuni[149][187] the country was still perceived as an enemy by the Soviets, who continued to take Romanian soldiers as harbiy asirlar.[149] In parallel, Hitler reactivated the Iron Guardist exile, creating a Sima-led surgundagi hukumat that did not survive the war's end in Europe.[188]
Placed in the custody of PCR militants, Ion Antonescu spent the interval at a house in Bucharest's Vatra Luminoasă chorak[149][189] He was afterward handed to the Soviet occupation forces, who transported him to Moskva, together with his deputy Mihai Antonescu, Governor of Transnistria Gheorghe Alexianu, Mudofaa vaziri Constantin Pantazi, Jandarmiya qo'mondon Constantin Vasiliu and Bucharest Politsiya boshliq Mircea Elefterescu.[149][190] They were subsequently kept in luxurious detention at a mansion nearby the city,[149][191] and guarded by SMERSH, a special qarshi razvedka body answering directly to Stalin.[149] Ko'p o'tmay Germany surrendered in May 1945, the group was moved to Lubyanka prison. There, Antonescu was interrogated and reputedly pressured by SMERSH operatives, among them Viktor Semyonovich Abakumov, but transcripts of their conversations were never sent back to Romania by the Soviet authorities.[149][192] Later research noted that the main issues discussed were the German-Romanian alliance, the war on the Soviet Union, the economic toll on both countries, and Romania's participation ichida Holokost (defined specifically as crimes against "peaceful Soviet citizens").[149] At some point during this period, Antonescu attempted suicide in his quarters.[149][190] He was returned to Bucharest in spring 1946 and held in Jilava qamoqxonasi. He was subsequently interrogated by prosecutor Avram Bunaciu, to whom he complained about the conditions of his detainment, contrasting them with those in Moscow, while explaining that he was a vegetarian and demanding a special diet.[193]
Sinov va ijro
In May 1946, Ion Antonescu was prosecuted at the first in a series of People's Tribunals, on charges of harbiy jinoyatlar, crimes against the peace va xiyonat.[149][194] The tribunals had first been proposed by the PNȚ,[149] and was compatible with the Nürnberg sud jarayoni yilda Ittifoqchilar tomonidan bosib olingan Germaniya.[149][195] The Romanian legislative framework was drafted by coup participant Pătrășcanu, a PCR member who had been granted leadership of the Justice Ministry.[196] Despite the idea having earned support from several sides of the political spectrum, the procedures were politicized in a sense favourable to the PCR and the Soviet Union,[149][197] and posed a legal problem for being based on ex post facto qarorlar.[198] The first such local trial took place in 1945, resulting in the sentencing of Iosif Iacobici, Nicolae Macici, Constantin Trestioreanu and other military commanders directly involved in planning or carrying out the Odessa qirg'ini.[199]
Antonescu was represented by Constantin Paraschivescu-Bălăceanu va Titus Stoica, ikkitasi public defenders whom he had first consulted with a day before the procedures were initiated.[200] The prosecution team, led by Vasile Stoican, and the panel of judges, presided over by Alexandru Voitinovici, were infiltrated by PCR supporters.[201] Both consistently failed to admit that Antonescu's foreign policies were overall dictated by Romania's positioning between Germany and the Soviet Union.[149][202] Nevertheless, and although references to the mass murders formed just 23% of the indictment and corpus of evidence (ranking below charges of anti-Soviet aggression),[203] the procedures also included Antonescu's admission of and self-exculpating take on war crimes, including the deportations to Transnistria.[149][204] They also evidence his awareness of the Odessa massacre, accompanied by his claim that few of the deaths were his direct responsibility.[205] One notable event at the trial was a testimony by PNȚ leader Iuliu Maniu. Reacting against the aggressive tone of other accusers, Maniu went on record saying: "We [Maniu and Antonescu] were political adversaries, not yirtqichlar."[149] Upon leaving the bench, Maniu walked toward Antonescu and shook his hand.[149][206]
Ion Antonescu was found guilty of the charges. This verdict was followed by two sets of murojaat, which claimed that the restored and amended 1923 yil Konstitutsiyasi did not offer a framework for the People's Tribunals and prevented o'lim jazosi during peacetime, while noting that, contrary to the armistice agreement, only one power represented within the Allied Commission had supervised the tribunal.[198] They were both rejected within six days, in compliance with a legal deadline on the completion of trials by the People's Tribunals.[207] King Michael subsequently received pleas for afv etish from Antonescu's lawyer and his mother, and reputedly considered asking the Allies to reassess the case as part of the actual Nuremberg Trials, taking Romanian war criminals into foreign custody.[208] Subjected to pressures by the new Soviet-backed Petru Groza executive, he issued a decree in favour of execution.[209] Together with his co-defendants Mihai Antonescu, Alexianu and Vasiliu, the former Dirijyor was executed by a military otishma otryadi on June 1, 1946. Ion Antonescu's supporters circulated false rumours that regular soldiers had refused to fire at their commander, and that the squad was mostly composed of Jewish policemen.[210] Another apologetic claim insists that he himself ordered the squad to shoot, but footage of the event has proven it false.[211] However, he did refuse a blindfold and raised his hat in salute once the order was given.[212] The execution site, some distance away from the locality of Jilava and the prison fort, was known as Valea Piersicilor ("Valley of the Peach Trees").[149][213] His final written statement was a letter to his wife, urging her to withdraw into a monastir, while stating the belief that posterity would reconsider his deeds and accusing Romanians of being "ungrateful".[214]
Mafkura
Ethnic nationalism and expansionism
Antonescu's policies were motivated, in large part, by etnik millatchilik. A firm believer in the restoration of Katta Ruminiya as the union of lands inhabited by etnik ruminlar, he never reconciled himself to Hungary's incorporation of Shimoliy Transilvaniya. Although Hungary and Romania were technically allied through the Axis system, their relationship was always tense, and marked by serious diplomatic incidents.[215] The Romanian leader kept contacts with representatives of ethnic Romanian communities directly affected by the Ikkinchi Vena mukofoti, shu jumladan Transylvanian Greek-Catholic ruhoniylar.[216] Another aspect of Antonescu's nationalist policies was evidenced after the Bolqon kampaniyasi. Antonescu's Romania did not partake in the military action, but laid a claim to the territories in eastern Voyvodina (western Banat ) va Timok Valley, home to a sizeable Romanian community. Reportedly, Germany's initial designs of granting Vojvodina to Hungary enhanced the tensions between Antonescu and Miklos Xorti to the point where war between the two countries became a possibility.[217] Such incidents made Germany indefinitely prolong its occupation of the region.[218] The Romanian authorities issued projects for an independent Makedoniya with autonomy for its Aromanca communities,[219] while an official memorandum on the Timok Valley, approved by Antonescu, made mention of "Romanian" areas "from Timok [...] to Salonika ".[220] The Dirijyor also maintained contacts with Aromanian fascists in Axis-occupied Greece, awarding refuge to Alcibiades Diamandi va Nicola Matussi ning Vlach "Roman Legion", whose pro-Romanian policies had brought them into conflict with other Aromanian factions.[221]
Dirijyor Antonescu thought Hitler willing to revise his stance on Northern Transylvania, and claimed to have obtained the German leader's agreement, using it to justify participation on the Sharqiy front after the recovery of Bessarabia.[149][222] However, transcripts of the Hitler-Antonescu conversations do not validate his interpretation.[111][149] Another version has it that Hitler sent Antonescu a letter informing him that Bessarabia's political status still ultimately depended on German decisions.[149] In one of his letters to Hitler, Antonescu himself stated his antikommunist ideological motivation: "I confirm that I will pursue operations in the east to the end against that great enemy of civilization, of Europe, and of my country: Ruscha Bolshevizm [...] I will not be swayed by anyone not to extend this military cooperation into new territory."[223] Antonescu's ideological perspective blended national sentiment with generically Nasroniy va ayniqsa Ruminiya pravoslavlari xususiyatlar. British historian Arnold D. Harvey writes that while this ideology seems a poor match with Nazi doctrine, especially its anti-religious elements, "It seems that Hitler was not even perturbed by the militant Christian orientation of the Antonescu regime".[114]
It is also possible that, contrary to Antonescu's own will, Hitler viewed the transfer of Dnestryani as compensation for the Transylvanian areas, and that he therefore considered the matter closed.[224] According to the Romanian representative in Berlin, Raoul Bossy, various German and Hungarian officials recommended the extension of permanent Romanian rule into Transnistria, as well as into Podoliya, Galisiya va Pokuttya, in exchange for delivering the whole of Transylvania to Hungary (and relocating its ethnic Romanian majority to the new provinces).[225] Amerikalik siyosatshunos Charlz King writes: "There was never any attempt to annex the occupied territory [of Transnistria], for it was generally considered by the Romanian government to be a temporary bufer zonasi between Greater Romania and the Soviet front line."[226] At his 1946 trial, Antonescu claimed that Transnistria had been occupied to prevent Romania being caught in a "pincer" between Germany's Drang nach Osten va Volksdeutsch communities to the east, while denying charges of having exploited the region for Romania's benefit.[227]
Ruminiya tarixchisi Lucian Boia Ion Antonesku bunga qaramay ega bo'lishi mumkin deb hisoblaydi kengaytiruvchi maqsadlar sharq tomon, va u bevosita bilgan Barbarossa operatsiyasi o'z ichiga olgan vosita sifatida Slavyan xalqlari.[228] Shunga o'xshash hukmlar boshqa tadqiqotchilar tomonidan taqdim etilgan.[229] Boshqa bir ruminiyalik tarixchi Ottmar Traiskoning ta'kidlashicha, Antonesku "hech bo'lmaganda urush oxirigacha" mintaqani qo'shib olishni xohlamagan, ammo Antoneskuning o'z bayonotlarida g'alaba qozongan taqdirda uning tarkibiga kirishi haqida ma'lumot berilgan.[230] Dastlabki qo'shilish rejalaridan tashqari Janubiy bug (1941 yil iyun oyida Bossiga iqror bo'lgan),[231] The Dirijyor vazirlariga mintaqa dizaynlarini taqdim etgani ma'lum mustamlaka.[232] U keltirgan motivatsiya taxmin qilingan to'yib ovqatlanmaslik Ruminiyalik dehqonlar orasida, unga qo'shib qo'ydi: "Men bu aholini olaman, Dnestryaga olib boraman va u erda hamma kerakli erlarni beraman".[230] Antoneskuga xayrixoh bo'lgan bir necha millatchilar Ruminiya hukmronligini Dnestryaga kengaytirganini e'tirof etdilar va buni doimiy deb tushundilar.[233]
Antisemitizm va antiziganizm
Antonesku ta'limotida takrorlanadigan element irqchilik va xususan antisemitizm. Bu uning hamdardligi bilan bog'liq edi etnokratik ideallari va uning foydasiga bayonotlari bilan to'ldirilgan "ajralmas millatchilik "va" Ruminiya ".[234] Boshqalar singari juda to'g'ri Ruminlar, u yahudiylarning borligini ko'rdi liberal demokratiya va mavjudligiga ishongan Judeo-masonlik.[235] Codreanu mafkurasi haqidagi dastlabki fikrlari legioner rahbarni "yahudiylarning bosqini" bilan shug'ullanishda "shafqatsiz choralar" ni qo'llab-quvvatlayotgani uchun tanqid qiladi va shu maqsadga erishish uchun "rumin sinflarini tashkil qilishni" taklif qiladi.[13] Siyosatchi Aureliu Vayss, o'sha vaqt oralig'ida general Antonesku bilan uchrashgan, antisemitik "o'zgacha" bo'lsa ham, u jamoat oldida o'zini tuta bilishini esladi.[236] Tarixchining fikriga ko'ra Mixail Ionesku, Dirijyor temir gvardiyasining "legionerlik printsiplari" ga qarshi emas edi, aksincha antisemitizmdan farqli o'laroq, "tartibda qo'llanilishini" istadi. Horia Sima inqilobiy yo'llari.[5] Tarixchi Ioan Scurtu davomida, deb ishonadi Legioner isyon, Gvardiya "chuqur obro'sizlantirilishi" va o'zini "xaloskor" sifatida qabul qilishi uchun Antonesku kirishdan oldin ataylab kutib turdi.[5] 1941 yil aprel oyida u o'z vazirlariga "olomon" ga yahudiylar bilan muomala qilishga ruxsat berishni o'ylayotgani haqida xabar berdi va "qirg'indan keyin men tartibni o'rnataman".[236] Lucian Boia, Ruminiya etakchisini chindan ham antisemitik e'tiqodlar rag'batlantirganini, ammo Antoneskuni Gitlerdan radikalizm nuqtai nazaridan ajratib turadigan narsani tushunish uchun ularni kontekstlashtirish kerakligini ta'kidladi.[237] Biroq, boshqa turli tadqiqotchilar buni Gitler bilan avval va undan oldin moslashtirish orqali baholaydilar Barbarossa operatsiyasi, Antonesku o'zining fikrlari bilan bevosita rozi bo'ldi "Yahudiylarning savoli "tanlash irqiy ustida diniy antisemitizm.[92][238] Harvining so'zlariga ko'ra Iogi pogrom nemislarni "Ruminiyadagi uyushgan nasroniylik Germaniyadagi holatdan juda farq qilishini aniq qabul qilishga tayyor" qildi.[114]
Antonesku bu narsaga qattiq ishongan edi fitna nazariyasi ning "Yahudiy bolshevizmi "ga binoan barcha yahudiylar tarafdorlari edilar kommunizm va Sovet Ittifoqi.[92][239] Ushbu masala bo'yicha uning dalillari davomida, degan soxta da'voni o'z ichiga olgan 1940 yil Bessarabiyadan chekinish, yahudiylar o'zlarini uyushtirib, Ruminiya askarlariga hujum qilishgan.[92][240] Qisman, bu tushuncha, marginal yahudiylar kelganidan keyin g'ayrat haqida bir tomonlama xabarlarni oshirib yubordi. Qizil Armiya qo'shinlar.[241] 1941 yil yozida vazirlariga murojaatida Antonesku shunday dedi: "Shayton yahudiydir. [Bizning] bu hayot va o'lim jangi. Yoki biz g'alaba qozonamiz va dunyo tozalanadi, yoki ular g'alaba qozonadi va biz ularning qullariga aylanamiz. "[242] Shu bilan birga, u nazarda tutgan etnik tozalash ("tozalash") yahudiylar sharqiy Ruminiya nazorati ostidagi hududlardan.[92][243] Biroq, 1941 yil fevraldayoq Antonesku ham bu haqda o'ylar edi gettoizatsiya barcha yahudiy ruminlar, ularni haydab chiqarish uchun dastlabki qadam sifatida.[244] Shu nuqtai nazardan, Antonesku tez-tez yahudiylarni kasallik yoki zahar sifatida tasvirlaydi.[245] Keyin Stalingrad jangi, u armiya qo'mondonlarini qarshi hujumga qarshi turishga da'vat etdi, chunki aks holda Sovetlar "mamlakatga bolshevizmni olib keladi, butun rahbariyat qatlamini yo'q qiladi, yahudiylarni bizga majbur qiladi va xalqimizning ko'pchiligini deportatsiya qiladi".[246]
Ion Antoneskuniki antiziganizm o'zini ba'zi yoki barchasi da'vo sifatida namoyon qildi Rimliklar, xususan ko'chmanchi jinoiy xatti-harakatlarga berilganlar.[247] Rejim bu e'tiqodga muvofiq ravishda harakat qilmadi: turli hollarda, deportatsiya qilinganlarning yaqin qarindoshlari Ruminiya armiyasiga chaqirilgan.[248] Rimliklarga qarshi qaratilgan irqchi shiorlar temir gvardiya tomonidan ommalashtirilgan bo'lsa-da, faqat Antoneskuning cheklanmagan boshqaruvi ostida "lo'lilar muammosini" hal qilish rasmiy siyosatga aylandi va antiziganistik choralar ko'rildi.[249] 1941 yil fevral oyida o'tkazilgan tekshiruvdan so'ng Antonesku Buxarestning rimliklar jamoasini ushbu davrda sodir etilgan huquqbuzarliklar uchun ajratib ko'rsatdi yorilish va vazirlarini unga echimlar taklif qilishga chaqirdi.[250] Dastlab, u istalmagan deb hisoblagan barcha rimliklarni mehmonga jo'natishni o'ylagan Bergan tekisligi, qo'l mehnati bilan shug'ullanadigan mahalliy jamoa safiga qo'shilish.[251] 1942 yilda u Ruminiya haqida hisobot tuzishni Ruminiya Markaziy statistika institutiga topshirdi demografiya, bu uning tahrirlangan shaklida taqdim etilgan ilmiy jihatdan irqchi xulosalar, ogohlantirish Dirijyor da'vo qilingan rumin-rumin haqida missegenatsiya qishloq Ruminiyada.[252] Shunday qilib, Antonesku marginal va qalbaki ilmiy Rumin sotsiologiyasidagi tendentsiya, unga asoslanib evgenik nazariyalar, marginalizatsiya, deportatsiya yoki majburiy sterilizatsiya Rim xalqi, ularning soni odatda abartılıyordu.[253] Hisobotni imzolaganlar orasida demograf ham bor edi Sabin Manuilă, Rimliklarning mavjudligini asosiy irqiy muammo deb bilgan.[254] Hisobotning Antoneskuga qo'ygan da'volarining aniq ta'siri noaniq.[255]
Fashizm va konservatizm
Ion Antonesku rejimi bo'lganligi to'g'risida tarixshunoslik bo'yicha tortishuv mavjud fashist yoki umuman ko'proq o'ng qanot avtoritar, o'zi fashizmning qirralari va chegaralari to'g'risida kengroq bahs-munozaralarga qo'shildi. Isroil fashizm tarixchisi Zeev Sternhell evropalik hamkasblari bilan bir qatorda Antoneskuni tasvirlaydi Per-Etien Flandin, Frantsisko Franko, Miklos Xorti, Fransua de La Rok, Filipp Pétain va Italiya qiroli Viktor Emmanuel III, kabi "konservativ ", ularning barchasi" [fashistik harakatlar] bilan bir xil toifaga joylashtirmoqchi bo'lgan [fashistik] tashviqot tomonidan aldanmaganligini ”ta'kidladi.[256] Xuddi shunday hukm Evropaning nemis tarixchisi tomonidan berilgan Xagen Shulze, Xorti, Franko va Ruminiya rahbarini yonida kim ko'radi Portugaliya "s Estado Novo nazariyotchi António de Oliveira Salazar va Ikkinchi Polsha Respublikasi asoschisi Yozef Pilsudski, "yoki faqat harbiy diktaturalar, yoki boshqa fuqarolik siyosatchilari tomonidan boshqariladigan avtoritar hukumatlar" ning hukmdorlari va shu tariqa "fashistik davlatlar" rahbarlaridan tashqari toifalar.[257] Shulze uchun bunday hukumatlarning belgilovchi elementlari "konservativ asos "an'anaviy davlat" boshqaruvini kengaytirish orqali "ijtimoiy barqarorlik" ni ta'minladi (shu bilan "inqilobiy takliflar" ni samarali ravishda to'sib qo'ydi) juda chapda va juda to'g'ri bir xil).[257] "Konservativ" atamasi avtokrat "ga nisbatan ishlatiladi Dirijyor ingliz siyosiy nazariyotchisi tomonidan Rojer Griffin, temir gvardiyaga itoatkor fashistik harakat pozitsiyasini beradigan,[258] boshqalari esa Antoneskuning 1941 yildan keyingi hukmronligini fashistik diktatura o'rniga harbiy deb bilishadi.[259] Boshqa bir qancha olimlar "konservativ" ni Antonesku siyosatining belgilovchi atamasi sifatida afzal ko'rishadi.[94][260] Antonesku o'zini "taqdiri bilan diktator" deb ta'rifladi va uning siyosati tushuntirdimilitaristik "[25] yoki bir marta "milliy-totalitar ".[261]
Shunga qaramay, boshqa tarixchilar Antonesku va uning davridagi boshqa Evropa rahbarlari tomonidan amalga oshirilgan fashistik va konservativ elementlarning sintezini nazarda tutadilar. Yo'nalish 2002 yil Fashizm va olis o'ng tomonning hamrohi Antoneskuni ta'riflash uchun "para-fashist" atamalaridan foydalanadi va quyidagilarni qo'shadi: "odatda avtoritar konservator [Antonesku] fashizmni o'zida mujassamlashtirmasdan, uning tuzumiga temir gvardiya shaklida fashizmni qo'shgan".[63] "Para-fashist" Griffin tomonidan ham Antonesku va ham belgilash uchun ishlatiladi Kerol II.[262] Amerikalik fashizm tarixchisi Robert Pakton Salazar singari, Ruminiya diktatori ham "ba'zi bir xalqqa safarbar qilish usullaridan nusxa ko'chirgandan so'ng" raqobatdosh fashistik harakatni tor-mor qilganini ta'kidlaydi.[263] Siyosatshunoslar Jon Gledxill va Charlz King Temir Gvardiyani Ruminiyaning "mahalliy fashistik harakati" deb muhokama qilmoqdalar, Antonesku "gvardiyachilar mafkurasining ko'p qismini qabul qilgan" deb ta'kidlaydilar va u boshqargan rejim "ochiq fashistik" degan xulosaga kelishadi.[264] Antonesku diktaturasining fashistik xususiyatlariga havolalar boshqa tadqiqotchilar tomonidan ham keltirilgan.[14][265]
Antonesku hukmronligining sintetik tomoni turli mualliflar tomonidan batafsil muhokama qilingan. Britaniya tarixchisi Dennis Deletant Fashist yorlig'i Antoneskuning ba'zi bir fashistik "tuzoqlarni" qabul qilishiga va uning rejimini "urush davri va urushdan keyingi baholash dixotomiyasiga" ham bog'liqligini ta'kidlagan, shuningdek 1960 yildan keyingi talqinlar "o'z xatti-harakatlarini avvalgi pravoslavlikdan ko'ra ko'proq tushuntirishga yordam berishini ta'kidlaydi. . "[266] Deletant "ommaviy siyosiy partiya yoki mafkura" ning yo'qligi bilan bog'liq bo'lgan qoida turiga zid keladi Natsizm yoki Italiya fashizmi.[25] Britaniyada tug'ilgan sotsiolog va siyosiy tahlilchi Maykl Mann shunday yozadi: "Antonesku [...] va Franko [...] ning avtoritar tuzumlari" an'anaviy "deb da'vo qilishgan, ammo aslida ularning fashistik kelib chiqadigan korporatizmi o'ng tomonning yangi mafkurasi edi."[267] Ruminiyada tug'ilgan g'oyalar tarixchisi yana bir alohida fikrga ega Juliana Geran Pilon Ruminiyaning "harbiy fashistik rejimi" ni temir gvardiya "mistik millatchiligi" vorisi deb ta'riflagan, shu bilan birga Antoneskuning "milliy mafkurasi ancha an'anaviy militaristik va konservativ" bo'lganligini eslatib o'tdi.[268]
Quvvat bazasi, boshqaruv va targ'ibot
Nazariy jihatdan Antonesku siyosati kamida bitta inqilobiy tomonga ega edi. Rahbarning o'zi da'vo qildi: "Men vatanparvar, qahramonona, harbiy tipdagi ta'lim, chunki iqtisodiy ta'lim va boshqa barcha narsalar shundan kelib chiqadi ".[25] Boyaning so'zlariga ko'ra, uning hokimiyatga kelishi aniq Ruminiyani "qayta tiklash" uchun mo'ljallangan edi va uning mashhurligi uni "totalitar model" va "qutqaruvchi" shaxs sifatida qabul qilinishiga bog'liq edi. Corneliu Zelea Codreanu va undan oldin Kerol II.[269] "Providential" va "najotkor" mavzularni tarixchi Adrian Majuru ham ta'kidlaydi, u Antonesku ikkalasi ham bunday ideallarni qabul qilganligini va Kerolni ularga mos kelmaganligi uchun tanqid qilganini ta'kidlaydi.[270] Uning hukmronligini qonuniylashtirgan holda ko'rish milliy manfaat,[270][271] general ham murojaat qilgani ma'lum siyosiy plyuralizm kabi poltronerie ("poltroonishness").[5] Shunga ko'ra, Antonesku 1941 yil fevral oyida barcha siyosiy kuchlarni kodifikatsiya qilib, rasman qonuniylashtirdi jazo ishi aksariyat siyosiy ifoda shakllari uchun jazo sifatida.[272] Deletantning baholashicha, uning yangilanishi dasturi haqiqatdan ko'ra ko'proq deklarativ edi va Antoneskuning ayrim muxolifat kuchlarining norasmiy mavjudligiga ruxsat berish to'g'risidagi qarori bilan zid edi.[273] Shu bilan birga, ba'zi tarixchilar uning nemis ittifoqi nomidan hokimiyatni monopollashtirishi Ruminiyani ikkiga aylantirdi "qo'g'irchoq davlat "Gitlerning[63] yoki Germaniyadan biri "sun'iy yo'ldosh" hukumatlari.[274] Ammo, Deletant qayd etadi: "Ruminiya [fashistlar Germaniyasi bilan] ittifoq davrida o'z suverenitetini saqlab qoldi. [...] Antonesku, albatta, o'z mamlakatining manfaatlarini eng avvalo yodda tutgan, ammo Gitlerga ergashib, u Natsistlar harakati. "[275] U Ruminiyaning urushga qo'shgan hissasini "kichik Axis sun'iy yo'ldoshi" dan farqli o'laroq, "Germaniyaning asosiy ittifoqchisi" deb ta'riflaydi.[150]
Garchi u qirol Mayklga muhim bo'lmagan rolni topshirgan bo'lsa-da, Antonesku monarxiya obro'sini oshirish uchun choralar ko'rdi va Kerolning ajrashgan xotinini shaxsan taklif qildi. Qirolicha ona Xelen, uyga qaytish.[276] Biroq, uning afzal ko'rgan harbiy tuzilmalari a bilan hamkorlikda ishlagan rasmiyatchilik dan meros bo'lib o'tgan Milliy Uyg'onish fronti.[270][277] Fashizm tarixchisi Filipp Morganning so'zlariga ko'ra: "Antonesku, ehtimol Kerolning oldingi tashkiloti kabi narsalarni yaratmoqchi yoki abadiylashtirmoqchi bo'lgan".[278] Uning doimiy qo'llab-quvvatlash bazasining ko'p qismi sobiqlardan iborat edi Milliy xristian partiyasi a'zolari, u voris sifatida ko'rilgan darajada Oktavian Goga.[279] Uchun dekorativ almashtirishni saqlab qolishda Parlament - nomi ma'lum Adunarea Obștească Plebiscitară a Națiunii Române ("Ruminiya millatining umumiy plebisitar yig'ilishi") va faqat ikki marta chaqirilgan -[280] u ierarxik tayinlash ishlarini o'z zimmasiga oldi va shaxsan yangi ma'muriy loyihalarni ishlab chiqdi. 1941 yilda u mahalliy hokimiyatni tarqatib yubordi va okruglar, uni a bilan almashtirish korparatist u nomlagan prefektlar tomonidan tayinlanadigan tuzilma.[280] 1941 yil avgust va oktyabr oylari oralig'ida u Gubernator huzurida Dnestryani fuqarolik boshqaruvini o'rnatdi Georgiy Aleksianu uning maqomini u kabinet vazirining maqomiga tenglashtirdi.[281] Shu kabi choralar Bukovina va Bessarabiyada ham (Gubernatorlar davrida) amalga oshirildi Korneliu Kalotesku va Gheorghe Voykulesku navbati bilan).[282] Antonesku qat'iyan ishongan buyruq zanjiri va uning armiyaga to'g'ridan-to'g'ri buyruqlari fuqarolik ierarxiyalarini bekor qildi. Ushbu tizim endemik kasallik uchun joy ajratdi siyosiy korruptsiya va ma'muriy chalkashliklar.[283] Ruminiya rahbari, shuningdek, hokimiyatni asta-sekin yo'qotishiga toqat qildi Ruminiyadagi nemis jamoalari, xususan Transilvaniya saksoni va Banat shvabian guruhlari, Gitlerning qarashlari bilan kelishilgan holda Volksdeutsche. Ushbu tendentsiya sakson-fashistlar faoli tomonidan boshlangan Andreas Shmidt bilan hamkorlikda Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle,[284] ni natijasida amalda o'z-o'zini boshqarish natsistlar tuzumi ostida[285] bu 130,000 orasida takrorlangan Qora dengiz nemislari Dnestryanı.[286] Ko'plab nemis ruminiyalik yosh yigitlar qo'shilishni tanladilar Shutsstaffel 1940 yilda va 1943 yilda Antonesku va Gitler o'rtasidagi kelishuv avtomatik ravishda ishga qabul qilinadigan yoshdagi etnik nemislarni yubordi. Vermaxt.[285]
Rejim, etakchining jamoat hayotining hatto uzoq tomonlarini, shu jumladan jinslar o'rtasidagi munosabatlarni tartibga solishga urinishlari bilan ajralib turardi. U uchun keskin jazo choralarini ko'rdi huquqbuzarliklar,[287] va ulardan qonuniy foydalanish o'lim jazosi misli ko'rilmagan darajada kengaytirildi.[288] U shaxsan tungi klub dasturlari, etaklari uzunligi va ayollarning velosipeddan foydalanish standartlarini belgilab qo'ygan,[5] barcha erkaklarni jamoat joylarida palto kiyishga majbur qilish paytida.[25] Uning xotini Mariya davlat tomonidan tasdiqlangan homiysi edi xayriya tashkilotlari, dastlab muvaffaqiyatli Iron Guardist tashabbuslari bilan raqobatlashishga mo'ljallangan Ajutorul legioneri.[289] Ruminiyada tug'ilgan gender tadqiqotlari akademik Mariya Bukur Garchi rejim ayollarga "frontdagi urush harakatlarida yanada tartibli, hanuzgacha marginal tarzda qatnashishga" ruxsat bergan bo'lsa-da, umumiy ohang seksist.[290]
Ma'muriy apparat tarkibiga rasmiy matbuot va tashviqot Kerolning qurilishidan tez o'tib ketgan tarmoqlar shaxsga sig'inish yangi harbiy rahbar uchun xuddi shunday qilish: jurnallar Universul va Timpul, shu qatorda; shu bilan birga Camil Petresku "s Romaniya jurnali, bu jarayonda ayniqsa faol edi.[270] Boshqa ba'zi joylar bo'lgan Porunca Vremii,[291] Nichifor Crainic "s Sfarmu-Piatru,[292] shuningdek, mustaqil ko'rinadigan barcha gazetalar va shu maqsadda hukumat tomonidan tashkil etilgan o'nga yaqin yangi davriy nashrlar.[293] Targ'ibot bilan shug'ullanadigan alohida jurnalistlar orasida Kraynik, Petresku, Stelian Popesku,[270][294] va Curentul muharriri Pamfil Tseykaru[295] (the Dirijyor Kerolning sobiq maslahatchisi, korparatist iqtisodchi va gazetachining yordamini maqsadga muvofiq ravishda e'tiborsiz qoldirdi Mixail Manoilesku, u xabarni xo'rlagan).[296] Antonesku davrida olib borilgan targ'ibotning aksariyati antisemitik tezislarni qo'llab-quvvatladi Dirijyor.[297] Antisemitizm Ruminiya armiyasining bo'linmalari darajasida diqqatga sazovor va ta'sirchan bo'lib, bosib olingan erlarda sobiq Sovet fuqarolariga murojaat qildi va rejimning " etnik soxtalik jidani (o'xshash "kikes "yoki ingliz tilida" Yids ").[298] Bunday joylarda antikommunizmning diniy jihatlari paydo bo'ldi, ular tez-tez Barbarossa operatsiyasini a bilan tenglashtirdilar muqaddas urush yoki a salib yurishi.[299][300] Ruminiyaning boshqa dushmanlariga umuman boshqacha munosabatda bo'lishdi: Antoneskuning o'zi natsistlarni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi aniq qog'ozlarning inglizlarga qarshi tashviqotiga qarshi e'tirozlar bildirdi. Porunca Vremii.[301] Antoneskuning 1941 yildan keyingi targ'ibotining alohida qismi bo'lgan Kodrenist: Simaning hissalarini minimallashtirish va uni Codreanudan tubdan farq qiladigan qilib tasvirlash uchun temir gvardiya tarixini qayta ko'rib chiqdi.[302]
Antonesku va Holokost
Iogi pogrom
Ion Antonesku hokimiyatni qo'lga kiritgandan va milliy legionerlik rejimini ochganidan uch hafta o'tgach, italiyalik intervyu beruvchilarga: La Stampa hal qilish "Yahudiylarning savoli "uning dolzarb tashvishi va o'zini Moldaviya shaharlaridagi yahudiylarning katta ishtiroki" ta'qib qilgan "deb hisoblash edi.[303] Antonesku yahudiy aholisiga qarshi jinoyatlar yangi tomonidan ochildi irqiy kamsitish qonunlar: shahar yahudiylarining mulki ekspurizatsiya qilindi, yahudiylarga turli kasblarni egallash taqiqlandi va ta'minlashga majbur qilindi jamoat ishlari davlat uchun (muncă de interes obștesc) kirish qiyin bo'lgan harbiy xizmat o'rniga,[304] Rumin-yahudiylarning aralash nikohlari taqiqlangan va ko'plab yahudiylar, birinchi navbatda, kabi strategik hududlardan bo'lganlar Ploieti, cheklangan edi internat lagerlari.[305] Yahudiy mutaxassislarni har xil qatlamlardan chiqarib yuborish Milliy legionerlar davrida ham amalga oshirilgan va keyin amalga oshirilgan. Legioner isyon.[306] Legionerlikdan keyingi tanaffusdan keyin "Ruminlashtirish "komissiyalar o'z ishlarini Milliy markaz nazorati ostida davom ettirdilar va ularning ko'lami kengaytirildi.[307]
Ko'pincha uchun debocha sifatida muhokama qilinadi Ruminiyadagi xolokost va Antoneskuning "haqidagi qarashlari bilan bog'liqYahudiy bolshevizmi ", the Iogi pogrom "Barbarossa" operatsiyasi boshlanganidan bir necha kun o'tgach sodir bo'ldi va Buxarest rasmiylari tomonidan qisman qo'zg'atildi, qisman bunga toqat qilindi. Qirg'indan oldin bir muncha vaqt davomida ular yahudiylar kirib kelgan deb da'vo qilishdi Iai kichikroq joylardan majburiy ko'chirish natijasida ularning soni ko'paygan,[308] Sovet bombardimonchilariga maqsadlarini topishda faol yordam berishgan yorilish va Antoneskuning o'zi butun jamoani shu asosda shahardan haydab chiqarishni buyurib, rasmiylarga qarshi fitna uyushtirdi.[92][309] Ma'ruza mahalliy antisemitlarga murojaat qildi, ularning rasmiylari ishtirokida qotillik avj olgani yahudiy erkaklar, ayollar va bolalar o'rtasida bir necha ming o'limga olib keldi.[92][310]
Pogromdan so'ng, minglab omon qolganlar "o'lim poezdlari" deb nomlangan yuklarga tushishdi. Ular haddan tashqari ko'p va muhrlangan Ruminiya temir yo'llari mol vagonlari yozning haddan tashqari jaziramasida qishloq atrofida aylanib o'liklarni tushirish uchun vaqti-vaqti bilan to'xtab turardi.[92][311] Dastlabki qirg'in va undan keyingi transport paytida kamida 4000 kishi halok bo'ldi.[312] Iai qirg'ini va shunga bog'liq qotilliklar haqidagi turli xil taxminlarga ko'ra, o'ldirilgan yahudiylarning umumiy soni 8000 kishini tashkil etadi,[313] 10,000,[314] 12000 yoki 14000.[92][315] Ularning o'ldirilishida nemislarning bo'linmalari tomonidan bir oz yordam ko'rsatildi XXX armiya korpusi Bu masala keyinchalik hukumatga aybni o'zlaridan va Antoneskudan ag'darishga imkon berdi - bu uning ozod qilgan maxsus buyruqlari bilan bog'liq edi.[92][316] Ning sherikligi Maxsus razvedka xizmati va uning direktori Evgen Kristesku imkoniyat sifatida ham rivojlangan edi.[317] Keyinchalik yashirishga urinishlar orasida markaziy hokimiyat tomonidan chet ellik diplomatlarga noaniq tushuntirishlar va rasmiy yozuvlarni qayta yozish kiradi.[318]
Dnestryani
Ruminiya qo'shinlari Bessarabiya va Shimoliy Bukovinada qarorgoh qurish bilan birga Vermaxt va Shutsstaffel - tashkil etilgan Einsatzgruppen ommaviy otishmalarda Bessarabiya va Ukraina yahudiylari,[92][319] natijada 10000 kishi o'limga olib keldi[320] 20000 kishiga.[321] Olim Kristofer R. Brauning ushbu qotilliklarni mahalliy aholi tomonidan sodir etilgan shu kabi vahshiyliklar bilan taqqoslaydi Reyxskommissariat Ukraina, Litva va Latviya (qarang Latviyadagi xolokost, Litvadagi xolokost, Ukrainadagi xolokost ).[322] O'sha paytdan boshlab, jangovar qo'shinlar oldinga siljish paytida Dnestr, mahalliy ma'muriyat ko'p sonli yahudiylarni nemislar tomonidan yo'q qilinishiga umid qilib jang maydoniga chiqarib yubordi.[92][323] Antoneskuning o'zi shunday dedi: "Men yahudiylarni Bessarabiya va [Shimoliy] Bukovinadan chegaraning narigi tomoniga chiqarib yuborish tarafdoriman [...]. Bu erda ular uchun qiladigan narsa yo'q va biz paydo bo'lsak ham qarshi emasman. tarixda barbarlar sifatida [...]. Bizning tariximizda yahudiylardan xalos bo'lish uchun bundan buyukroq vaqt bo'lmagan va agar kerak bo'lsa, siz ularga qarshi pulemyotlardan foydalanishingiz kerak. "[324] Shuningdek, u o'zining maqsadi quyidagicha ekanligini tushuntirdi: "Ruminiya irqini tozalash siyosati va men millatimizning ushbu tarixiy maqsadiga erishishda hech qanday to'siqqa yo'l qo'ymayman. Agar biz bugun o'zini ko'rsatadigan vaziyatdan foydalanmasak [ ...] biz tarix bizga taqdim etgan so'nggi imkoniyatni qo'ldan boy beramiz. Va men buni o'tkazib yubormoqchi emasman, chunki bunday qilsam, kelajak avlodlar meni ayblashadi. "[325] U yahudiylarning o'ldirilishi to'g'risida qarama-qarshi bayonot berdi Kishinyu, ularning jinoyatchilari uning rejimining obro'siga "dog 'tushirgan" haromlar "ekanligini da'vo qilishdi.[326] Antonesku yahudiylarga qarshi "urush" ni Sovet Ittifoqiga qarshi urush kabi muhim deb bildi va muntazam ravishda Bessarabiya va Dnestryanı o'z zobitlaridan ularning yahudiylarga qarshi choralari to'g'risida hisobotlarni talab qildi.[327] 1941 yil avgust oyi oxirida, yilda Tigina Antonesku o'zi, Bessarabiya va Bukovina gubernatorlari va Dnestryanı gubernatori ishtirok etgan maxfiy konferentsiyani chaqirib, ushbu mintaqalardagi yahudiylarga nisbatan rejalarini muhokama qildi.[327]
Ko'plab o'limlar, ochlik va charchoqning bevosita natijalari sifatida,[92][328] mahalliy nemis qo'shinlari tanlab otishlarni amalga oshirgan.[329] Tirik qolganlarni daryo bo'ylab qaytarib yuborishdi va nemis qo'mondonlari o'zlarining hamkasblari tomonidan qo'llanilgan usullardan g'azablanishdi.[92][330] Ruminiya hukumati keyinchalik tanishtirildi gettolar yoki tranzit lagerlari.[92][331] Ilova qilinganidan keyin Dnestryani, yahudiylarning Bessarabiyadan muntazam ravishda deportatsiya qilinishi va yahudiylarning qo'shimcha transportlari bilan Eski Shohlik (ayniqsa Moldaviyaga tegishli).[92][332] Antonesku generalga berilgan topshiriq asosida Ioan Topor,[333] qaror aniq kvotalarni o'z ichiga olgan va transport vositalarining aksariyati piyoda amalga oshirilgan, tasodifiy qotilliklar ishtirok etgan.[92][334] Antonesku bilan birgalikda kengaytiruvchi ambitsiyalar, ehtimol, tirik qolganlar uchun oxirgi manzil, sharoitlar bunga yo'l qo'ygandan so'ng, sharqqa qaraganda ko'proq sharqda joylashgan bo'lishi mumkin Janubiy bug.[335] Yahudiy jamoalari federatsiyasining boshlig'i 1941 yil 11 oktyabrda Vilgelm Filderman Antoneskudan deportatsiyani to'xtatishni iltimos qilib, "Bu o'lim, hech qanday sababsiz o'lim, faqat ular yahudiylar", deb yozgan.[336] Antonesku Fildermanga uzoq maktubida Bessarabiyaning butun yahudiy jamoati Sovet Ittifoqi tomonidan Bessarabiyani bosib olish paytida Sovetlar bilan hamkorlik qilganligi sababli, uning siyosati qasos olish uchun asosli harakat ekanligini tushuntirgan holda javob berdi.[336] 1941 yil 11-noyabrda Antonesku Fildermanga "ozod qilingan hududlarda" yahudiylarga yashash huquqi berilmasligi va yahudiylarga nisbatan ikkinchi xat yubordi. Regat:
Biz Ruminiya huquqlarimizni himoya qilishga qaror qildik, chunki bizning o'ta sabrli o'tmishimiz yahudiylar tomonidan ishlatilgan va chet elliklar, xususan yahudiylar tomonidan bizning huquqlarimizni suiiste'mol qilishga yordam bergan ... Biz bu vaziyatga chek qo'yishga qat'iy qaror qildik. Bir necha yuz ming yahudiylar tufayli yoki insonparvarlik demokratiyasining to'g'ri tushunilmagan ba'zi tamoyillarini saqlab qolish uchun biz o'z millatimizning mavjudligini xavf ostiga qo'yishga qodir emasmiz. "[336]
Deportatsiya qilinganlarning qolgan mol-mulki edi milliylashtirilgan, musodara qilingan yoki talon-taroj qilish uchun qoldirilgan.[337] O'zining yahudiy aholisi cheklangan va yo'q qilinish bilan,[92][338] Dnestryanı qisqa vaqt ichida noma'lum bo'ldi, ayniqsa, beshta asosiy narsa uchun kontslagerlar: Peciora, Axmechetka, Bogdanovka, Domanovka va Obodovka.[92][339] Ruminiya tomonidan boshqariladi Jandarmalar va mahalliy Ukrain yordamchilar markaziy hokimiyatning roziligi bilan harakat qilgan, Dnestryanı joylar ommaviy qatl qilinadigan joylarga aylandi, ayniqsa ma'murlar keng tarqalishidan xavotirga tushishdi. tifus lagerlardan va atrofdagi mintaqaga.[92][340] Dnestrya yahudiylari taqdirini muhokama qilish uchun 1941 yil 16 dekabrda bo'lib o'tgan Vazirlar Mahkamasi yig'ilishida Antonesku shunday dedi:
Yidlar masalasi Berlinda muhokama qilinmoqda. Nemislar Yidlarni Evropadan Rossiyaga olib kelib, ularni ma'lum hududlarga joylashtirmoqchi, ammo bu reja amalga oshirilishiga hali vaqt bor. Ayni paytda, biz nima qilishimiz kerak? Qarorni Berlinda kutamizmi? Bizni qiziqtirgan qarorni kutamizmi? Ularning xavfsizligini ta'minlaymizmi? Ularni katakombalarga joylashtiring! Ularni Qora dengizga tashlang! Menimcha, 100 kishi o'lishi mumkin, 1000 kishi o'lishi mumkin, barchasi o'lishi mumkin "[341]
1941 yil 21-24 va 28-31 dekabr kunlari Ruminiya jandarmalari va ukrain yordamchilari Bogdanovka lagerida 70 mingga yaqin yahudiylarni o'ldirdilar; Bu qatliom - Antonesku Transistriyadagi yahudiylar orasida boshdan kechirgan tifus epidemiyasini boshdan kechirishga majbur bo'lgan, chunki bu yomon yashash sharoitlari.[342] 1942 yil iyun oyida yuz bergan yahudiylarning deportatsiyasining so'nggi to'lqini asosan Cernăui Shimoliy Bukovinadagi maydon.[92][343]
1942 yilning yozida Ion Antonesku jinoyatchiga aylandi Porajmos, yoki Rim xalqiga qarshi Holokost bilan bog'liq jinoyatlar, u Dnestryani deportatsiyasini buyurganida Ruminiyalik Romani Qadimgi Qirollikdan, lagerlar orqali tranzit qilingan va yaqin atrofdagi g'ayriinsoniy sharoitlarda joylashtirilgan Janubiy bug.[92][344] Ularga 2000 kishi qo'shildi vijdonan voz kechganlar ning Inoxentistlar cherkovi, a ming yillik nominal.[345] Antonesku sud paytida tan olganidek, u ushbu operatsiyalarni shaxsan o'zi boshqargan va Jandarmiya qo'mondonlariga maxsus buyruqlar bergan.[346] Nazariy jihatdan, rimliklarga qarshi ko'rilgan choralar faqat ko'chmanchilarga va yaqinda yaratilgan yoki yangilangan jinoyatchilarga taalluqli bo'lishi kerak edi, ammo bu qoidadan o'zboshimchalik bilan istisnolar darhol chiqarildi, xususan "nomaqbul" tushunchasi yordamida harakatsiz jamoalar a'zolari.[347] Markaziy hokimiyat organlari mahalliy miqyosda qo'llaniladigan mezondagi farqlarni qayd etdilar va deportatsiyani oldini olish yoki sanksiya berish uchun aralashdilar va ba'zi hollarda haddan tashqari deportatsiya qilishdi.[348] Antonesku va Konstantin Vasiliu Dnestryani o'z aholisini oziqlantirishda duch kelgan muammolari to'g'risida xabardor qilingan, ammo ularni chiqarib yuborish to'g'risida qaror qabul qilishda ularni e'tiborsiz qoldirgan.[349] Ularning mol-mulkining katta qismi musodara qilingan holda,[350] Rimliklarga erkaklar, ayollar va bolalar faqat qishda omon qolishlari kerak bo'lgan qo'l yuklarini olib yurish huquqiga ega edilar.[351] Ochlik va kasallik kelib chiqdi jinoiy beparvolik, Romani tirik qolish asosan hukumatning vaqti-vaqti bilan tarqatib yuborilishi, mahalliy aholining xayriyasi, o'g'irlik va boshqalarga bog'liq er osti iqtisodiyoti.[352] Ruminiyaga qaytib borgan qochqinlar qo'lga olingandan so'ng, mahalliy hokimiyat e'tiroz bildirgan bo'lsa ham, markaziy hokimiyat tomonidan qaytarib berildi.[353]
Odessa qirg'ini
The Odessa qirg'ini, akt jamoaviy jazo Ruminiya armiyasi va jandarmalar tomonidan amalga oshirilib, kamida 15000 kishining hayotiga zomin bo'ldi[354] va 25000[355] 40 000 ga qadar[356] yoki hatto 50 000 dan ortiq[149][357] Har qanday yoshdagi yahudiy xalqi. Bu chora Antoneskuning o'z buyrug'i bajarilishi, shu shaharda joylashgan Ruminiya shtab-kvartirasida 67 kishining hayotiga zomin bo'lgan portlash uchun qasos sifatida qabul qilindi. Antonesku asl portlash a terrorchi ko'rib chiqilayotgan binoning jihozlanganligini rad etgan holda harakat qiling minalar chekinayotgan Sovetlar tomonidan.[92][358] Bundan tashqari, Antonesku yahudiylarni aybladi, aniqrog'i "yahudiy komissarlar "ichida Qizil Armiya, unga etkazilgan zarar uchun 4-armiya qamal davomida,[359] garchi u buyurgan surishtiruv va nemislarning baholari Ruminiya askarlarining yomon tayyorligiga ishora qilmoqda.[360] Mahalliy qo'mondonlik birinchi qatl etish tashabbusini o'z zimmasiga olgan bo'lsa, Antoneskuning shaxsiy aralashuvi talab qilinadigan qurbonlar sonini ko'paytirdi va aniq kvotalarni o'z ichiga oldi (har bir halok bo'lgan ofitserga 200 tinch fuqaro, har bir o'lgan askarga 100 ta).[361] Portlash paytida, yahudiy aholisi zo'ravonlik va tanlab o'ldirilgan qotilliklarga duchor qilinib, vaqtincha gettolarga to'plangan edi.[362]
Urush tarixidagi yahudiylarning yagona eng yirik qirg'ini,[357] u ommaviy otishma, osish, o'ldirish va ommaviy portlashni o'z ichiga olgan.[92][363] Antoneskuning so'zlariga ko'ra, Ruminiya armiyasining jinoiy harakatlari "qatliom emas, repressiyalar" bo'lgan.[92] Tirik qolganlar yaqin aholi punktiga deportatsiya qilindi Slobidka va g'ayriinsoniy sharoitlarda saqlangan. Aleksianu o'zi Antonesku bilan ularning muammolarini hal qilish uchun aralashdi, ammo Ruminiya rahbari Sovet qo'shinlarining yaqin atrofdagi qarshiliklariga asoslanib, ularni Odessa hududidan chiqarib yuborishga qaror qildi. Sevastopolni qamal qilish shunga o'xshash yahudiylarning faoliyati uchun ferment sifatida.[364] Aleksianuga bergan buyrug'ida quyidagilar ko'rsatilgan: "Ularni to'plamga joylashtiring katakombalar, ularni Qora dengiz, lekin ularni Odessadan olib chiqing. Men bilmoqchi emasman. Yuz kishi o'lishi mumkin, ming kishi o'lishi mumkin, ularning hammasi o'lishi mumkin, ammo men biron bir Ruminiyalik amaldor yoki ofitserning o'lishini xohlamayman ".[365] Antonesku ishg'ol qilingan Odessada yahudiylarning borligini "jinoyat" deb ta'riflab, shunday dedi: "Men o'z faoliyatimni shu qadar uzoqni ko'ra olmaslik bilan bo'yamoqchi emasman".[366] Natijada, taxminan 35,000-40,000 yahudiylar Odessa hududidan va Dnestryaning boshqa sohalariga surgun qilingan.[367] Bir necha minglar maqsadga muvofiq ravishda haydab chiqarildi Berezivka va boshqa joylarda yashagan Qora dengiz nemislari, qayerda Selbstschutz tashkilotlar ularni qirg'in qildilar.[368]
Umuman olganda o'lganlar soni va xususiyatlari
Umumiy baholash Antonesku Ruminiyasini antisemitik yo'q qilish siyosatida fashistlar Germaniyasidan keyin ikkinchi o'rinda turadi.[369] Tarixchilarning alohida asarlariga ko'ra Dennis Deletant va Adrian Cioroianu, 1946 yilgi Antonesku sudining kamchiliklariga qaramay, uning harbiy jinoyatlar uchun javobgarligi G'arbiy Ittifoq yurisdiktsiyasida aybdor deb topilishi va qatl etilishi ehtimoli teng bo'lgan.[370] Ruminiya tomonidan uyushtirilgan qatliomlarning tez-tez uchraydigan vahshiyligi yahudiy qirg'in qiluvchisi va amerikalik siyosiy nazariyotchi uchun alohida mulohaza mavzusi edi. Xanna Arendt, uning 1963 yilgi ishida muhokama qilinganidek Eichmann Quddusda.[371] Ruminiyaning rasmiy taxminlariga ko'ra 2003 yilda Vizel komissiyasi Antonescu boshqaruvi ostida Ruminiya hukumati tomonidan 280,000 dan 380,000 gacha yahudiylar o'ldirilganligini eslang.[372][373] Dnestryani deportatsiyalari yahudiylarni Ruminiyadan to'g'ri ravishda 150 dan 170000 ga qadar individual ravishda chiqarib yuborishni tashkil qiladi, ulardan taxminan 90.000-120.000 kishi qaytib kelmagan.[149][374] Ruminiyada tug'ilgan Isroil tarixchi Jan Ancel, Dnestryani boshqa hududlardan deportatsiya qilinishi taxminan 145,000 o'limiga to'g'ri keladi, o'ldirilgan mahalliy Dnestryani yahudiylar soni esa 280,000 ga etishi mumkin.[375] Oxirgi raqam bo'yicha ko'proq konservativ hisob-kitoblarga ko'ra, 130-10000 qurbonlar haqida so'z boradi.[376] Boshqa umumiy taxminlar 200,000 haqida gapiradi[377] 300000 dan ortiq[378] Ruminiyaning harakati natijasida yahudiylar qasddan o'ldirildi. Tarixchilarning fikriga ko'ra Antoniy Polonskiy va Joanna B. Michlic: "bu qirg'inlarning hech biri nemislar tomonidan amalga oshirilmadi, garchi [ikkinchisi] bunday harakatlarni rag'batlantirgan bo'lsa va ba'zi hollarda ularni muvofiqlashtirgan bo'lishi mumkin."[379] Rimliklarning deportatsiyalari taxminan 25000 kishiga ta'sir qildi, ulardan kamida 11000 kishi Dnestryani o'ldi.[380]
Qadimgi Qirollikdagi 300-400 ming kishini tashkil etgan yahudiy aholisi Holokostdan deyarli butunligini saqlab qolishdi.[381] Ushbu haqiqatni o'ylab, Lucian Boia Antonesku yahudiylarning qutqaruvchisi sifatida "munosib" deb qaralmasligini ta'kidladi, ammo uning boshqaruvi va Gitlerning ta'siri o'rtasida hali ham tub farq borligini ta'kidlab, umumiy rasm "to'liq qorong'i" emas degan xulosaga keldi.[382] Dennis Deletant uchun bu holat Antoneskuning hokimiyat tepasidagi davridagi "asosiy paradoks" hisoblanadi: "Axis Evropaning boshqa mamlakatlariga qaraganda ko'proq yahudiylar [Antonesku] hukmronligi ostida omon qolishdi".[150] Ruminiyaning amerikalik tarixchisi Uilyam O. Oldson Antonesku siyosatini "zo'ravonlik, nomuvofiqlik va jonsizlik" bilan tavsiflaydi,[383] lekin ularni mahalliy antisemitizmning keng doirasiga joylashtirib, o'zlarining evropalik hamkasblaridan ba'zi mafkuraviy istisnolarni qayd etishdi. Uning ta'kidlashicha, bu xususiyatlar ko'proq "providential" bo'lib qoldi o'zlashtirilgan Qadimgi Ruminiya Qirolligining yahudiy jamoalari, chet ellik sifatida qabul qilingan yahudiylarni fosh qilish bilan birga.[384] Antonesku siyosatini muhokama qilish etnik tozalash, Polonksy va Mihlicning qayd etishicha: "[u] istalmagan ozchilikni quvib chiqarish istagi bilan kichik miqyosdagi nozik chiziq to'g'risida muhim savollarni tug'diradi. genotsid sanktsiyalangan shartlarda loyiha. "[379] Amerikalik harbiy tarixchi Gerxard L. Vaynberg Antonesku rejimining "1940 yilda Sovet Ittifoqiga berilgan hududlarda ko'p sonli yahudiylarni qirg'in qilish paytida ushbu hududlar 1941 yilda ham, [...] Dnestryani hududida qaytarib olinganida" ishora qildi, ammo izoh berdi: "Marshal hukumati Ion Antonesku yahudiylarni [Ruminiyadan] talon-taroj qilishni va ta'qib qilishni afzal ko'rdi; hukumat ularni o'ldirish uchun nemislarga topshirmadi. "[357]
Alongside the noticeable change in fortunes on the Eastern Front, a main motivator for all post-1943 changes, noted by various historians, was the manifold financial opportunity of Jewish survival.[385] Wealthier Jews were financially tovlamachilik in order to avoid community work and deportation, and the work of some professionals was harnessed by the davlat sektori, and even by the Army.[386] From the beginning, the regime had excepted from deportations some Jews who were experts in fields such as o'rmon xo'jaligi va kimyo, and some others were even allowed to return despite antisemitic protests in their home provinces.[387] Economic exploitation was institutionalized in late 1941-early 1942, with the creation of a Central Jewish Office. Supervised by Commissioner Radu Lecca and formally led by the Jewish intellectuals Nandor Gingold va Henric Streitman, it collected funds which were in part redirected toward Mariya Antonesku 's charities.[388] Small numbers of Romanian Jews left independently for the Falastin as early as 1941, but British opposition ga Sionist plans made their transfer perilous (one notorious example of this being the MV Struma ).[389] On a personal level, Antonescu's encouragement of crimes alternated with periods when he gave in to the pleas of Jewish community leader Vilgelm Filderman.[390] In one such instance, he reversed his own 1942 decision to impose the wearing of sariq nishonlar,[391] which nevertheless remained in use everywhere outside the Old Kingdom and, in theory, to any Romanian Jews elsewhere in Axis-controlled Europe.[392] Assessing these contradictions, commentators also mention the effect of Allied promises to prosecute those responsible for genocide throughout Europe.[393] In the late stages of the war, Antonescu was attempting to shift all blame for crimes from his regime[394] while accusing Jews of "bring[ing] destruction upon themselves".[395]
The regime permitted non-deported Romanian Jews and Amerika charities to send gumanitar yordam into Transnistrian camps, a measure it took an interest in enforcing in late 1942.[92][396] Deportations of Jews ceased altogether in October of the same year. A common explanation historians propose for this reassessment of policies is the change in Germany's fortunes on the Eastern Front, with mention that Antonescu was considering using the Jewish population as an asset in his dealings with the G'arbiy ittifoqchilar.[92][397] It nevertheless took the regime more than a year to allow more selective Jewish returns from Transnistria, including some 2,000 orphans.[92][398] After Transnistria's 1944 evacuation, Antonescu himself advocated the creation of new camps in Bessarabia.[399] In conversations with his cabinet, the Dirijyor angrily maintained that surviving Jews were better off than Romanian soldiers.[400]
The policies applied in respect to the Romani population were ambivalent: while ordering the deportation of those he considered criminals, Ion Antonescu was taking some interest in improving the lives of Romani laborers of the Bărăgan Plain.[401] According to Romanian historian Viorel Achim, although it had claimed the existence of a "Gypsy problem", the Antonescu regime "did not count it among its priorities."[402] By 1943, Antonescu was gradually allowing those deported to return home. Dastlab, Constantin Vasiliu allowed the families of soldiers to appeal their deportation on a selective basis.[403] Romanian authorities also appear to have been influenced by the objections of Nazi administrators in the Reyxskommissariat Ukraina, who feared that the newly arrived population would outnumber local Germans.[404] By January 1944, the central authorities ordered local ones not to send back apprehended fugitives,[405] instructed them to provide these with some food and clothing, and suggested jismoniy jazo for Romani people who did not adhere to a behavioural code.[406] As the Romanian administrators abandoned Transnistria, most survivors from the group returned on their own in summer 1944.[407]
Antonescu va Final Solution loyihalari
Ion Antonescu and his subordinates were for long divided on the issue of the Yakuniy echim, as applied in territories under direct Nazi control from 1941. At an early stage, German attempts to impose the RSHA 's direct control over Old Kingdom Jews drew some objections from Mihai Antonescu, but the two sides agreed to a common policy with reference to Soviet Jews.[408] In various of his early 1940s statements, Ion Antonescu favorably mentions the Axis goal of eliminating the Jewish presence in the event of victory.[409] The unrestrained character of some Romanian actions toward Jews alarmed Nazi officials, who demanded a methodical form of extermination.[410] When confronted with German decisions to push back Jews he had expelled before the occupation of Transnistria, Antonescu protested, arguing that he had conformed with Hitler's decisions regarding "eastern Jews".[411] In August 1941, in preparation for the Final Solution's universal application, Hitler remarked: "As for the Jewish question, today in any case one could say that a man like Antonescu, for example, proceeds much more radically in this manner than we have done until now. But I will not rest or be idle until we too have gone all the way with the Jews."[412]
By summer 1942, German representatives in Romania obtained Antonescu's approval to deport the remaining Jewish population to yo'q qilish lagerlari yilda Polshani bosib oldi.[92][413] Among those involved on the German side were mass murderer Adolf Eyxmann and his aide Gustav Richter,[414] while the Romanian side was represented by Jewish Affairs Commissioner Lecca (reporting to Antonescu himself).[415] Richter directed Lecca in setting up the Central Jewish Office, which he assumed would function as a Judenrat to streamline extermination policies.[416] According to such plans, only some 17,000 Jews, labeled useful to Romania's economy, were to be exempt.[92][417] The transports had already been announced to the Ruminiya temir yo'llari by autumn 1942, but the government eventually decided to postpone these measures indefinitely as was done with most other deportations to Transnistria.[92][418] Antonescu's new orders on the matter were brought up in his conversations with Hitler at Schloss Klessheim, where both leaders show themselves aware of the fate awaiting Jewish deportees to Poland.[419] By then, German authorities charged with applying the Final Solution in Sharqiy Evropa completely abandoned their plans with respect to Romania.[420] In August 1942, Antonescu had worked out plans with the SS for deporting all of the Jews of the Regat or the "Old Kingdom" to the German-run death camps in Poland, but then cancelled the deportation.[421] The principal reasons for his change of mind were signs of disapproval from court circles, a warning from the American government passed on by the Swiss ambassador that he would prosecuted for war crimes and crimes against humanity after the Allies had won if the deportation went ahead, and most importantly because Hitler would not undo the Second Vienna Award and return northern Transylvania to Romania.[422] Antonescu saw the deportation of the Jews of the Regat sifatida pro quid quo for the return of Transylvania and unable to obtain satisfactory promises from the German Ambassador Baron Manfred von Killinger that Romania would be rewarded with the return of Transylvania in exchange for handing over its Jews, Antonescu cancelled the deportation until the Germans would make him a better offer.[422]
According to Oldson, by the final stage of the war Romania rejected "all extreme measures against Jews who could not be proven to be communists."[423] The planned transports to Palestine, the prospect of which irritated Nazi German observers, implied a hope that the Allies' focus would shift away from the regime's previous guilt and, at the same time, looked forward to payments to be made in exchange for each person saved.[424] The contrary implications of Romanian nationalism, manifested as reluctance to obey German commands and discomfort with drastic change in general, are occasionally offered as further explanations of the phenomenon.[425] While reflecting upon the issue of emigration to Palestine, Antonescu also yielded to pleas of Jewish community leaders, and allowed safe passage through Romania for various Northern Transylvanian Jews fleeing the Vengriyadagi xolokost.[426] He was doing the same for certain Northern Transylvanian Romani communities who had escaped southwards.[427] In that context, Nazi German ideologues began objecting to Antonescu's supposed leniency.[428] Antonescu nevertheless alternated tolerance of illegal immigration with drastic measures. In early 1944, he issued an order to shoot illegal immigrants, which was probably never enforced by the Chegara politsiyasi[429] (who occasionally turned in Jewish refugees to the German authorities).[430] The Antonescu regime allowed the extermination of the Romanian Jewish diaspora in other parts of Europe,[431] formally opposing their deportation in some cases where it appeared Germany was impinging upon Romania's sovereignty.[432]
Muxolifat va siyosiy ta'qiblar
Siyosiy oqim
The circumstances of wartime accounted for cautious and ambivalent approaches to Antonescu's rule from among the Romanian political mainstream, which grouped advocates of liberal demokratiya va anti-fascism. According to Gledhill and King: "Romanian liberals had been critical of their government's warm relationship with Hitler, which had been developing throughout the 1930s, but the [1940] Soviet attack on Romanian territory left them with little chance but to support Germany's invasion of the Soviet Union."[264] Other authors also cite the Greater Romanian agenda of the Antonescu executive as a reason behind the widespread acquiescence.[433] The tendency was illustrated by Dinu Brutianu, who, in late January 1941, told his Milliy liberal colleagues that the new "government of generals" was "the best solution possible to the current crisis", urging the group to provide Antonescu with "all the support we can give him."[271] An early point of contention between Antonescu and the Milliy dehqonlar partiyasi came in spring 1941, when Antonescu's support for the Bolqon kampaniyasi and Romania's claim to parts of Voyvodina were met with a letter of protest from Iuliu Maniu, which Antonescu dismissed.[434] Maniu and Brătianu also issued several condemnations of Antonescu's decision to continue the war beyond the Dnestr.[300][435] One such letter, signed by both, claimed that, while earlier steps had been "legitimized by the entire soul of the nation, the Romanian people will never consent to the continuation of the struggle beyond our national borders."[436] Maniu specifically mentioned the possibility of Allied victory, accused Antonescu of diverting attention from the goal of Katta Ruminiya (Shimoliy Transilvaniya included), and stressed that Romania's ongoing participation in the Axis was "troubling enough".[300]
Antonescu is known to have publicly admonished opposition leaders for their disobedience, which he equated with obstruction,[437] and to have monitored their activities through the Special Intelligence Service.[438] However, some early communiqués he addressed to Brătianu also feature offers of resignation, which their recipient reluctantly rejected.[439] The Germans objected to such ambiguities, and Hitler once advised Antonescu to have Maniu killed, an option which the Dirijyor rejected because of the PNȚ leader's popularity with the peasants.[438] While tolerating contacts between Maniu and the Allies, Antonescu arrested the clandestine British envoys to Romania, thus putting a stop to the 1943 Operation Autonomous.[440] In parallel, his relationship with Queen Mother Helen and Michael rapidly deteriorated after he began advising the royal family on how to conduct its affairs.[441] Dissent from Antonescu's policies sometimes came from inside his own camp. Both the officer corps and the General Staff were divided on the issue of war beyond the Dnestr, although it is possible that the majority agreed it would bring Northern Transylvania back to Romania.[442] A prominent case was that of Iosif Iacobici, Ruminiya Bosh shtabi boshlig'i, whose objection to the massive transfer of Romanian troops to the Eastern Front resulted in his demotion and replacement with Ilie fteflea (January 1942).[149][153] Șteflea issued similar calls, and Antonescu's eventually agreed to preserve a home army just before the Stalingrad jangi.[443] Various other military men extended their protection to persecuted Jews.[444] Overall, Antonescu met significant challenges in exercising control over the politicized sectors in the armed forces.[445]
Antonescu's irqiy kamsitish laws and Romania's participation in the Holocaust earned significant objections from various individuals and groups in Romanian society. One noted opponent was Queen Mother Helen, who actively intervened to save Jews from being deported.[92][446] The Mayor of Cernăui, Traian Popovici, publicly objected to the deportation of Jews,[447] qilgan kabi German Panteya, his counterpart in Odessa.[448] The appeals of Queen Helen, King Michael, the Orthodox Metropolitan of Transylvania Nicolae Bălan, Havoriy Nuncio Andrea Kassulo va Shveytsariya Elchi René de Weck are credited with having helped avert the full application of the Yakuniy echim in Antonescu's Romania.[449] Cassulo and Bălan together pleaded for the fate of certain Jews, including all who had converted to Christianity, and the former publicly protested against deportations.[450] While Romania and the United States were still at peace, American Minister Plenipotentiary Franklin Mott Gunther repeatedly attempted to make his superiors aware of Romanian actions against the Jews,[451] va Turkcha diplomats unsuccessfully sought American approval for transferring Romanian Jews to safe passage through Anadolu and into Palestine.[452] Dinu Brătianu also condemned antisemitic measures, prompting Antonescu to accuse him of being an ally of "the Yid yilda London ".[453] Together with Maniu and Ion Mixalache, Brătianu signed statements condemning the isolation, persecution and expulsion of Jews, which prompted Antonescu to threaten to clamp down on them.[454] However, both parties were occasionally ambiguous on racial issues, and themselves produced antisemitic messages.[455] Brătianu is also known for publicly defending the cause of Romani people, opposing their deportation on grounds that it would "turn back the clock on several centuries of history",[456] a stance which drew support from his civilian peers.[457] In parallel, some regular Romanians such as nurse Viorica Agarici intervened to save Jewish lives,[458] while, from inside the Jewish community, Bosh ravvin Alexandru Șafran va faol Mișu Benvenisti rallied with Vilgelm Filderman in public protests against Antonescu's decisions, being occasionally joined by A. L. Zissu.[459] In 1943, Filderman himself was deported to Mohyliv-Podilskiy, but eventually allowed to return.[460]
Siyosiy yashirin
Uyushgan qarshilik harakati in Antonescu's Romania were comparatively small-scale and marginal. In addition to a Sionist underground which aided Jews to pass through or flee the country,[461] the regime was confronted with local political movements of contrasting shades. One of them comprised juda chapda va chap qanot elements, which Antonescu's rise to power had caught in an unusual position. The minor Ruminiya Kommunistik partiyasi, outlawed since the rule of Ferdinand I uning uchun Cominternist national policies, had been rendered virtually inactive by the German-Soviet non-aggression pact. Once reanimated by Barbarossa operatsiyasi, the PCR was unable to create an actual armed resistance movement, although it was able to coordinate the policies of several other small leftist groups.[462] Speaking shortly before the invasion of the Soviet Union, and adopting the "Yahudiy bolshevizmi " position, Antonescu ordered authorities to compile lists comprising "the names of all Jewish and communist agents", who were to be kept under close surveillance.[463] Among people arrested on suspicion of communism, Jews were sent to Transnistrian sites such as Vapniarka va Ribnisa, while others were interned in regular facilities such as those in Caransebeș va Tirgu Jiu.[464] In all, some 2,000 Jewish Romanian deportees to the region had been accused of siyosiy jinoyatlar (the category also included those who had tried to escape forced labor).[465] According to one estimate, people held on charges of being communists accounted for just under 2,000 people, of whom some 1,200 were jailed in Romania proper.[466] O'lim jazosi was used against various partizan -like activists,[467] while the vast majority of communist prisoners in Rîbnița were massacred in March 1944.[468] At the other end of the political spectrum, after the Legioner isyon va Temir qo'riqchi 's decapitation, many Legionaries who opposed the regime, and whom Antonescu himself believed were "communists in [Legionary] green shirts",[280] were killed or imprisoned.[469] An Iron Guardist underground was nevertheless formed locally, and probably numbered in thousands.[262] Some of Antonescu's siyosiy mahbuslar from both camps were given a chance to redeem themselves by joining units on the Eastern Front.[470]
Although repressed, divided and weak, the PCR capitalized on the Soviet victories, being integrated into the mainstream opposition. At the same time, a "prison faction" emerged around Georgiy Georgiu-Dej, opposing both the formal leadership and the so-called "Muscovite" communists who had taken refuge in the Soviet Union before the war.[471] While maneuvering for control within the PCR during and after 1944, "prison" communists destroyed a third group, formed around the PCR's nominal leader Ștefan Foriș (whom they kidnapped and eventually killed).[472] The PCR leadership was still suffering from a crisis of legitimacy after beginning talks with the larger parties.[473] The Soviets and "Muscovite" communists campaigned among Romanian harbiy asirlar in order to have them switch sides in the war, and eventually managed to set up the Tudor Vladimiresku divizioni.[474]
Madaniyat to'garaklari
Measures enforced by the Ion Antonescu regime had contradictory effects on the Romanian cultural scene. According to Romanian literary historians Letiția Guran and Alexandru Ștefan, "the Antonescu regime [...] did not affect negatively cultural modernity. The Romanian cultural elite regarded Antonescu's policies for the most part with sympathy."[475] Nevertheless, other researchers record the dissent of several cultural environments: the classic liberalism va kosmopolitizm of aging literary theorist Evgen Lovinesku, the "Lovinescian" Sibiu Literary Circle, and the rebellious qarshi madaniyat of young avangard writers (Ion Caraion, Geo Dumitrescu, Dimitrie Stelaru, Constant Tonegaru ).[476] Prominent left-wing writers Tudor Arghezi, Victor Eftimiu va Zahariya Stanku were political prisoners during the Antonescu years.[477] Muallif Jorj Salinesku also stood out against the official guidelines, and, in 1941, took a risk by publishing a synthesis of Ruminiya adabiyoti which emphasized Jewish contributions,[478] while composer Jorj Enesku pleaded with Antonescu personally for the fate of Romani musicians.[457] Similar acts of solidarity were performed by various prominent intellectuals and artists.[479] In August 1942, King Michael received a manifesto endorsed by intellectuals from various fields, deploring the murders in Transnistria, and calling for a realignment of policies.[480] Another such document of April 1944 called for an immediate peace with the Soviet Union.[481] On a more intimate level, a diary kept by philosopher and art critic Alice Voinescu expresses her indignation over the antisemitic measures and massacres.[482]
A special aspect of political repression and cultural hegemony was Antonescu's persecution of Evangelist yoki Restorantist Christian denominations, first outlawed under the National Legionary regime.[483] Several thousand adherents of the Pentecostal Union va Baptistlar ittifoqi were reportedly jailed in compliance with his orders.[484] Persecution targeted groups of religiously motivated vijdonan voz kechganlar. Ga qo'shimcha ravishda Inochentist movement, these groups included the Pentecostal Union, the Seventh-day Adventist Conference va Jehovah's Witnesses Association.[485] Antonescu himself recounted having contemplated using the death penalty against "sects" who would not allow military service, and ultimately deciding in favor of deporting "recalcitrant" ones.[486]
Meros
Antonesku sudining natijalari
The period following Antonescu's fall returned Romania to a democratic regime and the 1923 yil Konstitutsiyasi, as well as its participation in the war alongside the Allies. However, it also saw the early stages of a communist takeover—which culminated with King Michael's forced abdication on December 30, 1947 and the subsequent establishment of Kommunistik Ruminiya. The Antonescu trial thus fit into a long series of similar procedures and political purges on charges of collaborationism, instrumented by the Ruminiya Xalq Tribunallari and various other institutions.[487] During the rigged general election of 1946 and for years after Ion Antonescu's execution, the Ruminiya Kommunistik partiyasi and its allies began using the implications of his trial as an abusive means of compromising some of their political opponents.[149][488] One such early example was Iuliu Maniu, by then one of the country's prominent anti-communists, who was accused of being a fascist and an Antonescu sympathizer, mainly for having shaken his hand during the trial.[149] The enlistment of etnik nemislar into Nazi German units, as approved by Antonescu, was used as a pretext for a Soviet-led expulsion of Germans from Romania.[285][489] On similar grounds, the Soviet occupation forces organized the capture of certain Romanian citizens, as well as the return of war refugees from Romania proper into Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina. Both the arrestees and the returnees were often deported deeper into the Soviet Union.[490] As part of its deteriorating relationship with Romanian Roman Catholics, and urged on by the Soviets, the communist cabinet of Petru Groza also deemed Havoriy Nuncio Andrea Kassulo a collaborator of Antonescu and a persona non grata, based on transcripts of the Cassulo-Antonescu conversations.[491] It also used such allegations to pressure several Yunon-katolik clergymen into accepting union with the Ruminiya pravoslav cherkovi.[216]
Nevertheless, Romanian-born Holocaust historian Radu Ioanid notes, few Romanians involved in organizing the Holocaust were prosecuted, and, of those, none were executed after the Antonescu trial. He attributes this to nationalist resistance within the administrative and judicial apparatus, to communist fears of alienating a too large number of people, to the emigration of Sionist survivors, and to the open hostility of some communists toward liberal Jewish community leaders.[492] Jews also faced conflict with the new authorities and with the majority population, as described by other researchers.[493] There were, nonetheless, sporadic trials for Holocaust-related crimes, including one of Mariya Antonesku. Arrested in September 1944 and held 1945–1946 in Soviet custody, she was re-arrested at home in 1950, tried and ultimately found guilty of economic crimes for her collaboration with the Central Jewish Office.[494] Five years later, she was sent into internal exile, and died of heart problems in 1964.[495] After 1950, a large number of convicted war criminals, even some sentenced to life imprisonment, were deemed fit for "social cohabitation" (that is, fit to live amongst the general population) and released, while some suspects were never prosecuted.[496]
Kommunistik tarixshunoslikda
Garchi Marksistik analytical works of the increasingly marginalized communist figure Lucrețiu Ptrășcanu make isolated mentions of the Holocaust,[497] the heavily politicized official discourse inspired by Sovet tarixshunosligi interpreted Romania's wartime evolution exclusively based on the Marksist-leninchi g'oyasi sinf ziddiyati.[498] In this context, the main effort to document and expose the Antonescu-era massacres came from Jewish Romanians. This began in 1945, when Jewish journalists Marius Mircu and Maier Rudrich contributed first-hand testimonies.[499] In 1946–1948, the Jewish community leader Matatias Carp nashr etilgan Cartea neagră ("The Black Book"), a voluminous and detailed account of all stages of the Holocaust.[500] After forming a secondary element in Antonescu's indictment, the deportation of Romani people was largely ignored in official discourse.[501]
The communist regime overemphasized the part played by the PCR in Qirol Mayklning to'ntarishi, while commemorating its August 23 date as a national holiday.[149][502] The Georgiy Georgiu-Dej faction emerged as the winner of the interior PCR struggles and incorporated nationalist discourse. That faction claimed a decisive role in toppling Antonescu, even though a majority of its members had been jailed for most of the period.[503] Ga ko'ra Stalin principles, tsenzura ishlab chiqarilgan tarixiy revizionizm that excluded focus on such negative aspects of Romanian behavior during the war as antisemitism and the Holocaust,[504] and obscured Romania's participation on the Eastern Front.[505] Beginning in the mid-1960s, when Nikolae Cheesku took power and embarked on a milliy kommunist course, the celebration of August 23 as the inception of the communist regime was accompanied by a contradictory tendency, which implied a gradual reabilitatsiya of Antonescu and his regime.[506] Historians who focused on this period believe that the revival of nationalist tenets and the relative distance taken from Soviet policies contributed to the rehabilitation process.[507] Bir muddat o'tgach liberallashtirish, the increasingly authoritarian Ceaușescu regime revived the established patterns of personalized rule, and even made informal use of the title Dirijyor.[508] Beginning in the early 1970s, when the new policies were consecrated by the Iyul tezislari, Ceaușescu tolerated a nationalist, antisemitic and Holocaust denialist intellectual faction, illustrated foremost by Săptămîna va Luceafărul magazines of Evgen Barbu va Korneliu Vadim Tudor, by poet Adrian Păunescu va uning Flacăra journal, and by novelist Ion Lăncrănjan.[509] The regime also came to cultivate a relationship with exiled tycoon Iosif Constantin Drăgan, a former Iron Guard member who had come to endorse both Antonescu's rehabilitation and the national communist version of Protoxronizm.[510] In contrast, much of dissident culture and the Ruminiya diasporasi embraced the image of Michael I as its counterpart to the increasingly official Antonescu myth.[511] Lucian Boia described this as "the spectacular confrontation between the two contradictory myths [transposing] into historical and mythological terms a fundamental fissure which divides the Romanian society of today."[512]
Topics relating to the Holocaust in Romania were distorted during the communist era. Ceaușescu himself mentioned the number of survivors of the deportations (some 50,000 people) as a total number of victims, failed to mention the victims' ethnic background, and presented most of them as "communists and antifascists."[513] The regime also placed emphasis on the Holocaust in Northern Transylvania (qaerda Yakuniy echim had been applied by the Germans and the local Arrow Cross Party ).[514] Vladimir Tismeneya has said Antonescu has a "pseudo-sacred aura" and many Romanians consider the attempts to diminsh this to be an affront to their national dignity: "In post-Communist societies, fantasies of persecution offer immense gratification to large strata of frustrated individuals". These national views are based on propaganda advanced during the Ceaușescu regime.[515]
Earlier accounts of the massacres, which had already been placed under restricted use, were completely removed from public libraries.[516] While a special politicized literature dealt with the Holocaust in Hungary, the entire Ceaușescu period produced only one work entirely dedicated to Romania's participation.[517] Centred on the Iogi pogrom, it shifted the blame from Romanian authorities and advanced a drastically reduced death toll.[518] In its preface, official historian Nicolae Minei claimed that Romania was not responsible for any deaths among Jews.[519] Other official texts made more radical claims, openly denying that Antonescu's regime was antisemitic, and that all those killed were victims of Germany or of circumstance.[520]
1990-yillardagi munozaralar
Romanians' image of Antonescu shifted several times after the 1989 yilgi inqilob toppled communism. Polls carried out in the 1990s show the Dirijyor was well liked by portions of the general public.[521] This tendency, Lucian Boia argues, was similar to a parallel trend favoring Valaxiya 's 15th century Shahzoda Vlad III Impaler, indicating a preference for "authoritarian solutions" and reflecting "a panteon that was largely set in place in the 'Ceaușescu era' ".[522] It was also popular at the time to see the 1944 Coup exclusively as the onset of communization in Romania,[149][523] while certain sections of the public opinion revived the notion of "Yahudiy bolshevizmi ", accusing Jews of having brought communism to Romania.[524] Britaniya tarixchisi Toni Judt connected such reflexes to growing anti-Russian sentiment and Holocaust denial in various countries of the former Sharqiy blok, and termed them collectively "mis-memory of anti-communism".[525] Vladimir Tismeneya, a prominent Romanian-born political scientist, referred to Antonescu's "pseudo-sacred" image with the post-1989 public, and to the phenomenon as "fantasies of persecution."[526] The wartime dictator's image appealed to many politicians of the post-1989 period, and sporadic calls for his rehabilitation were issued at the highest levels of authority.[5][149][527] Juda to'g'ri groups issued calls for his kanonizatsiya tomonidan Ruminiya pravoslav cherkovi (together with a similar request to canonize Corneliu Zelea Codreanu ).[528] Aniq neofascist groups claim to represent a legacy of Codrenism from which Sima was a deviationist, and these have also become Antonescu apologists.[529]
A particular case in this process was that of forces gathered around the Buyuk Ruminiya partiyasi, a group often characterized as merging ksenofobik or neofascist messages and the legacy of Ceaușescu's national communism.[530] Founded by party leader and former Săptămîna hissa qo'shuvchi Korneliu Vadim Tudor, România Mare magazine is known to have equated Antonescu and Ceaușescu, presenting them both as "apostles of the Romanian people".[531] In his bid for the office of Prezident davomida 1996 yilgi saylov, Vadim Tudor vowed to be a new Antonescu.[532] Boia remarks that this meeting of extremes offers an "extraordinary paradox".[533] Drăgan also openly resumed his activities in Romania, often in collaboration with Vadim Tudor's group,[534] founding three organizations tasked with campaigning for Antonescu's rehabilitation: the media outlet Europa Nova,[535] the Ion Antonescu Foundation and the Ion Antonescu League.[536] His colleague Radu Theodoru endorsed such projects while accusing Jews of being "a long-term noxious factor" and claiming that it was actually ethnic Romanians who were victims of a communist Holocaust.[537] Ion Coja va Pol Goma notably produced radical claims relying on fabricated evidence and deflecting blame for the crimes onto the Jews themselves.[538] Several journals edited by Ion Cristoiu repeatedly argued in favor of Antonescu's rehabilitation, also making xenophobic claims;[539] similar views were sporadically present in national dailies of various hues, such as Ziua, România Liberă[540] va Adevărul.[541]
Various researchers argue that the overall tendency to exculpate Antonescu was endorsed by the ruling Milliy najot fronti (FSN) and its successor group, later known as Sotsial-demokratik partiya,[542] who complemented an emerging pro-authoritarian lobby while depicting their common opponent King Michael and his supporters as traitors.[543] Similar attempts to deny the role of Antonescu in the Holocaust were also made by the main opposition parties, the Xristian-demokratik milliy dehqonlar partiyasi va Milliy liberal partiya, bilan Radu Kempeanu, the latter party's president, publicly describing the wartime leader as a "great Romanian" who tried to defend the Jews.[544] Sections of both governing and opposition groups contemplated the idea of rehabilitating the wartime leader, and, in May 1991, Parlament observed a moment of silence in his memory.[545] The perceived governmental tolerance of Antonescu's rehabilitation raised international concern and protests.[149][546] While the FSN-supported Romanian President Ion Iliesku publicly opposed attempts to rehabilitate Antonescu and acknowledged the "crimes he committed against the Jews", it was his successor, Emil Konstantinesku, a representative of the Demokratik konventsiya, who in 1997 became the first Romanian officeholder to recognize the collective responsibility of Romanian authorities.[547][544] Nevertheless, during the same period, Bosh prokuror Sorin Moisescu followed a since-deprecated special Shikoyat qilish procedure to overturn sentences passed against Antonescu and other 1946 defendants, which he eventually withdrew.[548]
To a certain degree, such pro-Antonescu sentiments were also present in post-1989 historiography. Reflecting back on this phenomenon in 2004, Maria Bucur wrote: "the perverse image of Antonescu is not the product of a propaganda campaign led by right-wing extremists, but a pervasive myth fed by historical debates and political contests, and which the public seems indifferent to or accepts unproblematically."[549] After the Revolution, archival sources concerning Antonescu, including those in the Ruminiyaning milliy arxivi, were made more available to researchers, but documents confiscated or compiled by Soviet officials, kept in Rossiya, remained largely inaccessible.[550] Although confronted with more evidence from the newly opened archives, several historians, including some employed by official institutions, continued to deny the Holocaust in Romania, and attributed the death toll exclusively to German units.[551] In parallel, some continued an exclusive focus on Northern Transylvanian massacres.[552] Local authors who have actively promoted Antonescu's image as a hero and wrote apologetic accounts of his politics include historians Gheorghe Buzatu[553] va Mihai Pelin,[554] and researcher Alex Mihai Stoenescu.[555] Larry L. Watts shu kabi munozarali nashrni e'lon qildi monografiya Qo'shma Shtatlarda.[556] Holokostning o'ziga xosligini inkor etgani va Antoneskuning sherikligini kamaytirgani uchun tanqid qilingan bo'lsa ham, Dinu C. Giuresku birinchi deb tan olindi post-kommunistik Ruminiyalik tarixchi o'z mamlakatining ishtirokini ochiq tan olish uchun,[557] uning hamkasblari esa Șerban Papacostea va Andrey Pippidi Antoneskuni oqlashga urinishlarning dastlabki tanqidchilari sifatida qayd etilgan.[558] Transdistriya va boshqa joylardagi jinoyatlar masalasi birinchi bo'lib tarkibiga kiritilgan Ruminiya o'quv dasturi tahrir qilgan 1999 yilda davlat tomonidan tasdiqlangan muqobil darslik bilan Sorin Mitu.[559]
Vizel komissiyasi va uning oqibatlari
2003 yilda, bu masala bo'yicha o'zining teng fikrli pozitsiyasi tortishuvlarga sabab bo'lgan davrdan so'ng,[560] Konstantineskuning vorisi Ion Iliesku tashkil etdi Vizel komissiyasi, missiyasi Ruminiyadagi Xolokostni o'rganish bo'lgan ekspert tarixchilarning xalqaro guruhi bo'lib, keyinchalik Elie Vizel milliy instituti. The Yakuniy hisobot Komissiya tomonidan tuzilgan Ion Antoneskuning Xolokostdagi ishtiroki rasmiy e'tirof etildi.[5][149][561] Shu daqiqadan so'ng Antoneskuni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi ommaviy namoyishlar noqonuniy bo'lib qoldi.[5][149][562] Antoneskuniki SMERSH so'roqlar Rossiya arxivlaridan tiklandi va 2006 yilda nashr etildi.[149] Yangilangan qoralash va fosh bo'lishiga qaramay, Antonesku taniqli shaxs bo'lib qoldi: 2006 yil natijasi sifatida Mari Romani milliy stantsiya tomonidan o'tkazilgan bir qator so'rovlar TVR 1, tomoshabinlar Antoneskuni ruminiyaliklar davridagi 6-eng buyuk nomzod sifatida ko'rsatishdi.[563] Ovoz berishning nokaut bosqichi eng mashhur o'n kishining televizion profillarini o'z ichiga oldi va tarixchini ko'rdi Adrian Cioroianu Antoneskuga bag'ishlangan qismdan foydalanib, uni fosh qilish va mahkum etish, saylovchilarga diktatorni buyuk ruminiyalik sifatida ko'rmaslik uchun sabablar berish.[563] Ushbu yondashuv keyin sezilarli tortishuvlarga olib keldi Ziua Gazeta haqiqatni aytishga majburligini aytib o'zini himoya qilgan Tsioroianuni tanqid qildi.[563]
Xuddi shu yili, 5-dekabr kuni Buxarest apellyatsiya sudi Antoneskuga nisbatan sud hukmi bekor qilindi tinchlikka qarshi jinoyatlar, 1940 yilgi ob'ektiv sharoitlar oqlanganligi sababli profilaktik urush Sovet Ittifoqiga qarshi, 1933 yilgi tajovuzni ta'riflash to'g'risidagi konvensiyaning 3-moddasi uning ishida qo'llanilmasligi mumkin edi.[373][564][565] (shuningdek, Aleksianu kabi, Konstantin Pantazi, Konstantin Vasiliu, Sima va turli temir gvardiya siyosatchilari).[564] Ushbu harakat rasmiy noroziliklarni keltirib chiqardi Moldova, kuni Bessarabiyada tashkil topgan mustaqil davlat Sovet Ittifoqining parchalanishi va Rossiyada Sovet voris davlat, shuningdek, Holokost tarixchilarining tanqidlari.[373][565][566] Apellyatsiya sudi qarori bekor qilindi Ruminiya Oliy sudi 2008 yil may oyida.[564] O'sha yili Mariya Antonesku garov merosxo'rlari a da'vosini ilgari surdilar Oldindan oldindan aytib berish er-xotinga tegishli villa, lekin a Brașov harbiy sud jinoyatchilarining mol-mulkini musodara qilish to'g'risidagi qonunlarga asoslanib, sud ularning talabini rad etdi.[567]
Madaniy meros, tasvirlar va diqqatga sazovor joylar
O'zlarining tashviqot va tsenzurasi harakatlaridan tashqari, Antonesku va uning rejimi katta ta'sir ko'rsatdi Ruminiya madaniyati, san'at va adabiyot. Madaniyat to'g'risidagi qat'iy ko'rsatmalar va urush davri sharoitlari tufayli bu davrning bevosita izi mamlakat tarixidagi boshqa davrlarga qaraganda kamroq. Urush yillarida bir nechta yirik qahramonlar yodgorliklari qurilgan. O'sha paytda ishlab chiqarilgan yodgorliklar asosan yo'l bo'yida bo'lgan uchburchaklar (troițe).[568] Heroes 'Cult tashkiloti 1942 yilda Buxarest yahudiylar qabristoniga ekspropisiya huquqini oldi va uni ushbu toifadagi yirik yodgorlik bilan almashtirishni taklif qildi, ammo oxir-oqibat bu rejadan voz kechildi.[569] Antonesku va uning rafiqasi pravoslav cherkovlariga xayr-ehson qilishni afzal ko'rishdi va shunday bo'lishdi ktitorlar uchta alohida Buxarest hududidagi cherkovlar: Murgeanului cherkovi Rahova, bitta Dmăroaia, va Azizlar Konstantin va Helena cherkovi Muncii, bu erda Marshal va uning rafiqasi devor rasmida tasvirlangan.[562] Toshqinlardan keyin uning vatani zarar ko'rdi Argez okrugi, Marshal o'zi tashkil etdi Antonești, a namunaviy qishloq yilda Corbeni (qisman qurilgan Ukrain harbiy asirlar, va keyinchalik davlat mulkiga o'tdi), buyurtma berish paytida gidroelektr ekspluatatsiyasi Argeș daryosi.[570] Shuningdek, u badiiy va adabiy muhit bilan vaqti-vaqti bilan aloqada bo'lgan, shu qatorda uning tarafdori, yozuvchiga bergan intervyusi Ioan Aleksandru Brtesku-Voinesti.[571] Uning 1946 yilgi sud jarayoni, ayniqsa, qatnashgan va hujjatlashtirilgan Jorj Salinesku uchun bir qator maqolalarda Naiunea jurnal.[200] 1940-yillardagi siyosiy hazil Ruminiya etakchisining o'ziga xos tasvirlarini saqlab qoldi. Ruminiya hazillari Antonesku hukmronligi ostida tarqatilgan, uning unvonni qabul qilishini masxara qilgan Ruminiya marshali, buni o'zini reklama sifatida ko'rib, unga "avto-marshal" deb nom bergan.[572] Urush paytida Sovet agitprop Antonesku va boshqa ikkinchi darajali Axis rahbarlarini yovuz va xizmatkor itga o'xshash jonzotlar sifatida tasvirlashdi, ularning vakili musiqiy teatr va qo'g'irchoq teatri namoyishlar,[573] shuningdek, matbuot karikaturalarida.[574]
Marin Preda 1975 yilgi roman Delirul Seauesku rejimining Antonesku bilan noaniq munosabatlarini namoyish etadi. Tanqidchilar Jon Neubauer va Marsel Kornis-Papa roman "e'tirof etilgani kabi [Predaning] eng yaxshi asari" emasligini ta'kidlang va uning Antoneskuning "murakkab vakili" ni "Germaniya talablari va Sovet tahdidlari o'rtasida qandaydir manevr xonasida muzokaralar olib borishga harakat qilgan, aslida nuqsonli, ammo faol rahbar sifatida muhokama qiling. Ittifoq [va uning muvaffaqiyatsizligi] Ruminiyaning mo'rt demokratik tizimini yo'q qilishga olib keldi. "[575] Kitobda Antoneskuni Bessarabiya-Shimoliy Bukovina masalasiga bo'lgan munosabati uchun reabilitatsiya qilish izlandi, ammo uning antisemitik siyosati haqida hech qanday ma'lumot yo'q edi, chunki Pradaning o'zi bexabar bo'lishi mumkin edi.[576] Sovet jurnali tomonidan kitobga nisbatan salbiy sharhlar e'lon qilinganidan so'ng, xalqaro mojaro yuzaga keldi Literaturnaya gazeta.[577] Ochiq millatchi bo'lsa-da, Evgen Barbu o'zining 1975 yilgi romanida Antoneskoning satirik obrazini yaratdi, Inkognito, bu Deletant tomonidan "xarakterga suiqasd" deb ta'riflangan.[578]
1990-yillar davomida Buxarestda va boshqa bir qator shaharlarda Antonesku yodgorliklari ko'tarilib, ko'chalarga uning nomi berildi.[5][579] Ushbu jarayonda bevosita ishtirok etganlar orasida Iosif Constantin Drăgan,[562][580] millatchi Shahar hokimi ning Kluj-Napoka, Georgiy Funar,[581] va umumiy Mircha Chelaru, keyinchalik armiyadan iste'foga chiqish so'ralgan va olingan.[562] Shuningdek, o'sha vaqt oralig'ida, 1993 yilda, rejissyor va Sotsial-demokratik siyosatchi Sergiu Nikolaesku ishlab chiqarilgan Oglinda, unda Antonesku tasvirlangan (o'ynagan Ion Simini ) uzr so'rab.[582] Reabilitatsiya tendentsiyasi 1994 yil oktyabr oyida bo'lib o'tgan esdalik ko'rgazmasida ham namoyish etildi Milliy harbiy muzey.[583] Xuddi shu yili, rad etuvchi hujjatli film, Destinul mareșalului ("Marshalning taqdiri"), davlat kompaniyalari tomonidan tarqatilgan, bu esa tashvish uyg'otdi.[584] Vizel Komissiyasi o'z xulosalarini taqdim etganidan keyin va bunday jamoatchilik tomonidan tasdiqlanishi qonunga zid deb topilganidan so'ng, Antoneskuga o'xshash haykallar buzib tashlandi yoki boshqacha tarzda jamoat ko'rish uchun mavjud bo'lmadi.[5][149][562][585] G'ayrioddiy hodisa - uning avliyolari Konstantin va Helena cherkovi, bu erda uzoq munozaralardan so'ng,[562] uning büstü temir quti ichiga muhrlangan.[5][149] Ushbu kontekstdan tashqarida Antonesku portretlari va irqchilik shiorlari namoyish etildi futbol bezorilari davomida Liga I "s 2005-2006 yilgi mavsum so'ralgan UEFA aralashuv (qarang Irqchilik O'yinni buzadi ).[586] 2019 yildan boshlab Ruminiyada Antonesku nomidagi to'qqizta ko'cha bor; joylar kiradi Konstansa, Ramnicu Surat va Bechet.[587]
Mukofotlar va bezaklar
Antonesku o'zining harbiy faoliyati davomida bir qator mukofot va bezaklarga sazovor bo'ldi, eng muhimi bu Jasur Maykl ordeni unga shaxsan qirol tomonidan mukofotlangan Ferdinand I davomida Vengriya-Ruminiya urushi 1919 yil.[588] Shuningdek, u chet ellardan bir nechta bezaklarni oldi. U Ruminiyalik birinchi bo'lib uni qabul qildi Ritsarning temir xochning xochi, uni Gitlerning o'zi taqdirlagan.[132]
| Mukofot yoki bezak | Mamlakat | Sana | Joy | Eslatma | Ref | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
 | "Harbiy fazilat" medali (Oltin rangdagi birinchi sinf) | Ruminiya | 1913 | Janubiy Dobruja | Ruminiyaning o'sha paytdagi eng yuqori harbiy bezagi. Bu davrda armiyadagi boshqa bir zobit qabul qilgan Ikkinchi Bolqon urushi. | [589] |
 | Jasur Maykl ordeni (3, 2 va 1-sinf olingan) | Ruminiya | 1919 | Tisza daryosi, Vengriya | Ruminiyaning eng yuqori harbiy bezagi. Tisza daryosidan o'tayotganda qirol Ferdinand o'zining shaxsiy formasidan Jasur Maykl ordenini olib, Antoneskuga sovg'a qildi: "Antonesku, bu mamlakatda hech kim ularning sizga qancha qarzdorligini podshohdan yaxshi bilmaydi". | [588][590] |
| Uchuvchi / kuzatuvchi nishoni Olmos bilan Oltinda | Germaniya | 1941 yil iyun | Antonesku tomonidan taqdim etilgan ajoyib muvaffaqiyatni taqdirlash uchun sovg'a qilingan Reyxsmarsxol Hermann Göring. | [590] | ||
 | Temir xoch (2-chi va 1-sinf qabul qilindi) | Germaniya | 1941 yil 6-avgust | Berdixiv | Jangdagi jasorat va shuningdek, jang maydonidagi boshqa harbiy xizmatlari uchun mukofotlangan. | [132] |
 | Ritsarning temir xochning xochi | Germaniya | 1941 yil 6-avgust | Berdixiv | Ikkinchi Jahon urushi davrida fashistlar Germaniyasining harbiy va harbiylashtirilgan kuchlari uchun eng yuksak bezagi. Mukofotni olgan birinchi ruminiyalik. | [132] |
 | Qilichli Finlyandiyaning Oq gulining katta xochi |  Finlyandiya | 1942 yil yanvar | Buxarest | 1919 yilda tashkil etilgan Finlyandiyaning uchta eng yuqori davlat buyurtmalaridan biri Karl Gustaf Emil Mannerxaym. | [591] |
 | Qrim qalqoni oltindan | Germaniya | 1942 yil 3-iyul | Buxarest | Antonesku tomonidan berilgan ushbu mukofotning birinchi sohibi Erix fon Manshteyn kuni Gitler nomidan | [592][593][594][595][596] |
Izohlar
- ^ a b v d e f g h men j k O'chiruvchi, 37-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 70-bet, 257-bet
- ^ a b v d e Ancel, Jan "Antonesku va yahudiylar" 463-479 betlar Holokost va tarix Ma'lum, noma'lum, bahsli va qayta ko'rib chiqilgan Maykl Berenbaum va Avraam Pek tomonidan tahrirlangan, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998 yil 465-bet.
- ^ Penkower, 152-153 betlar
- ^ a b v d e f g h men j k l m n o p q r s t siz v w x y z aa ab ak reklama ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar kabi da au av aw bolta (Rumin tilida) Delia Radu, "Serialul 'Ion Antonescu asi asumarea istoriei' (1)", BBC Ruminiya nashri, 2008 yil 1-avgust
- ^ a b Veiga, p.301
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 37-38 betlar
- ^ Prit Buttar, Bloomsbury nashriyoti, 2016 yil 22-sentyabr, Rossiyaning so'nggi gazi: Sharqiy front 1916–17, p. 320
- ^ a b v O'chiruvchi, 38-bet
- ^ Larri Uotts, Sharqiy Evropa monografiyalari, 1993, Ruminiyalik Kassandra, p. 43
- ^ Xeyns, pp.113, 115
- ^ Martin Tomas, "Ittifoqchini qurollantirish uchun: Ruminiyaga frantsuz qurollarini sotish, 1926-1940". Strategik tadqiqotlar jurnali 19.2 (1996): 231-259.
- ^ a b v d e f O'chiruvchi, 39-bet
- ^ a b v Yaap van Ginneken, Olomon, psixologiya va siyosat, 1871-1899, Kembrij universiteti matbuoti, Kembrij, 1992, p. 186. ISBN 0-521-40418-5
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 301-302 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 39, 45, 290 betlar
- ^ Veiga, s.281
- ^ a b O'chiruvchi, 40-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 34, 40-41 betlar; Veiga, p. 281
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 40-40 betlar
- ^ Veiga, p. 281, 296
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 42-43 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 41-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p. 43; O'chiruvchi, 34, 42-betlar; Veiga, 246-247 betlar
- ^ a b v d e O'chiruvchi, p. 70
- ^ O'chiruvchi, p. 42
- ^ a b (Rumin tilida) Ilarion Ziu, "Relațiile regimului autoritar al lui Carol al II-lea cu opoziția. Studiu de caz: arestarea direrieri Mișcării Legionare"[doimiy o'lik havola ], yilda Revista Erasmus[doimiy o'lik havola ], 14 / 2003-2005, da Buxarest universiteti Tarix fakulteti
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 41-43 betlar
- ^ a b v O'chiruvchi, p. 44
- ^ Charlz D. Pettibone, Trafford nashriyoti, 2012 yil Ikkinchi Jahon Urushidagi Harbiylar Tashkiloti va Buyurtmasi yoki Jangi: VII jild: Germaniya va Imperial Yaponiyaning ittifoqchilari va qo'g'irchoq davlatlari, 10-11 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 45, 293 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 45, 58, 302 betlar
- ^ Cioroianu, p. 54; O'chiruvchi, 35, 50 betlar; Ornea, 320-321 betlar; Veiga, p. 257
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 3, 10-27, 45-47 betlar; Ornea, 323-325 betlar; Veiga, 256–257, 266–269 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 45-46 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 46-47 betlar. Deletantning ta'kidlashicha, bu qarorni belgilovchi omil - Antoneskuning Temir Gvardiya bilan aloqasi.
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 47, 293 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, p. 47; Yakuniy hisobot, 57, 60-betlar
- ^ Krampton, Richard Yigirmanchi asrda va undan keyin Sharqiy Evropa, London: Routledge, 1997 p. 117.
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 48-51, 66 betlar; Griffin (1993), 126-bet; Ornea, 325-327-betlar
- ^ Browning, p.211
- ^ a b v d e f O'chiruvchi, p. 48
- ^ Ornea, 325-36-betlar. Deletantning so'zlariga ko'ra, u erda Maniuning yordamchilari ham bo'lgan Corneliu Coposu va Aurel Leucuția.
- ^ Xeyns, Rebbekka "Germaniya va Ruminiya milliy legioner davlatining tashkil etilishi, 1940 yil sentyabr" 700-725 bet. Slavyan va Sharqiy Evropa sharhi, 77-jild, son # 4. Oktyabr 1999 y. P. 711
- ^ Xeyns, Rebbekka "Germaniya va Ruminiya milliy legioner davlatining tashkil etilishi, 1940 yil sentyabr" 700-725 bet. Slavyan va Sharqiy Evropa sharhi, 77-jild, № 4-son. 1999 yil oktyabr. 712.
- ^ Kelso, p. 96
- ^ Ornea, 325-377 betlar; Roper, p. 8
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 48-49 betlar; Ornea, 326-377 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p .320; Morgan, p. 85; Ornea, p. 326
- ^ Ornea, p. 327
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 49-50, 52, 194 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 49-50 betlar
- ^ Cioroianu, p. 54; O'chiruvchi, 52-55 betlar; Griffin (1993), p. 126; Kelso, p. 96; Roper, p. 8
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 52-55 betlar
- ^ a b Krampton, Richard Yigirmanchi asrda va undan keyin Sharqiy Evropa, London: Routledge, 1997 bet 117-118.
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 49-51 betlar; Veiga, 279-280 betlar. Veiga, ayniqsa, eslatib o'tadi Geynrix Ximmler, boshlig'i Shutsstaffel tashkilot, garchi Simani qo'llab-quvvatlashga moyil bo'lsa-da, ikkinchisiga generalga hukumatni egallashga ruxsat berishni maslahat berdi.
- ^ O'chiruvchi, p. 49; Ornea, 326–327, 339-betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 55-56 betlar; Ornea, p. 326
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 52-68 betlar; Gella, p. 171; Geran Pilon, p. 59; Kelso, 96-97 betlar; Kenni, 92-93 betlar; Morgan, p. 85; Ornea, 326-377 betlar; Vega, 281–282, 296, 327-betlar. Kelso va Orneaning so'zlariga ko'ra, Antoneskuni temir gvardiyadan tashqari barcha siyosiy kuchlar rad etishgan. Deletant (55-56-betlar) ushbu rad javobini Mimau haddan tashqari deb qabul qilgan Simaning iltimoslari bilan bog'liqligini ta'kidlamoqda.
- ^ O'chiruvchi, p. 55
- ^ Krampton, Richard Yigirmanchi asrda va undan keyin Sharqiy Evropa, London: Routledge, 1997 p. 118.
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 43, 46, 54, 62, 109-112 betlar; Braunirovka, p.211; O'chiruvchi, 1-2-betlar, 57-68; Gella, 171-bet; Geran Pilon, 59-bet; Griffin (1993), 126-bet; Ioanid, 231-232-betlar; Kelso, 96-97 betlar; Nicholls, 6-bet; Ornea, s.58, 215-216, 327-329; Veiga, 281-283 betlar
- ^ a b v d Piter Devis, Derek Linch, Fashizm va olis o'ng tomon yo'ldosh, Yo'nalish, London, 2002 ,.196-bet. ISBN 0-415-21494-7
- ^ Peyn, Stenli (1995). Fashizm tarixi, 1914-1945 yillar. Viskonsin universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 0203501322.
- ^ Ornea, 215-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 59-bet; Ornea, 333-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 74-75-betlar; Veiga, 280-281, 304 betlar
- ^ Xeyns, p. 102
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.61; Browning, p.211
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p. 62; O'chiruvchi, p. 61; Veiga, 295-296 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 1-bet, 2-3, 61-62, 280; Xeyns, 102, 107-betlar; Nicholls, p. 225; Veiga, p. 296
- ^ Nicholls, p. 225
- ^ Cioroianu, p. 54; O'chiruvchi, 62, 92, 275-betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, p. 51
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 19–20, 31, 103, 109–113, 181–183, 185–190, 202–208, 382–385; Axim, 163, 167 betlar; Browning, p. 211; O'chiruvchi, 59, 62-63, 103-108, 251-252; Ornea, 331, 393-394 betlar; Veiga, 289-290, 296, 301 betlar; Kelso, 100-101 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 19-20, 31, 43, 87, 116–117, 183–199, 320, 384; O'chiruvchi, 103-108, 131, 308-314 betlar; Ioanid, 231–232 betlar; Ornea, p. 391; Weber, p. 160
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 183–203, 320 betlar; O'chiruvchi, 103-107 betlar, 131, 308-314
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 58, 104 bet; Yakuniy hisobot, 206–207-betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 46, 109–113, 117–118, 181–182, 186-betlar; Ancel (2005 a), 32-33, 317 betlar; O'chiruvchi, 55-57, 58-68, 104-105 betlar; Gella, p. 171; Griffin (1993), 126–127 betlar; Ornea, 332-341 betlar; Veiga, p. 282; Roper, p. 8
- ^ O'chiruvchi, p. 60
- ^ Ornea, 334-335 betlar
- ^ Ornea, 338-339, 341-343 betlar; Veiga, 291, 297 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 21, 24, 26, 131, 139-140, 318-betlar; Veiga, 282-283, 290-291, 300-301, 305-betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 46, 110–111 betlar; O'chiruvchi, 60-61, 297-298, 302-betlar; Ornea, 335-341, 347 betlar; Veiga, 291–294, 311–312-betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 110-111 betlar; Veiga, 293–295 betlar
- ^ Ornea, p. 341
- ^ Ornea, p. 341; Veiga, 294-295 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 63, 301 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 62-63 betlar; Veiga, pp. 280, 296
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 25-27, 47, 61, 287-betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p. 63; O'chiruvchi, 61-62, 76-78 betlar
- ^ a b v d e f g h men j k l m n o p q r s t siz v w x y z aa ab ak reklama ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an (Rumin tilida) Delia Radu, "Serialul 'Ion Antonescu asi asumarea istoriei' (2)", BBC Ruminiya nashri, 2008 yil 1-avgust
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.62-63, 113; Browning, p.211; O'chiruvchi, s.62-68; Griffin (1993), p. 127; Xarvi, p. 497; Morgan, 85–86, 188-betlar; Nicholls, p. 225; Ornea, 338-339, 342, 345-betlar; Roper, s.8; Veiga, 295–297, 327-betlar
- ^ a b D. S. Lyuis, Buyuklikning illuziyalari: Mozli, fashizm va Britaniya jamiyati, 1931–81, Manchester universiteti matbuoti, Manchester, 1987, p. 228. ISBN 0-7190-2355-6
- ^ Veiga, 296-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 63-65 betlar; Ornea, 342-343 betlar; Veiga, 296-297 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 64, 299 betlar; Veiga, p. 297
- ^ a b v Ancel, Jan "Antonesku va yahudiylar" 463-479 bet Holokost va tarix Ma'lum, noma'lum, bahsli va qayta ko'rib chiqilgan Maykl Berenbaum va Avraem Pek tomonidan tahrirlangan, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998 p. 466.
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 43, 46, 62-63, 103, 112–115, 181, 208, 382; Ancel (2005 a), 33, 402-403, 408-betlar; Braunirovka, 211–212 betlar; O'chiruvchi, 64-68, 71-72 betlar; Ioanid, 232, 236 betlar; Ornea, 219, 250, 284, 343-348 betlar; Veiga, 297-304, 312-313 betlar; Penkower, 148–149 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 64-65, 299 betlar; Ornea, p. 343
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 64-65, 105-106 betlar; Ornea, p. 343; Veiga, 297-298 betlar; Yakuniy hisobot, p. 186
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 64-65 betlar; Ornea, p. 343; Veiga, p. 298
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 43, 46, 103, 112–115, 208, 382-betlar; Braunirovka, 211–212 betlar; O'chiruvchi, 66, 71-72, 299-300 betlar; Ioanid, p. 232; Veiga, 298-299, 301 betlar; Ancel (2005 a), 402-403 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 62-63, 125-betlar; Xarvi, p. 497; Veiga, 301–302, 313 betlar
- ^ Xarvi, 497-498 betlar; Yakuniy hisobot, p. 63
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 63, 382-betlar; Xarvi, p. 498; Browning, 211-221 betlar
- ^ Xarvi, p. 498; Veiga, 301-302 betlar; Browning, p. 212; O'chiruvchi, p. 87; Morgan, p. 188
- ^ Ornea, 329-331, 346-348 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 68, 301 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 280-bet
- ^ a b O'chiruvchi, 62-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 65, 168-betlar; O'chiruvchi, 1, 280 betlar; Xarvi, p. 498
- ^ Vaynberg, Gerxard Qurolli dunyo, Kembrij: Kembrij universiteti matbuoti, 1994 195-196 betlar.
- ^ a b v Xarvi, p. 498
- ^ Ancel, Jan Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011 p. 214
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 61-63, 75-76, 304-betlar; Yakuniy hisobot, 63-64 bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 26-27, 75-betlar
- ^ Ancel, Jan Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011 325-326 betlar
- ^ a b v Ancel, Jan Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011 p. 325
- ^ Ancel, Jan Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011 yil, 325 bet
- ^ Ancel, Jan, Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011, p. 326
- ^ a b Ancel, Jan Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011, 325–326 bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 78-80, 83-betlar
- ^ Ancel, Jan Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011 yil 436-bet.
- ^ a b Ancel, Jan Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011 yil, 437 bet.
- ^ O'chiruvchi, pp.80, 83; Yakuniy hisobot, 255-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 80-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.120–126, 200, 204, 208–209, 243–244, 285–286, 315, 321, 323, 327–329; Ancel (2005 a), passim; O'chiruvchi, 130-140, 316-317 betlar; Ioanid, s.233; Trașcă, s.398-399; Weber, 167-bet
- ^ Ancel, Jan "Antonesku va yahudiylar" sahifalari 463-479 Holokost va tarix Ma'lum, noma'lum, bahsli va qayta ko'rib chiqilgan Maykl Berenbaum va Avraam Pek tomonidan tahrirlangan, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998 yil 464 va 467-betlar.
- ^ a b v d e Ancel, Jan "Antonesku va yahudiylar" 463-479 betlar Holokost va tarix Ma'lum, noma'lum, bahsli va qayta ko'rib chiqilgan Maykl Berenbaum va Avraam Pek tomonidan tahrirlangan, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998 yil 467-bet.
- ^ a b Ancel, Jan Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011 yil 438-439 betlar
- ^ a b v d O'chiruvchi, 83, 86, 280, 305-betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.320; Boia, 270-271 betlar; O'chiruvchi, s.51, 84-87, 90-91, 254; Qirol, 93-94 betlar; Trașcă, s.377–380
- ^ Axim, 171, 184-betlar; O'chiruvchi, s.86-87; Braunirovka, s.277; Qirol, 93-94 betlar; Trașcă, p.380sqq
- ^ Ancel, Jan Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011 yil 334-335 betlar.
- ^ Ancel, Jan Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011 yil 334 = 335 bet.
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 166-bet; Trașcă, s.384
- ^ Ancel, Jan Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011 yil 334-bet.
- ^ a b v d e Ancel, Jan Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011 yil 335-bet.
- ^ a b Ancel, Jan Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011 yil 459-460 betlar.
- ^ Ancel, Jan Ruminiyadagi Xolokost tarixi, Linkoln: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti, 2011 yil 304-bet.
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 77-78, 83, 94-96
- ^ Trașcă, s.385-389
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.87-88; Trașcă, s.385-387
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 150-157, 245, 321, 323-betlar; Ancel (2005 a), s.291; O'chiruvchi, 171-177 betlar, 248-253, 261, 276-277, 328-329; Trașcă, s.389sqq
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 167-168 betlar; Gella, p.171
- ^ Nicholls, 6-bet; Oq, p.175
- ^ a b v d Vaynberg, Gerxard Qurolli dunyo, Kembrij: Kembrij universiteti matbuoti, 1994 yil 521-bet.
- ^ a b v d e f g h men j k l m n o p q r s t siz v w x y z aa ab ak reklama ae af ag ah ai aj ak al am an ao ap aq ar kabi da au av aw bolta ay az ba bb mil bd (Rumin tilida) Delia Radu, "Serialul 'Ion Antonescu va asumarea istoriei' (3)", BBC Ruminiya nashri, 2008 yil 1-avgust
- ^ a b v O'chiruvchi, 2-bet
- ^ Nicholls, 6-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 90-92 betlar
- ^ a b O'chiruvchi, 92-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.96-97, 99; Gella, 171-bet; Penkower, s.161
- ^ a b Vaynberg, Gerxard Qurolli dunyo, Kembrij: Kembrij universiteti matbuoti, 1994 yil 460-461 betlar.
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 209–210, 335-betlar
- ^ Traudl Junge, Melissa Myuller, Mening to‘plamlarim: Gitlerning yashirin sirlari, Ediouro Publicações, Rio-de-Janeyro, 2005, 106-107 betlar, 191. ISBN 85-00-01682-5
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.98-99
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 63, 117, 168-betlar; O'chiruvchi, 26-27, 75-betlar; Xarvi, s.545
- ^ Xarvi, s.545
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 26-bet; Xarvi, 544-545 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 26-27 betlar
- ^ Xitob, 75-bet; O'chiruvchi, 27-bet; Gella, 171-bet
- ^ Gella, p.173; Weber, 164-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.252; Cioroianu, s.51; O'chiruvchi, s.230-240, 341-344; Penkower, pp. 153, 161
- ^ a b Vaynberg, Gerxard Qurolli dunyo, Kembrij: Kembrij universiteti matbuoti, 1994 yil 461 bet.
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 75-bet, 231-240, 341-344; Roper, 8-bet, 14-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 231, 233–234, 236–239, 342–345-betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 234-236-betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 237-240, 343-344 betlar; Roper, 14-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 236, 337 betlar
- ^ Chant, 124-bet; O'chiruvchi, 234-235, 342 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.231; Oq, p.158
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 233–234, 238–239 betlar; Kelso, p.129
- ^ Cioroianu, s.51-52; O'chiruvchi, 237-240, 343-344 betlar; Gella, 172-bet; Roper, 8-9, 13-14 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 238-240, 343-344 betlar
- ^ Cioroianu, s.51; O'chiruvchi, 238-239, 344 betlar; Roper, 14-bet; Weber, 156-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.240, 344; Kelso, p.129; Nicholls, 6-bet
- ^ Chant, 84, 303-betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 239-240 betlar
- ^ Chant, 124-bet; O'chiruvchi, 237-bet
- ^ Cioroianu, p.50-55; Chant, 84-85, 124-125, 303-betlar; O'chiruvchi, 3-4, 241-246, 265-266, 343-346; Gella, 172-bet; Guran & ftefan, s.112; Ioanid, 235-236-betlar; Kelso, p.129; Kenni, 93-bet; Kent, s.52; King, s.94; Morgan, s.188; Nicholls, pp.6, 166-167; Roper, 13-15 betlar; Weber, 152-154, 158-159; Oq, p.158; Ancel (2005 a), s.321; Bucur (2004), pp.173-176
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.241-242; Roper, 14-bet
- ^ Cioroianu, s.55; O'chiruvchi, 242-243 betlar; Roper, 14-bet
- ^ Chant, 84-85, 124-125, 303-betlar; Gella, 172-bet; Kelso, p.129
- ^ Chant, p.122
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.316; Cioroianu, s.51; O'chiruvchi, 247-248 betlar; Kelso, 130-bet; Nicholls, pp.167, 225
- ^ Xarvi, 499; Morgan, s.188; Veiga, p.302-303, 313-314
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 243-244, 345-346 betlar
- ^ a b O'chiruvchi, 244-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 244-bet, 246; Cioroianu, p.296
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 246, 346 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 249-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.317-331; Cioroianu, 295-296 betlar; O'chiruvchi, s.245-261, 346-350; Frankovski, 218-219-betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.316, 319-320, 331; O'chiruvchi, 247-248, 261-betlar
- ^ Ioanid, 235-bet; Yakuniy hisobot, s.316-317; Frankovski, 219-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.313-331; Cioroianu, 295-296 betlar; O'chiruvchi, 245-261 betlar; Frankovski, 218-219-betlar
- ^ a b O'chiruvchi, 248, 255 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 172-bet, 248-249, 328-betlar. Yakuniy hisobot, s.314
- ^ a b O'chiruvchi, 255-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.313, 322; O'chiruvchi, 250-251 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.320-321; O'chiruvchi, 248-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.321
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.240-241, 252, 321-322; Achim, 168; O'chiruvchi, 73-bet, 252-255, 261, 276-277; Kelso, s.97
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.245; O'chiruvchi, 173-174 betlar, 252-253, 261, 276-277, 329
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.255-256, 348-betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 248-bet, 261-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.255-257, 349-350
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 256-259, 349-350 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.259, 350
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 5-bet, 259-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.259
- ^ Cioroianu, p.296; O'chiruvchi, s.259
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 260-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.171–172; O'chiruvchi, s.61-62, 75-76, 79, 167; Xeyns, 106-110, 120-betlar; Ioanid, s.245; Trașcă, s.380–385
- ^ a b Kent, p.224
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 76-bet; Xeyns, p.99-100, 102-109
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 76-bet; Xeyns, p.99-100, 108-110, 120
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 76-bet, 326-betlar
- ^ Xeyns, p.119
- ^ Jon S. Koliopoulos, Talon qilingan mualliflik haqi: G'arbiy Makedoniyada eksa ishg'oli va fuqarolik kurashlari, 1941-1949, C. Hurst & Co nashriyotlari, London, 1999, 87-78 betlar. ISBN 1-85065-381-X
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.253; O'chiruvchi, s.62, 85-87, 93; Trașcă, p.379-380; Yakuniy hisobot, s.171–172
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 85-bet. Qisman Trașcăda keltirilgan, 377-bet
- ^ Axim, 184-bet; Boia, p.270; O'chiruvchi, s.167, 326; Trașcă, s.380–385; Oq, 157-158 betlar
- ^ Trașcă, s.380-382
- ^ Shoh, 93-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 253-254 betlar
- ^ Boia, 270-271 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.253; Gella, p.171
- ^ a b Trașcă, s.383
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 79-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 152-153 betlar; Trașcă, s.383
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 325-36-betlar; Xeyns, 119-120 betlar; Oq, p.175
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.116, 181
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 246-247, 248, 322-323-betlar
- ^ a b Yakuniy hisobot, s.243
- ^ Boia, 260-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.116, 127-128, 181-182, 184, 202-203, 323, 325, 383, 385; O'chiruvchi, 1-bet, 128–129; Trașcă, s.388-389
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.101, 209-21, 243-247, 384; O'chiruvchi, 15–20, 116–120, 128–129, 138, 140–141, 210–211, 259, 276–277, 318; Ioanid, 232–233 betlar; Trașcă, s.387-389; Penkower, s.182
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.82-86, 247, 285; O'chiruvchi, 15-20 betlar, 140–142, 318; Ioanid, 232-bet; Trașcă, s.387. Bir nechta tadqiqotchilar Ruminiya qo'shinlarini orqaga chekinishi bilan sodir etilgan zo'ravonlikni eslatib o'tmoqdalar Bessarabiya yahudiylari (Braunning, pp.275-276; Deletant, p.18; King p.93) yoki qasos Dorohoi pogrom (Yakuniy hisobot, s.84-86).
- ^ Boia, 258-259 betlar; O'chiruvchi, 15-20 betlar; Ornea, 399-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 85-bet. Qisman taqdim etilgan Yakuniy hisobot, s.244 va Trașcă, s.388
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.120–122, 127–142, 169, 175–177, 321; Ancel (2005 a), 15-19 betlar, 291, 402; O'chiruvchi, 79-bet, 116–118, 127–130, 142–150, 155–156, 319; Polonskiy, 27-bet. Tomonidan ishlatiladigan atama Mixay Antonesku Ruminiya ma'murlariga bergan tavsiyalarida "etnik tozalash", chunki "yahudiylar va boshqa shubhali munosabatlarga ega bo'lgan chet elliklar o'zlarining beparvo ta'siridan foydalana olmaydigan mehnat lagerlari" bilan cheklangan (Ioanid, 232-bet); Achim, 167-bet; Browning, s.276; Trașcă, s.387-389
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 129-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.133-134; O'chiruvchi, s.118, 206
- ^ Ancel (2005 b), 234-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.225-228, 240-241; Axim, 168–169 betlar; O'chiruvchi, 189-190 betlar; Ioanid, 234-bet; Kelso, s.97-98
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.229; Achim, 169-bet; O'chiruvchi, s.192; Ioanid, 234-bet; Kelso, p.101, 105, 124–127
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.225-226; Axim, 166–167 betlar; O'chiruvchi, 187-189 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.227, 240-241; Axim, 168, 171-betlar; O'chiruvchi, 188-189, 254-betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.225-226; Axim, 168, 171-betlar; O'chiruvchi, s.188
- ^ Kelso, s.98
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.223-228; Achim, 164-168-betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.227; Achim, 168-bet; O'chiruvchi, 187-188 betlar
- ^ Axim (167-170, 179, 182-183, 185-betlar) va Deletant (189-190-betlar) so'zlariga ko'ra, chora-tadbirlar Antoneskuning "ijtimoiy muammolar" haqidagi qarashlarini irqchilik nuqtai nazaridan ko'proq aks ettirgan. Biroq, Kelso (99-100-betlar) hisobot Rim xalqini deportatsiya qilish qarorida muhim omil bo'lgan deb hisoblaydi.
- ^ Zeev Sternhell, Na o'ng va na chap: Frantsiyadagi fashistik mafkura, Prinston universiteti matbuoti, Princeton, 1996, 5-bet. ISBN 0-691-00629-6
- ^ a b Xagen Shulze, Shtatlar, millatlar va millatchilik, Blackwell Publishing, Oksford, 2002, s.292. ISBN 0-631-20933-6
- ^ Rojer Griffin, "Xalqning qayta tug'ilishini sahnalashtirish: fashistik tadqiqotlar sharoitida ijro siyosati va estetikasi", Gyunter Berghaus (tahr.), Fashizm va teatr, Berghahn Books, Providence, 1996, s.18. ISBN 1-57181-877-4. Griffin shuningdek Antoneskuning bir tomondan temir gvardiya bilan to'qnashuvi va to'g'ridan-to'g'ri taqqoslashlarni amalga oshiradi António de Oliveira Salazar bilan to'qnashdi Milliy sindikistlar (1993, s.151-152).
- ^ Laqueur, p.203, 205; Morgan, 86-bet; Roper, 8-bet, 11-bet
- ^ Veiga, 281-283, 290, 296, 305, 327 betlar; Oq, p.158
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.115, 323
- ^ a b Griffin (1993), s.127
- ^ Robert O. Paxton, "Fashizmning besh bosqichi", Brayan Jenkins (tahr.), Frantsiya fashizm davrida: frantsuz avtoritar huquqi to'g'risidagi insholar, Berghahn Books, Providence, 2007, s.119. ISBN 1-57181-537-6
- ^ a b Jon Gledxill, Charlz King, "Ruminiya 1989 yildan beri: o'tmishdan tashqarida yashash", Sharon L. Volchik, Jeyn L. Kori, Markaziy va Sharqiy Evropa siyosati: kommunizmdan demokratiyaga, Rowman va Littlefield, Lanham, 2007, s.319. ISBN 0-7425-4067-7
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pb.115–116, 237, 313, 316, 322-324, 384-385; Achim, 167, 180-betlar; Ancel (2005 b), 234, 245, 255 betlar; Boia, s.118–119; Gella, 171, 172, 173-betlar; Ioanid, p.232, 235, 237-238, 244, 245; Kenney, s.92-93; Nicholls, 6-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 1-2-betlar
- ^ Maykl Mann, "Ijtimoiy hokimiyat manbalari qayta ko'rib chiqildi: tanqidga javob", Jon A. Xollda, Ralf Shreder (tahr.), Quvvat anatomiyasi. Maykl Manning ijtimoiy nazariyasi, Kembrij universiteti matbuoti, Kembrij, 2006, 350-bet. ISBN 0-521-85000-2
- ^ Geran Pilon, 59-bet
- ^ Boia, 316-317-betlar
- ^ a b v d e Adrian Majuru, "Shoh Kerol II va abadiy Ruminiya afsonasi" Arxivlandi 2011-07-15 da Orqaga qaytish mashinasi, ichida Ruminiya madaniyat instituti "s Ko'plik jurnali Arxivlandi 2012-03-21 da Orqaga qaytish mashinasi, Nr. 29/2007
- ^ a b O'chiruvchi, 69-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 71-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 70-71 betlar
- ^ Xarvi, 544-545 betlar; Stiven Bela Vadadi, "Vengriyalik amerikaliklar Ikkinchi Jahon urushi davrida: ularning Vengriya manfaatlarini himoya qilishdagi roli", Maykzlav B. Biskupskiy (tahr.) Sharqiy Markaziy Evropada mafkura, siyosat va diplomatiya, Rochester Press universiteti, Rochester, s.145. ISBN 1-58046-137-9; Achim, 167-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 1-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 53-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.31, 43, 117, 384-385
- ^ Morgan, 85-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 31-32, 43, 116, 253, 384-betlar
- ^ a b v O'chiruvchi, 72-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.139, 141; O'chiruvchi, 72-bet, 87-88, 152-153, 166-171, 277, 321-377; Trașcă, s.384-385
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.139; O'chiruvchi, s.72, 83, 87-88, 153, 277, 305, 322, 324
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.118–119, 385; O'chiruvchi, s.69-70, 72, 88-90, 169-170, 277, 327
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 59-bet
- ^ a b v Richard Vagner, "Ruminiyadagi etnik nemislar", yilda Stefan Volf (tahr.), Evropadagi oz sonli nemislar: etnik o'ziga xoslik va madaniy mansublik, Berghahn Books, Providence, 2000, s.136. ISBN 1-57181-738-7
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 168-bet
- ^ Achim, 169-bet; O'chiruvchi, s.70-71; Frankovski, 217-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.71-72, 253; Frankovski, 217-bet
- ^ Veiga, p.305
- ^ Bucur (2006), 182-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.92, 96; Bucur (2006), s.191; O'chiruvchi, 114, 231 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.92, 96; Ornea, 249-250 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.92-102
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.97
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.92-93; Ancel (2005 a), 403-bet
- ^ Ornea, 281-282, 284-285
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.91-107, 117, 204, 284-285, 383, 385; Ancel (2005 a), 406-408 betlar; (2005 b), s.231-223, 234-235; Bucur (2006), s.186; O'chiruvchi, p.114, 138, 140; Neubauer va boshq., p.150; Trașcă, s.387, 389
- ^ Trașcă, s.387, 389. Bular orasida Tracș (387-bet): "Ruminiya va Germaniya armiyalari qarshi kurashmoqda kommunizm va kikes, qarshi emas Ruscha askar va odamlar! "va" urush butun dunyoning kiklari tomonidan qo'zg'atildi. Isitgichlarga qarshi kurash! "
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.94; Ancel (2005 a), 403, 407 betlar; O'chiruvchi, s.81-82, 83, 92-93, 101, 304-305; Xarvi, 499; Nicholls, p.225
- ^ a b v Trașcă, 377-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 54-bet
- ^ Ornea, pp.320, 342-343
- ^ Ioanid, 232-bet; Ornea, s.393
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.118–119, 197–199, 201, 206, 291–292; Browning, p.211; O'chiruvchi, 103-bet, 108–113, 120, 123–124, 159, 201, 207, 211, 310-311, 381; Kelso, 100-101 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.118–119, 184, 199–201, 206, 292–293, 381; O'chiruvchi, 115-116, 310 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.63, 183-214, 220-221, 238, 290-291, 381; Browning, p.211; O'chiruvchi, 103-110, 198-199, 308-314; Ioanid, 232-bet; Ornea, 393-394 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 19-20, 63, 92, 117, 168-169, 181-182, 185-195, 202-203, 238, 250, 384-385; O'chiruvchi, 106-108 betlar, 123, 210-221; Kelso, 100-101 betlar; Ornea, 393-394 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.120, 243; Ancel (2005 a), 17-46, 100-108, 403-betlar; O'chiruvchi, 130-132-betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 120-123 betlar, 200, 208-209, 244, 329; Ancel (2005 a), 11-12-betlar, 40-46, 49-51, 57-58, 69-70, 73, 100-110, 130, 161-163, 169, 274, 325; O'chiruvchi, 130-134, 138-betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.120–126, 200, 204, 208–209, 243–244, 285–286, 315, 323, 323, 327–329; Ancel (2005 a), passim; Browning, 276-277 betlar; O'chiruvchi, 133-140 betlar; Ioanid, 233, 236 betlar; Laqueur, p.206; Penkower, p.149; Polonskiy, 27-bet; Veiga, pp.300, 312; Weber, 167-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s. 125–126, 209, 295; Ancel (2005 a), 12-bet, 130, 151-344; O'chiruvchi, 134-137, 317-betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 130-bet, 136-137; Polonskiy, 27-bet; Yakuniy hisobot, s.126
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 137, 316-betlar; Ioanid, s.233; Penkower, p.149; Polonskiy, 27-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.321, 329; O'chiruvchi, 137-bet; Ioanid, 233, 236 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 126, 382-betlar; Ancel (2005 a), 11-bet, 15, 390-393; O'chiruvchi, 316-bet; Weber, 167-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.121–125, 208–209; Ancel (2005 a), 11-12 betlar, 15-19, 22-23, 26-33, 40-46, 49-51, 57-58, 69-70, 73, 100-110, 130, 141– 154, 158–169, 238–247, 274, 290–293, 325, 422–427; O'chiruvchi, 137–140, 252, 276, 317 betlar; Ioanid, s.233; Trașcă, s.398-399. Ioanidning so'zlariga ko'ra, Germaniyaning Ruminiya tomonidan uyushtirilgan operatsiyada ishtirok etishi, eng ko'pi bilan 3000 dan jami 10000 dan 12000 gacha o'limga olib keldi.
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.121, 122; Ancel (2005 a), 21-22, 26-30, 50-51, 149, 328, 391, 414, 416; O'chiruvchi, 137, 317-betlar; Weber, 167-bet
- ^ Ancel (2005 a), 12-bet, 158, 175-189, 317-328, 379-422; O'chiruvchi, 138-139-betlar; Yakuniy hisobot, s.124
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.66, 125, 128-134, 141, 175-177; Ancel (2005 a), 21-bet, 361-3365, 402; Braunirovka, 275-277 betlar; O'chiruvchi, 127-128 betlar, 143-149, 275, 314, 319-321; Ioanid, s.233; Penkower, p.149
- ^ Browning, s.276; Ioanid, 233-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 127, 314-betlar
- ^ Browning, pp.275, 276, 277. Shuningdek, u (p.275) quyidagilarni ta'kidlaydi: "Vengriya askarlari Germaniyadan o'rnak olishdan deyarli voz kechishgan ko'rinadi".
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 65-66, 134-136, 176-177, 244-245, 383; O'chiruvchi, 128-bet, 142-152, 171, 321-322; Polonskiy, 27-28 betlar
- ^ Polonskiy, 27-28 betlar. Qisman taqdim etilgan Yakuniy hisobot, s.127–128; Ancel (2005 a), s.408; O'chiruvchi, 142-143 betlar
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.155
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 120-bet; Yakuniy hisobot, p.175
- ^ a b Ancel, Jan "Antonesku va yahudiylar" 463-479 betlar Holokost va tarix Ma'lum, noma'lum, bahsli va qayta ko'rib chiqilgan Maykl Berenbaum va Avraam Pek tomonidan tahrirlangan, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998 yil 468-bet.
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.135-136, 244-245
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 65-66, 135-136; O'chiruvchi, 151-152, 171 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.65-66, 135-136, 383; O'chiruvchi, 150-152 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.66, 136-137, 200-201; O'chiruvchi, 124-bet, 146-149, 152-153, 184-187; Ioanid, 233-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.138sqq; Anchel (2005 y), passim; O'chiruvchi, pp.116, 123-126, 141-142, 152-230, 275, 321-341; Ioanid, s.231, 233-234; Kelso, 100-101 betlar; Ornea, 399-395 betlar; Veber, passim
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.244; O'chiruvchi, 153, 322-323 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.26, 139-140, 210-221; O'chiruvchi, 152-165, 171 betlar; Penkower, p.149; Weber, 155-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.244; O'chiruvchi, 152-153, 155-betlar
- ^ a b v Ancel, Jan "Antonesku va yahudiylar" 463-479 betlar Holokost va tarix Ma'lum, noma'lum, bahsli va qayta ko'rib chiqilgan Maykl Berenbaum va Avraam Pek tomonidan tahrirlangan, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998 yil 469-bet.
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.139-140, 185-186, 201, 244-246; Ancel (2005 y), 232-bet; O'chiruvchi, 107-108 betlar, 152-155, 207, 329
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 144–146, 178–179, 382-betlar; Ancel (2005 y), s.231; O'chiruvchi, 127, 128, 170–171, 177-180, 314-315, 329-331; Ioanid, 231, 233–235, 236 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.143, 146, 179, 385-386; O'chiruvchi, 177-184 betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, 146-150, 293 betlar; O'chiruvchi, 171, 177-184, 195, 323-betlar
- ^ Ancel, Jan "Antonesku va yahudiylar" 463-479 betlar Holokost va tarix Ma'lum, noma'lum, bahsli va qayta ko'rib chiqilgan Maykl Berenbaum va Avraam Pek tomonidan tahrirlangan, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998 yil 472-bet.
- ^ Ancel, Jan "Antonesku va yahudiylar" 463-479 betlar Holokost va tarix Ma'lum, noma'lum, bahsli va qayta ko'rib chiqilgan Maykl Berenbaum va Avraam Pek tomonidan tahrirlangan, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998 yil 471-474-betlar.
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.161, 165
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.226-241, 250, 252; Achim, 168-180 betlar; O'chiruvchi, 187-196, 331-332 betlar; Ioanid, 234-bet; Kelso, 98-bet, 100kvq; Weber, 155-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 73-bet, 187, 254-betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.225-226; Achim, 168; O'chiruvchi, 73-bet, 189-190, 254-betlar
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.226-230; Axim, 171-175-betlar; O'chiruvchi, 190-192 betlar; Kelso, p.101, 103-104, 105, 108, 112, 124-127
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.228-229; Axim, 172-173 betlar; O'chiruvchi, 191-192 betlar; Kelso, p.112
- ^ Kelso, s.98, 100
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.229, 240; Achim, p.174; Deletant, p.191; Kelso, pp.101, 113
- ^ Achim, pp.173–174; Deletant, p.191; Ioanid, p.234; Kelso, pp.110–114. Ioanid mentions that 40 pounds was the accepted limit.
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.231–236, 250; Achim, pp.175–180; Deletant, pp.192–196; Kelso, p.113sqq
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.230, 236; Achim, pp.178, 180; Deletant, pp.191, 195–197; Kelso, pp.121–123, 127–128
- ^ Deletant, p.127
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.150, 152
- ^ Trașcă, pp.393, 398
- ^ a b v Weinberg, p.239
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.151; Trașcă, p.391
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.247; Deletant, pp.116–118; Trașcă, pp.386–389
- ^ Trașcă, pp.386–389
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.151–153, 245; Deletant, pp.171–172, 253; Trașcă, pp.392–394. Antonescu's initial order defines the intended victims as "communists", but a later conversation with his ministers exclusively uses "Jews" for the same categories (Deletant, pp.171–172; Trașcă, pp.393–394).
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.150; Trașcă, pp.389–391
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.151–153, 323; Trașcă, pp.391–394. The detonation was a method of execution ordered by Antonescu personally (Yakuniy hisobot, pp.152–153; Trașcă, p.393).
- ^ Deletant, pp.175–177; Trașcă, pp.395–397
- ^ Deletant, p.176; Trașcă, p.396. Partly rendered in Yakuniy hisobot, p.246
- ^ Trașcă, p.396
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.150, 153–157, 323; Deletant, pp.177, 329; Trașcă, pp.397–398
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.153–168, 246, 248; Deletant, pp.182–184
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.382; Deletant, p.127; Oldson, p.3
- ^ Cioroianu, p.296; Deletant, pp.260–261
- ^ Oldson, pp.2–5
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.179, 381; Weber, pp.150–151
- ^ a b v (Rumin tilida) "Moldova critică reabilitarea parțială a lui Antonescu", BBC Romanian edition, February 23, 2007
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.382; Deletant, p.127; Ornea, p.394; Weber, p.151
- ^ Ancel (2005 b), p.231
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.382; Deletant, pp.127–128
- ^ Ramet, p.173
- ^ Deletant, pp.2, 127, 171, 314; Laqueur, p.206; Polonsky, p.28; Weber, pp.150–151, 164
- ^ a b Polonsky, p.28
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.226, 230, 235–237, 241, 382; Achim, pp.169, 174–175, 179, 182; Deletant, pp.4, 6, 171, 195, 254; Ioanid, p.234; Kelso, pp.109, 130. The authorities themselves counted 24,686 deportees (Yakuniy hisobot, p.230; Kelso, p.109). Around 6,000 survivors were recorded alive by late 1944 (Achim, p.179; Deletant, p.195; Kelso, p.130). However, the actual number of survivors may in theory be twice as high (Yakuniy hisobot, p.236; Achim, p.179; Deletant, pp.4, 6, 195).
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.68–69, 117–118, 168–172, 243, 249, 383, 385–386; Boia, pp.260–261; Deletant, pp.2, 4, 114–115, 205–229, 235, 334; Ioanid, pp.232, 233, 235; Oldson, pp.4–11, 161–163; Ornea, pp.394–395; Ancel, p.231; Penkower, p.148sqq. In these definitions, the Romanian Old Kingdom also includes areas of Transilvaniya va Bukovina still under Romanian rule after 1940.
- ^ Boia, pp.260–261
- ^ Oldson, p.162
- ^ Oldson, pp.4–11, 161–163; Deletant, pp.275, 354
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.68–69, 117–118, 120, 168, 171–172, 201, 210, 253–254, 385; Ancel (2005 b), pp.231–232, 234–235; Deletant, pp.100–101, 112–113, 121–124, 125, 206, 213–214, 311; Oldson, pp.7–8, 10–11, 162; Ornea, pp.394–395; Penkower, pp.148, 153–155; Weinberg, p.239
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.117–118, 120, 201, 210–217, 385; Deletant, pp.108–114, 123–124, 311
- ^ Ancel (2005 b), pp.231–232, 234–235. Ancel places blame for the discontent provoked among locals on Antonescu's earlier propaganda themes.
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.201, 212–217; Deletant, pp.120–124, 213–214, 216, 312–313
- ^ Deletant, pp.213–219, 337–338; Penkower, pp.149–152, 154–157, 161–163
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.120, 200, 207–210, 247; Deletant, pp.71–72, 114, 120–122, 125, 216, 311, 317–318; Ioanid, p.234; Penkower, pp.152–153, 157, 161, 169–170
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.120, 200, 209–210, 247; Deletant, pp.114, 311; Ioanid, p.234
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.120, 200; Deletant, pp.114–115, 124, 184
- ^ Deletant, pp.118–119; Ioanid, p.234
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.251–252; Penkower, p.161
- ^ Deletant, p.119
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.218, 383–384; Deletant, p.100
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.252–253; Ancel (2005 b), pp.231–234; Deletant, pp.100–101; Ornea, p.394; Penkower, pp.153, 161. The decision appears to have been taken by Mixay Antonesku at a time when the leader was incapacitated by his 1942 disease (Deletant, pp.209–211).
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.218–220, 251–252, 383–384; Ancel (2005 b), pp.232–234; Deletant, pp.118–119, 203–204, 215–225, 338–340
- ^ Deletant, pp.116–117, 119
- ^ Deletant, pp.118–120, 276
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.237–238; Achim, pp.169–170
- ^ Achim, p.170
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.229; Kelso, pp.124–127
- ^ Achim, pp.184–185
- ^ Achim, p.180; Kelso, pp.128–129
- ^ Kelso, pp.128–129
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.236–237, 240–241; Achim, p.180; Kelso, pp.129–130
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.63–65, 126–127
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.133–134; Deletant, pp.116, 118, 128, 151
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.66, 133, 134, 383; Browning, pp.276–277; Deletant, pp.146, 150–151, 177; Ioanid, p.235; Oldson, pp.2, 10; Penkower, p.149
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.66, 136; Deletant, pp.128, 151
- ^ Browning, p.320. Partly rendered in Yakuniy hisobot, s.140.
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.66–69, 167–172, 243, 249, 286, 383; Deletant, pp.205–215, 334–336; Ioanid, p.234; Weber, p.150
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.66–69, 172; Deletant, pp.205, 209, 212, 334–335; Ioanid, pp.234, 235; Penkower, p.152
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.67–69; Deletant, pp.208–211; Penkower, pp.152–153
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.67; Deletant, pp.121–122, 124
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.171
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.69, 171–172, 243, 249, 383; Deletant, pp.127, 208–215, 334–336; Penkower, pp.152–153
- ^ Deletant, pp.1, 214–215
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.69, 253; Weinberg, pp.239–240
- ^ Ancel, Jean "Antonescu and the Jews" pages 463-479 from The Holocaust and History The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed and the Reexamined edited by Michael Berenbaum and Abraham Peck, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998 pages 475-476.
- ^ a b Ancel, Jean "Antonescu and the Jews" pages 463-479 from The Holocaust and History The Known, the Unknown, the Disputed and the Reexamined edited by Michael Berenbaum and Abraham Peck, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998 page 476.
- ^ Oldson, p.7
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.68–69, 168–172, 252–253, 384; Deletant, pp.211, 213–219; Oldson, p.7; Weinberg, pp.239–240. In February 1943, Romanian officials announced to the world that they were going to allow "70,000 Jews" to depart from Transnistria to Palestine on ships with Vatikan insignia, in exchange for payments. The project was sabotaged by the Nazis, reportedly upon the request of Muhammad Amin al-Husayniy, the fugitive Quddus bosh muftiysi. Antonescu later approached the Qizil Xoch for similar transfer efforts, including the ill-fated ship Mefküre. (Penkower, pp.148, 153–155, 157; Deletant, pp.213–218).
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.69, 171–172, 383; Deletant, pp.121–122, 210; Oldson, pp.4, 8–11, 161–163. According to Penkower (p.153), Radu Lecca changed orders for the deportation into Polshani bosib oldi immediately after being "snubbed" by Yoaxim fon Ribbentrop 's employees.
- ^ Deletant, pp.216, 218, 225–229, 340–341; Penkower, pp.169–170; Weber, p.150
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.237; Achim, pp.170, 185
- ^ Achim, pp.183–184; Deletant, pp.228–229
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.201; Deletant, pp.226–228, 253
- ^ Deletant, p.228
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.173–175; Deletant, p.229; Ioanid, pp.244–245; Penkower, p.152
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.173–175, 250–251; Deletant, pp.229, 340; Ioanid, pp.244–245
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.284–285, 320, 324; Deletant, p.319; Gella, p.171; King, pp.93–94; Trașcă, pp.378–379; White, pp.157–158
- ^ Haynes, pp.111–113
- ^ Deletant, pp.51, 84–85, 93–94, 98, 266–267; Kenney, pp.93; King, p.94
- ^ King, p.94
- ^ Deletant, pp.93–94, 117–118, 206, 234; Kenney, p.93
- ^ a b Deletant, p.75
- ^ Deletant, pp.74, 94, 307
- ^ Deletant, p.343
- ^ Deletant, pp.53, 99–100
- ^ Trașcă, pp.378–380
- ^ Deletant, pp.98, 264, 307
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.292–296
- ^ Deletant, p.52
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.286, 288, 290, 300; Deletant, pp.212, 337; Ioanid, pp.234; Weber, pp.158–159
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.177, 283, 289–290; Deletant, pp.161–165, 177
- ^ Deletant, p.177
- ^ Deletant, pp.211–212, 337; Ioanid, pp.234–235; Yakuniy hisobot, pp.286, 301
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.252, 286, 301, 383; Deletant, pp.198–204, 333, 336
- ^ Deletant, pp.159–160; Penkower, p.149
- ^ Penkower, p.149. According to Penkower, the plans were rejected by Davlat departamenti rasmiy Kavendish V. Kannon, who called attention to Arab Anti-sionizm.
- ^ Deletant, p.117
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.169–170, 190, 286, 290, 298–300; Deletant, pp.206, 208; Weber, p.154
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.322; Weber, pp.153–156, 164; Ancel (2005 a), pp.409–411
- ^ Achim, p.174; Yakuniy hisobot, p.238
- ^ a b Yakuniy hisobot, pp.238–239
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.287–312; Ancel (2005 a), pp.288–299; Deletant, pp.135–136. A list of Romanian and Moldova Xalqlar orasida solih topilgan Yakuniy hisobot, pp.303–312.
- ^ Penkower, pp.153, 157, 169–170
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.298; Deletant, pp.124, 313; Penkower, p.161
- ^ Deletant, pp.216–219, 225–229, 337–339; Oldson, pp.7–8; Penkower, p.148sqq
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.324; Cioroianu, pp.44–45, 55, 126–132, 151–154; Deletant, pp.238–239, 344; Gella, p.172. In addition to the PCR, these included the Ploughmen's Front and the Socialist Peasants' Party (Cioroianu, pp.55, 126–127, 132, 151–154).
- ^ Browning, p.276; Yakuniy hisobot, pp.65, 243
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.104–105, 143; Cioroianu, pp.42–52, 132–134; Deletant, pp.116, 123, 196–198, 219, 225, 238–239, 254, 303, 311, 332–333, 335–336, 340, 343–344
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.143; Ioanid, p.233
- ^ Deletant, pp.72, 303, 332
- ^ Frankowski, p.217. According to Deletant (p.72), 72 communists believed to be Soviet agents or partisans were executed in 1940–1944, from a total of 313 PCR members sentenced to death. The rest had their sentences commuted.
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.105; Deletant, p.225
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.62–63; Deletant, pp.71–72, 302–303, 311; Griffin (1993), p.127; Laqueur, p.205; Ornea, pp.219, 346; Veiga, pp.299, 313; Achim, p.169. Antonescu notably ordered the execution of 7 out of 20 Guardists sentenced to death for their roles in the Jilava qirg'ini (Deletant, p.302).
- ^ They included the Iron Guardist Xeyg aktyor (Ornea, p.219) and, possibly, the communist Ion Georgiy Maurer (Cioroianu, p.134).
- ^ Cioroianu, pp.43–46, 48–52; Deletant, pp.332, 344; Roper, pp.14–16
- ^ Cioroianu, pp.46, 48–49, 62, 134
- ^ Deletant, pp.343–344; Gella, p.172; Roper, pp.13–16
- ^ Cioroianu, pp.128, 134–135, 140, 171, 265; Roper, pp.14–15; Gella, p.172
- ^ Guran & Ștefan, p.113
- ^ Neubauer va boshq., pp.148, 150
- ^ Neubauer va boshq., p.148
- ^ Boia, p.259
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.290–292, 295
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.300–301; Deletant, pp.206–207
- ^ Deletant, p.237
- ^ Bucur (2006), pp.184–186
- ^ Deletant, pp.58, 297, 302
- ^ Earl A. Pope, "Protestantism in Romania", in Pedro Ramet, Sabrina P. Ramet (eds.), Christianity under Stress. Vol. III: Protestantism and Politics in Eastern Europe and Russia: The Communist and Postcommunist Eras, Dyuk universiteti matbuoti, 1992, pp.174–175, 184. ISBN 0-8223-1241-7
- ^ "Jehovah's Witnesses in East Central, South Eastern and Southern Europe. The Fate of a Religious Minority (book reviews)", in LIT Verlag's Religion-Staat-Gesellschaft, 1/2007
- ^ Deletant, pp.73, 254
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.313–331; Cioroianu, pp.130–131, 265–268, 295–297; Gella, p.173; Ioanid, pp.235–237; Deletant, pp.264, 347, 349; Weber, pp.158–159
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.315–316, 324; Deletant, pp.249–250, 349; Ioanid, p.235
- ^ Cioroianu, pp.266–267
- ^ Ancel (2005 b), pp.235–236, 241; Gella, p.173
- ^ Kent, pp.109–110
- ^ Ioanid, pp.235–236
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.316, 339; Ancel (2005 b), pp.235–256; Weber, pp.152–159, 164–167. Ancel discusses in particular the influx of Zionists fleeing Soviet rule in the late 1940s, the renewed antisemitic violence of the period, as well as the various clashes between Romanian officials and Jewish community leaders both before and after the communist takeover.
- ^ Deletant, pp.313, 350
- ^ Deletant, p.350
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.281, 315, 317–318
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.337–338; Ioanid, pp.233, 244; Weber, p.161
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.321–331, 335–339, 347, 385; Deletant, pp.3–4, 262–263; Weber, pp.157, 159, 166–167
- ^ Ioanid, p.236; Weber, pp.161–163
- ^ Ancel (2005 a), pp.17–18, 427–428; Deletant, p.273; Ioanid, p.236; Weber, pp.160–161
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.240–241; Achim, pp.170–171, 189
- ^ Boia, p.119; Bucur (2004), pp.173–176; Roper, pp.13–14, 41–42; Deletant, pp.243, 265–266, 269, 344
- ^ Deletant, pp.243, 265–266, 343–344; Roper, pp.13–15, 41–42
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.280–281, 283–284, 335–339, 347, 385; Deletant, pp.264–265; Ioanid, pp.236–237; Weber, pp.158–159, 166–167
- ^ Deletant, pp.4, 264–265
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.283–284, 340–348; Ancel (2005 a), p.423; Boia, pp.118–119, 336, 340; Deletant, pp.4–5, 265–269; Ioanid, pp.236–245; Oldson, pp.3–4; Geran Pilon, pp.59–66
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.339–340; Boia, pp.119, 340; Deletant, pp.4–5, 266–269; Ioanid, pp.239–240
- ^ Boia, p.336; Cioroianu, pp.416–420, 490–492
- ^ Ioanid, pp.239–240, 245
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.348; Boia, pp.160–161, 259, 340; Shafir, p.215; Deletant, pp.269; Geran Pilon, pp.67, 116; Ioanid, pp.246, 251; Laqueur, p.205
- ^ Boia, pp.339–341
- ^ Boia, p.339
- ^ Ioanid, p.240
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.283–284, 302, 345–346; Ancel (2005 a), p.424; Bucur (2004), pp.174–175; Ioanid, p.240
- ^ Deletant, Dennis (12 April 2006). Hitler's Forgotten Ally: Ion Antonsecu and his Regime, Romania, 1940-1944. Springer. ISBN 0230502091. Olingan 7 avgust 2019.
- ^ Ancel (2005 a), pp.12–13, 17, 414; Ioanid, p.236
- ^ Ioanid, pp.240–241
- ^ Ancel (2005 a), pp.428–425; Ioanid, pp.240–241
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.345; Ioanid, p.241
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.284, 302, 340–348; Ancel (2005 a), pp.414, 418; Ioanid, pp.241–245; Oldson, p.3; Deletant, pp.264, 269; Weber, pp.164–165
- ^ Boia, pp.28–29, 340, 344; Shafir, p.230
- ^ Boia, pp.28–29
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.319, 322, 330–331; Boia, pp.340–341; Bucur (2004), p.178; Deletant, pp.270–271
- ^ Boia, p.259; Deletant, pp.270–271
- ^ Toni Judt, "The Past is Another Country: Myth and Memory in Post-war Europe", in Jan-Werner Müller (ed.), Memory and Power in Post-war Europe, Kembrij universiteti matbuoti, Cambridge, 2002, p.175. ISBN 0-521-00070-X
- ^ Deletant, p.4
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.349, 352–353, 360–361; Boia, pp.340–341; Bucur (2004), p.178sqq; Deletant, pp.269–271, 312; Ioanid, p.246sqq; Kenney, p.93; Laqueur, pp.205–206
- ^ Ramet, pp.172–173
- ^ Laqueur, p.205. Both factions have also been known to endorse integral denial (Yakuniy hisobot, pp.365–367).
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.349, 350, 351, 353–354, 359, 373–374; Boia, pp.340–341; Geran Pilon, pp.67–71; Ioanid, pp.246, 250–252; Laqueur, pp.203–205; Shafir, pp.214–215; Bucur (2004), p.178; Deletant, pp.6, 269–271
- ^ Boia, p.340; Yakuniy hisobot, pp.349, 350, 373; Bucur (2004), p.178; Deletant, pp.6, 269, 281–282
- ^ Deletant, pp.281–282; Shafir, p.231
- ^ Boia, p.340
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.350, 353; Ioanid, pp.246, 251; Laqueur, pp.205–206
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.350–352, 362–363; Ioanid, p.246
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.350; Shafir, p.215
- ^ Deletant, pp.271, 352. Theodoru stands out for his complete form of Holocaust denial (Yakuniy hisobot, pp.350–352, 354, 362, 373).
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.356, 357–358, 372, 375–376, 378
- ^ Among those cited are Expres Magazin (Ioanid, pp.129, 250) and Dosarele Historia (Deletant, p.350) Evenimentul Zilei did the same in the early 1990s. (Weber, p.150).
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.349, 354, 356, 375
- ^ Ioanid, pp.247, 248
- ^ Boia, pp.340–341; Deletant, pp.269–270; Ioanid, pp.247–250, 251–252; Kenney, p.93; Laqueur, p.205
- ^ Boia, pp.340–341; Deletant, pp.269, 270; Kenney, p.93
- ^ a b Shafir, Michael (2010). "Romania's tortuous road to facing collaboration". In Stauber, Roni (ed.). Collaboration with the Nazis: public discourse after the Holocaust. London, Nyu-York: Routledge. 255-258 betlar. ISBN 978-0415564410.
- ^ Deletant, p.270; Ioanid, p.247
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.360–362; Boia, p.29; Ioanid, pp.249–250, 252; Kenney, p.93
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.374–375; Deletant, pp.271–272
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.349
- ^ Bucur (2004), p.158
- ^ Deletant, pp.2, 3, 5
- ^ Régine Robin, "Une juste mémoire, est-ce possible?", in Thomas Ferenczi (ed.), Devoir de mémoire, droit à l'oubli?, Éditions Complexe, Paris, 2002, p.109. ISBN 2-87027-941-8; Bucur (2004), pp.158, 178–179; Deletant, pp.4–7, 262, 270–273
- ^ Bucur (2004), p.178; Ioanid, p.245. According to Ioanid, these Romanian-sourced interpretations affected historiographic accounts at an international level, when they were republished by the Yad Vashem.
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.348, 350, 355–356, 357–359, 361, 367; Bucur (2004), p.178; Deletant, pp.7, 270–271, 352–353
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.348
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.353; Deletant, p.273
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.348, 362; Deletant, pp.273–274
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.179, 341, 379; Deletant, p.272; Ioanid, p.249
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, p.379; Deletant, pp.281, 253, 352
- ^ Deletant, p.272
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.361, 374; Deletant, pp.270–273
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, pp.9–13, 17–18, 361–362, 386–393; Deletant, pp.6–7
- ^ a b v d e f (Rumin tilida) Daniela Șontică, "Biserica lui Antonescu" Arxivlandi 2009-06-13 at the Orqaga qaytish mashinasi, yilda Jurnalul Nional, May 20, 2006
- ^ a b v (Rumin tilida) Vasile Gârneț, "Mari Romani. Concursul s-a terminat, discuțiile davomi " Arxivlandi 2007-07-12 da Orqaga qaytish mashinasi, yilda Contrafort, 2006 yil oktyabr
- ^ a b v (Rumin tilida) "Reabilitarea numelui mareșalului Antonescu, javoblar",Mediafaks, 2008 yil 6-may
- ^ a b (Rumin tilida) Klaudiya Ciobanu, "Pentru Kishinyu, Antonescu ramîne criminal de război"[doimiy o'lik havola ], yilda Kotidianul, 2007 yil 23 fevral
- ^ (Rumin tilida) Klaudiya Ciobanu, "Rossiya Anton Antonu jinoyatchi de ruzboi deb hisoblaydi"[doimiy o'lik havola ], yilda Kotidianul, 2007 yil 23 fevral
- ^ (Rumin tilida) Ionel Stoica, Dan Sebastian, "Butrus va Justiescie pe vila de un milion de evro din Predeal a mareșalului Antonescu" Arxivlandi 2009-05-26 da Orqaga qaytish mashinasi, yilda Adevărul, 2008 yil 26 sentyabr
- ^ Bucur (2004), s.172
- ^ Bucur (2004), pp.172-173
- ^ (Rumin tilida) Ion Longin Popesku, "Un sat istoric: Antonești" Arxivlandi 2009-09-12 da Orqaga qaytish mashinasi, yilda Formula As, Nr. 823, 2008 yil iyun
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.98, 118, 231
- ^ O'chiruvchi, p.305
- ^ Richard Stits, "Frontline Entertainment", Richard Staytsda (tahr.), Rossiyaning urush davridagi madaniyati va ko'ngil ochishi, Indiana universiteti matbuoti, Bloomington va Indianapolis, 133-136-betlar. ISBN 0-253-20949-8
- ^ Roy Duglas, Jahon urushi, 1939–1945. Karikatura ustalarining qarashlari, Yo'nalish, London, 94-bet, 96-bet. ISBN 0-415-03049-8
- ^ Neubauer va boshq., s.174
- ^ O'chiruvchi, s.267-268; Ioanid, 239-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 268-bet; Ioanid, 239-bet
- ^ O'chiruvchi, 267-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.359-361; Bucur (2004), s.158, 178; Ioanid, 251-252 betlar; Kenni, 93-bet; Ramet, p.173
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.360; Ioanid, 255-bet; Shofir, 215-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.360; Shofir, 215-bet
- ^ Ioanid, 255-bet
- ^ Bucur (2004), s.178
- ^ Ioanid, 255-bet
- ^ Yakuniy hisobot, s.359-361
- ^ Mixir Bose, "Yoxanssonni Ruminiya irqchi antiqalari tashvishga solmoqda", yilda Daily Telegraph, 2005 yil 7 sentyabr
- ^ "In Antona Antuan, Guvernul tac o saptamana in cazul distrugerii cimitirului evreiesc din Husi".. Ziare.com.
- ^ a b Centrul de Istorie Civili Civilizație Europeană (Academia Română); Fundația Culturală Română (1995). Ruminiya tsivilizatsiyasi, 4-jild. Ruminiya madaniyat fondi; Asl: Indiana universiteti matbuoti. p. 95.
- ^ Muzeul Literaturii Române (Ruminiya) (1998). Qo'lyozma, 29-jild (Rumin tilida). Muzeul Literaturii Române; Asl: Michigan universiteti matbuoti. p. 119.
- ^ a b Axworth, Mark; Horia Șerbesku (1992). Ruminiya Ikkinchi Jahon urushi armiyasi. Osprey nashriyoti. p. 24. ISBN 1-85532-169-6.
- ^ Miloiu, Silviu (2008). "Marshallar Ikkinchi Jahon urushi davrida Ruminiya va Finlyandiya hamkorligining asosiy ramzlari sifatida" (PDF). "Valaxia" Tirgovitte universiteti yilnomalari. Valaxiya universiteti matbuoti. X (Arxeologiya va tarix bo'limi): 78. ISSN 1584-1855. Arxivlandi asl nusxasi (PDF) 2012 yil 28 martda. Olingan 30 iyul 2011.
- ^ Uilyamson, Gordon (2012 yil 20 mart). Ikkinchi jahon urushi Germaniya jangovar nishonlari. Bloomsbury nashriyoti. ISBN 9781780965703 - Google Books orqali.
- ^ Shrank, Devid (2014 yil 19-yanvar). Proxorovkadagi momaqaldiroq: "Citadel" operatsiyasining jangovar tarixi, Kursk, 1943 yil iyul. Helion and Company. ISBN 9781909384545 - Google Books orqali.
- ^ Pol Karell, Kuygan er; Gitlerning Rossiyaga qarshi urushi, G. G. Harrap, 1970, p. 19
- ^ Adolf Gitler, Maks Domarus, 1932-1945 yillar nutqlari va e'lonlari, Bolchazy-Carducci, 2004, p. 2799
- ^ Kristofer Ailsbi, Uchinchi reyxning jangovar medallari, P. Stefens, 1987, p. 98
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- Monty Noam Penkower, Yahudiylarni sarf qilish mumkin edi: erkin dunyo diplomatiyasi va qirg'in, Ueyn shtati universiteti matbuoti, Detroyt, 1988 yil. ISBN 0-8143-1952-1
- Antoniy Polonskiy, Joanna B. Michlic, kirish Qo'shnilar javob berishadi: Polshadagi Jedvabne qirg'ini bo'yicha tortishuv, Prinston universiteti matbuoti, Princeton, 2004, 1-43 betlar. ISBN 0-691-11306-8
- Sabrina P. Ramet, "Biz qanday yo'l tutganmiz va yana shunday bo'lishimiz kerakmi? Evropaning pravoslav cherkovlari va" pastoral o'tmish "), Timo'tiy A. Byrnes, Piter J. Katsenshteyn (tahr.), Kengayib borayotgan Evropada din, Kembrij universiteti matbuoti, Kembrij, 2006 yil. ISBN 0-521-85926-3
- Stiven D. Roper, Ruminiya: tugallanmagan inqilob, Routledge, London, 2000 yil. ISBN 90-5823-027-9
- Maykl Shafir, "Ruminiyaning radikal huquqi to'g'risida", Sabrina P. Rametda (tahr.), 1989 yildan beri Markaziy va Sharqiy Evropada radikal huquq, Penn State University Press, Universitet parki, 1999, 213–232 betlar. ISBN 0-271-01811-9
- Tomas, Martin. "Ittifoqchini qurollantirish uchun: Frantsiyaning Ruminiyaga qurol sotishi, 1926-1940 yillar." Strategik tadqiqotlar jurnali 19.2 (1996): 231-259.
- Ottmar Trașcă, "Ocuparea orașului Odessa de căre armata română și măsurile as асыр olish față de populația evreiască", ichida Ruminiya akademiyasi Jorj Bariy nomidagi Tarix instituti Historica Yearbook 2008, 377-425 betlar
- Fransisko Veiga, Istoria Gzirzii de Fier, 1919–1941: Mistica ultranaționalismului, Humanitas, Buxarest, 1993 yil. ISBN 973-28-0392-4
- Uotts, Larri L. Ruminiyalik Kassandra: Ion Antonesku va islohot uchun kurash, 1916-1941 (Sharqiy Evropa monografiyalari, 1993)
- Petru Veber, "Die Wahrnehmung des» Ichki Holokost «im Rumänien der Nachkriegsjahre", Regina Fritz, Carola Sachse, Edgar Wolfrum (tahr.), Nationen und ihre Selbstbilder. Evropada Postdiktatorische Gesellschaften, Wallstein Verlag, Göttingen, 2008, 150–167 betlar. ISBN 978-3-8353-0212-9
- Gerxard L. Vaynberg, Germaniya, Gitler va Ikkinchi Jahon urushi: zamonaviy nemis va jahon tarixi ocherklari, Kembrij universiteti matbuoti, Kembrij, 1996 y. ISBN 0-521-56626-6
Tarixnoma va xotira
- Chioveanu, Mixay. "Post-kommunistik Ruminiyadagi Ion Antoneskuning afsonasi va kulti". Studiya Hebraica 3 (2003): 102-123.
- Treptov, Kurt V. Ruminiya va Ikkinchi Jahon urushi (Ruminiya tadqiqotlari markazi, 1996).
- Oq, Jorj V. Millatchilik va hudud. Janubi-sharqiy Evropada guruh identifikatorini yaratish, Rowman va Littlefield, Lanxem, 2000 yil. ISBN 0-8476-9809-2
Tashqi havolalar
- Ion Antonesku haqidagi gazetalar ichida 20-asr matbuot arxivi ning ZBW
| Siyosiy idoralar | ||
|---|---|---|
| Oldingi Ion Gigurtu | Ruminiya Bosh vaziri 1940 yil 5 sentyabr - 1944 yil 23 avgust | Muvaffaqiyatli Konstantin Sonetsku |
| Faxriy unvonlar | ||
| Qayta yaratilgan Sarlavha oxirgi marta o'tkazilgan Kerol II | Dirijyor Ruminiya 1940 yil 6 sentyabr - 1944 yil 23 avgust | Bo'sh Sarlavha keyingi tomonidan o'tkaziladi Nikolae Cheesku |
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