Fashizm va mafkura - Fascism and ideology
Siyosat portali
Tarixi fashistik mafkura uzun va ko'plab manbalarga asoslanadi. Fashistlar qadimiy manbalardan ilhom olishgan Spartaliklar ularning diqqatlari uchun irqiy poklik va ularning elita ozchilikni boshqarishiga ahamiyati. Fashizm ning ideallari bilan ham bog'langan Aflotun, garchi ikkalasi o'rtasida asosiy farqlar mavjud. Fashizm o'zini g'oyaviy voris sifatida ko'rsatdi Rim, ayniqsa Rim imperiyasi. "Oliy va oliyjanob" tushunchasi Oriy "parazitar" dan farqli o'laroq madaniyat Semit madaniyati uchun asosiy edi Natsist irqiy qarashlar. Xuddi shu davrdan boshlab, Jorj Vilgelm Fridrix Hegel Davlatning mutlaq hokimiyatiga bo'lgan qarashlari fashistik fikrlashga ham kuchli ta'sir ko'rsatdi. The Frantsiya inqilobi fashistlar o'zlarini u ilgari surgan ko'plab g'oyalarga qarshi kurashamiz deb hisoblaganlaricha katta ta'sir ko'rsatdi, ayniqsa liberalizm, liberal demokratiya va irqiy tenglik Boshqa tomondan, fashizm inqilobiy idealga katta e'tibor qaratdi millatchilik. Fashistik harakatlar orasida keng tarqalgan mavzular: millatchilik (shu jumladan irqiy millatchilik ), ierarxiya va elitizm, militarizm, yarim din, erkaklik va falsafa. Fashizmning boshqa jihatlari, masalan, uning "dekadensiya afsonasi", tengsizlikka qarshi kurash va totalitarizm ushbu g'oyalardan kelib chiqqanligini ko'rish mumkin. Biroq, ushbu asosiy jihatlar "deb nomlanuvchi tushunchaga tegishli bo'lishi mumkin.Palingenetik ultratovushizm "tomonidan taklif qilingan nazariya Rojer Griffin, bu fashizm - bu milliy qayta tug'ilish va tiklanish afsonasi orqali sakralizatsiya qilingan totalitarizm va ultratovushizm sintezi.
Uning o'sha davrdagi boshqa mafkuralar bilan aloqasi murakkab bo'lgan, ko'pincha birdaniga tortishuv va ularning mashhur tomonlarini birgalikda tanlashga qaratilgan. Fashizm qo'llab-quvvatladi xususiy mulk huquqlar - ta'qib qilingan guruhlardan tashqari - va foyda olish maqsadi ning kapitalizm, lekin davlat bilan xususiy hokimiyatni kuchaytirish orqali keng ko'lamli kapitalizm avtonomiyasini yo'q qilishga intildi. Ular ko'plab maqsadlarni o'rtoqlashdilar konservatorlar o'z davridagi va ko'pincha norozi konservativ saflardan yollovchilarni jalb qilish bilan ular bilan ittifoqlashgan, lekin o'zlarini ko'proq zamonaviy mafkura, an'anaviy kabi narsalarga kam e'tibor berish din. Fashizm qarshi chiqdi sinf ziddiyati va teng huquqli va xalqaro asosiy oqimning xarakteri sotsializm, lekin ba'zida o'zini muqobil sifatida o'rnatishga intildi "milliy sotsializm". U liberalizmga qat'iy qarshi chiqdi, kommunizm, anarxizm va demokratik sotsializm.
Mafkuraviy kelib chiqishi
Dastlabki ta'sirlar (miloddan avvalgi 495 - milodiy 1880)
Fashizm mafkurasini shakllantirgan dastlabki ta'sirlar boshlangan Qadimgi Yunoniston. Qadimgi Yunonistonning siyosiy madaniyati va xususan qadimgi Yunoniston shahar davlati Sparta ostida Likurg militarizm va irqiy poklikka urg'u berib, fashistlar tomonidan hayratga tushdi.[1][2] Natsist Fyer Adolf Gitler Germaniya Ellin qadriyatlari va madaniyati, xususan, qadimgi Sparta madaniyatini saqlashi kerakligini ta'kidladi.[1] U yunon qadriyatlarini nemis bo'lmaganligi haqidagi potentsial tanqidlarni umumiyligini ta'kidlab tanqid qildi Oriy irqi qadimgi yunonlar bilan bog'lanish, dedi Mein Kampf: "Ayrim irqlarning farqlari katta irqiy jamoani parchalashiga yo'l qo'ymaslik kerak".[3]
Gitler so'zlarini davom ettirdi Mein Kampf: "Bugungi kunda avj olayotgan kurash juda katta maqsadlarni o'z ichiga oladi: madaniyat ming yillar va quchoqlarni o'zida mujassam etgan mavjudot uchun kurashadi Ellinizm va Germaniya birgalikda "deb nomlangan.[3] Spartaliklar kvazi-fashist tomonidan taqlid qilingan tartib ning Ioannis Metaxas u yunonlarni o'zlarini butun xalqni o'zlarini tutib, o'zlarini boshqarish huquqiga ega bo'lishlariga Spartaliklar qilganidek chaqirdi.[4] Ning tarafdorlari 4-avgust rejimi 1930-1940 yillarda Metaxas diktaturasini "birinchi yunon tsivilizatsiyasi" Afina diktaturasini jalb qilganligi asosida oqladi. Perikllar qadimgi Yunonistonni buyuklikka olib kelgan.[4] Yunon faylasufi Aflotun fashizmga o'xshash ko'plab siyosiy pozitsiyalarni qo'llab-quvvatladi.[5] Yilda Respublika (miloddan avvalgi 380 y.),[6] Aflotun ideal holatda faylasuf shohga ehtiyoj borligini ta'kidlaydi.[6] Aflotun ideal davlatni "qo'riqchilar" nomi bilan tanilgan taniqli hukmdorlar sinfi boshqarishiga ishongan va bu g'oyani rad etgan ijtimoiy tenglik.[5] Aflotun avtoritar davlatga ishongan.[5] Aflotun ushlab turdi Afina demokratiyasi nafrat bilan: "Demokratiya qonunlari o'lik harf bo'lib qoladi, uning erkinligi anarxiya, tengligi tengsizlarning tengligi".[5] Aflotun ham fashizm singari, shaxslar o'zlarining hayotlariga davlat aralashuvini cheklash yoki rad etish huquqlarini berishdan bosh tortib, qonunlarga rioya qilishlari va majburiyatlarni bajarishlari kerakligini ta'kidladi.[5] Aflotun ham fashizm singari, ideal davlat qobiliyatli hukmdorlar va jangchilarni targ'ib qilish uchun mo'ljallangan davlat ta'limiga ega bo'ladi deb da'vo qildi.[5] Aflotun ko'plab fashistik mafkurachilar singari, Guardian sinfini takomillashtirish maqsadida davlat tomonidan homiylik qilingan evgenika dasturini amalga oshirishni qo'llab-quvvatladi. Respublika selektiv naslchilik orqali.[7] Italiya fashisti Il Duce Benito Mussolini Aflotun asarlariga qattiq bog'lanib qolgan.[8] Biroq, Aflotun ideallari bilan fashizm o'rtasida sezilarli farqlar mavjud.[5] Fashizmdan farqli o'laroq, Aflotun hech qachon ekspansionizmni targ'ib qilmagan va u tajovuzkor urushga qarshi bo'lgan.[5]
Italiya fashistlari o'zlarining mafkuralarini meros bilan bog'liqligini aniqladilar qadimgi Rim va ayniqsa Rim imperiyasi: ular butlangan Yuliy Tsezar va Avgust.[9] Italiya fashizmi zamonaviy Italiya davlatini Rim imperiyasining merosxo'ri deb bilgan va "Rim qadriyatlariga qaytish" uchun italyan madaniyatini yangilash zarurligini ta'kidlagan.[10] Italiya fashistlari Rim imperiyasini, ular solishtirganda xaotik deb bilgan zamonaviy individualist liberal jamiyatdan farqli o'laroq, ideal organik va barqaror jamiyat deb aniqladilar.[10] Yuliy Tsezar fashistlar tomonidan namuna sifatida ko'rilgan, chunki u inqilobni olib borgan va u mutlaq hokimiyatga ega bo'lgan diktatura asosida yangi tartibni barpo etish to'g'risidagi eski tartibni ag'dargan.[9] Mussolini diktatura, faol etakchilik uslubi va Yuliy Tsezar singari "birlashtiruvchi va muvozanatli markazni tuzish irodasi va umumiy harakat irodasini" o'z ichiga olgan etakchi kultga ehtiyoj borligini ta'kidladi.[11] Italiyalik fashistlar, shuningdek, Avgustni Rim imperiyasini qurgan chempion sifatida butparast qildilar.[9] The faslar - Rim hokimiyatining ramzi - italiyalik fashistlarning ramzi bo'lib, italiyalik fashizmga taqlid qilishda shakllangan boshqa ko'plab milliy fashistik harakatlar tomonidan qabul qilingan.[12] Bir qator fashistlar Rim tsivilizatsiyasini oriyan german madaniyati bilan mos kelmaydigan deb hisoblashgani uchun rad etishgan va ular oriy german madaniyati Rim madaniyatidan tashqarida deb hisoblashgan, Adolf Gitler shaxsan qadimgi Rimga qoyil qolgan.[12] Gitler qadimgi Rimga hukmronlik davrida va uning qudratining eng yuqori cho'qqisida bo'lganida, unga o'rnak bo'ladigan namuna sifatida e'tibor qaratdi va u Rim imperiyasining kuchli va birlashgan tsivilizatsiyani yaratish qobiliyatiga juda qoyil qoldi. Shaxsiy suhbatlarda Gitler Rim imperiyasining qulashini Rim nasroniylikni qabul qilganligi bilan izohladi, chunki u nasroniylik Rimni zaiflashtirgan va uning yo'q qilinishiga olib kelgan irqiy aralashuvga ruxsat bergan deb da'vo qildi.[11]
Dan fashizmga bir qator ta'sirlar bo'lgan Uyg'onish davri Evropadagi davr. Niccolò Machiavelli Italiya fashizmiga, xususan, davlatning mutlaq hokimiyatini targ'ib qilish orqali ta'sir qilgani ma'lum.[6] Makiavelli o'sha davrdagi barcha mavjud an'anaviy va metafizik taxminlarni rad etdi, ayniqsa O'rta yosh - va italiyalik vatanparvar sifatida Italiyani zabt etadigan va birlashtiradigan kuchli va shafqatsiz rahbar boshchiligidagi kuchli va qudratli davlatga ehtiyoj borligini ta'kidladi.[13] Mussolini o'zini zamonaviy Machiavellian deb bildi va o'zining faxriy doktorlik dissertatsiyasiga kirish yozdi Boloniya universiteti - "Makiavelliga muqaddima".[14] Mussolini Makiavellining "inson tabiati haqidagi pessimizmi o'zining keskinligi bilan abadiy edi. Shaxslarga" qonunga bo'ysunish, soliqlarini to'lash va urushda xizmat qilish "uchun ixtiyoriy ravishda ishonib bo'lmaydi. Hech qanday tartibli jamiyat xalq suveren bo'lishini istamaydi. ".[15] 20-asrning aksariyat diktatorlari Mussolinining Makiavelliga bo'lgan hayratiga taqlid qildilar va "Stalin ... o'zini Makiavellianning timsoli deb bildilar. fazilatù".[16]
Ingliz siyosiy nazariyotchisi Tomas Xobbs uning ishida Leviyatan (1651) muttasil kuch mafkurasini yaratdi mutlaq monarxiya davlat ichida tartibni saqlash.[6] Absolutizm fashizmga ta'sir ko'rsatdi.[6] Absolutizm o'z qonuniyligini Rim huquqi pretsedentlariga, shu jumladan markazlashgan Rim davlatiga va Rim huquqining Katolik cherkovi.[17] Fashizm davlatning mutlaq hokimiyatini qo'llab-quvvatlagan bo'lsa-da, mutlaq hokimiyat monarx qo'lida bo'lish g'oyasiga qarshi chiqdi va mutlaq monarxiyalar bilan bog'liq bo'lgan feodalizmga qarshi chiqdi.[18]
Ma'rifatparvarlik davrida fashizm rivojlanishini shakllantiradigan bir qator mafkuraviy ta'sirlar paydo bo'ldi. Umumjahon tarixlarni o'rganishning rivojlanishi Johann Gottfried Herder natijada Xerder xalqlarning rivojlanishini tahlil qildi. Xerder bu atamani ishlab chiqdi Millatchilik ("millatchilik") ushbu madaniy hodisani tavsiflash uchun. Bu vaqtda millatchilik keyinchalik paydo bo'lgan millatchilikning siyosiy mafkurasiga ishora qilmadi Frantsiya inqilobi.[19] Xerder shuningdek, evropaliklar avlodlari degan nazariyani ishlab chiqdi Hind-oriy xalqlari tilshunoslik asosida. Xerder german xalqlari qadimgi hindular va qadimgi forslar bilan yaqin irqiy aloqalar o'rnatganligini ta'kidladi, ular u donolik, zodagonlik, cheklov va ilm-fan qobiliyatiga ega bo'lgan ilg'or xalqlar deb da'vo qildilar.[20] Xerderning zamondoshlari oriylar irqining kontseptsiyasidan foydalanib, ular "yuqori va olijanob" oriy madaniyati bilan "parazitar" semit madaniyati o'rtasidagi farqni ajratishdi va bu yevropaliklarning oriy ildizlariga nisbatan antisemitizmga oid variant ko'rinishi. irqiy qarashlar.[20] Fashizmga yana bir katta ta'sir siyosiy nazariyalardan kelib chiqqan Jorj Vilgelm Fridrix Hegel.[6] Hegel davlatning mutlaq hokimiyatini ilgari surdi[6] va "davlatdan boshqa narsa - bu erkinlikni amalga oshirish" va "davlat - bu Xudoning er yuzidagi yurishi" deb aytgan.[13]
Frantsuz inqilobi va uning siyosiy merosi fashizm rivojlanishiga katta ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Fashistlar Frantsuz inqilobini, asosan, liberal g'oyalarni qamrab olishiga olib kelgan salbiy voqea sifatida qaraydilar liberal demokratiya, antiklerikalizm va ratsionalizm.[18] Frantsiya inqilobining muxoliflari dastlab konservatorlar va reaktsionerlar edilar, ammo keyinchalik inqilob marksistlar tomonidan burjua xarakteri va uning universalistik tamoyillariga qarshi chiqqan irqchi millatchilar tomonidan tanqid qilindi.[18] Irqchi millatchilar, xususan, "past irqlarga" ijtimoiy tenglik bergani uchun Frantsiya inqilobini qoraladilar Yahudiylar.[18] Mussolini Frantsiya inqilobini liberalizmni rivojlantirgani uchun qoraladi, ilmiy sotsializm va liberal demokratiya, shuningdek, fashizm ushbu mafkuralarning hayotiyligini saqlab qolgan barcha elementlarni ajratib olgan va ulardan foydalanganligini va fashizm Frantsiya inqilobini avj oldirgan sharoitlarni tiklash istagi yo'qligini tan oldi.[18] Fashizm inqilobning asosiy qismlariga qarshi chiqqan bo'lsa-da, fashistlar uning boshqa tomonlarini qo'llab-quvvatladilar, ammo Mussolini inqilobning O'rta asrlarning qoldiqlarini, masalan, fuqarolarga pul to'lash va majburiy mehnatni yo'q qilishni qo'llab-quvvatlashini e'lon qildi va Frantsiya inqilobining bu borada foydasi borligini ta'kidladi. bu shunchaki siyosiy partiya emas, balki butun frantsuz millati uchun sabab bo'lgan.[18] Eng muhimi, Frantsuz inqilobi, millatchilikni siyosiy mafkura sifatida qabul qilish uchun javobgardir Frantsuz millatchiligi va xususan Germaniyada millatchilik harakatlarini yaratishda Nemis millatchiligi tomonidan Yoxann Gottlib Fixe frantsuz millatchiligining rivojlanishiga siyosiy javob sifatida.[19] Natsistlar Frantsiya inqilobini yahudiylar hukmronligida ayblashdi va Masonlar va inqilobning Frantsiyani o'tmish tarixidan butunlay uzib tashlash niyatida bo'lganligi chuqur tashvishga tushdi, chunki fashistlar ma'rifatparvarlik fazilati deb ta'kidlagan tarixni rad etishdi.[18] Natsistlar inqilobni juda tanqid qilgan bo'lsalar-da, Gitler Mein Kampf Frantsuz inqilobi demagaglarning ritorik kuchi sabab bo'lgan deb da'vo qilgan o'zgarishlarga qanday erishish uchun namuna.[21] Bundan tashqari, natsistlar levée ommaviy (ommaviy safarbarlik Frantsiya inqilobiy qo'shinlari tomonidan ishlab chiqilgan va fashistlar bu tizimni o'zlarining harbiylashgan harakatlari uchun ishlatishga intilishgan.[21]
Fin de siècle davr va millatchilikning Sorelianizm bilan birlashishi (1880-1914)
Fashizmning mafkuraviy ildizlari 1880-yillarda va xususan shu davrlarda izlangan fin de siècle o'sha davr mavzusi.[22][23] Mavzu qo'zg'olonga asoslangan edi materializm, ratsionalizm, pozitivizm, burjua jamiyati va liberal demokratiya.[22] The fin-de-siècle avlod qo'llab-quvvatlandi emotsionalizm, irratsionalizm, sub'ektivizm va hayotiylik.[24] The fin-de-siècle tafakkur tsivilizatsiyani katta va to'liq echimini talab qiladigan inqirozga uchragan deb bildi.[22] The fin-de-siècle 1890-yillarning intellektual maktabi - shu jumladan Gabriele d'Annunzio va Enriko Korradini Italiyada; Moris Barres, Eduard Drumont va Jorj Sorel Fransiyada; va Pol de Lagard, Julius Langbehn va Artur Moeller van den Bryuk Germaniyada - ijtimoiy va siyosiy kollektivni muhimroq deb bilgan individualizm va ratsionalizm. Ular shaxsni kattaroq kollektivning faqat bir qismi deb hisoblashgan, bu esa shaxslarning atomlashtirilgan son yig'indisi sifatida qaralmasligi kerak.[22] Ular liberal jamiyatning ratsionalistik individualizmini va burjua jamiyatidagi ijtimoiy aloqalarning tarqalishini qoraladilar.[22] Ular zamonaviy jamiyatni vasatlik, molparastlik, beqarorlik va korruptsiya deb hisoblashgan.[22] Ular yirik shahar shahar jamiyatini nafaqat instinkt va hayvonotga asoslangan va qahramonliksiz deb qoralashdi.[22]
The fin-de-siècle dunyoqarashga turli xil intellektual o'zgarishlar, shu jumladan ta'sir ko'rsatdi Darvin biologiya; Vagnerian estetika; Artur de Gobino "s irqchilik; Gustav Le Bon "s psixologiya; va falsafalari Fridrix Nitsshe, Fyodor Dostoyevskiy va Anri Bergson.[22] Ijtimoiy darvinizm, keng qabul qilingan, jismoniy va ijtimoiy hayotni farqlamagan va inson holatini erishish uchun tinimsiz kurash deb bilgan. eng yaxshi odamning omon qolishi.[22] Ijtimoiy darvinizm pozitivizmning odamlarni belgilovchi xatti-harakati sifatida ataylab va oqilona tanlov qilish da'vosiga qarshi chiqdi, ijtimoiy darvinizm irsiyat, irq va atrof-muhitga e'tibor qaratdi.[22] Ijtimoiy darvinizmning biogrup identifikatoriga va jamiyatdagi organik munosabatlarning roliga urg'u berish qonuniylikni va millatchilikka da'vatni kuchaytirdi.[25] Ijtimoiy va siyosiy psixologiyaning yangi nazariyalari, shuningdek, odamlarning xulq-atvorini oqilona tanlov bilan boshqarilishini tushunishni rad etdi va aksincha hissiyot siyosiy masalalarda aqlga qaraganda ko'proq ta'sir ko'rsatdi.[22] Nitsshening "Xudo o'ldi" degan argumenti, uning "podalar mentaliteti" ga hujumi bilan bir vaqtga to'g'ri keldi Nasroniylik, demokratiya va zamonaviy kollektivizm; uning kontseptsiyasi übermensch; va uning advokati hokimiyat uchun iroda ibtidoiy instinkt sifatida ko'plarga katta ta'sir ko'rsatdi fin-de-siècle avlod.[26] Bergsonning "borligi haqidagi da'vosi"élan hayotiy"yoki erkin tanlovga asoslangan hayotiy instinkt va materializm va determinizm jarayonlarini rad etdi va shu bilan qarshi chiqdi Marksizm.[27]
Darvin evolyutsiyasi nazariyasi paydo bo'lishi bilan evolyutsiya haqidagi da'volar paydo bo'lishi mumkin, ehtimol bu tanazzulga olib keladi.[28] Dekadensiya nazariyalari tarafdorlari zamonaviy g'arbiy jamiyatning tanazzulga uchrashi zamonaviy hayot, shu jumladan urbanizatsiya, kamharakat turmush tarzi, eng mos bo'lmagan va zamonaviy madaniyatning tenglik, individualistik anomiya va nomuvofiqlikka urg'u berishining natijasi deb da'vo qildilar.[28] Dekadensiya nazariyalarini vujudga keltirgan asosiy ish bu asar edi Degeneratsiya (1892) tomonidan Maks Nordau Evropada mashhur bo'lgan dekadensiya g'oyalari millatchilikni tanazzul davosi sifatida taqdim etgan millatchilarning ishiga yordam berdi.[28]
Gaetano Mosca uning ishida Hukmronlar sinfi (1896) barcha jamiyatlarda "uyushgan ozchilik" hukmronlik qiladi va "tartibsiz ko'pchilik" ustidan hukmronlik qiladi degan nazariyani ishlab chiqdi.[29][30] Moska jamiyatda faqat ikkita tabaqa mavjudligini ta'kidlamoqda: "boshqaruvchi" (uyushgan ozchilik) va "boshqariladigan" (uyushmagan ko'pchilik).[31] Uning ta'kidlashicha, uyushgan ozchilikning uyushganligi uni uyushmagan ko'pchilikning har qanday shaxsiga qarshi turolmaydi.[31] Moska 1896 yilda ushbu nazariyani ishlab chiqdi, unda u jamiyatdagi fuqarolik hokimiyatining ustunligi muammosi qisman harbiylarning mavjudligi va ijtimoiy tuzilishi bilan hal qilinishini ta'kidladi.[31] Uning ta'kidlashicha, armiyaning ijtimoiy tuzilishi idealdir, chunki u bir-birini muvozanatlashtiradigan turli xil ijtimoiy elementlarni o'z ichiga oladi va eng muhimi bu ofitserlar sinfini «kuch elitasi» tarkibiga kiritishdir.[31] Moska ijtimoiy tuzilma va harbiylar tomonidan boshqaruv usullarini fuqarolik jamiyati uchun rivojlanishning amaldagi modeli sifatida taqdim etdi.[31] Moskaning nazariyalari Mussolini tushunchasiga sezilarli ta'sir ko'rsatgani ma'lum siyosiy jarayon va fashizm.[30]
Moskaning uyushgan ozchilik tomonidan tartibsiz ko'pchilik ustidan jamiyat hukmronligi nazariyasi bilan bog'liq edi Robert Mishel nazariyasi oligarxiyaning temir qonuni, 1911 yilda yaratilgan,[29] bu zamonaviy demokratiya asosida katta hujum bo'lgan.[32] Mishel buni ta'kidlaydi oligarxiya sifatida muqarrar "temir qonuni "tashkilotning" taktik va texnik ehtiyojlari "doirasida va demokratiya mavzusida har qanday tashkilot ichida, Mishel shunday dedi:" Bu saylanganlarning saylovchilar ustidan, mandatlar ustidan mandatiyalarning hukmronligini tug'diradigan tashkilot, delegatlar ustidan delegatlar ustidan. Kim tashkilot deydi, oligarxiya deydi ".[33] Uning ta'kidlashicha: "Tarixiy evolyutsiya oligarxiyaning oldini olish uchun qabul qilingan barcha profilaktika choralarini masxara qiladi".[33] Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, zamonaviy demokratiyaning elita boshqaruvini yo'q qilishning rasmiy maqsadi imkonsiz edi, demokratiya a fasad ma'lum bir elita va u oligarxiya deb atagan elita qoidasini qonuniylashtirish muqarrar.[33] Mishel ilgari sotsial-demokrat bo'lgan, ammo g'oyalariga berilib ketgan Jorj Sorel, Eduard Bert, Arturo Labriola va Enriko-Leone va parlamentaristik, qonuniy va byurokratik sotsializmga qat'iy qarshi chiqdilar ijtimoiy demokratiya.[34] U 1904 yildayoq vatanparvarlik va milliy manfaatlarni himoya qilishni boshladi.[35] Keyinchalik u faol, voluntaristik va parlamentga qarshi tushunchalarni qo'llab-quvvatlashni boshladi va 1911 yilda Italiyaning Liviyadagi urush harakati foydasiga pozitsiyani egalladi va italyan millatchiligiga o'tishni boshladi.[36] 1922 yilda Mussolinining hokimiyat tepasiga kelishi bilan Mishel fashizmning liberal demokratiyani xayrixohlik bilan yo'q qilish maqsadini ko'rib, fashizmning tarafdoriga aylandi.[37]
Moris Barres, 19-asr oxiri va 20-asr boshlarida frantsuz siyosatchisi, keyinchalik fashistik harakatga ta'sir ko'rsatgan, haqiqiy demokratiya bo'lgan deb da'vo qilmoqda avtoritar demokratiya liberal demokratiyani firibgarlik sifatida rad etish bilan birga.[38] Barresning ta'kidlashicha, avtoritar demokratiya millat etakchisi va millat xalqi o'rtasidagi ma'naviy aloqani o'z ichiga oladi va haqiqiy erkinlik shaxsiy huquqlardan yoki parlament cheklovlaridan kelib chiqmaydi, balki "qahramonlik etakchiligi" va "milliy kuch" orqali yuzaga keladi.[38] Buning zarurligini ta'kidladi qahramonlarga sig'inish milliy jamiyatdagi xarizmatik etakchilik.[39] Barres 1889 yilda Frantsiya Vatanining Ligasining asoschisi edi va keyinchalik 1898 yilgi saylov kampaniyasi paytida o'z qarashlarini tavsiflash uchun "sotsialistik millatchilik" atamasini kiritdi.[39] U ta'kidladi sinf hamkorligi, siyosatda sezgi va hissiyotning irq bilan bir qatorda o'rni Antisemitizm va "u energiya va hayotiy hayot tarzini izlashni milliy ildiz va darvin irqchilik bilan birlashtirishga urindi."[39] Keyinchalik hayotda u madaniy an'anaviylik va parlament konservatizmiga qaytdi, ammo uning g'oyalari 1914 yilgacha Frantsiyada millatchilikning ekstremistik shaklini rivojlanishiga hissa qo'shdi.[39] 20-asr boshlaridagi boshqa frantsuz millatchi ziyolilari ham "sinfiy kurashni g'oyaviy jihatdan yo'q qilishni" istab, kommunizm tahdidini tugatib, mehnatkash odamlarni o'z sinfini emas, o'z millati bilan tanishtirishga undashdi.[40]
Uchun qo'llab-quvvatlash o'sishi anarxizm bu davrda fashizm siyosatiga ta'sir ko'rsatishda muhim ahamiyatga ega edi.[41] Anarxist Mixail Bakunin ning kontseptsiyasi amalni targ'ib qilish, bu muhimligini ta'kidladi to'g'ridan-to'g'ri harakat siyosatning asosiy vositasi sifatida, shu jumladan inqilobiy zo'ravonlik, kontseptsiyaga qoyil qolgan va uni fashizmning bir qismi sifatida qabul qilgan fashistlar orasida mashhur bo'ldi.[41]
Fashizmga katta ta'sir ko'rsatgan asosiy shaxslardan biri frantsuz ziyolisi edi Jorj Sorel, kim "XX asrning eng kam tasniflanadigan siyosiy mutafakkirlaridan biri deb hisoblanishi kerak" va hayoti davomida turli xil mafkuralarni qo'llab-quvvatladi, shu jumladan konservatizm, sotsializm, inqilobiy sindikalizm va millatchilik.[42] Sorel, shuningdek, anarxizm va sindikalizmni birlashtirishga hissa qo'shdi anarxo-sindikalizm.[43] U qonuniyligini targ'ib qildi siyosiy zo'ravonlik uning ishida Zo'ravonlik haqida mulohazalar (1908), hayotidagi kapitalizm va burjuaziyani ag'darish uchun inqilobga erishish uchun radikal sindikalistik harakatni qo'llab-quvvatlagan davrda umumiy ish tashlash.[44] Yilda Zo'ravonlik haqida mulohazalar, Sorel inqilobchiga ehtiyoj borligini ta'kidladi siyosiy din.[45] Shuningdek, uning ishida Taraqqiyot xayollari, Sorel demokratiyani reaktsion deb qoralab, "demokratiyadan ko'ra aristokratik narsa yo'q" dedi.[46] 1909 yilga kelib Frantsiyada sindikalistlarning umumiy ish tashlashi muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchraganidan so'ng, Sorel va uning tarafdorlari radikal chap tarafdan voz kechib, radikal o'ng tomonga o'tdilar, u erda jangari katoliklik va frantsuz vatanparvarligini o'z qarashlari bilan birlashtirishga intildilar - respublikaga qarshi nasroniy frantsuz vatanparvarlarini himoya qildilar ideal inqilobchilar sifatida.[47] 1900-yillarning boshlarida Sorel rasman a revizionist Marksizm, ammo 1910 yilga kelib u sotsializmdan voz kechganini e'lon qildi va 1914 yilda u aforizmga ergashib, da'vo qildi. Benedetto Kroce - "marksizmning parchalanishi" tufayli "sotsializm o'lik".[48] Sorel reaktsion tarafdoriga aylandi Maurrassian ajralmas millatchilik 1909 yildan boshlangan va bu uning asarlariga katta ta'sir ko'rsatgan.[48]
Sorelning siyosiy sadoqati doimiy ravishda o'zgarib turar, turli xil odamlarga ta'sir o'tkazar edi Benito Mussolinidan Benedetto Croce-ga qadar Georg Lukaks Va Sorelning hamdardlari ham, tanqidchilari ham uning siyosiy fikrini hech qanday izchilliksiz va ularni bog'laydigan umumiy mavzu bo'lmagan alohida g'oyalar to'plami deb hisoblashgan.[49] Bunda Sorelianizm fashizmning kashfiyotchisi deb hisoblanadi, chunki fashistik fikr turli-tuman manbalardan kelib chiqib, yagona yaxlit mafkuraviy tizimni shakllantirmagan.[50] Sorel o'zini "o'zim o'rgatgan odam, o'zimning ko'rsatmalarim uchun xizmat qilgan daftarlarni boshqa odamlarga namoyish qilayotgan odam" deb ta'rifladi va uning maqsadi barcha asarlarida asl bo'lishini va aniq bir-biriga mos kelmasligi istamaslik bilan bog'liqligini aytdi biron bir kishi tomonidan allaqachon boshqa joyda aytilgan narsalarni yozish.[51] Ilmiy intellektual tashkilot uni jiddiy qabul qilmadi,[52] ammo Mussolini Sorelni olqishladi: "Men nima edim, Sorelga qarzdorman".[53]
Charlz Maurras frantsuz o'ng qanot monarxisti va millatchi edi, u o'zining millatparvarlik g'oyalarini birlashtirishdan manfaatdor edi Sorelian sindikalizm qarshi turish vositasi sifatida liberal demokratiya.[54] Ushbu birikma millatchilik siyosiy tomondan to'g'ri bilan Sorelian sindikalizm dan chap tarqalishi atrofida bo'lib o'tdi Birinchi jahon urushi.[55] Sorelian sindikalizmi, boshqa chap mafkuralardan farqli o'laroq, ishchilar sinfining axloqini ko'tarish kerak, degan elita qarashlarini bildirdi.[56] Ijtimoiy urushning ijobiy tabiati haqidagi sorel tushunchasi va uning axloqiy inqilobni talab qilishi ba'zi sindikalistlarni urush ijtimoiy o'zgarishlar va axloqiy inqilobning yakuniy namoyishi deb hisoblashlariga olib keldi.[56]
Maurrassiya millatchiligi va Soreliya sindikalizmining birlashishi radikal italiyalik millatchiga ta'sir ko'rsatdi Enriko Korradini.[57] Korradini a-ning zarurligi haqida gapirdi millatchi-sindikalist to'g'ridan-to'g'ri harakat va kurashishga tayyorlik inqilobiy sindikalist majburiyatini baham ko'rgan elitist aristokratlar va antidemokratlar boshchiligidagi harakat.[57] Korradini Italiyani "proletar millati "ta'qib qilish kerak edi imperializm ga qarshi chiqish uchun "plutokratik "Frantsiya va inglizlar.[58] Korradinining qarashlari o'ng qanot doirasidagi kengroq tasavvurlarning bir qismi edi Italiya millatchilar uyushmasi (ANI), Italiyaning iqtisodiy qoloqligiga uning siyosiy sinfidagi korruptsiya sabab bo'lgan, deb da'vo qilgan liberalizm, va "beparvo sotsializm" tufayli bo'linish.[58] ANI o'rtasida aloqalar va ta'sir o'tkazgan konservatorlar, Katoliklar va biznes hamjamiyati.[58] Italiya milliy sindikalistlari umumiy printsiplar to'plamini qo'lladilar: rad etish burjua qiymatlar, demokratiya, liberalizm, Marksizm, internatsionalizm va pasifizm va targ'ib qilish qahramonlik, hayotiylik va zo'ravonlik.[59]
Italiyadagi radikal millatchilik - "Yangi odam" va "Yangi davlat" ni yaratish uchun ekspansionizm va madaniy inqilobni qo'llab-quvvatlash - 1912 yilda Italiya tomonidan bosib olinishi davrida o'sishi boshlandi Liviya va italiyalik tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlandi Futuristlar va ANI a'zolari.[60] Italiyada badiiy-madaniy oqim va dastlab siyosiy harakat bo'lgan futurizm Filippo Tommaso Marinetti kim asos solgan Futuristik manifest (1908) modernizatsiya, harakat va siyosiy zo'ravonlik sabablarini qoralash paytida siyosatning zaruriy elementlari sifatida kurashgan liberalizm va parlament siyosati. Marinetti an'anaviy demokratiyani ko'pchilik hukmronligiga asoslanganligi uchun rad etdi tenglik, demokratiyaning yangi shaklini targ'ib qilar ekan, u "Demokratiyaning futuristik kontseptsiyasi" asarida quyidagicha ta'riflagan: "Shuning uchun biz raqamlarni, miqdorni, massani yaratish va demontaj qilish bo'yicha ko'rsatmalar bera olamiz, chunki biz bilan raqam, miqdor va massa hech qachon bo'lmaydi, chunki ular Germaniyada va Rossiyada bo'lgani kabi - qobiliyatsiz va noaniq odamlarning soni, miqdori va massasi ".[61] ANI liberal demokratiya zamonaviy dunyo bilan endi mos kelmasligini da'vo qildi va kuchli davlatni himoya qildi va imperializm, odamlarning tabiatan yirtqich ekanligi va xalqlar doimiy kurash olib borganligini, unda eng kuchlilargina omon qolishi mumkinligini da'vo qilishdi.[62]
1914 yilgacha italiyalik millatchilar va millatchilik moyilligiga ega bo'lgan inqilobiy sindikalistlar ajralib turdilar. Bunday sindikistlar qarshi Italo-turk urushi 1911 yil moliyaviy manfaatlar ishi sifatida emas, balki millat emas, balki Birinchi Jahon urushi ham italiyalik millatchilar, ham sindikalistlar tomonidan milliy ish sifatida qaraldi.[63]
Birinchi jahon urushi va oqibatlari (1914-1922)
1914 yil avgustda Birinchi Jahon urushi boshlanganda Italiyaning siyosiy chap tomoni urushga nisbatan pozitsiyasidan kelib chiqib keskin bo'linib ketdi. The Italiya sotsialistik partiyasi asosidagi urushga qarshi chiqdi proletar internatsionalizmi, ammo bir qator italiyalik inqilobiy sindikalistlar urushga aralashishni qo'llab-quvvatladilar, chunki bu holat ommani holatga qarshi kurashga xizmat qilishi mumkin va milliy masalani ijtimoiy masaladan oldin hal qilish kerak edi.[64] Korradini Italiyani "proletar millati" sifatida, gertsionistik Germaniyani millatchilik nuqtai nazaridan mag'lub etish zarurligini ko'rsatdi.[65] Angelo Oliviero Olivetti 1914 yil oktyabrda Italiyaning urushga kirishini qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun Xalqaro harakatlar uchun inqilobiy Fasio tashkil etdi.[64] Shu bilan birga, Benito Mussolini interventsion harakatga qo'shildi.[66] Dastlab, bu interventsion guruhlar o'zlarining ijtimoiy o'zgarishini targ'ib qilishga urinishlari degan xulosaga kelgan norozi sindikalistlardan iborat edi. umumiy ish tashlash muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi va militarizm va urushning o'zgaruvchan salohiyati bilan qiziqdi.[67] Ular bir necha yildan so'ng fashistik harakatni shakllantirishga yordam berishadi.
Ushbu dastlabki aralashuv harakati juda kichik edi va yaxlit siyosat to'plamiga ega emas edi. Uning ommaviy yig'ilishlarni o'tkazishga urinishlari samarasiz bo'lib, hukumat idoralari va sotsialistlar tomonidan muntazam ravishda ta'qib qilinmoqda.[68] Interventsionerlar va sotsialistlar o'rtasidagi ziddiyat zo'ravonlikka olib keldi.[68] Interventsionerlarga qarshi hujumlar shunchalik shiddatli ediki, hatto urushga qarshi bo'lgan demokratik sotsialistlar ham, masalan Anna Kulisioff, Italiya Sotsialistik partiyasi urush tarafdorlarini sukut saqlash kampaniyasida haddan oshganini aytdi.[68]
Benito Mussolini o'zining gazetasi tufayli urushni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi dastlabki harakatlarda taniqli bo'ldi, Il Popolo d'Italia u 1914 yil noyabrida interventsion harakatni qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun asos solgan. Gazeta Italiyani urushda ularga qo'shilishini istagan ittifoqchi davlatlarning hukumatlaridan, xususan Frantsiya va Britaniyadan mablag 'oldi.[69] Il Popolo d'Italia shuningdek, qisman urushdan moliyaviy foyda olishga umid qilgan italiyalik sanoatchilar tomonidan moliyalashtirildi Fiat, boshqa qurol ishlab chiqaruvchilar va agrar manfaatlar.[69] Mussolinining boshida Italiyaning urushga kirishini qo'llab-quvvatlashdan boshqa aniq kun tartibi yo'q edi va turli xil o'quvchilar guruhlariga murojaat qilishga intildi. Bular orasida Sotsialistik partiyaning urushga qarshi pozitsiyasiga qarshi chiqqan dissident sotsialistlardan tortib, urush Evropada avtokratik monarxiyalarni ag'darib tashlashiga ishongan demokratik idealistlar, Avstriyadan etnik italyan hududlarini qaytarib olishni istagan italiyalik vatanparvarlar, yangi Rim haqida orzu qilgan imperialistlar bor edi. Imperiya.[70]
1915 yil boshlarida Mussolini millatchilik pozitsiyasiga o'tdi. U Italiyani bosib olishi kerakligi haqida bahslasha boshladi Triest va Fiume va ideallariga amal qilgan holda shimoliy-sharqiy chegarasini Alp tog'lariga qadar kengaytiring Mazzini "Italiyaning tabiiy til va irq chegaralarini ta'minlash" uchun vatanparvarlik urushiga chaqirgan.[71] Mussolini, shuningdek, fath urushini olib borishni targ'ib qildi Bolqon va Yaqin Sharq va uning tarafdorlari o'zlarini chaqira boshladilar fashisti.[70] Shuningdek, u qo'llab-quvvatlashga o'tishning bir qismi sifatida kapitalizm va kapitalistlarga nisbatan "ijobiy munosabat" ni targ'ib qila boshladi sinf hamkorligi va "Italiya birinchi" pozitsiyasi.[72]
1915 yil may oyida Italiya Ittifoq tomon urushga kirishdi. Keyinchalik Mussolini hukumatni go'yoki hukumatni Avstriyaga qarshi urush e'lon qilishga majbur qilgani uchun obro'ga ega bo'ldi, garchi uning voqealarga ta'siri kam edi.[73] U 1915 yil sentyabr oyida Italiya qirollik armiyasiga yozilgan va 1917 yilgacha urushda qatnashgan, u mashqlar paytida yaralanib, bo'shatilgan.[74] Dedevil elitasidan Italiyaning foydalanish shok qo'shinlari nomi bilan tanilgan Arditi 1917 yildan boshlanib, dastlabki fashistik harakatga muhim ta'sir ko'rsatdi.[75] The Arditi zo'ravonlik hayoti uchun maxsus tayyorlangan va noyob qora ko'ylak forma va fez kiygan askarlar edi.[75] The Arditi 1918 yil noyabrda milliy tashkilot tuzdi, Associazione fra gli Arditi d'Italia1919 yil o'rtalariga kelib uning tarkibida yigirma mingga yaqin yigit bor edi.[75] Mussolini murojaat qildi Arditiva fashist Squadristi urushdan keyin rivojlangan harakat Arditi.[75]
Fashizm rivojlanishiga katta ta'sir ko'rsatgan yirik voqea bu edi Oktyabr inqilobi 1917 yil, unda Bolshevik boshchiligidagi kommunistlar Vladimir Lenin Rossiyada hokimiyatni egallab oldi. Rossiyadagi inqilob Evropaning bir qator mamlakatlarida elita va umuman jamiyat orasida kommunizm qo'rquvini vujudga keltirdi va fashistik harakatlar o'zlarini radikal antikommunistik siyosiy kuch sifatida ko'rsatish orqali qo'llab-quvvatladilar.[76] Kommunizm xalqaro ishchilar sinfi birligini, fashizm esa milliy manfaatlarni talab qilganligi sababli, antikommunizm fashistik anti-universalizmning ifodasi edi.[77] Bundan tashqari, fashistik antikommunizm antisemitizm va hatto antitapitalizm bilan bog'liq edi, chunki ko'plab fashistlar kommunizm va kapitalizm ikkalasi ham yahudiylarning milliy davlatlarga putur etkazish uchun yaratgan narsalaridir. Natsistlar fitna nazariyasini himoya qildilar Yahudiy kommunistlari yahudiylarning moliya kapitali bilan birgalikda Germaniyaga qarshi ish olib borishgan.[77] Birinchi Jahon Urushidan keyin fashistlar odatda anti-marksistik kun tartibida targ'ibot o'tkazdilar.[76]
Mussolinining Rossiya inqilobiga zudlik bilan munosabati qarama-qarshi edi. U hokimiyatni zo'rlik bilan qo'lga kiritishda Leninning jasoratiga qoyil qoldi va bolsheviklarning muvaffaqiyatlariga havas qildi, shu bilan birga o'z maqolasida ularga so'z erkinligini cheklagani va "podshohlarnikidan ham yomon zulm" yaratgani uchun hujum qildi.[78] Bu vaqtda, 1917-1919 yillarda Mussolini va dastlabki fashistlar harakati o'zlarini tsenzuraning muxoliflari va erkin fikr va so'zning chempioni sifatida ko'rsatib, ularni "insoniyat tsivilizatsiyasining eng yuqori ifodalari" deb atashgan.[79] Mussolini "biz hamma narsadan oldin libertariz" deb yozgan va fashistlar "hamma uchun, hattoki bizning dushmanlarimiz uchun ham erkinlikni sevishga" sodiq ekanliklarini da'vo qilishgan.[79]
Mussolini 1919 yilda tashkil topgan fashistik harakat ustidan nazoratni mustahkamladi Fasci Italiani di Combattimento yilda Milan. 1919 yilda qisqa vaqt ichida ushbu dastlabki fashistik harakat o'zini sotsialistlarga radikal populistik alternativ sifatida ko'rsatishga harakat qilib, jamiyatni inqilobiy o'zgartirishning o'z versiyasini taklif qildi. Milanning nutqida Piazza San Sepolcro 1919 yil mart oyida Mussolini frantsuz faylasufining millatchilik, Sorelian sindikalizmi, idealizmi g'oyalarini birlashtirib, yangi harakat takliflarini ilgari surdi. Anri Bergson va nazariyalari Gaetano Mosca va Vilfredo Pareto.[80] Mussolini declared his opposition to Bolshevism because "Bolshevism has ruined the economic life of Russia" and because he claimed that Bolshevism was incompatible with Western civilization; he said that "we declare war against socialism, not because it is socialism, but because it has opposed nationalism", that "we intend to be an active minority, to attract the proletariat away from the official Socialist party" and that "we go halfway toward meeting the workers"; and he declared that "we favor national syndicalism and reject state intervention whenever it aims at throttling the creation of wealth."[81]
In these early post-war years, the Italian Fascist movement tried to become a broad political umbrella that could include all people of all classes and political positions, united only by a desire to save Italy from the Marxist threat and to ensure the expansion of Italian territories in the post-war peace settlements. [82] Il Popolo d'Italia wrote in March 1919 that "We allow ourselves the luxury of being aristocrats and democrats, conservatives and progressives, reactionaries and revolutionaries, legalists and antilegalists."[83]
Later in 1919, Alkeste De Ambris va futurist movement leader Filippo Tommaso Marinetti yaratilgan The Manifesto of the Italian Fasci of Combat (shuningdek,. nomi bilan ham tanilgan Fashistik manifest).[84] The Manifesto was presented on 6 June 1919 in the Fascist newspaper Il Popolo d'Italia. The Manifesto supported the creation of umumiy saylov huquqi for both men va ayollar (the latter being realized only partly in late 1925, with all opposition parties banned or disbanded);[85] mutanosib vakillik mintaqaviy asosda; government representation through a korparatist system of "National Councils" of experts, selected from professionals and tradespeople, elected to represent and hold legislative power over their respective areas, including labour, industry, transportation, public health, communications, etc.; and the abolition of the Italiya Senati.[86] The Manifesto supported the creation of an eight-hour work day for all workers, a eng kam ish haqi, worker representation in industrial management, equal confidence in labour unions as in industrial executives and public servants, reorganization of the transportation sector, revision of the draft law on invalidity insurance, reduction of the retirement age from 65 to 55, a strong progressiv soliq on capital, confiscation of the property of religious institutions and abolishment of bishoprics and revision of military contracts to allow the government to seize 85% of war profits made by the armaments industry.[87] It also called for the creation of a short-service national militia to serve defensive duties, milliylashtirish of the armaments industry and a foreign policy designed to be peaceful but also competitive.[88] Nevertheless, Mussolini also demanded the expansion of Italian territories, particularly by annexing Dalmatiya (which he claimed could be accomplished by peaceful means), and insisted that "the state must confine itself to directing the civil and political life of the nation," which meant taking the government out of business and transferring large segments of the economy from public to private control.[89] The intention was to appeal to a working class electorate while also maintaining the support of business interests, even if this meant making contradictory promises.[90]
With this manifesto, the Fasci Italiani di Combattimento campaigned in the Italian elections of November 1919, mostly attempting to take votes away from the socialists. Natijalar dahshatli edi. The fascists received less than 5000 votes in their political heartland of Milan, compared to 190,000 for the socialists, and not a single fascist candidate was elected to any office.[91] Mussolini's political career seemed to be over. This crippling electoral defeat was largely due to fascism's lack of ideological credibility, as the fascist movement was a mixture of many different ideas and tendencies. It contained monarchists, republicans, syndicalists and conservatives, and some candidates supported the Vatican while others wanted to expel the Pope from Italy.[92] In response to the failure of his electoral strategy, Mussolini shifted his political movement to the right, seeking to form an alliance with the conservatives. Soon, agrarian conflicts in the region of Emiliya va Po vodiysi provided an opportunity to launch a series of violent attacks against the socialists, and thus to win credibility with the conservatives and establish fascism as a paramilitary movement rather than an electoral one.[93]
With the antagonism between anti-interventionist Marxists and pro-interventionist Fascists complete by the end of the war, the two sides became irreconcilable. The Fascists presented themselves as anti-Marxists and as opposed to the Marxists.[94] Mussolini tried to build his popular support especially among war veterans and patriots by enthusiastically supporting Gabriele D'Annunzio, the leader of the annexationist faction in post-war Italy, who demanded the annexation of large territories as part of the peace settlement in the aftermath of the war.[95] For D'Annunzio and other nationalists, the city of Fiume yilda Dalmatiya (Bugungi kun Xorvatiya ) had "suddenly become the symbol of everything sacred."[95] Fiume was a city with an ethnic Italian majority, while the countryside around it was largely ethnic Croatian. Italy demanded the annexation of Fiume and the region around it as a reward for its contribution to the Allied war effort, but the Allies – and US president Vudro Uilson in particular – intended to give the region to the newly-formed Serblar, xorvatlar va slovenlar qirolligi (keyinchalik qayta nomlandi Yugoslaviya ).[96]
As such, the next events that influenced the Fascists were the raid of Fiume by Italian nationalist Gabriele D'Annunzio va asos solinishi Karnaro xartiyasi 1920 yilda.[97] D'Annunzio and De Ambris designed the Charter, which advocated national-syndicalist korparatist productionism alongside D'Annunzio's political views.[98] Many Fascists saw the Charter of Carnaro as an ideal constitution for a Fascist Italy.[99] This behaviour of aggression towards Yugoslavia and Janubiy slavyanlar was pursued by Italian Fascists with their persecution of South Slavs – especially Slovenes and Croats.
In 1920, militant strike activity by industrial workers reached its peak in Italy, where 1919 and 1920 were known as the "Red Years".[100] Mussolini first supported the strikes, but when this did not help him to gain any additional supporters, he abruptly reversed his position and began to oppose them, seeking financial support from big business and landowners.[101] The donations he received from industrial and agrarian interest groups were unusually large, as they were very concerned about working class unrest and eager to support any political force that stood against it.[101] Together with many smaller donations that he received from the public as part of a fund drive to support D'Annunzio, this helped to build up the Fascist movement and transform it from a small group based around Milan to a national political force.[101] Mussolini organized his own militia, known as the "blackshirts," which started a campaign of violence against Communists, Socialists, trade unions and co-operatives under the pretense of "saving the country from bolshevism" and preserving order and internal peace in Italy.[101][102] Some of the blackshirts also engaged in armed attacks against the Church, "where several priests were assassinated and churches burned by the Fascists".[103]
At the same time, Mussolini continued to present himself as the champion of Italian national interests and territorial expansion in the Balkans. In the autumn of 1920, Fascist blackshirts in the Italian city of Triest (located not far from Fiume, and inhabited by Italians as well as Slavs) engaged in street violence and vandalism against Slavs. Mussolini visited the city to support them and was greeted by an enthusiastic crowd – the first time in his political career that he achieved such broad popular support.[78] He also focused his rhetoric on attacks against the liberal government of Jovanni Jiolitti, who had withdrawn Italian troops from Albaniya and did not press the Allies to allow Italy to annex Dalmatia. This helped to draw disaffected former soldiers into the Fascist ranks.[104]
Fascists identified their primary opponents as the socialists on the left who had opposed intervention in World War I.[99] The Fascists and the rest of the Italian political right held common ground: both held Marxism in contempt, discounted class consciousness and believed in the rule of elites.[105] The Fascists assisted the anti-socialist campaign by allying with the other parties and the conservative right in a mutual effort to destroy the Italian Socialist Party and labour organizations committed to class identity above national identity.[105]
In 1921, the radical wing of the Italian Socialist Party broke away to form the Italiya Kommunistik partiyasi. This changed the political landscape, as the remaining Socialist Party – diminished in numbers, but still the largest party in parliament – became more moderate and was therefore seen as a potential coalition partner for Giolitti's government. Such an alliance would have secured a large majority in parliament, ending the political deadlock and making effective government possible.[104] To prevent this from happening, Mussolini offered to ally his Fascists with Giolitti instead, and Giolitti accepted, under the assumption that the small Fascist movement would make fewer demands and would be easier to keep in check than the much larger Socialists.[106]
Mussolini and the Fascists thus joined a coalition formed of conservatives, nationalists and liberals, which stood against the left-wing parties (the socialists and the communists) in the Italian general election of 1921. As part of this coalition, the Fascists – who had previously claimed to be neither left nor right – identified themselves for the first time as the "extreme right", and presented themselves as the most radical right-wing members of the coalition.[107] Mussolini talked about "imperialism" and "national expansion" as his main goals, and called for Italian domination of the Mediterranean Sea basin.[107] The elections of that year were characterized by Fascist street violence and intimidation, which they used to suppress the socialists and communists and to prevent their supporters from voting, while the police and courts (under the control of Giolitti's government) turned a blind eye and allowed the violence to continue without legal consequences.[107] About a hundred people were killed, and some areas of Italy came fully under the control of fascist squads, which did not allow known socialist supporters to vote or hold meetings.[107] In spite of this, the Socialist Party still won the largest share of the vote and 122 seats in parliament, followed by the Catholic popolari with 107 seats. The Fascists only picked up 7 percent of the vote and 35 seats in parliament, but this was a large improvement compared to their results only two years earlier, when they had won no seats at all. [107] Mussolini took these electoral gains as an indication that his right-wing strategy paid off, and decided that the Fascists would sit on the extreme right side of the amphitheatre where parliament met. He also used his first speech in parliament to take a "reactionary" stance, arguing against collectivization and nationalization, and calling for the post office and the railways to be given to private enterprise.[108]
Prior to Fascism's accommodation of the political right, Fascism was a small, urban, northern Italian movement that had about a thousand members.[109] After Fascism's accommodation of the political right, the Fascist movement's membership soared to approximately 250,000 by 1921.[110]
The other lesson drawn by Mussolini from the events of 1921 was about the effectiveness of open violence and paramilitary groups. The Fascists used violence even in parliament, for example by directly assaulting the communist deputy Misiano and throwing him out of the building on the pretext of having been a deserter during the war. They also openly threatened socialists with their guns in the chamber.[108] They were able to do this with impunity, while the government took no action against them, hoping not to offend Fascist voters.[108] Across the country, local branches of the Milliy fashistlar partiyasi embraced the principle of squadrismo and organized paramilitary "squads" modeled after the arditi from the war.[111] Mussolini claimed that he had "400,000 armed and disciplined men at his command" and did not hide his intentions of seizing power by force.[112]
Rise to power and initial international spread of fascism (1922–1929)
Beginning in 1922, Fascist paramilitaries escalated their strategy by switching from attacks on socialist offices and the homes of socialist leadership figures to the violent occupation of cities. The Fascists met little serious resistance from authorities and proceeded to take over several cities, including Boloniya, Bolzano, Kremona, Ferrara, Fiume va Trent.[113] The Fascists attacked the headquarters of socialist and Katolik unions in Cremona and imposed forced Italianization upon the German-speaking population of Trent and Bolzano.[113] After seizing these cities, the Fascists made plans to take Rim.[113]
On 24 October 1922, the Fascist Party held its annual congress in Neapol, where Mussolini ordered Blackshirts to take control of public buildings and trains and to converge on three points around Rome.[113] The march would be led by four prominent Fascist leaders representing its different factions: Italo Balbo, a Blackshirt leader; Umumiy Emilio De Bono; Mishel Byanki, an ex syndicalist; va Sezar Mariya De Vekchi, a monarchist Fascist.[113] Mussolini himself remained in Milan to await the results of the actions.[113] The Fascists managed to seize control of several post offices and trains in northern Italy while the Italian government, led by a left-wing coalition, was internally divided and unable to respond to the Fascist advances.[114] The Italian government had been in a steady state of turmoil, with many governments being created and then being defeated.[114] The Italian government initially took action to prevent the Fascists from entering Rome, but King Italiyalik Viktor Emmanuel III perceived the risk of bloodshed in Rome in response to attempting to disperse the Fascists to be too high.[115] Some political organizations, such as the conservative Italiya millatchilar uyushmasi, "assured King Victor Emmanuel that their own Sempre Pronti militia was ready to fight the Blackshirts" if they entered Rome, but their offer was never accepted.[116] Victor Emmanuel III decided to appoint Mussolini as Italiyaning bosh vaziri and Mussolini arrived in Rome on 30 October to accept the appointment.[115] Fascist propaganda aggrandized this event, known as "Rimda mart ", as a "seizure" of power due to Fascists' heroic exploits.[113]
Upon being appointed Prime Minister of Italy, Mussolini had to form a coalition government because the Fascists did not have control over the Italian parliament.[117] The coalition government included a cabinet led by Mussolini and thirteen other ministers, only three of whom were Fascists, while others included representatives from the army and the navy, two Catholic Popolari members, two democratic liberals, bitta konservativ liberal, bitta sotsial-demokrat, one Nationalist member and the philosopher Jovanni G'ayriyahudiy.[117] Mussolini's coalition government initially pursued iqtisodiy jihatdan liberal policies under the direction of liberal finance minister Alberto De Stefani from the Center Party, including balancing the budget through deep cuts to the civil service.[117] Initially little drastic change in government policy occurred, and repressive police actions against communist and d'Annunzian rebels were limited.[117] At the same time, Mussolini consolidated his control over the National Fascist Party by creating a governing executive for the party, the Fashizmning Buyuk Kengashi, whose agenda he controlled.[117] Bundan tashqari, skadristi blackshirt militia was transformed into the state-run MVSN, led by regular army officers.[117] Jangari skadristi were initially highly dissatisfied with Mussolini's government and demanded a "Fascist revolution".[117]
In this period, to appease the King of Italy, Mussolini formed a close political alliance between the Italian Fascists and Italy's conservative faction in Parliament, which was led by Luidji Federzoni, konservativ monarxist and nationalist who was a member of the Italian Nationalist Association (ANI).[118] The ANI joined the National Fascist Party in 1923.[119] Because of the merger of the Nationalists with the Fascists, tensions existed between the conservative nationalist and revolutionary syndicalist factions of the movement.[120] The conservative and syndicalist factions of the Fascist movement sought to reconcile their differences, secure unity and promote fascism by taking on the views of each other.[120] Conservative nationalist Fascists promoted fascism as a revolutionary movement to appease the revolutionary syndicalists, while to appease conservative nationalists, the revolutionary syndicalists declared they wanted to secure social stability and insure economic productivity.[120] This sentiment included most syndicalist Fascists, particularly Edmondo Rossoni, who as secretary-general of the General Confederation of Fascist Syndical Corporations sought "labor's autonomy and class consciousness".[121]
The Fascists began their attempt to entrench Fascism in Italy with the Acerbo qonuni, which guaranteed a plurality of the seats in parliament to any party or coalition list in an election that received 25% or more of the vote.[122] The Acerbo Law was passed in spite of numerous abstentions from the vote.[122] In the 1924 election, the Fascists, along with moderates and conservatives, formed a coalition candidate list and through considerable Fascist violence and intimidation the list won with 66% of the vote, allowing it to receive 403 seats, most of which went to the Fascists.[122] In the aftermath of the election, a crisis and political scandal erupted after Socialist Party deputy Giacomo Matteotti was kidnapped and murdered by a Fascist.[122] The liberals and the leftist minority in parliament walked out in protest in what became known as the Aventine Secession.[123] On 3 January 1925, Mussolini addressed the Fascist-dominated Italian parliament and declared that he was personally responsible for what happened, but he insisted that he had done nothing wrong and proclaimed himself dictator of Italy, assuming full responsibility over the government and announcing the dismissal of parliament.[123] From 1925 to 1929, Fascism steadily became entrenched in power: opposition deputies were denied access to parliament, censorship was introduced and a December 1925 decree made Mussolini solely responsible to the King. Efforts to increase Fascist influence over Italian society accelerated beginning in 1926, with Fascists taking positions in local administration and 30% of all prefects being administered by appointed Fascists by 1929.[124] In 1929, the Fascist regime gained the political support and blessing of the Roman Catholic Church after the regime signed a concordat with the Church, known as the Lateran shartnomasi, which gave the papacy recognition as a sovereign state (Vatikan shahri ) and financial compensation for the seizure of Church lands by the liberal state in the 19th century.[125] Though Fascist propaganda had begun to speak of the new regime as an all-encompassing "totalitar " state beginning in 1925, the Fascist Party and regime never gained total control over Italy's institutions. King Victor Emmanuel III remained head of state, the armed forces and the judicial system retained considerable autonomy from the Fascist state, Fascist militias were under military control and initially the economy had relative autonomy as well.[126]
Between 1922–1925, Fascism sought to accommodate the Italian Liberal Party, conservatives and nationalists under Italy's coalition government, where major alterations to its political agenda were made—alterations such as abandoning its previous populism, republicanism and anticlericalism—and adopting policies of iqtisodiy liberalizm ostida Alberto De Stefani, a Center Party member who was Italy's Minister of Finance until dismissed by Mussolini after the imposition of a single-party dictatorship in 1925.[127] The Fascist regime also accepted the Rim-katolik cherkovi and the monarchy as institutions in Italy.[128] To appeal to Italian conservatives, Fascism adopted policies such as promoting family values, including the promotion of policies designed to reduce the number of women in the workforce, limiting the woman's role to that of a mother. In an effort to expand Italy's population to facilitate Mussolini's future plans to control the Mediterranean region, the Fascists banned literature on birth control and increased penalties for abortion in 1926, declaring both crimes against the state.[129] Though Fascism adopted a number of positions designed to appeal to reaktsionerlar, the Fascists also sought to maintain Fascism's revolutionary character, with Angelo Oliviero Olivetti saying that "Fascism would like to be conservative, but it will [be] by being revolutionary".[130] The Fascists supported revolutionary action and committed to secure law and order to appeal to both conservatives and syndicalists.[131]
The Fascist regime began to create a corporatist economic system in 1925 with creation of the Palazzo Vidioni Pact, in which the Italian employers' association Konfindustriya and Fascist trade unions agreed to recognize each other as the sole representatives of Italy's employers and employees, excluding non-Fascist trade unions.[132] The Fascist regime created a Ministry of Corporations that organized the Italian economy into 22 sectoral corporations, banned all independent trade unions, banned workers' strikes and lock-outs, and in 1927 issued the Charter of Labour, which established workers' rights and duties and created labour tribunals to arbitrate employer-employee disputes.[132] In practice, the sectoral corporations exercised little independence and were largely controlled by the regime, while employee organizations were rarely led by employees themselves, but instead by appointed Fascist party members.[132]
In the 1920s, Fascist Italy pursued an aggressive foreign policy that included an attack on the Greek island of Korfu, aims to expand Italian territory in the Bolqon, plans to wage war against kurka va Yugoslaviya, attempts to bring Yugoslavia into civil war by supporting Croat and Macedonian separatists to legitimize Italian intervention, and making Albaniya a amalda protektorat of Italy (which was achieved through diplomatic means by 1927).[133] In response to revolt in the Italian colony of Liviya, Fascist Italy abandoned the previous liberal-era colonial policy of cooperation with local leaders. Instead, claiming that Italians were a superior race to African races and thereby had the right to colonize the "inferior" Africans, it sought to settle 10 to 15 million Italians in Libya.[134] This resulted in an aggressive military campaign against the Libyans, including mass killings, the use of kontslagerlar and the forced starvation of thousands of people.[134] Italian authorities committed etnik tozalash by forcibly expelling 100,000 Badaviylar Cyrenaicans, half the population of Cyrenaica in Libya, from land that was slated to be given to Italian settlers.[135][136]
The March on Rome brought Fascism international attention. One early admirer of the Italian Fascists was Adolf Gitler, who less than a month after the March had begun to model himself and the Natsistlar partiyasi upon Mussolini and the Fascists.[137] The Nazis, led by Hitler and the German war hero Erix Lyudendorff, attempted a "March on Berlin" modeled upon the March on Rome, which resulted in the failed Pivo zali Putsch yilda Myunxen in November 1923, where the Nazis briefly captured Bavariya Vazir Prezident Gustav Ritter fon Kahr and announced the creation of a new German government to be led by a triumvirate of von Kahr, Hitler and Ludendorff.[138] The Beer Hall Putsch was crushed by Bavarian police and Hitler and other leading Nazis were arrested and detained until 1925.
Another early admirer of Italian Fascism was Dyula Gömbes, rahbari Vengriya milliy mudofaa assotsiatsiyasi (known by its acronym MOVE), one of several groups that were known in Hungary as the "right radicals." Gömbös described himself as a "national socialist" and championed radical land reform and "Christian capital" in opposition to "Jewish capital." He also advocated a revanchist foreign policy and in 1923 stated the need for a "march on Budapest".[139] Yugoslaviya briefly had a significant fascist movement, the ORJUNA qo'llab-quvvatlagan Yugoslaviya, advocated the creation of a corporatist economy, opposed democracy and took part in violent attacks on communists, though it was opposed to the Italian government due to Yugoslav border disputes with Italy.[140] ORJUNA was dissolved in 1929 when the Yugoslaviya qiroli banned political parties and created a royal dictatorship, though ORJUNA supported the King's decision.[140] Amid a political crisis in Spain involving increased strike activity and rising support for anarxizm, Spanish army commander Migel Primo de Rivera engaged in a successful coup against the Spanish government in 1923 and installed himself as a dictator as head of a conservative harbiy xunta that dismantled the established party system of government.[141] Upon achieving power, Primo de Rivera sought to resolve the economic crisis by presenting himself as a compromise arbitrator figure between workers and bosses and his regime created a corporatist economic system based on the Italian Fascist model.[141] Yilda Litva 1926 yilda, Antanas Smetona rose to power and founded a fascist regime under his Litva millatchilar ittifoqi.[142]
International surge of fascism and World War II (1929–1945)
The events of the Katta depressiya resulted in an international surge of fascism and the creation of several fascist regimes and regimes that adopted fascist policies. Eng muhimi[kimga ko'ra? ] new fascist regime was Natsistlar Germaniyasi boshchiligida Adolf Gitler. With the rise of Hitler and the Natsistlar to power in 1933, liberal demokratiya was dissolved in Germaniya and the Nazis mobilized the country for war, with expansionist territorial aims against several countries. In the 1930s, the Nazis implemented irqiy qonunlar that deliberately discriminated against, disenfranchised and persecuted Jews and other racial minority groups. Hungarian fascist Dyula Gömbes rose to power as Prime Minister of Vengriya in 1932 and visited Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany in order to consolidate good relations with the two regimes. He attempted to entrench his Milliy birlik partiyasi throughout the country, created a youth organization and a political militia with sixty thousand members, promoted social reforms such as a 48 hour work week in industry, and pursued irredentist claims on Hungary's neighbors.[143] Fashist Temir qo'riqchi ichida harakatlanish Ruminiya soared in political support after 1933, gaining representation in the Romanian government and an Iron Guard member assassinated prime minister Ion Duka. The Iron Guard had little in the way of a concrete program and placed more emphasis on ideas of religious and spiritual revival.[144] Davomida 6 February 1934 crisis, Frantsiya faced the greatest domestic political turmoil since the Dreyfus ishi when the fascist Francist Movement and multiple far right movements rioted ommaviy ravishda in Paris against the French government resulting in major political violence.[145] A variety of para-fascist governments that borrowed elements from fascism were also formed during the Great Depression, including in Gretsiya, Litva, Polsha va Yugoslaviya.[146]
Fascism also expanded its influence outside Evropa, ayniqsa Sharqiy Osiyo, Yaqin Sharq va Janubiy Amerika. Yilda Xitoy, Vang Tszinvey "s Kay-tsu p'ai (Qayta tashkil etish) fraktsiyasi Gomintang (Xitoyning Milliy partiyasi) qo'llab-quvvatladi Natsizm 30-yillarning oxirlarida.[147][148] Yilda Yaponiya, deb nomlangan natsistlar harakati Tōhōai tomonidan tashkil etilgan Seygo Nakano. The Al-Muthanna klubi ning Iroq edi a umumiy arab natsizmni qo'llab-quvvatlagan va Iroq hukumatidagi ta'sirini kabinet vaziri orqali amalga oshirgan harakat Saib Shavkat kim tashkil etgan harbiylashtirilgan yoshlar harakati.[149] Janubiy Amerikada bu davrda asosan qisqa muddatli fashistik hukumatlar va taniqli fashistik harakatlar shakllandi. Argentina prezidenti general Xose Feliks Uriburu Argentinani qayta tashkil etishni taklif qildi korparatist va fashistik chiziqlar.[150] Peru prezidenti Luis Migel Sanches Cerro asos solgan Inqilobiy ittifoq 1931 yilda uning diktaturasi uchun davlat partiyasi sifatida. Keyinchalik, inqilobiy ittifoq o'z qo'liga o'tdi Raul Ferrero Rebagliati, guruhni ommaviy qo'llab-quvvatlashni safarbar qilishga intilgan millatchilik fashizmga o'xshash tarzda va hatto harbiy nusxadagi Blackshirts qo'lini ham nusxasi sifatida boshladi Italiya guruhi, ammo Ittifoq 1936 yilgi saylovlarda katta yutqazdi va xira bo'lib qoldi.[151] Yilda Paragvay 1940 yilda Paragvay prezidenti general Xiginio Morinigo diktator sifatida o'z hukmronligini fashistik tarafdor harbiy ofitserlar ko'magida boshladi, ko'pchilikka murojaat qildi, muxolifat rahbarlarini surgun qildi va Ikkinchi Jahon urushi tugagandan keyingina o'zining fashistik siyosatidan voz kechdi.[140] The Braziliyalik integralchilar boshchiligidagi Plinio Salgado, 200 mingga yaqin a'zoni da'vo qilgan bo'lsa-da, to'ntarish urinishlaridan keyin u bunga qarshi kurashga duch keldi Estado Novo ning Getulio Vargas 1937 yilda.[152] 1930-yillarda Chili milliy sotsialistik harakati o'rinlarni egalladi Chili parlamenti va davlat to'ntarishiga urinishni keltirib chiqardi Seguro Obrero qirg'ini 1938 yil[153]
Fashistik Italiya va fashistlar Germaniyasi xududiy ekspansionistik va aralashuvchi 1930-yillardan 1940-yillarga qadar bo'lgan tashqi siyosiy kun tartiblari, yakunlari bilan yakunlandi Ikkinchi jahon urushi. Mussolini italyan hukmronligini o'rnatgan qo'shni hududlar bo'yicha irredentist italyan da'volarini qo'llab-quvvatladi O'rtayer dengizi, Italiyaga kirish huquqini ta'minlash Atlantika okeani va italyan tilini yaratish spazio vitale ("hayotiy makon") O'rta er dengizi va Qizil dengiz mintaqalar.[154] Gitler nemislarning yaratilishi bilan bir qatorda etnik nemislar yashaydigan barcha hududlar bo'yicha irredentist nemis da'volarini qo'llab-quvvatladi Lebensraum ("yashash maydoni") Sharqiy Evropada, shu jumladan Sovet Ittifoqi, bu nemislar tomonidan mustamlaka bo'ladi.[155]
Turkum
Germaniya portali
1935 yildan 1939 yilgacha Germaniya va Italiya hududiy yutuqlarga erishish va dunyo ishlarida katta ta'sir o'tkazish talablarini kuchaytirdilar. Italiya bostirib kirdi Efiopiya 1935 yilda, tomonidan hukm qilingan Millatlar Ligasi va keng tarqalgan diplomatik izolyatsiya. 1936 yilda Germaniya sanoat Reynlandini remilitarizatsiya qildi, tomonidan qurolsizlantirilishi buyurilgan mintaqa Versal shartnomasi. 1938 yilda Germaniya qo'shib olindi Avstriya va Sudetland viloyati Chexoslovakiya. Keyingi yil Chexoslovakiya Germaniya va mijozlar davlati o'rtasida bo'linib ketdi Slovakiya. Shu bilan birga, 1938-1939 yillarda Italiya Frantsiya va Angliyadan hududiy va mustamlakachilik imtiyozlarini talab qilmoqda O'rta er dengizi.[156] 1939 yilda Germaniya urushga tayyorlandi Polsha, shuningdek, Polshadan diplomatik yo'llar bilan hududiy imtiyozlarni olishga harakat qildi. Germaniya Polshadan anneksiyani qabul qilishni talab qildi Dantsigning ozod shahri Germaniyaga va Germaniyadan avtoulov yo'llarini qurishga ruxsat beramiz Polsha koridori Danzig ichiga va Sharqiy Prussiya, evaziga yigirma besh yillik tajovuz qilmaslik shartnomasini va'da qildi.[157] Polsha hukumati Gitlerning va'dalariga ishonmadi va Germaniya talablarini qabul qilishdan bosh tortdi.[157] 1939 yil avgustda Germaniya va Sovet Ittifoqi o'rtasidagi strategik ittifoqdan so'ng, ikki davlat o'sha yilning sentyabr oyida Polshaga bostirib kirdi.
Bunga javoban Birlashgan Qirollik, Frantsiya va ularning ittifoqchilari Germaniyaga qarshi urush e'lon qildilar, natijada hujum boshlandi Ikkinchi jahon urushi. Germaniya va Sovet Ittifoqi 1939 yil oxirida Polshani o'rtasida bo'linib, so'ngra Germaniyaning muvaffaqiyatli hujumiga o'tdilar Skandinaviya va kontinental G'arbiy Evropa 1940 yilda. 1940 yil 10 iyunda Mussolini Italiyani ichiga olib kirdi Ikkinchi jahon urushi Eksa tomonida. Mussolini Italiyaning Frantsiya yoki Angliya bilan uzoq muddatli urush olib borish uchun harbiy salohiyatiga ega emasligidan xabardor edi va urush qisqa muddatli bo'lishini taxmin qilib, urush e'lon qilishdan oldin Frantsiya yaqinda qulash arafasida turguncha kutib turdi.[158] Mussolini Italiya Frantsiyadan biron bir hududiy imtiyozlarga ega bo'lishi va keyin o'z kuchlarini Misrdagi yirik hujumga jamlashi mumkinligiga ishongan.[158] Germaniya 1940 yilda Buyuk Britaniyani bosib olish rejalari barbod bo'ldi Britaniya jangi. Urush Mussolinining rejalariga zid ravishda uzoq davom etdi, natijada Italiya ko'p jabhalarda janglarda mag'lubiyatga uchradi va Germaniyaning yordamiga muhtoj bo'ldi. 1941 yilda Axis kampaniyasi tarqaldi Sovet Ittifoqi Gitler ishga tushirgandan so'ng Barbarossa operatsiyasi. Eksa kuchlari o'zlarining kuchlari balandligida deyarli butun Evropa qit'asini, shu jumladan Sovet Ittifoqining katta qismlarini egallab olishgan. 1942 yilga kelib fashistik Italiya bosib oldi va unga qo'shib olindi Dalmatiya Yugoslaviya, Korsika va Yaxshi Frantsiyadan va boshqa hududlarni nazorat qilgan. Ikkinchi Jahon urushi paytida, Eksa kuchlari fashistlar Germaniyasi boshchiligidagi Evropada millionlab yahudiylarni va boshqalarni yo'q qilishda qatnashgan genotsid nomi bilan tanilgan Holokost.
1942 yildan so'ng, Axis kuchlari sustlasha boshladi. 1943 yilga kelib, Italiya ko'plab harbiy muvaffaqiyatsizliklarga, Germaniyaga to'liq ishonish va bo'ysunishga va ittifoqchilar bosqiniga duch kelganidan so'ng, Mussolini hukumat rahbari lavozimidan chetlashtirildi va qirol Viktor Emmanuel III buyrug'i bilan hibsga olindi. Qirol fashistlar davlatini tarqatib yuborishga kirishdi va ittifoqchilar safiga qo'shildi. Mussolini nemis kuchlari tomonidan hibsdan qutqarildi va Germaniya mijoz davlatiga rahbarlik qildi Italiya ijtimoiy respublikasi 1943 yildan 1945 yilgacha. Natsistlar Germaniyasi 1943 yildan 1945 yilgacha ko'plab yo'qotishlarga va Sovet va G'arbiy ittifoqchilarning barqaror hujumlariga duch keldi.
1945 yil 28 aprelda Mussolini Italiya kommunistik partizanlari tomonidan asirga olingan va qatl etilgan. 1945 yil 30 aprelda Gitler o'z joniga qasd qildi Berlin jangi qulayotgan nemis kuchlari va Sovet qurolli kuchlari o'rtasida. Ko'p o'tmay, Germaniya taslim bo'ldi va fashistlar rejimi yo'q qilindi va fashistlarning asosiy a'zolari sud qilinishi uchun hibsga olindi insoniyatga qarshi jinoyatlar Holokost, shu jumladan.
Yugoslaviya, Gretsiya va Efiopiya so'radi ekstraditsiya 1200 nafar italiyalik harbiy jinoyatchilardan, ammo bu odamlar Britaniya hukumatidan beri Nürnbergdagi sud jarayonlarini hech qachon ko'rmaganlar. Sovuq urush, ko'rdim Pietro Badoglio kafolati antikommunist urushdan keyingi Italiya.[159] Xotirani bostirish tarixiy revizionizmga olib keldi[160] Italiyada va 2003 yilda Italiya ommaviy axborot vositalari nashr etildi Silvio Berluskoni bu bayonot Benito Mussolini faqat "odamlarni ta'tilga yuborish uchun ishlatilgan",[161] mavjudligini inkor etish Italiya kontslagerlari kabi Rab kontslageri.[162]
Ikkinchi Jahon Urushidan keyingi fashizm, neofashizm va postfashizm (1945 yildan hozirgi kungacha)
Ikkinchi Jahon urushidan so'ng, Ittifoqchilarning eksa kuchlari ustidan g'alaba qozonishi Evropada ko'plab fashistik rejimlarning qulashiga olib keldi. The Nürnberg sud jarayoni ko'plab fashistlar rahbarlarini insoniyatga qarshi jinoyatlar, jumladan Xolokostda aybladi. Biroq, fashizm bilan mafkuraviy jihatdan bog'liq bo'lgan bir nechta mafkura va hukumatlar saqlanib qoldi.
Frantsisko Franko kvazi-fashist Falangist Ispaniyadagi bir partiyali davlat Ikkinchi Jahon urushi paytida rasman betaraf edi va Axis kuchlari qulashi bilan omon qoldi. Frankoning hokimiyat tepasiga kelishiga fashistik Italiya va fashistik Germaniya harbiylari bevosita yordam berishgan Ispaniya fuqarolar urushi Ikkinchi Jahon urushi paytida Sovet Ittifoqiga qarshi fashistlar Germaniyasi tarafida jang qilish uchun ko'ngillilarni yuborgan edi. Ikkinchi Jahon urushi va xalqaro yakkalanish davridan so'ng, Franko rejimi Sovuq Urushning dastlabki yillarida 1975 yilda Franko vafot etguniga qadar va Ispaniyani liberal demokratiyaga aylantirguncha G'arb davlatlari bilan munosabatlarni normallashtirdi.
Peronizm, bu rejim bilan bog'liq Xuan Peron yilda Argentina 1946 yildan 1955 yilgacha va 1973 yildan 1974 yilgacha fashizm kuchli ta'sir o'tkazdi.[163] Hokimiyat tepasiga ko'tarilishidan oldin, 1939 yildan 1941 yilgacha Peron italiyalik fashizmni chuqur hayratga solgan va o'zining iqtisodiy siyosatini Italiya fashistik iqtisodiy siyosatiga asoslagan.[163]
Janubiy Afrika hukumati Afrikaner millatchi va oq supremacist Daniel François Malan fashistik va natsistparast siyosat bilan chambarchas bog'liq edi.[164] 1937 yilda Malaning Poklangan milliy partiyasi, Janubiy Afrika fashistlari va qora tanli ko'ylaklar Janubiy Afrikadagi saylovlar uchun koalitsiya tuzishga kelishib oldilar.[164] Malan Janubiy Afrikaning Ikkinchi Jahon urushida ittifoqchilar tomonida qatnashishiga qattiq qarshilik ko'rsatgan edi.[165] Malan hukumati asos solgan aparteid, tizimi irqiy ajratish oq va oq bo'lmaganlar Janubiy Afrika.[164] Eng ashaddiy Afrikaner fashistik harakati neo-natsistlar oq supremacistidir Afrikaner qarshilik harakati (AWB) 1991 yilda qayd etilgan bo'lib, 50,000 tarafdorlari ortib borayotgan qo'llab-quvvatlovchilarga ega.[166] AWB 1980-yillarda va 1990-yillarning boshlarida aparteidni yo'q qilishga qaratilgan harakatlarga va uning harbiylashtirilgan qanoti "Bo'ron Falcons" "muammo yaratuvchilar" deb hisoblagan odamlarga nisbatan zo'ravonlik bilan tahdid qilganiga javoban qo'llab-quvvatlandi.[166]
Fashizm kuchli ta'sir ko'rsatgan yana bir mafkura Baasizm.[167] Baasizm inqilobiy Arab millatchi da'vo qilingan barcha arab erlarini yagona arab davlatiga birlashtirishga intiladigan mafkura.[167] Zaki al-Arsuziy Baasizmning asosiy asoschilaridan biri, fashizm va natsizm kuchli ta'sir ko'rsatgan va ularni qo'llab-quvvatlagan.[168] Baasizmning asosiy mafkurachisining bir necha yaqin hamkori Mishel Aflaq Aflaq to'g'ridan-to'g'ri ma'lum fashist va natsist nazariyotchilar tomonidan ilhomlanganligini tan oldilar.[167] Baasist rejimlar Iroq va Suriya fashizm bilan kuchli o'xshashliklarga ega, ular radikal avtoritar millatchi bir partiyali davlatlardir.[167] Baasizmning g'arbga qarshi pozitsiyalari tufayli u afzal ko'rgan Sovet Ittifoqi ichida Sovuq urush va o'zlarining hukumatlari uchun ba'zi Sovet tashkiliy tuzilmalariga qoyil qolishdi va qabul qildilar, ammo Baasist rejimlar kommunistlarni ta'qib qilishdi.[167] Fashistik rejimlar singari Baasizm ham hokimiyatda og'ir harbiylashgan.[167] Baasistlar harakati Iroqni 1963 yilda va 1968 yildan 2003 yilgacha va Suriyada 1963 yildan hozirgi kungacha boshqargan. Kabi Baasist davlat rahbarlari Suriya prezidenti Hofiz al-Assad va Iroq Prezidenti Saddam Xuseyn yaratilgan shaxsiyat kultlari o'zlarini arab dunyosining millatparvar najotkorlari sifatida ko'rsatishmoqda.[167]
Baasist Iroq Saddam Xusseyn ostida ta'qib qilingan etnik tozalash yoki ozchiliklarni tugatish, Eron va Quvaytga qarshi ekspansiyistik urushlarni olib borish va asta-sekin panarabizmni Iroq millatchiligi Iroqning qadimgi Mesopotamiya imperiyalarining shon-sharaflari bilan aloqasi, shu jumladan Bobil.[169] Fashizm tarixchisi Stenli Peyn Saddam Xuseyn rejimi haqida shunday degan: "Ehtimol, endi Uchinchi Reyxning takrorlanishi bo'lmaydi, ammo Saddam Xuseyn 1945 yildan buyon boshqa diktatorlardan ko'ra yaqinlashdi".[169]
1990-yillarda Peynning ta'kidlashicha Hind millatchisi harakat Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) fashizm bilan kuchli o'xshashliklarga ega, shu jumladan uning harbiy xizmatchilaridan foydalanish irredentist a yaratishga chaqiruvchi da'volar Buyuk Hindiston.[170] Kiprlik Blamires Jahon fashizmi: tarixiy entsiklopediya RSS mafkurasini "sanskritcha belgilar bilan fashizm" - fashizmning o'ziga xos hind varianti deb ta'riflaydi.[171] Blamires, RSS Italiyaning fashistik rejimi bilan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri aloqada bo'lganligi va Evropa fashizmiga qoyil qolganligi haqida dalillar mavjudligini ta'kidlaydi.[171] tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan ko'rinish A. Jeyms Gregor.[172] Biroq, bu qarashlar keng tanqidga uchradi,[172][173][174] ayniqsa, ixtisoslashgan akademiklardan Hindiston siyosati. Pol Brass, hindu-musulmon zo'ravonligi bo'yicha mutaxassis ushbu nuqtai nazarni qabul qilishda ko'plab muammolar mavjudligini ta'kidlab, Sanghni fashistik deb ta'riflash qiyin bo'lgan to'rtta sababni aniqladi. Birinchidan, ushbu sohaning aksariyat olimlari RSS fashistik qarashga obuna emaslar, xususan ular orasida Kristof Yaffrelot,[173] A. Jeyms Gregor[172] va Chetan Batt.[175] Boshqa sabablarga xarizmatik etakchilikning yo'qligi, RSSning o'zini Evropa fashizmidan ajratish istagi, RSS va Evropa fashistlari o'rtasidagi katta madaniy tafovutlar va tarkibidagi fraksiyalar kiradi. Sangh Parivar.[173] Stenli Peyn uning fashizm bilan jiddiy farqlari bor, masalan, o'ziga xoslik asosi sifatida an'anaviy dinga e'tibor berish.[176]
Fashizmning boshqa siyosiy va iqtisodiy mafkuralar bilan aloqasi
Mussolini fashizmni qarama-qarshi deb bildi sotsializm va chap qanot mafkuralar: "Agar o'n to'qqizinchi asr sotsializm, liberalizm va demokratiya asri bo'lganligi tan olinsa, demak, bu yigirmanchi asr ham liberalizm, sotsializm va demokratiya asri bo'lishi kerak. Siyosiy ta'limotlar o'tmoqda; xalqlar Ushbu asr hokimiyat davri bo'lishi mumkin, deb o'ylashimiz mumkin, "O'ng" ning asri, fashistik asr. "[177]
Kapitalizm
Fashizm kapitalizm bilan har xil davrlarda va turli mamlakatlarda uning turli qirralarini qo'llab-quvvatlagan va qarshi chiqqan holda murakkab munosabatlarga ega edi. Umuman olganda, fashistlar kapitalizmni uni sharoitga qarab foydali yoki foydali bo'lmagan vosita sifatida ko'rib chiqdilar.[178][179] Fashistlar o'z mamlakatlarining milliy manfaatlari deb bilgan narsalarni targ'ib qilishni maqsad qildilar; ular qo'llab-quvvatladilar xususiy mulk va foyda olish maqsadi chunki ular ularni millatning iqtisodiy rivojlanishi uchun foydali deb hisoblashgan, ammo ular qarshi chiqishgan laissez-faire siyosat, xalqaro moliya va xalqaro savdo.[180] Ular odatda yirik kapitalizmning davlatga avtonomiyasini yo'q qilishga intildilar.[181]
Fashistik fikrda ham kapitalistik tarafdor, ham kapitalizmga qarshi elementlar mavjud edi. Fashistik kapitalizmga qarshi turish, idrok etilganlarga asoslangan edi dekadensiya, hedonizm va kosmopolitizm idealizatsiya qilinganlarga nisbatan boylarning intizom, vatanparvarlik va axloqiy fazilat o'rta sinflarning.[182] Fashistik kapitalizmni qo'llab-quvvatlashi iqtisodiy raqobat millat uchun ham foydali bo'lgan degan fikrga asoslangan edi ijtimoiy darvinist boylarning iqtisodiy muvaffaqiyati ularning ustunligini isbotlaganligi va iqtisodiyotdagi tabiiy tanlanishga xalaqit berish zaif odamlarni saqlab qolish orqali xalqqa og'irlik keltiradi degan e'tiqodlar.[183][184][185] Kapitalizm haqida o'ylashning bu ikki usuli - uni iqtisodiy samaradorlikni oshiruvchi va millatning gullab-yashnashi uchun zarur bo'lgan ijobiy kuch sifatida ko'rish, shuningdek, tanazzul va millatga sodiqlikni targ'ib qiluvchi salbiy kuch sifatida ko'rish - aksariyat fashistik harakatlar ichida hamjihatlikda qoldi. .[186] Fashistik hukumatlarning iqtisodiy siyosati, umuman olganda, u yoki bu tarzda mafkuraviy majburiyatlarga asoslanmagan, balki kuchli milliy iqtisodiyotni barpo etish va targ'ib qilish bilan bog'liq pragmatik xavotirlarga asos bo'lgan. avtarkiy va urushga tayyorgarlik ko'rish va urush olib borish zarurligi.[187][188][189][190]
Fashistlar harakatining dastlabki versiyasi, ular boshchiligidagi kichik guruhlar Benito Mussolini 1915 yildan 1920 yilgacha Italiyada urushni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi radikal harakat bo'lib, u Italiya hududini kengaytirishga qaratilgan va siyosiy spektrdagi odamlarni ushbu maqsadga xizmat qilishni birlashtirishga qaratilgan.[191] Shunday qilib, bu harakat kapitalizm uchun ham, unga qarshi ham aniq pozitsiyani egallamadi, chunki bu uning tarafdorlarini ikkiga bo'linishiga olib keladi.[192] Uning ko'pgina rahbarlari, shu jumladan Mussolinining o'zi ham kapitalizmga qarshi inqilobiy sindikalizm an'analaridan kelib chiqqan va kapitalizmga qarshi chiqishlari bilan tanilgan. Biroq, harakatni moliyalashtirishning muhim qismi urushni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi biznes manfaatlari va yirik er egalaridan iborat edi.[193][69] Mussolini bu bosqichda o'zini hali ham o'zini ijtimoiy inqilobchiman deb da'vo qilib, muvozanatni saqlashga harakat qildi, shu bilan birga kapitalizm va kapitalistlarga nisbatan "ijobiy munosabat" ni rivojlantirdi.[72] Mussolini boshchiligidagi kichik fashistik harakat Milan 1919 yilda o'n yildan keyin Italiya fashizmi bilan deyarli hech qanday o'xshashlik yo'q edi,[79] u yerni dehqonlarga qayta taqsimlashni, kapitalga progressiv soliqni, ko'proq meros solig'ini va haddan ziyod urush foydasini musodara qilishni talab qiladigan antitapitalistik dasturni ilgari surar ekan, "har qanday diktatura yoki o'zboshimchalik kuchiga" qarshi chiqishini e'lon qildi. va mustaqil sud tizimini talab qilish, umumiy saylov huquqi va so'zning to'liq erkinligi.[194] Shunga qaramay, Mussolini bir vaqtning o'zida davlatning biznesga aralashuvini yo'q qilishga va iqtisodiyotning katta qismlarini davlat nazorati ostiga o'tkazishga va'da berdi,[89] va fashistlar milanalik ishbilarmonlar tomonidan taqdim etilgan zalda uchrashishdi.[79] Ushbu qarama-qarshiliklarni Mussolini fashistik harakatning fazilati deb hisoblagan, bu dastlabki bosqichda barchaga murojaat qilishni maqsad qilgan.[191]
1921 yildan boshlab italiyalik fashizm o'zini keng ekspansiyistik harakat sifatida namoyish etishdan, Italiya siyosatining o'ta huquqini namoyish etishni da'vo qilishga o'tdi.[107] Bunga kapitalizmga bo'lgan munosabatining o'zgarishi ham qo'shildi. Boshida u kapitalizmga qarshi va kapitalizmga qarshi pozitsiyalarni o'zida mujassam etgan bo'lsa, endi erkin tadbirkorlik siyosatini olib bordi.[195] Birinchi marotaba Italiya parlamentiga saylanganidan so'ng, fashistlar iqtisodiy kollektivlashtirish va davlatlashtirishga qarshi turdilar va pochta va temir yo'l xizmatlarini xususiylashtirishni qo'llab-quvvatladilar.[108] Mussolini konservativ liberallarga murojaat qilib, "agar Italiya demokratiyani tashlab, sotsializmni tor-mor etish va hukumatni samarali qilish uchun zarur bo'lsa, diktaturani qabul qilsa, kapitalizm eng yaxshi rivojlanadi" deb ta'kidladi.[111] U shuningdek, fashistlar soliqlarni kamaytiradi va byudjetni muvozanatlashtiradi, deb va'da berdi,[196] sotsialistik o'tmishini rad etdi va unga ishonishini tasdiqladi iqtisodiy liberalizm.[197]
1922 yilda, quyidagilarga rioya qilgan holda Rimda mart, Milliy fashistlar partiyasi hokimiyat tepasiga keldi va Mussolini Italiyaning bosh vaziri bo'ldi. O'sha paytdan boshlab Katta depressiya 1929 yilda Italiya fashistlari an'anaviy italiyalik ishbilarmon elita bilan hamkorlikda umuman erkin bozor va kapitalistik tarafdorlik iqtisodiy siyosatini olib bordilar.[198][199] Bosh vazir lavozimida ishlashining boshlanishiga yaqin 1923 yilda Mussolini "[fashistik] hukumat xususiy tadbirkorlikka to'la erkinlik beradi va xususiy iqtisodiyotga har qanday aralashuvdan voz kechadi" deb e'lon qildi.[200] Mussolini hukumati xususiylashtirilgan sobiq hukumat monopoliyalari (masalan, telefon tizimi), sotsialistlar tomonidan ilgari kiritilgan qonunchilikni bekor qildilar (masalan, meros solig'i ) va byudjetni muvozanatlashtirgan.[201] Alfredo Rokko, fashist Adliya vaziri o'sha paytda, 1926 yilda yozgan edi:
Fashizm odatdagi voqealar jarayonida iqtisodiy erkinlik eng yaxshi ijtimoiy maqsadlarga xizmat qiladi; ishlab chiqarishga ham, taqsimlashga ham iqtisodiy rivojlanish vazifasini individual tashabbusga ishonib topshirish foydali ekanligi; iqtisodiy dunyoda individual ambitsiyalar eng kam kuch sarflab eng yaxshi ijtimoiy natijalarni olishning eng samarali vositasi ekanligi.[202]
1920-yillarda Mussolini boy odamlarni erkin tadbirkorlikni maqtash, byurokratiyani kamaytirish va ishsizlikka yordamni bekor qilish haqida gapirish va jamiyatdagi tengsizlikning kuchayishini qo'llab-quvvatlash orqali jalb qildi.[203] U himoya qildi iqtisodiy erkinlashtirish, davlat iqtisodiyotdan chetda turishi kerakligini ta'kidladi va hatto umuman hukumatning aralashuvi "iqtisodiyotning rivojlanishi uchun mutlaqo vayron bo'lgan" deb aytdi.[204] Shu bilan birga, u shu bilan birga, u fashizmning barcha tabaqa odamlariga bo'lgan dastlabki murojaatini saqlab qolishga harakat qilib, u ishchilarga qarshi emasligini, ba'zan esa o'z-o'zidan to'g'ridan-to'g'ri qarama-qarshi bo'lganini va turli xil tomoshabinlarga turli xil gaplarni aytishini talab qildi.[203] Ko'plab italiyalik sanoatchilar va uy egalari Mussolinini qo'llab-quvvatladilar, chunki u barqarorlikni ta'minladi (ayniqsa Jiolitti davri bilan taqqoslaganda) va Mussolini hukumati davrida "ozgina ish tashlashlar, farovon odamlar uchun soliq imtiyozlarining ko'pligi, ijara haqining tugashi" boshqaruv va umuman, biznes uchun yuqori foyda. "[205]
Italiyaning fashistik kapitalizmga bo'lgan nuqtai nazari 1929 yildan so'ng, boshlanishi bilan o'zgardi Katta depressiya bu Italiya iqtisodiyotiga og'ir zarba berdi. Narxlar tushdi, ishlab chiqarish sekinlashdi va ishsizlik Depressiyaning dastlabki to'rt yilida uch barobardan ko'proq oshdi.[206] Bunga javoban fashistik hukumat iqtisodiy liberalizmdan voz kechib, davlatning iqtisodiyotga aralashuviga o'tdi. Mussolini kapitalizm vaqt o'tishi bilan tanazzulga uchragan va uning davridagi kapitalizm inqirozga yuz tutgan, chunki u o'zining asl ildizlaridan juda uzoqlashib ketgan degan fikrni ishlab chiqdi. Mussolinining so'zlariga ko'ra, asl shakli shunday bo'lgan qahramonlik kapitalizmi yoki dinamik kapitalizm (1830-1870) bo'lib, u statik kapitalizmga (1870-1914) yo'l qo'yib, keyinchalik o'zgardi dekadent kapitalizm yoki "superkapitalizm ", 1914 yildan boshlab.[207] Mussolini ushbu superkapitalizmni da'vo qilinganligi sababli muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchragan deb qoraladi dekadensiya, cheksiz qo'llab-quvvatlash iste'molchilik va "insoniyatning standartlashuvi" ni yaratish niyati.[208][209] U superkapitalizm Buyuk Depressiyada kapitalistik tizimning qulashiga olib keldi, deb da'vo qildi,[210] ammo avvalgi kapitalizm turlarining sanoat rivoji qimmatli bo'lganligi va xususiy mulk samarali bo'lgan taqdirda uni qo'llab-quvvatlashi kerakligi.[208] Fashistlar, shuningdek, aralashuvisiz, superkapitalizm "oxir-oqibat yemirilib, mehnat kapitali munosabatlari buzilganligi sababli marksistik inqilobga yo'l ochadi" deb ta'kidladilar.[211] Ushbu natijadan qochish uchun ular yangi iqtisodiy dasturlarini taqdim etishdi.
G'oyasi korporativlik bir muncha vaqt fashistik ritorikaning bir qismi bo'lib kelgan, xususiy tadbirkorlik va mulkni saqlab qoladigan echim sifatida mashhurlikka ko'tarildi, shu bilan birga xususiy tadbirkorlik muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchraganida davlat iqtisodiyotga aralashishiga imkon berdi.[210] Korporatizm kapital va ishchi kuchi manfaatlarini uyg'unlashtirish sifatida targ'ib qilindi.[212] Mussolini ushbu fashistik korporatizm kapitalizmning foydali deb topilgan elementlarini saqlab qoladi, deb ta'kidladi. xususiy korxona va ularni davlat nazorati bilan birlashtirish.[210] Bu vaqtda u shuningdek, iqtisodiy individualizm va laissez-fairening tipik kapitalistik elementlarini rad etganligini aytdi.[210] Mussolinining ta'kidlashicha, superkapitalizmda "kapitalistik korxona, qiyinchiliklar yuzaga kelganda, o'zini o'lik og'irlik singari davlatning quchog'iga tashlaydi. Aynan o'shanda davlat aralashuvi boshlanadi va zarurat paydo bo'ladi. Ana shunda ilgari davlatni e'tiborsiz qoldirganlar endi uni qidirmoqdalar xavotir bilan ".[213] Iqtisodiy qiyinchiliklarga duch kelganda korxonalar to'g'ri ishlay olmasligi sababli, Mussolini, bu iqtisodiyotni barqarorlashtirish uchun davlatning iqtisodiyotga aralashuvi zarurligini isbotladi.[213]
1930-yillarda Italiya fashistik rahbarlarining bayonotlari tanqidiy bo'lishga moyil edi iqtisodiy liberalizm va laissez-faire, korporativlikni yangi iqtisodiy modelning asosi sifatida targ'ib qilish bilan birga.[214] Mussolini 1933 yil oktyabrda bergan intervyusida "korporativ rejim o'rnatilishini istayotganini" aytdi.[214] va 1933 yil 14-noyabrda so'zlagan nutqida:
Bugungi kunda biz kapitalistik ishlab chiqarish usuli eskirganligini tasdiqlashimiz mumkin. Haqidagi ta'limot ham shunday laissez-faire, kapitalizmning nazariy asoslari ... Bugun biz inqilob yo'lida yangi va hal qiluvchi qadamni qo'ymoqdamiz. Inqilob buyuk bo'lish uchun ijtimoiy inqilob bo'lishi kerak.[215]
Bir yil o'tgach, 1934 yilda Italiyaning qishloq xo'jaligi vaziri Giacomo Acerbo fashistik korporativlik Buyuk Depressiya sharoitida xususiy mulkni himoya qilishning eng yaxshi usuli deb da'vo qildi:
Deyarli hamma joyda xususiy mulk katta og'irliklarni boshdan kechirayotgan va depressiyaning eng og'ir zarbalarini boshdan kechirgan bo'lsa-da, Italiyada ushbu fashistik hukumatning harakatlari tufayli nafaqat xususiy mulk saqlanib qoldi, balki mustahkamlandi.[216]
30-yillarning oxirlarida fashistik Italiya bunga erishishga harakat qildi avtarkiy (milliy iqtisodiy o'zini o'zi ta'minlash) va shu maqsadda hukumat ishlab chiqarish kartellarini targ'ib qildi va Italiyaning savdo sheriklari bilan to'lovlarni muvozanatlashtirishga harakat qilish uchun muhim tarif to'siqlarini, valyuta cheklovlarini va iqtisodiyot qoidalarini joriy qildi.[217] Samarali iqtisodiy avtonomiyaga erishishga urinish muvaffaqiyatga erishmadi, ammo xalqaro savdoni minimallashtirish Italiya fashizmining rasmiy maqsadi bo'lib qoldi.[217]
Nemis Natsizm, italiyalik fashizm singari, ham kapitalistik va ham kapitalizmga qarshi qarashlarni o'zida mujassam etgan. Asosiy farq shundaki, natsizm hamma narsani a orqali izohlagan irqiy ob'ektiv.[218] Shunday qilib, fashistlarning kapitalizm haqidagi qarashlari kapitalistlar qaysi irqga mansub degan savolga qarab shakllandi. Yahudiy kapitalistlari (ayniqsa, bankirlar) Germaniyaning o'lik dushmani va global fitnaning bir qismi deb hisoblangan. Yahudiy kommunistlari.[77] Boshqa tomondan, etnik nemis kapitalistlari fashistlar tomonidan potentsial ittifoqchilar sifatida qabul qilingan.[219][220]
Natsistlar harakati boshlangandan va ayniqsa, 20-asrning 20-yillari oxiridan boshlab fashistlar partiyasi bu kabi xususiy mulk yoki kapitalizmga qarshi emas, balki faqat uning haddan oshishiga va Germaniya iqtisodiyotining "chet ellarning" hukmronligiga qarshi ekanligi to'g'risida pozitsiyani egallab oldi. "kapitalistlar (shu jumladan nemis yahudiylari).[221] Dastlabki natsistlar partiyasi tarkibida davlatning keng aralashuvini qo'llab-quvvatlagan Strasserit qanotidan tortib konservativ korporatizm dasturini ilgari surgan Volkish konservatorlariga, korporatizmdan qochishga umid qilgan natsistlar ichidagi iqtisodiy o'ngga qadar turli xil iqtisodiy qarashlar mavjud edi. chunki bu katta biznes uchun juda cheklovli edi. [222] Oxir oqibat, fashistlar hokimiyat tepasiga kelganidan keyin hukmronlik qilgan yondashuv pragmatik yondashuv bo'lib, unda yangi iqtisodiy tizim bo'lmaydi, aksincha "Germaniyaning uzoq yillar avtoritar statistika iqtisodiyoti an'anasini davom ettirgan. XIX asr. "[223]
Fashistik Italiya singari, fashistlar Germaniyasi ham xuddi shunday avtarkariya va qayta qurollanish maqsadlari bilan iqtisodiy kun tartibiga intilgan va majburlangan. protektsionist siyosatlar, shu jumladan Germaniya po'lat sanoatini yuqori sifatli import temiridan ko'ra past sifatli nemis temir javhari ishlatishga majbur qilish.[224] Natsistlar edi iqtisodiy millatchilar kim "himoya tariflarini, tashqi qarzni kamaytirishni va importni o'rnini bosishni, ular jahon iqtisodiyotiga zaiflashtiruvchi qaramlik deb hisoblagan narsalarni olib tashlashni ma'qul ko'rdi".[225]
Iqtisodiyotning maqsadi, fashistlarning dunyoqarashiga ko'ra, "harbiy zabt etish uchun moddiy tramplinni ta'minlash" edi.[179] Shunday qilib, natsistlar Germaniya iqtisodiyotining asosiy yo'nalishini imperiya va zabt etish yo'llariga yo'naltirishni maqsad qilishgan va ular o'z maqsadlari bilan hamkorlik qilishga tayyor ishbilarmonlarni topib, ularni targ'ib qilishgan.[226] Ular erkin bozor iqtisodiyotiga qarshi chiqishdi va buning o'rniga 1930-yillarda ko'plab boshqa siyosiy harakatlar va hukumatlar, shu jumladan Buyuk Britaniya hukumatlari tomonidan qabul qilingan model bo'lgan qo'llab-quvvatlash evaziga do'stona xususiy kompaniyalarga katta foyda olishni kafolatlaydigan davlat tomonidan boshqariladigan iqtisodiyotni ilgari surdilar. va Frantsiya.[227] Xususiy kapitalizmga to'g'ridan-to'g'ri qarshilik ko'rsatilmadi, lekin u davlatning harbiy va tashqi siyosiy maqsadlariga bo'ysundirilib, sanoat menejerlarining qaror qabul qilish kuchini pasaytiradigan, ammo xususiy foyda olishga intilmaydigan tarzda.[228] Germaniyaning etakchi ishbilarmon manfaatlari fashistlar hukumatining maqsadlarini va uning foydali harakatlarini evaziga foydali shartnomalar, subsidiyalar va kasaba uyushma harakatlarini bostirish evaziga qo'llab-quvvatladi.[229] Avraam Barkay "individual firma hanuzgacha maksimal foyda olish printsipi asosida ishlaganligi sababli" fashistlar Germaniya iqtisodiyoti "kapitalistik iqtisodiyot bo'lib, unda boshqa fuqarolar singari kapitalistlar ham imtiyozli maqomga ega bo'lishganiga qaramay, erkin bo'lmaganlar" , o'z faoliyatida cheklangan miqdordagi erkinlikka ega edi va siyosatning ustunligini qabul qilgan ekan, katta foyda to'plashga qodir edi. "[230]
Boshqa fashistik harakatlar italiyalik fashistlar va nemis fashistlarining umumiy dunyoqarashini aks ettirdi. Ispan Falang xususiy mulkni hurmat qilishga chaqirgan va Ispaniya yer egalari va sanoatchilarining ko'magi bilan tashkil etilgan.[231] Biroq, Falange o'zi qo'llab-quvvatlagan "xususiy mulk" va unga qarshi bo'lgan "kapitalizm" ni ajratib ko'rsatdi.[232] 1937 yildagi Falangistlar dasturi "xususiy mulk shaxsiy, oilaviy va ijtimoiy maqsadlarga erishish uchun qonuniy vosita sifatida" tan oldi.[233] ammo Falangistlar etakchisi Xose Antonio Primo de Rivera 1935 yilda aytgan edi: "Biz odamlarning ehtiyojlarini inobatga olmaydigan, xususiy mulkni insoniylashtiradigan va ishchilarni qashshoqlik va umidsizlikka moyil bo'lgan shaklsiz massalarga aylantiradigan kapitalistik tuzumni rad etamiz".[234] Uning o'limi va ko'tarilishidan keyin Frantsisko Franko, ritorika o'zgardi va Falangistlar etakchisi Raymundo Fernandes-Kuesta harakat mafkurasini kapitalizmga mos kelishini e'lon qildi.[235] Vengriyada Arrow Cross Party qo'llab-quvvatlab, anti-feodal, kapitalistik va anti-sotsialistik e'tiqodlarni o'tkazdilar er islohoti va militarizm va qo'llab-quvvatlashning katta qismini armiya saflaridan olish.[236] [237] Ruminiyalik Temir qo'riqchi anti-kommunizm va diniy shakli bilan birlashtirilgan anti-kapitalistik, bankka qarshi va burjua qarshi chiqishlari. antisemitizm.[238][239] Temir gvardiya kapitalizmni ham, kommunizmni ham xalqni bo'linishiga xizmat qilgan yahudiylarning ijodi deb bildi va yahudiylarni "nasroniy millatning dushmani" deb aybladi.[240]
Konservatizm
Konservatorlar va fashistlar Evropa ko'plab masalalar bo'yicha shu kabi lavozimlarni egallagan, shu jumladan antikommunizm va milliy g'ururni qo'llab-quvvatlash.[241] Konservatorlar va fashistlar ikkalasini ham rad etishmoqda liberal va Marksistik tarixdagi chiziqli progressiv evolyutsiyaga e'tibor.[242] Fashizm tartib, intizom, ierarxiya, harbiy fazilatlar va xususiy mulkni saqlashga katta ahamiyat bergani konservatorlarga murojaat qildi.[241] Kabi milliy an'analarning "sog'lom", "ifloslanmagan" elementlarini fashistik targ'ib qilish ritsarlik madaniyat va millatning tarixiy oltin davrini ulug'lash konservativ maqsadlarga o'xshashdir.[243] Fashistlar, shuningdek, hokimiyatga erishish va saqlab qolish uchun an'anaviy konservativ kuchlar bilan praktik taktik ittifoqlar tuzdilar.[243] Hatto nufuzi va mashhurligi avj olgan paytlarda ham fashistik harakatlar hech qachon hokimiyatni o'z-o'zidan qo'lga kirita olmagan va hokimiyatga kelish uchun konservativ partiyalar bilan ittifoqlarga tayangan.[244][245][246]
Fashizmga chaqirilganlarning ko'plari norozi bo'lishdi o'ng qanot an'anaviy huquqning milliy birlikka erishishga qodir emasligi va uning sotsializm, feminizm, iqtisodiy inqiroz va xalqaro qiyinchiliklarga javob bera olmasligidan norozi bo'lgan konservatorlar.[247] Evropada an'anaviy konservativ partiyalar bilan birgalikda keyinchalik zaiflashdi Birinchi jahon urushi, o'ng tomonda fashizm to'ldirgan siyosiy bo'shliq mavjud edi.[248] Fashistlar uy egalari, biznes egalari, armiya zobitlari va boshqa konservativ shaxslar va guruhlardan o'zlarini himoya qilishning so'nggi chizig'i sifatida muvaffaqiyatli namoyish etish orqali qo'llab-quvvatladilar. er islohoti, ijtimoiy ta'minot chora-tadbirlar, demilitarizatsiya, yuqori ish haqi va ishlab chiqarish vositalarining ijtimoiylashuvi.[249]
Biroq, konservatizmdan farqli o'laroq, fashizm o'zini o'zini a zamonaviy an'anaviy jamiyatning axloqiy va siyosiy cheklovlaridan xalos bo'lishga tayyor mafkura.[250] Konservativ avtoritar huquq fashizmdan ajralib turadi, chunki bunday konservatorlar an'anaviy dinni o'zlarining falsafiy qarashlari uchun asos qilib olishga intilishgan, fashistlar o'z qarashlariga asoslanishgan hayotiylik, natsionalizm yoki dunyoviy neo-idealizm.[251] Fashistlar tez-tez diniy obrazlarga murojaat qilishgan, ammo uni millat ramzi sifatida ishlatishgan va ma'naviyatni dunyoviy millatchilik bilan almashtirishgan. Ruminiyalik fashistik harakatlarning eng diniy qismida ham Temir qo'riqchi, "Masih haqiqiy boshqa dunyo siridan mahrum qilindi va milliy qutqarish uchun metafora bo'lib qoldi."[252] Fashistlar o'z mamlakatlarining an'anaviy dinlarini qo'llab-quvvatlaymiz deb da'vo qilishgan, ammo dinni faqat axloqiy tamoyillarning manbai deb bilishmagan, uni faqat milliy madaniyatning bir tomoni va milliy o'ziga xoslik va g'urur manbai deb bilishgan.[253] Bundan tashqari, urushlararo Evropadagi konservatorlar odatda 1914 yilgacha bo'lgan status-kvoga qaytishni istashgan bo'lsa-da, fashistlar bunday qilmadilar. Fashizm o'tmishni idealizatsiya qilishni zamonaviy texnologiyalarga bo'lgan ishtiyoq bilan birlashtirdi. Fashistlar Germaniyasi "oriy qadriyatlari va german ritsarlari shon-sharafini ulug'lash barobarida yangi yaratilgan avtoyo'l tizimidan faxrlanib".[254] Fashistlar milliy ulug'vorlikning yangi davriga ilhom berish uchun o'tmish ruhiga nazar tashladilar va "hozirgi avlod va o'tmishdagi ulug'vor bosqich o'rtasidagi afsonaviy aloqani o'rnatish" ga kirishdilar, ammo ular o'tmishdagi jamiyatlarni to'g'ridan-to'g'ri nusxalash yoki tiklashga intilmadilar. .[255]
An'anaviy konservatizmdan yana bir farq shundan iboratki, fashizm jamiyatni qayta shakllantirishga qaratilgan tub intilishlarga ega edi. Artur M. Shlezinger, kichik. "Fashistlar hech qanday mazmunli ma'noda konservativ emas edilar ... Fashistlar mazmunli ma'noda inqilobchi edilar".[256] Fashistlar mavjud elitalarni inqilobiy harakatlar orqali yo'q qilishga intilib, ularni eng munosiblarning tirik qolish printsipi bo'yicha tanlangan yangi elita bilan almashtirishdi va shu bilan ular "mavjud aristokrasiyalarni o'zlarining yangi aristokratlari foydasiga rad etishdi".[257] Shu bilan birga, ba'zi bir fashistik rahbarlar aksilinqilobiy deb da'vo qilishdi va fashizm o'zini avvalgi barcha inqiloblarga qarshi deb hisobladi. Frantsiya inqilobi oldinga, ularni liberalizm, sotsializm va tanazzulda ayblab.[258] Uning kitobida Fashizm (1997), Mark Neocleous ushbu paradoksal tendentsiyalarni fashizmni "reaktsion modernizmning eng yaxshi namunasi" va " konservativ inqilobiy an'ana."[259]
Konservatorlar fashistlar bilan ittifoq tuzib, konservatorlar o'zlarini tahdid ostida his qilayotgan va shuning uchun bunday ittifoqqa muhtoj bo'lgan davlatlarda, bu konservatorlar ishonchli hokimiyat tepasida bo'lgan joylarda sodir bo'lmadi. Evropada bir nechta avtoritar konservativ rejimlar 30-40 yillarda fashistik partiyalarni bostirdi.[260]
Liberalizm
Fashizm bunga qat'iy qarshi individualizm ichida topilgan klassik liberalizm. Fashistlar liberalizmni odamlarni ma'naviyatni yo'q qilishda va ularni eng yuqori g'oyasi pul ishlash bo'lgan materialistik mavjudotlarga aylantirishda ayblashadi.[261] Xususan, fashizm liberalizmga qarshi chiqadi materializm, ratsionalizm, individualizm va utilitarizm.[262] Fashistlar shaxsiy erkinlikka liberal urg'u berish milliy bo'linishni keltirib chiqaradi, deb hisoblashadi.[261] Mussolini criticized classical liberalism for its individualistic nature, writing: "Against individualism, the Fascist conception is for the State; ... It is opposed to classical Liberalism ... Liberalism denied the State in the interests of the particular individual; Fascism reaffirms the State as the true reality of the individual."[263] However, Fascists and Nazis support a type of hierarchical individualism in the form of Ijtimoiy darvinizm because they believe it promotes "superior individuals" and weeds out "the weak".[264] They also accuse both Marxism and democracy, with their emphasis on equality, of destroying individuality in favor of the "dead weight" of the masses.[265]
One issue where Fascism is in accord with liberalism is in its support of xususiy mulk rights and the existence of a bozor iqtisodiyoti.[262] Although Fascism sought to "destroy the existing political order", it had tentatively adopted the economic elements of liberalism, but "completely denied its philosophical principles and the intellectual and moral heritage of modernity".[262] Fascism espoused antimaterialism, which meant that it rejected the "rationalistic, individualistic and utilitarian heritage" that defined the liberal-centric Ma'rifat davri.[262] Nevertheless, between the two pillars of fascist economic policy – national syndicalism and productionism – it was the latter that was given more importance,[266] so the goal of creating a less materialist society was generally not accomplished.[267]
Fascists saw contemporary politics as a life or death struggle of their nations against Marxism, and they believed that liberalism weakened their nations in this struggle and left them defenseless.[268] While the socialist left was seen by the fascists as their main enemy, liberals were seen as the enemy's accomplices, "incompetent guardians of the nation against the class warfare waged by the socialists."[268]
Ijtimoiy ta'minot va jamoat ishlari
Fascists opposed social welfare for those they regarded as weak and decadent, but supported state assistance for those they regarded as strong and pure. As such, fascist movements criticized the welfare policies of the democratic governments they opposed, but eventually adopted welfare policies of their own to gain popular support.[269] The Nazis condemned indiscriminate social welfare and charity, whether run by the state or by private entities, because they saw it as "supporting many people who were racially inferior."[270] After coming to power, they adopted a type of selective welfare system that would only help those who were biologically and racially valuable.[270] Italian Fascism had changing attitudes towards welfare, taking a stance against unemployment benefits upon coming to power in 1922,[205] but later arguing that improving the well-being of the labor force could serve the national interest by increasing productive potential, and adopting welfare measures on this basis.[271]
From 1925 to 1939, the Italian Fascist government "embarked upon an elaborate program" of social welfare provision, supplemented by private charity from wealthy industrialists "in the spirit of Fascist class collaboration."[272] This program included food supplementary assistance, infant care, maternity assistance, family allowances per child to encourage higher birth rates, paid vacations, public housing, and insurance for unemployment, occupational diseases, old age and disability.[273] Many of these were continuations of programs already begun under the parliamentary system that fascism had replaced, and they were similar to programs instituted by democratic governments across Europe and North America in the same time period.[274] Social welfare under democratic governments was sometimes more generous, but given that Italy was a poorer country, its efforts were more ambitious, and its legislation "compared favorably with the more advanced European nations and in some respects was more progressive."[274]
Out of a "determination to make Italy the powerful, modern state of his imagination," Mussolini also began a broad campaign of public works after 1925, such that "bridges, canals, and roads were built, hospitals and schools, railway stations and orphanages; swamps were drained and land reclaimed, forests were planted and universities were endowed".[275] The Mussolini administration "devoted 400 million lire of public monies" for school construction between 1922 and 1942, compared to only 60 million lire between 1862 and 1922.[276] Extensive archaeological works were also financed, with the intention of highlighting the legacy of the Roman Empire, and clearing ancient monuments of "everything that has grown up round them during the centuries of decadence."[275]
In Germany, the Nazi Party condemned the welfare system of the Veymar Respublikasi, together with private charity and philanthropy, as being "evils that had to be eliminated if the German race was to be strengthened and its weakest elements weeded out in the process of natural selection."[270] Once in power, the Nazis drew sharp distinctions between those undeserving and those deserving of assistance, and strove to direct all public and private aid towards the latter.[277] They argued that this approach represented "racial self-help" and not indiscriminate charity or universal social welfare.[278]
An organization called Milliy sotsialistik xalq farovonligi (Nationalsozialistische Volkswohlfahrt, NSV) was given the task of taking over the functions of social welfare institutions and "coordinating" the private charities, which had previously been run mainly by the churches and by the labour movement.[279] Hitler instructed NSV chairman Erich Hilgenfeldt to "see to the disbanding of all private welfare institutions," in an effort to direct who was to receive social benefits. Welfare benefits were abruptly withdrawn from Jews, Communists, many Social Democrats, Jehovah's Witnesses, and others that were considered enemies of the Nazi regime, at first without any legal justification.[280]
The NSV officially defined its mandate very broadly. For instance, one of the NSV branches, the Office of Institutional and Special Welfare, was responsible "for travellers' aid at railway stations; relief for ex-convicts; 'support' for re-migrants from abroad; assistance for the physically disabled, hard-of-hearing, deaf, mute, and blind; relief for the elderly, homeless and alcoholics; and the fight against illicit drugs and epidemics".[281] But the NSV also explicitly stated that all such benefits would only be available to "racially superior" persons.[282] NSV administrators were able to mount an effort towards the "cleansing of their cities of 'asocials'," who were deemed unworthy of receiving assistance for various reasons.[283]
The NSV limited its assistance to those who were "racially sound, capable of and willing to work, politically reliable, and willing and able to reproduce," and excluded non-Aryans, the "work-shy", "asocials" and the "hereditarily ill."[277] The agency successfully "projected a powerful image of caring and support" for "those who were judged to have got into difficulties through no fault of their own," as over 17 million Germans had obtained assistance from the NSV by 1939.[277] However, the organization also resorted to intrusive questioning and monitoring to judge who was worthy of support, and for this reason it was "feared and disliked among society's poorest."[284]
Sotsializm va kommunizm
Fascism is historically strongly opposed to sotsializm va kommunizm, due to their support of class revolution as well as "decadent" values, including internatsionalizm, tenglik, horizontal kollektivizm, materializm va kosmopolitizm.[285][211] Fascists have thus commonly campaigned with antikommunist agendas.[77] Fascists saw themselves as building a new aristocracy, a "warrior race or nation", based on purity of blood, heroism and virility.[286] They strongly opposed ideas of universal human equality and advocated ierarxiya in its place, adhering to "the Aristotelian conviction, amplified by the modern elite theorists, that the human race is divided by nature into sheep and shepherds."[287] Fascists believed in the eng yaxshi odamning omon qolishi, and argued that society should be led by an elite of "the fittest, the strongest, the most heroic, the most productive, and, even more than that, those most fervently possessed with the national idea."[287]
Marksizm and fascism oppose each other primary because Marxism "called on the workers of the world to unite across national borders in a global battle against their oppressors, treating nation-states and national pride as tools in the arsenal of bourgeois propaganda",[211] while fascism, on the contrary, exalted the interests of the nation or race as the highest good, and rejected all ideas of universal human interests standing above the nation or race.[211] Within the nation, Marxism calls for sinfiy kurash by the working class against the ruling class, while fascism calls for collaboration between the classes to achieve national rejuvenation.[288] Fascism proposes a type of society in which different classes continue to exist, but the rich and poor both serve the national interest and do not oppose each other.[289]
Keyingi Bolshevik inqilobi of 1917 and the creation of the Sovet Ittifoqi, fear of and opposition to communism became a major aspect of European politics in the 1920s and 1930s. Fascists were able to take advantage of this and presented themselves as the political force most capable of defeating communism.[290][291] This was a major factor in enabling fascists to make alliances with the old establishment and to come to power in Italy and Germany, in spite of fascism's own radical agenda, because of the shared anti-Marxism of fascists and conservatives.[77] The Nazis in particular came to power "on the back of a powerfully anticommunist program and in an atmosphere of widespread fear of a Bolshevik revolution at home,"[241] and their first concentration camps in 1933 were meant for holding socialist and communist political prisoners.[292] Both Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany also suppressed independent working-class organizations.[233]
Fascism opposed the internationalist character of mainstream socialism, but in doing so, it sometimes defined itself as a new, millatchi form of socialism, an alternative to the mainstream form of socialism which it regarded as its bitter enemy.[285] Hitler at times attempted to redefine the word socialism, such as saying: "Socialism! That is an unfortunate word altogether... What does socialism really mean? If people have something to eat and their pleasures, then they have their socialism".[293] In 1930, Hitler said: "Our adopted term 'Socialist' has nothing to do with Marxist Socialism. Marxism is anti-property; true Socialism is not".[294] The name that Hitler later wished he had used to describe his political party was "social revolutionary".[295]
Mainstream socialists have typically rejected and opposed fascism in turn.[285] Many communists regarded fascism as a tool of the ruling-class to destroy the working-class, regarding it as "the open but indirect dictatorship of capital."[296] Nikita Xrushchev sardonically remarked: "In modern times the word Socialism has become very fashionable, and it has also been used very loosely. Even Hitler used to babble about Socialism, and he worked the word into the name of his Nazi [National Socialist] party. The whole world knows what sort of Socialism Hitler had in mind".[297]
However, the agency and genuine belief of fascists was recognised by some communist writers, like Antonio Gramsci, Palmiro Togliatti and Otto Bauer, who instead believed fascism to be a genuine mass movement that arose as a consequence of the specific socio-economic conditions of the societies it arose in.[298] Despite the mutual antagonism that would later develop between the two, the attitude of communists towards early fascism was more ambivalent than it might appear from the writings of individual communist theorists. In the early days, Fascism was sometimes perceived as less of a mortal rival to revolutionary Marxism than as a heresy from it. Mussolini's government was one of the first in Western Europe to diplomatically recognise the USSR, doing so in 1924. On 20 June 1923, Karl Radek gave a speech before the Comintern in which he proposed a common front with the Nazis in Germany. However, the two radicalisms were mutually exclusive and they later become profound enemies.[298]
While fascism is opposed to Bolshevism, both Bolshevism and fascism promote the bir partiyali davlat and the use of political party militsiyalar.[77] Fascists and communists also agree on the need for violent revolution to forge a new era, and they hold common positions in their opposition to liberalism, capitalism, individualism and parlamentarizm.[211]
Fascism denounces demokratik sotsializm as a failure.[299] Fascists see themselves as supporting a moral and spiritual renewal based on a warlike spirit of violence and heroism, and they condemn democratic socialism for advocating "humanistic lachrimosity" such as natural rights, justice, and equality.[300] Fascists also oppose democratic socialism for its support of islohotchilik va parlament tizimi that fascism rejects.[301]
Italian Fascism had ideological connections with revolutionary sindikalizm, jumladan Sorelian syndicalism.[302] Benito Mussolini mentioned revolutionary syndicalist Jorj Sorel -bilan birga Hubert Lagardelle and his journal Le Mouvement sotsialistik, which advocated a technocratic vision of society—as major influences on fascism.[303] Ga binoan Zeev Sternhell, Birinchi jahon urushi caused Italian revolutionary syndicalism to develop into a milliy sindikalizm reuniting all social classes, which later transitioned into Italian Fascism, such that "most syndicalist leaders were among the founders of the Fascist movement" and "many even held key posts" in the Italian Fascist regime by the mid-1920s.[300]
The Sorelian emphasis on the need for a revolution based upon action of intuition, a cult of energy and vitality, activism, heroism and the utilization of myth was utilized by fascists.[302] Many prominent fascist figures were formerly associated with revolutionary syndicalism, including Mussolini, Arturo Labriola, Robert Mishel, Serxio Panunzio va Paolo Orano.[304]
Shuningdek qarang
- Klerikal fashizm
- Fashizm ta'riflari
- "Fashizm haqidagi ta'limot "
- Fashizm iqtisodiyoti
- Falangizm
- Fassio
- Fashizm
- Fascist socialization
- Fashistik simvolizm
- Fascist Syndicalism
- Fashistik manifest
- Natsizm
- Neofashizm
- Neo-natsizm
- Ishlab chiqarish
- Squadrismo
- Sariq sotsializm
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- ^ a b Salvemini 1936 yil, p. 130.
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- ^ Peyn 1996 yil, p. 186.
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- ^ Toz, Odam, Yo'q qilish ish haqi: fashistlar iqtisodiyotini yaratish va buzish (Nyu-York: Viking, 2006), p. 101-114
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- ^ Vayss 1967 yil, p. 73.
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- ^ Endryu Vinsent. Zamonaviy siyosiy mafkuralar. (Blackwell Publishing, 2010) p. 161.
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- ^ Mann 2004 yil, p. 253-255.
- ^ Mann 2004 yil, p. 268-269.
- ^ Krampton, RJ, Yigirmanchi asrda Sharqiy Evropa (London, Angliya; Nyu-York: Routledge, 1994) p. 165.
- ^ Mann 2004 yil, p. 270.
- ^ a b v Blamires 2006 yil, p. 147.
- ^ Erin G. Karlston. Fashizmni o'ylash: sapfik modernizm va fashistik zamonaviylik. Stenford, Kaliforniya: Stenford universiteti matbuoti, 1998. Pp. 68.
- ^ a b Griffin 1991 yil, p. 49.
- ^ Pakton 2004 yil, p. 98.
- ^ Vudli 2010 yil, p. 89.
- ^ Blamires 2006 yil, p. 8.
- ^ Kevin Passmore. Fashizm: juda qisqa kirish. Nyu-York, Nyu-York, AQSh: Oksford universiteti matbuoti, 2002 yil.
- ^ Kevin Passmore, Fashizm: juda qisqa kirish, Oksford universiteti matbuoti, 2002. 6-bob.
- ^ Jon Vayss, "Fashistik an'ana: zamonaviy Evropada radikal o'ng ekstremizm". Harper va Row, 1967. 4-5 betlar
- ^ Vudli 2010 yil, p. 24.
- ^ Peyn 1996 yil, p. 16.
- ^ Blamires 2006 yil, p. 10.
- ^ Blamires 2006 yil, p. 560-561.
- ^ Blamires 2006 yil, p. 9.
- ^ Blamires 2006 yil, p. 10, 17.
- ^ Artur M. Shlezinger, kichik "O'ng emas, chap emas, balki hayotiy markaz", Nyu-York Tayms jurnali, (1948 yil 4-aprel)
- ^ Blamires 2006 yil, p. 200.
- ^ Blamires 2006 yil, p. 154.
- ^ Neocleous, Mark (1997) Fashizm. Minnesota universiteti matbuoti. 4-bob, 57-60 betlar ISBN 9780816630394
- ^ Blamires 2006 yil, p. 21.
- ^ a b Marvin Perri, Mirna Chayz, Margaret Jeykob, Jeyms R. Jeykob. G'arbiy tsivilizatsiya: g'oyalar, siyosat va jamiyat - 1600 yildan boshlab, 2-jild. 9-nashr Boston, Massaschussetts, AQSh: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company, 2009 Pp. 760.
- ^ a b v d Sternhell 1994 yil, p. 7.
- ^ "Fashizm haqidagi ta'limot ", Firenze: Vallecchi Editore (1935 versiya), 13-bet
- ^ Aleksandr J. De Grand, Fashistik Italiya va fashistlar Germaniyasi, Routledge, 1995. 47-bet
- ^ Lorna Vaddington, (2007) Gitlerning salib yurishi: bolshevizm va Xalqaro yahudiylarning fitnasi haqidagi afsona. I.B.Tauris. 17-bet.
- ^ Peyn 1996 yil, p. 224.
- ^ Peyn 1996 yil, p. 226.
- ^ a b Pakton 2004 yil, p. 19.
- ^ Blamires 2006 yil, p. 722.
- ^ a b v Evans 2005 yil, p. 484.
- ^ Gregor 1979 yil, p. 257.
- ^ Gregor 1979 yil, p. 259.
- ^ Gregor 1979 yil, p. 258-264.
- ^ a b Gregor 1979 yil, p. 263.
- ^ a b Kristofer Xibbert, Benito Mussolini: Tarjimai hol, Jeneva: Shveytsariya, Heron Books, 1962, p. 56
- ^ Gregor 1979 yil, p. 260.
- ^ a b v Evans 2005 yil, p. 489.
- ^ Evans 2005 yil, p. 485.
- ^ Martina Steber va Bernxard Gotto, Fashistlar Germaniyasidagi jamoatchilik qarashlari: ijtimoiy muhandislik va xususiy hayot, Oksford: Buyuk Britaniya, Oxford University Press, 2014, p. 92-93
- ^ Martina Steber va Bernxard Gotto, Fashistlar Germaniyasidagi jamoatchilik qarashlari: ijtimoiy muhandislik va xususiy hayot, Oksford: Buyuk Britaniya, Oxford University Press, 2014, p. 92-93
- ^ Martina Steber va Bernxard Gotto, Fashistlar Germaniyasidagi jamoatchilik qarashlari: ijtimoiy muhandislik va xususiy hayot, Oksford: Buyuk Britaniya, Oxford University Press, 2014, p. 93
- ^ Martina Steber va Bernxard Gotto, Fashistlar Germaniyasidagi jamoatchilik qarashlari: ijtimoiy muhandislik va xususiy hayot, Oksford: Buyuk Britaniya, Oxford University Press, 2014, p. 93
- ^ Maykl Geyer, Sheila Fitspatrik, Totalitarizmdan tashqari: stalinizm va natsizm taqqoslangan, Kembrij universiteti matbuoti, 2009, p. 147
- ^ Evans 2005 yil, p. 489-490.
- ^ a b v Blamires 2006 yil, p. 610.
- ^ Blamires 2006 yil, p. 57.
- ^ a b Blamires 2006 yil, p. 192.
- ^ Mark Neokleus, "Fashizm", Minnesota universiteti matbuoti, 1997, p. 40-41
- ^ Mark Neokleus, "Fashizm", Minnesota universiteti matbuoti, 1997, p. 42
- ^ Blamires 2006 yil, p. 95.
- ^ Blamires 2006 yil, p. 403.
- ^ Blamires 2006 yil, p. 143.
- ^ Genri A. Tyorner, "Germaniyaning yirik biznesi va Gitlerning ko'tarilishi", Oksford universiteti matbuoti, 1985. 77-bet
- ^ Karsten, Frensis Ludvig Fashizmning ko'tarilishi, 2-nashr. Kaliforniya universiteti matbuoti, 1982. p. 137. Iqtibos: Gitler, A., Sunday Express, 1930 yil 28 sentyabr.
- ^ Konrad Xayden, Milliy sotsializm tarixi, vol. 2, Nyu-York: NY, Rutledge, 2010, p. 85. Birinchi marta 1934 yilda nashr etilgan.
- ^ Peyn 1996 yil, p. 125.
- ^ Krankshu, Edvard (1970). Xrushchev eslaydi. p. 433.
- ^ a b Peyn 1996 yil, p. 124-128.
- ^ Sternhell 1994 yil, p. 34.
- ^ a b Sternhell 1994 yil, p. 33.
- ^ Sternhell 1994 yil, p. 35.
- ^ a b Miller, Devid va Janet Koulman, Blekuellning siyosiy fikrlar ensiklopediyasi, 10-nashr. (Malden, Massachusets; Oksford, Angliya; Karlton, Viktoriya, Avstraliya: Blackwell Publishing, 2004) p. 148.
- ^ Sternhell 1986 yil, p. 203.
- ^ Rojer Griffin, tahr., Zev Sternxillning "Fashizm", Xalqaro fashizm: nazariyalar, sabablar va yangi konsensus (London, Angliya; Nyu-York: Arnold Publishers, 1998) p. 32.
Umumiy bibliografiya
- Antliff, Mark (2007). Avangard fashizmi: Frantsiyada afsona, san'at va madaniyatni safarbar qilish, 1909–1939. Dyuk universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 9780822390473.
- Benderskiy, Jozef V. (2014). Fashistlar Germaniyasining qisqacha tarixi. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc. ISBN 9781442222694.
- Blamires, Kipriy; Jekson, Pol (2006). Jahon fashizmi: Tarixiy ensiklopediya, 1-jild. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1576079409.
- Borsella, Kristogianni (2007). Fashistik Italiya: qisqacha tarixiy hikoya. Branden kitoblari. ISBN 978-0828321556.
- De Felice, Renzo (1977). Fashizm talqinlari. Everett tomonidan tarjima qilingan, Brenda Xaf. Kembrij, London: Garvard universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 978-0-674-45962-5.
- Edvards, Katarin, ed. (1999). Rim ishtiroki: Rimning Evropa madaniyatidagi ziyofatlari, 1789-1945. Kembrij universiteti matbuoti.
- Gregor, Entoni Jeyms (1979). Italiya fashizmi va rivojlanish diktaturasi. Prinston universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 978-0691052861.
- Halperin, V. Uilyam (1964). Mussolini va italiyalik fashizm. Princeton, NJ: D. Van Nostrand kompaniyasi. ISBN 0442000677.
- Xyuz, Genri Styuart (1953). Qo'shma Shtatlar va Italiya. Kembrij, MA: Garvard universiteti matbuoti.
- Eatuell, Rojer (1996). Fashizm: tarix. Nyu-York: Allen Leyn. ISBN 9780713991475.
- Evans, Richard J. (2005). Hokimiyatdagi uchinchi reyx, 1933-1939 yillar. Nyu-York, NY: Penguen Press. ISBN 0713996498.
- Laqyur, Valter (1978). Fashizm: o'quvchi uchun qo'llanma: tahlillar, sharhlar, bibliografiya. Kaliforniya universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 978-0520036420.
- Mann, Maykl (2004). Fashistlar. Nyu-York: Kembrij universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 0521538556.
- Overy, Richard (1994). Uchinchi reyxdagi urush va iqtisod. Oksford universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 978-0198202905.
- Overy, Richard (2004). Diktatorlar: Gitler Germaniyasi va Stalin Rossiyasi. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0393020304.
- Pakton, Robert O. (2004). Fashizm anatomiyasi. Nyu-York, NY: tasodifiy uy. ISBN 1400040949.
- Peyn, Stenli G (1996). Fashizm tarixi, 1914-1945 yillar. Medison, WI: Viskonsin universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 9780299148737.
- Peyn, Stenli (1999). Ispaniyadagi fashizm: 1923-1977 yillar. Madison, Viskonsin: Viskonsin universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 0299165647.
- Salvemini, Gaetano (1936). Fashizm bolta ostida. V. Gollanchz, cheklangan.
- Smit, Denis Mak (1983). Mussolini. Nyu-York, NY: Amp kitoblar. ISBN 0394716582.
- Sternhell, Zeev (1986). Na o'ng va na chap: Frantsiyadagi fashistik mafkura. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. ISBN 9780691006291.
- Vayss, Jon (1967). Fashistik an'ana: zamonaviy Evropada radikal o'ng ekstremizm. Nyu-York, Evanston va London: Harper va Row. ISBN 0060469951.
- Viskemann, Yelizaveta. "Fashizmning kelib chiqishi" Bugungi tarix (Dekabr 1967) jild 17 12-son, 812-818-betlar. onlayn; 1908 yildan 1925 yilgacha o'z ichiga oladi.
- Woodley, Daniel (2010). Fashizm va siyosiy nazariya. Nyu-York, NY: Routledge. ISBN 978-0415473545.
Fashistik mafkura haqida bibliografiya
- De Felice, Renzo Fashizm: uning nazariyasi va amaliyotiga norasmiy kirish, Maykl Ledin bilan suhbat, Nyu-Brunsvik, NJ: Transaction Books, 1976 ISBN 978-0-87855-190-3.
- Lakyur, Valter. 1966. Fashizm: o'tmish, hozirgi, kelajak, Nyu-York: Oksford: Oksford universiteti matbuoti, 1996 y.
- Griffin, Rojer. 2000. "O'ngdan inqilob: fashizm", Devid Parkerning bobi (tahr.) G'arbda inqiloblar va inqilobiy an'analar 1560-1991, Routledge, London.
- Beyker, Devid, "Fashizmning siyosiy iqtisodiyoti: afsona yoki haqiqatmi yoki afsona va haqiqatmi?" Yangi siyosiy iqtisod, 11-jild, 2006 yil 2-iyun, 227-250-betlar
- Schapiro, J. Salvin. 1949. Liberalizm va fashizmning da'vati, Angliya va Frantsiyadagi ijtimoiy kuchlar (1815-1870). Nyu-York: McGraw-Hill.
- Laklau, Ernesto. 1977 yil. Marksistik nazariyadagi siyosat va mafkura: kapitalizm, fashizm, populizm. London: NLB / Atlantic Highlands Humanities Press.
- Sternhell, Zeev; Sznayder, Mario; Asheri, Maia (1994). Madaniy isyondan siyosiy inqilobgacha bo'lgan fashistik mafkuraning tug'ilishi. Maisei, David tomonidan tarjima qilingan. Prinston universiteti matbuoti.
- Fritscha, Piter. 1990 yil. Fashizm uchun tayyorgarlik: Veymar Germaniyasida populizm va siyosiy safarbarlik. Nyu-York: Oksford universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 978-0-19-505780-5
- G'ayriyahudiy, Emilio. 2002 yil. Fashizm. Storia ed interpretazione . "Roma-Bari": Juzeppe laterza va Figli.
Xalqaro fashizm haqida bibliografiya
- Coogan, Kevin. 1999. Kunning xayolparastlari: Frensis Parker Yoki va Urushdan keyingi fashistik xalqaro. Bruklin, N.Y .: Avtonomiya.
- Griffin, Rojer (1991). Fashizmning tabiati. Palgrave Makmillan. ISBN 978-0312071325.
- Ledin, Maykl. 1972. Umumjahon fashizm: 1928-1936 yillarda fashistik xalqaro nazariyasi va amaliyoti. Nyu-York: Fertig.
- Pakton, Robert O (2004). Fashizm anatomiyasi. Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 978-1-4000-4094-0.
- Veber, Evgen. [1964] 1982. Fashizmning turlari: yigirmanchi asrdagi inqilob doktrinalari, Nyu-York: Van Nostrand Reinhold kompaniyasi, (Turli mamlakatlardagi fashistik harakatlar boblarini o'z ichiga oladi.)
Qo'shimcha o'qish
- Seldes, Jorj. 1935. Yog'och qaysar: Mussolini va fashizmning aytilmagan tarixi. Nyu-York va London: Harper va birodarlar.
- Reyx, Vilgelm. 1970. Fashizmning ommaviy psixologiyasi. Nyu-York: Farrar, Straus va Jiroux.
- G'ayriyahudiy, Emilo (2003). Zamonaviylik uchun kurash: millatchilik, futurizm va fashizm. Praeger Publishers. ISBN 978-0-275-97692-7.
- Qora, Edvin. 2001. IBM va Holokost: fashistlar Germaniyasi va Amerikaning eng kuchli korporatsiyasi o'rtasidagi strategik ittifoq Toj. ISBN 978-0-609-60799-2
Tashqi havolalar
- Benito Mussolini tomonidan imzolangan fashizm doktrinasi (to'liq matn)
- Mussolinining "Fashizmning siyosiy va ijtimoiy doktrinasi" ning vakolatli tarjimasi (1933)
- Fashizmning siyosiy iqtisodiyoti - Deyv Rentonning antifashistik veb-saytidan
- Fashizm va sionizm - Xagshama bo'limidan - Butunjahon sionistik tashkilot
- Fashizm I qism - Fashizm va antisemitizmni tushunish
- Abadiy fashizm: qora ko'ylakka qarashning o'n to'rt usuli - Umberto Eko Dastlab 1995 yilda nashr etilgan fashizmning 14 ta xususiyatlaridan iborat ro'yxat.
- Italiya fashistik partiyasining sayti Italiya va nemis tillari
- Yunonistondagi fashizm davriga bag'ishlangan sayt (1936-1941)
- Papa qomusi matni Quadragesimo Anno.
- "Alles" foydasi! Amerika korporatsiyalari va Gitler Jak R. Pauvels tomonidan
