Vendell Uilki - Wendell Willkie

Vendell Uilki
Tug'ilgan	Lyuis Vendell Uilki (1892-02-18)1892 yil 18-fevral Elvud, Indiana, BIZ.
O'ldi	1944 yil 8 oktyabr(1944-10-08) (52 yoshda) Nyu-York shahri, BIZ.
Ta'lim	Bloomington, Indiana universiteti (BA, LLB )
Siyosiy partiya	Demokratik (1939 yilgacha) Respublika (1939–1944)
Turmush o'rtoqlar	Edit Uilk ​ (m. 1918)​
Bolalar	Filipp
Imzo

Vendell Lyuis Uilki (tug'ilgan Lyuis Vendell Uilki; 1892 yil 18 fevral - 1944 yil 8 oktyabr) - amerikalik yurist, korporativ ijrochi va 1940 yil Respublika nomzod Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Prezidenti. Uillki ko'pchilikka murojaat qildi anjuman Respublikachilar uchun yagona bo'lgan delegatlar aralashuvchi: garchi AQSh betaraf qoldi gacha Pearl Harbor, u AQShning ko'proq ishtirok etishini ma'qulladi Ikkinchi jahon urushi Britaniyani va boshqalarni qo'llab-quvvatlash Ittifoqchilar. Uning Demokratik raqib, amaldagi Prezident Franklin D. Ruzvelt, g'olib bo'ldi 1940 yilgi saylov taxminan 55% ovoz bilan va ovoz oldi saylovchilar kolleji katta farq bilan ovoz berish.

Uillki 1892 yilda Indiana shtatining Elvud shahrida tug'ilgan; uning ota-onasi ham huquqshunos bo'lgan va u ham bitta bo'ldi. U xizmat qilgan Birinchi jahon urushi ammo urushning so'nggi kunlariga qadar Frantsiyaga jo'natilmadi va hech qanday harakat ko'rmadi. Uillki joylashdi Akron, Ogayo shtati, u dastlab u tomonidan ishlagan Firestone, ammo Akron Advokatlar Assotsiatsiyasi rahbarlaridan biriga aylanib, yuridik firmaga jo'nab ketdi. Uning ishlarining aksariyati vakili edi elektr tarmoqlari 1929 yilda Uilki Nyu-York shahrida maslahat sifatida ish qabul qildi Hamdo'stlik va Janubiy korporatsiya (C&S) kommunal xolding kompaniyasi. U tez ko'tarildi va 1933 yilda korporativ prezident bo'ldi. Ruzvelt Uillki C&S rahbari bo'lganidan ko'p o'tmay AQSh prezidenti sifatida qasamyod qildi va o'z rejalarini e'lon qildi Tennessi vodiysi ma'muriyati C&S bilan raqobatlashadigan quvvatni ta'minlaydigan (TVA). 1933-1939 yillarda Uilki Kongressgacha, sudlarda va jamoatchilik oldida TVAga qarshi kurashgan. U oxir-oqibat muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'ldi, ammo C & S mulkini yaxshi narxga sotdi va jamoatchilikning obro'siga sazovor bo'ldi.

Uzoq yillik demokrat faol Uillki 1939 yil oxirida partiyasini ro'yxatdan o'tkazishni Respublikachilar partiyasiga o'zgartirdi 1940 yilgi prezidentlik saylovlari, lekin o'zini tiqilib qolgan anjuman uchun maqbul tanlov sifatida ko'rsatdi. U nomaqbul delegatlardan yordam so'radi, uning tarafdorlari - ko'plab yoshlar - uning nomzodini g'ayrat bilan targ'ib qilishdi. Nemis kuchlari oldinga siljish bilan g'arbiy Evropa orqali 1940 yilda ko'plab respublikachilar singari izolyatsionistni nomzod qilishni xohlamadilar Tomas E. Devi va Ogayo shtatining senatori ustidan oltinchi ovoz berishda nomzod qilib qo'yilgan Uillki tomon burildi Robert A. Taft. Uillki Britaniyaga yordamni uni Ruzveltga qarshi kurashda asosiy omil sifatida olib tashladi va Uillki ham prezidentni qo'llab-quvvatladi tinchlik vaqtidagi qoralama. Ikkala erkak ham poyga oxiriga kelib ko'proq izolyatsion pozitsiyalarni egallashdi. Ruzvelt misli ko'rilmagan uchinchi davrni qo'lga kiritdi va 48 shtatdan 38 tasini oldi.

Saylovdan so'ng Uillki urush davrida Ruzveltning norasmiy elchisi sifatida ikki marta chet el safarlarini amalga oshirdi va Respublikachilar partiyasining nomzodi sifatida prezidentni har tomonlama qo'llab-quvvatladi. Bu ko'plab konservatorlarning g'azabini qo'zg'atdi, ayniqsa Willki tobora liberal yoki internatsionalist sabablari. Uillki 1944 yilda respublikachilar nomzodiga da'vogarlik qildi, ammo aprel oyida Viskonsin shtatidagi dastlabki saylovlarda halokatli namoyishdan so'ng bosh egdi. U va Ruzvelt urushdan so'ng liberal siyosiy partiya tuzish imkoniyatlarini muhokama qilishdi, ammo Uillki 1944 yil oktyabr oyida g'oya o'z samarasini bermasdan vafot etdi. Uillki Ruzveltga 1941 yilda prezidentning o'tishiga yordam bergan hayotiy siyosiy yordam bergani bilan yodda qoldi Qarz berish yordam berish Birlashgan Qirollik va boshqalar Ittifoqdosh xalqlar.

Yoshlar, ta'lim va Birinchi Jahon urushi xizmati

Lyuis Vendell Uillki tug'ilgan Elvud, Indiana, 1892 yil 18-fevralda Henrietta (Trisch) va Herman Frensis Uillki o'g'li.^[1] Uning ikkala ota-onasi ham advokat bo'lgan, onasi Indiana shtatiga qabul qilingan birinchi ayollardan biri.^[2] Uning otasi tug'ilgan Germaniya va uning onasi Indiana shtatida tug'ilgan Nemis ota-onalari; uning bobosi va buvisi muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchragan Germaniyadagi 1848 yilgi inqiloblar. Trisches dastlab joylashdilar Kanzas o'lkasi ammo, ular kabi bekor qiluvchilar hududidan keyin Indiana shtatiga ko'chib o'tdi qullikka ochildi 1850 yillarning o'rtalarida. Uillki oltita farzandning to'rtinchisi edi, ularning hammasi aqlli edi va kechki dasturxon atrofida kechki bahslar davomida unga yaxshi xizmat qiladigan ko'nikmalarni o'rgandi.^[3]

Lyuisning ismi berilgan bo'lsa-da, Uillki bolaligidan o'rta ismi bilan tanilgan.^[4] Kelgan Xerman Uilki Prussiya to'rt yoshida ota-onasi bilan, ilg'or siyosat bilan qattiq shug'ullangan va 1896 yilda o'g'illarini Demokratik prezidentlikka nomzod uchun mash'alalar kortejiga olib borgan. Uilyam Jennings Bryan davomida Elvudga kelgan uning kampaniyasi. Uillki o'g'illari respublika yoshlari bilan trotuarda kurash olib borishdi va Uilki o'z jangida g'alaba qozongan bo'lsa-da, Brayan mag'lub bo'lmadi Ogayo shtati hokim Uilyam Makkinli. 1900 yilda Bryan yana yugurib chiqqanida, u Uillki uyida tunab qoldi va Demokratik partiyadan prezidentlikka nomzod keyinchalik ushbu idorani qidiradigan bola uchun birinchi siyosiy qahramon bo'ldi.^[5]

Uillki 14 yoshga to'lganida va Elvud o'rta maktabiga o'qishga kirganida, uning ota-onasi intizomning yo'qligi va bir oz egilib qolishidan xavotirda edilar va uni uni Kalver harbiy akademiyasi ikkalasini ham tuzatish uchun yoz uchun. Uillki o'rta maktabda talaba bo'lib porlay boshladi, ingliz tili o'qituvchisidan ilhomlangan; sinfdoshlaridan biri Filip "Pat" Bing "bu bolani tuzatganini aytdi. U Vendellga ishga kirish uchun va'z qila boshladi va u bola shaharga ketdi".^[6] Sportchi birodarlar to'plamiga duch kelishdi -Edvard Olimpiya kurashchisiga aylandi - Uilki futbol jamoasiga qo'shildi, ammo unchalik muvaffaqiyatga erishmadi; u munozarali jamoadan ko'proq zavq oldi, ammo o'qituvchilar bilan janjallashgani uchun bir necha bor intizomiy javobgarlikka tortildi. U edi sinf prezidenti uning so'nggi yili va eng taniqli birodarlikning prezidenti, ammo oxirgi paytlarda sorority iste'foga chiqdi qora to'plangan uning qiz do'sti Gvinet Garri, muhojirlarning qizi sifatida.^[6]

Uillki o'rta maktabdan yozgi ta'til paytida u ko'pincha uydan uzoqda ishlagan. 1909 yilda, 17 yoshida, uni sayohati olib bordi Aberdin, Janubiy Dakota, u erda u idishlarni yuvish mashinasidan a-ning egasiga aylandi flophouse, ga Yellowstone milliy bog'i, u erda u sayyohni chizayotgan otlarni boshqarish imkoniyatini yo'qotib qo'yganidan keyin ishdan bo'shatilgan stagecoach. Elvudga qaytib, Herman Uillki mahalliy ishchilarning ishchilarini himoya qildi qalay plastinka zavodi va avgust oyida liberal advokat olish uchun Vendell bilan Chikagoga yo'l oldi Klarens Darrou vakillikni o'z zimmasiga olish. Ular Darrou tayyorligini, ammo ittifoqning uchrashishi uchun juda yuqori narxni topdilar; Darrou Wendell Willkiega: "Siz chuqur ishongan sababni himoya qilganingiz uchun etarlicha tovon to'lashda axloqsiz narsa yo'q", dedi.^[7]

1910 yil yanvar oyida Elvud Xayni tugatgandan so'ng, Uillki ro'yxatdan o'tdi Indiana universiteti yilda Bloomington.^[8] U erda u talaba qo'zg'oloniga aylandi, tamaki chaynash, o'qish Marks va fakultetga kursni qo'shish to'g'risida iltimosnoma sotsializm o'quv dasturiga.^[9] U, shuningdek, o'zini kampus siyosati bilan shug'ullangan va kelajakdagi Indiana gubernatori kampaniyasini muvaffaqiyatli boshqargan Pol Maknut talabalar idorasi uchun, lekin Uillki o'zini o'zi boshqarganida, u mag'lubiyatga uchradi. U 1913 yil iyun oyida bitirgan va yuridik fakultetiga pul ishlash uchun o'rta maktab tarixidan dars bergan Coffeyville, Kanzas, murabbiylar munozarachilari va bir nechta sport jamoalari. 1914 yil noyabrda u o'sha erda ishini tark etdi laboratoriya yordamchi Puerto-Riko uning ukasi Fred tomonidan tashkil etilgan. Uendell Uillki ijtimoiy adolatga sodiqligini u erda suiiste'mol qilingan ishchilarni ko'rish chuqurlashtirdi.^[10]

Uillki ro'yxatdan o'tgan Indiana huquqshunoslik maktabi 1915 yil oxirlarida. U eng yaxshi talaba bo'lgan va 1916 yilda yuqori baho bilan tugatgan boshlanish marosimi, bilan davlat oliy sudi hozirgi paytda u maktabini tanqid qilib, provokatsion nutq so'zladi. Fakultet uning ilmiy darajasini ushlab qoldi, ammo ikki kunlik qizg'in bahs-munozaralardan so'ng uni berdi.^[11] Uillki ota-onasining yuridik firmasiga qo'shildi, ammo ko'ngilli sifatida Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari armiyasi 1917 yil 2 aprelda, Prezident kuni Vudro Uilson Kongressdan a Germaniyaga qarshi urush e'lon qilish. Armiya kotibi o'zining birinchi ikkita ismini ko'chirib yubordi; Uillki byurokratiyani to'g'irlash uchun vaqt sarflashni xohlamaganligi sababli, u o'z ismini Vendell Lyuis Uilki deb saqlab qoldi. Birinchi leytenant lavozimida ishlagan Uillki artilleriya mashg'ulotlariga yuborilgan, ya'ni u 1918 yil sentyabrgacha Frantsiyaga yo'l olmagan. O'sha yilning yanvarida u kutubxonachi Edit Uilkka uylangan. Rushvill, Indiana; er-xotinning bitta o'g'li bor edi, Filipp. Urush Uillki frontga etib borguncha tugadi va u vaqtini Parijda buyruqlardan uzoqlashib ketgan askarlarni himoya qilish bilan o'tkazdi. U kapitan lavozimiga ko'tarilish uchun tavsiya etilgan, ammo 1919 yil boshida hujjatlarni rasmiylashtirishdan oldin ishdan bo'shatilgan.^[2][12]

Advokat va ijroiya (1919–39)

Akron advokati va faol

Armiyadan bo'shatilgan Uillki Elvudga qaytib keldi. U Kongressga nomzodni demokrat deb bilgan, ammo okrug shu qadar respublikachiligidan, agar u g'olib chiqsa ham, bu joyni saqlab qolishi ehtimoldan yiroq emasligi va uning imkoniyatlari ko'proq shahar sharoitida yaxshiroq bo'lishi mumkinligi haqida maslahat berilgan. Herman Uillki Vendell va Robertni oilaviy yuridik firmasiga qayta a'zo bo'lishlarini xohlar edi, ammo Elriudagi imkoniyatlar uning o'g'illari uchun juda cheklangan deb hisoblagan Henrietta qarshi edi. U o'z yo'lini tutdi va 1919 yil may oyida Vendell Uilki ish bilan ishlash uchun muvaffaqiyatli murojaat qildi Firestone shinalari va rezina kompaniyasi yilda Akron, Ogayo shtati ishchilarga vasiyatnomalar va boshqa shaxsiy masalalar bo'yicha maslahat beradigan yuridik ofis rahbari sifatida. Tez orada u zerikib qoldi va rafiqasining maslahati bilan taklifiga qaramay advokatlik firmasiga jo'nab ketdi Xarvi Firestone ish haqini ikki baravar oshirish. Fayrstoun ketayotgan advokatga u hech qachon hech narsa qilmasligini aytdi, chunki u demokrat edi.^[13]

Uillki Akron Demokratik partiyasida faol bo'lib, Firestone bilan birga Demokratik prezidentlikka nomzod, Ogayo shtati gubernatorini tanishtirish uchun etarlicha taniqli bo'ldi. Jeyms M. Koks, 1920 yilgi kampaniya paytida shaharga kelganida. U delegat edi 1924 yilgi Demokratik milliy konventsiya va Nyu-York gubernatorini qo'llab-quvvatladi Al Smit rekord 103 saylov byulleteni orqali, nomzod sobiq G'arbiy Virjiniya kongressmeniga tushganda Jon V. Devis. Willkie uchun eng muhimi, qarshi kurash edi Ku-kluks-klan xalqning aksariyat qismida va Demokratik partiyada qudratga ega bo'lgan, ammo u va boshqa delegatlar taxta tarkibiga kiritishga urinishlarida muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lishdi. partiya platformasi klanni qoralash. U shuningdek, qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan taklif qilingan taxtani qo'llab-quvvatladi Millatlar Ligasi bu oxir-oqibat muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi. 1925 yilda Uillki Akron maktab kengashida Klan a'zolarini haydash uchun muvaffaqiyatli harakatlarni olib bordi.^[14]

1920 yilda Firestone-ni tark etganidan so'ng, Uilki Akronning etakchi Mather & Nesbitt yuridik firmasiga qo'shildi. kommunal xizmatlar. Garchi u tezda etakchi sud advokati sifatida obro'-e'tibor qozongan bo'lsa-da, u kommunal ishlarni sudgacha taqdim etgani bilan ajralib turardi Ogayo shtati kommunal xizmatlar komissiyasi. 1925 yilda u prezident bo'ldi Akron advokatlar assotsiatsiyasi. Willkie kompaniyasining mijozlaridan biri Ogayo shtati Power & Light kompaniyasiga Nyu-Yorkda tegishli bo'lgan Hamdo'stlik va Janubiy korporatsiya (C&S), uning raisi B.C. Kobb, uni payqadi. Kobb Uillki firmasining katta sherigiga shunday deb yozgan edi: "Menimcha, u keluvchidir va biz uni kuzatib turishimiz kerak".^[15] 1929 yilda Cobb Willkie'ga Nyu-Yorkka ko'chib o'tishni o'z ichiga oladigan C&S kompaniyasining korporativ maslahatchisi bo'lish uchun 36000 dollar maosh taklif qildi va Uillki qabul qildi.^[15]

Hamdo'stlik va Janubiy ijroiya

Vendell va Edit Uillki Nyu-Yorkka 1929 yil oktyabrda, faqat bir necha hafta oldin ko'chib ketishgan 1929 yildagi Wall Street halokati va qaragan kvartirani topdi Markaziy Park. Dastlab katta shaharning kattaligi va noma'lumligidan qo'rqqan Vendell Uilki tez orada uni sevishni o'rgandi. U ishtirok etdi Broadway teatri va har kuni o'nta gazetani o'qing.^[16] Uillki va uning rafiqasi o'rtasida umuman o'xshash bo'lmagan va 1930-yillarda bir-biridan ajralgan.^[17] U ijtimoiy hayotga ega bo'ldi va uchrashdi Irita Van Doren, kitoblarning sharh muharriri New York Herald Tribune do'st bo'lib, keyinchalik uning sevgilisiga aylandi.^[2] Madaniyatli, yorqin va yaxshi aloqada bo'lgan Van Doren uni yangi kitoblar, yangi g'oyalar va yangi do'stlar doiralari bilan tanishtirdi. Van Dorendan farqli o'laroq, Uilki ularning munosabatlari haqida beparvo edi va ularning ishi 1940 yilgi prezidentlik kampaniyasi paytida uni yoritgan jurnalistlarga yaxshi ma'lum edi. Ularning birortasi ham so'z bosmagan.^[18]

C&S-da Uillki Kobbning nazorati ostida tezda ko'tarilib, ustunlarini hayratga soldi. Uning ishlarining katta qismi Nyu-York shahridan tashqarida edi; Willkie muhim ishlarni sinab ko'rish yoki mayorni tayyorlashda yordam berish uchun olib kelingan yuridik ma'lumot. Elektr energiyasini uzatish sohasida kashshof bo'lgan Cobb 1929 yilda 165 ta kommunal xizmatlarning birlashishiga rahbarlik qilgan, bu C&S kompaniyasini mamlakatdagi eng yirik elektr ta'minoti xoldingiga aylantirgan. U Willkie-ni 50 dan ortiq kichik menejerlarni targ'ib qildi va yosh odamni uning o'rnini egalladi. 1933 yil yanvar oyida Uillki C&S kompaniyasining prezidenti bo'ldi.^[19]

Uillki siyosatga bo'lgan qiziqishini saqlab qoldi va unga delegat bo'ldi 1932 yil Demokratlarning milliy qurultoyi. Amaldagi respublikachi prezidentdan beri, Gerbert Guver, keng ayblandi depressiya fond bozoridagi qulashni kuzatgan holda, nomzod prezident bo'lish uchun yaxshi imkoniyatga ega bo'lar edi. Asosiy nomzodlar Smit (1928 yil nomzod), Nyu-York gubernatori sifatida Smitning vorisi, Franklin D. Ruzvelt, Palata spikeri Jon Nans Garner va avvalgi Urush kotibi Nyuton D. Beyker nominatsiyani qidirdi. Uillki Beykerni qo'llab-quvvatladi va uning kampaniyasi uchun qavat menejerining yordamchisi edi. Demokratlar partiyasidan prezidentlikka nomzodni qo'lga kiritish uchun uchdan ikki qism ko'pchilik ovozi bilan, Uillki va boshqalar qurultoyni Beykerga murojaat qiladi degan umidda blokirovka qilishga urinishdi. Ruzvelt to'xtab qolgan taqdirda o'z ovozlarini Beykerga berishga tayyor edi, ammo bu sodir bo'lmadi, chunki to'rtinchi ovoz berish bo'yicha gubernator Ruzvelt ushbu nomzodga sazovor bo'ldi. Uillki, ko'ngli qolgan bo'lsa ham, Ruzveltni qo'llab-quvvatladi va muvaffaqiyatli kampaniyasi uchun 150 dollar xayriya qildi.^[20]

TVA jangi

Prezident Ruzvelt ish boshlaganidan ko'p o'tmay, qonunlarni yaratish to'g'risida taklif qildi Tennessi vodiysi ma'muriyati (TVA), olib kelishga va'da bergan uzoq ta'sirga ega bo'lgan davlat idorasi toshqinlarni nazorat qilish qashshoqlarga arzon elektr energiyasi Tennessi vodiysi. Shu bilan birga, TVA ushbu hududdagi mavjud bo'lgan xususiy energiya kompaniyalari, shu jumladan C&S filiallari bilan raqobatlashadi. Uillki 1933 yil 14-aprelda Vakillar palatasining Harbiy ishlar bo'yicha qo'mitasi oldida paydo bo'ldi. U Tennesi vodiysini rivojlantirish g'oyalarini ma'qulladi, ammo hukumatning vazifasi to'g'onlar tomonidan ishlab chiqarilgan quvvatni sotish bilan cheklanishi kerak deb hisobladi. Vakillar Palatasi TVA vakolatlarini cheklaydigan qonun loyihasini qabul qilgan bo'lsa-da, Senat qarama-qarshi pozitsiyani egalladi va oxirgi pozitsiya ustun keldi.^[21][22]

Uilki (to'g'ri) va David E. Lilienthal

Muzokaralar 1933 yilning oxirigacha C&S uchun aktivlarni, shu jumladan elektr uzatish liniyasini sotish bo'yicha TVA-ga chakana xaridorlarga energiya tarqatish imkoniyatini berish bo'yicha muzokaralar olib bordi va 1934 yil 4-yanvarda kelishuvga erishildi.^[21] TVA rahbari Devid Liliental Uilki uni "biroz hayratda qoldirgan" va "juda qattiq qo'rqib ketgan" holda qoldirganidan taassurot qoldirdi.^[23] C&S kompaniyasi o'zining ba'zi mulklarini Tennessi vodiysining bir qismida sotishga rozi bo'ldi va hukumat TVA ko'plab sohalarda C&S bilan raqobatlashmasligiga rozi bo'ldi. 1934 yil oktyabr oyida C&S sho'ba korxonasi tomonidan chiqarilgan qimmatli qog'ozlar egalari ushbu o'tkazmani blokirovka qilish to'g'risida da'vo arizasi berishdi. Uillki g'azab bilan sud jarayonini qo'zg'atganini rad etdi, ammo da'vogarlarning maslahati keyinchalik sud tomonidan to'langanligi isbotlandi. Edison elektr instituti, Uillki kengash a'zosi bo'lgan. Uillki, agar TVA eksperimenti davom etsa va Ruzvelt agentlikni maqtab nutq so'zlaganida, uni rad etgan bayonot bilan chiqsa, Nyu-York poytaxti Tennessidan qochib qutulishi mumkinligidan ogohlantirdi. 1934 yilga kelib Uillki xususiy elektr energetikasi sohasi vakili bo'ldi.^[24]

Ushbu keskinlik o'rtasida Uillki va Ruzvelt birinchi marta 1934 yil 13-dekabrda Oq uyda uchrashdilar. Uchrashuv tashqi tomondan samimiy bo'lib o'tdi, ammo har bir kishi sodir bo'lgan voqeani o'z versiyasini aytib berdi: prezident Uillki bilan gaplashib olgani bilan maqtandi. ijro etuvchi rafiqasiga yaqinda taniqli telegrammani yubordi: "CHARM OVERAD ... Men unga Undan nima deb o'ylayotganingizni aytdim"^[24] Ruzvelt 1935 yilda aytganidek, kommunal xolding kompaniyalarini tarqatib yuborish kerak deb qaror qildi Ittifoq manzili va yanvar oyida Willkie bilan uchrashib, unga niyati to'g'risida xabar berdi.^[25] Bu orada kompaniyalar TVA-ni sabotaj qilish uchun qo'llaridan kelgan barcha ishni qildilar; Fermerlarga korporativ vakillar yangi yo'nalishlarni aytishdi Norris to'g'oni lampochkaning porlashi uchun etarli quvvatni ko'tarolmadi va kompaniya keng maydonlarda raqobatbardosh bo'lmagan bitimni imzolash uchun hatto kuch sarf qilmasligi mumkin bo'lgan "shafqatsiz chiziqlar" ni boshqargan.^[26]

Uillki Kongress qo'mitasi oldida guvohlik berdi, 1939 yil

1935 yilga kelib, tarqalish to'g'risidagi qonunchilik Kongressga va sud orqali sud jarayonlariga olib borilganda, Uillki sanoatning bosh vakili va lobbisti edi. Senat parchalanish to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasini ozgina qabul qilganida, Uilki bir necha marotaba nutq so'zlab, jamoatchilikdan qonunchilikka qarshi chiqishni iltimos qildi va kongressmenlarga maktublar bo'roni keldi. Vakillar Palatasi parchalanish to'g'risidagi bandni mag'lubiyatga uchratgandan so'ng, tergov shuni ko'rsatdiki, ushbu kommunikatsiyalarning aksariyati elektr kompaniyalari tomonidan moliyalashtirilib, imzolangan. telefon kitobi Garchi Willkie aloqador bo'lmagan bo'lsa ham. Xalqning g'azabi ostida Ruzvelt Kongressni bosib o'tishga majbur qildi qonun loyihasi ajralishni uch yil ichida amalga oshirishni talab qiladi.^[27]

1936 yil sentyabrda Ruzvelt va Uillki yana Oq uyda uchrashdilar va sulh tuzildi, chunki har ikki tomon ham Ruzvelt respublikachi, Kanzas gubernatori etib qayta saylanishini kutmoqdalar. Alf Landon. Landonga ovoz bergan Uillki respublikachidan kichik g'alabani kutgan edi, ammo Ruzvelt katta miqdordagi ko'chkini yutdi, chunki Landon faqat Meyn va Vermontda g'olib bo'ldi.^[28] Dekabr oyida federal okrug sudi sudyasi C&S kompaniyalariga TVA-ga qarshi buyruq berdi va sud jarayoni davom etar ekan, Ruzvelt buyrug'i bilan muzokaralar to'xtatildi. Uilki o'z ishini odamlarga etkazdi, yirik nashrlar uchun ustunlar yozdi va shu bilan kelishuv shartlarini taklif qildi The New York Times "oqilona va realistik" deb ta'riflangan.^[29] U qulay matbuotni va ko'plab takliflarni oldi.^[30]

1938 yil yanvar oyidagi Oliy sudning qarori Alabama Power Co. va Ickes, 1934 yilgi ishni hal qilish va apellyatsiya sudi tomonidan buyruqni bekor qilish, tomonlarni yana muzokara stoliga yubordi.^[31] Uillki jamoatchilik bosimini ushlab turdi: aksariyat korporativ rahbarlar singari u ham Ruzveltnikiga qarshi gapirmagan edi Yangi bitim siyosat, ammo yanvar oyida radio munozarada kommunal xizmatlarga qarshi siyosat aktsiyalar narxlarini tushkunlikka solayotgani va Amerikaning tiklanishiga yordam beradigan sarmoyalarni jalb qilishni qiyinlashtirayotgani aytilgan. "Bir necha yillardan buyon biz Vashingtonda lavozimni egallab turgan erkaklar o'z mavqelariga ko'ra alohida fazilat bilan ta'minlanganligini aytib, yotishdan oldin ertak tinglaymiz."^[32] Shanba kuni kechki xabar Uillki "qayta suhbatlashgan odam" deb nomlangan.^[32]

Willkie va Lilienthal bir yil davomida muzokaralar olib borishdi, Uillki Tennessi vodiysi va uning atrofidagi C & S-ning mulklari uchun 88 million dollar, TVA esa 55 million dollar taklif qildi. 1939 yil yanvar, Oliy suddagi C&S uchun qonuniy mag'lubiyatdan so'ng, muzokaralar tezligi tezlashdi va 1939 yil 1 fevralda C&S aktivlarini TVAga 78,6 million dollarga sotdi. Qimmatli qog'ozlar va birja komissiyasi rais Uilyam O. Duglas Uillki Lilientalni mag'lubiyatga uchratdi deb hisobladi. Sudlarda mag'lubiyatga uchragan bo'lsa-da, Uillki o'z aktsiyadorlari uchun og'ir savdolashishni boshlaganligi uchun milliy qadr-qimmatga ega edi,^[33] va ba'zilar tomonidan 1940 yilda prezidentlikka potentsial nomzod sifatida ko'rilgan.^[32]

1940 yilgi prezident saylovi

To'q otga nomzod

The 1940 yilgi prezidentlik kampaniyasi fonida o'tkazildi Ikkinchi jahon urushi. Qo'shma Shtatlar betaraf bo'lib qolgan bo'lsa-da, xalq va ayniqsa Respublikachilar partiyasi o'rtasida chuqur bo'linish mavjud edi izolyatsionistlar, millatni Amerikani urushga olib kelishi mumkin bo'lgan har qanday qadamlardan qochish kerakligini his qilgan va aralashuvchilar, Amerikaning omon qolishi yordam berishga bog'liq deb hisoblagan Ittifoqchilar mag'lubiyat Natsistlar Germaniyasi. 1940 yilgi respublikachilar nomzodiga uchta etakchi nomzodlarning barchasi turli darajadagi izolyatorlar edi: senatorlar Robert A. Taft Ogayo shtati va Artur Vandenberg Michigan shtati va Tomas E. Devi, yosh (atigi 38 yoshda), "gangbusting" Manxetten Tuman prokurori. 1936 yilgi ko'chkidan keyin Ruzveltning mashhurligi pasaygan, ammo ko'pchilik hali ham uni misli ko'rilmagan uchinchi muddatga saylanishiga umid qilishgan. U uzoq vaqtdan beri o'ylar edi, lekin hech qanday e'lon qilmadi. Ruzveltning bu borada qaror qabul qilishi noaniq: 1940 yilning aprelida u nafaqaga chiqishni o'ylagan bo'lishi mumkin. Agar u chetga chiqsa, mumkin bo'lgan nomzodlar orasida vitse-prezident Garner ham bor edi, Davlat kotibi Kordell Xall va Pochta mudiri Jeyms A. Farli.^[34]

Willkie muqovasida Vaqt jurnal, 1939 yil 31-iyul

Ruzvelt uchinchi muddatni izlamaydi degan taxmin bilan, Uillki 1937 yildayoq Demokratik prezidentlikka nomzod sifatida tilga olingan edi. U 1938 yil 3-yanvar kuni bahslashganda o'z zaxirasini ancha ko'targan. Bosh prokurorning yordamchisi Robert H. Jekson radio-shouda, Havoning shahar uchrashuvi. Bahs mavzusi davlat va xususiy sektor hamkorligi bo'lganligi sababli, Uilki yuragi bor ishbilarmon sifatida duch keldi, Jekson esa xira bo'lib ko'rindi. Willkie uchun ijobiy matbuot zikri 1938 yilgacha va 1939 yilgacha davom etdi va ijobiy qopqoq hikoyasi bilan yakunlandi. Vaqt jurnal 1939 yil iyulda.^[35] Uillki dastlab uni prezidentlikka nomzodini ko'rsatishga undagan ko'plab maktublarni rad etdi, ammo tez orada fikridan qaytdi. Van Doren Uillki prezident bo'lishi mumkin deb o'ylardi va uning aloqalarini ishontirish uchun ishlagan. Dam olish kunlari Willkies-ni o'tkazgandan so'ng, Baxt jurnal boshqarish muharriri Rassel Davenport Vendell Uilki prezidentlik yog'ochiga ega ekanligiga ishonch hosil qildi; u jurnalning 1940 yil aprel oyidagi sonini Uilki uchun bag'ishlagan va keyinchalik uning saylov kampaniyasining menejeri bo'lib ishlagan. Ushbu sonda Uillki "Biz odamlar: tiklanish uchun siyosiy platforma uchun poydevor" nomli maqola yozib, ikkala yirik partiyani ham partiyalarining platformalaridan biznesga qarshi siyosatni chetlab o'tishga, shaxsiy huquqlarini himoya qilishga va tashqi tajovuzga qarshi turishga chaqirdi. savdo. Ushbu asar uning olqishiga sazovor bo'ldi va matbuot tarafdorlari.^[36]

Uillki Ruzveltning uchinchi muddatga saylanishiga va Oq uyga boradigan yo'lining respublikachilar partiyasi orqali o'tishiga hech qachon shubha qilmagan.^[37] 1939 yil oxirida u ro'yxatdan o'tishni Demokratikdan Respublikachilikka o'zgartirdi va 1940 yil boshida unga taqdim etilsa, respublikachilar nomzodini qabul qilishini e'lon qildi.^[38] U o'zining sodiqligini Ruzvelt siyosatiga qarshi biznes deb bilgan siyosat bilan bog'ladi.^[39] U 1936 yilda Landonga ovoz bergan edi, dedi u va demokratlar endi u ilgari surgan qadriyatlarni namoyish etmayotganini his qildi. Keyinchalik u buni ta'riflaganidek: "Men partiyamni tark etganim yo'q. Partiyam meni tark etdi".^[40]

1939 yil sentyabr oyida urush boshlanishi ko'plab amerikaliklarni xavotirga solgan, ammo ko'pchilik AQSh aralashmasligi kerak deb o'ylagan. Uillki Amerikaga tahdid va Buyuk Britaniya va boshqa ittifoqchilarga yordam berish zarurligi to'g'risida tez-tez gapirardi. Uillki biografi Stiv Nilning ta'kidlashicha, urush "Uilkieni Yangi bitimni tanqid qiladigan yirik biznes tanqidchisidan ozodlik chempioniga aylantirdi. Va bu uning nomzodiga yangi maqsad berdi".^[41] Uillki haqida suhbatlashganiga qaramay, uning nomzodlikka intilish ehtimoliga shubha bilan qaraydiganlar ko'p edi.^[42] Kennet F. Simpson, Respublika milliy qo'mondoni Nyu-Yorkdan, dastlab Willkie g'oyasini bema'ni deb o'ylardi.^[42] Indiana senatori Jeyms Eli Uotson "shahar fohishasi" cherkovga qo'shilishiga qarshi emasligini aytdi, lekin u birinchi haftada xorga rahbarlik qilmasligi kerak.^[2]

Uillki respublika boshlang'ich saylovlariga kirmadi va umidlarini yopiq qurultoyga qo'ydi. Uning kampaniyasi asosan siyosiy havaskorlardan iborat edi. Nyu-York advokati Orem Root, kichik (sobiq davlat kotibining nevarasi Elihu Root ) mahalliy Willkie Clubs tarmog'ini tashkil qildi, bu respublikachilar orasida ularning rahbarligidan norozi bo'lgan va Ruzveltni mag'lub etishi mumkin bo'lgan yangi shaxsni izlayotgan katta a'zolarni jalb qildi. U, ayniqsa, liberallarga murojaat qildi, Sharqiy muassasa E'lon qilingan nomzodlarning hech birini o'zlariga yoqqanini ko'rmagan respublikachilar. Uning jingalak kostyumlari, soch turmagi va Indiana twang oddiy o'rta g'arbiy aholini eslatar edi, bu esa uni nomzod qilib ko'rsatishga qaratilgan harakatlar yanada ravshanlashib borganligi sababli biroz mazax qilishga sabab bo'lgan. Ichki ishlar kotibi Garold L. Ikes Uilki "oddiy, yalangoyoq Uoll-stritning advokati" deb masxara qildi.^[2][43] Elis Ruzvelt Longvort Willkie kampaniyasi "kelgan" deb ta'kidladi o't ildizlari o'n ming mamlakat klublaridan ".^[44]

Uning praymerizga kirmasligi Uilki uchun katta zarar keltirmadi, chunki aksariyati "go'zallik tanlovlari" faqat saylovchilarning xohishini ko'rsatish va delegatlarni saylamaslik uchun xizmat qilar edi. Dastlabki saylovlar kimning qaysi boshlang'ich va Taftning o'zi tug'ilgan Ogayo shtatida, Dyui o'z ismini kiritmaganida, kim kirishi haqidagi yozilmagan qoidalar to'plami bilan boshqarilardi. Hatto nomzodni qo'llab-quvvatlashga va'da bergan delegatlar ham qat'iy qarorga kelmaganlar: aksariyat respublikachilar uchun Ruzveltni mag'lub eta oladigan nomzodni saylash muhim edi. Iyun oyida Filadelfiyadagi anjumanga tayyorgarlik Gitlerning oldinga o'tishiga to'g'ri keldi G'arbiy Evropa, va delegatlar Devi singari milliy tajribaga ega bo'lmagan yosh yigit u yoqda tursin, izolyatsionistni boshqarish to'g'risida ikkinchi fikrga keldilar. Izolyatsionizmga qarshi chiqqan va muvaffaqiyatli ijrochi bo'lgan Uilki jozibali imkoniyat edi. Uillki keng ma'ruzalar qildi, shu jumladan Yangi Angliya bu qo'llab-quvvatlash va'dalari bilan o'z samarasini berdi, garchi delegatlar avval qo'llab-quvvatlashlari mumkin sevimli o'g'il bir yoki ikki byulletenga nomzod. Uillki uchun muhim konvertatsiya qilinganlar orasida Minnesota shtati gubernatori ham bor Garold Stassen va Massachusets shtati gubernatori Leverett Saltonstall.^[45] Willkie-ga o'tish so'rovnomalarda aks etdi; anjumandan oldingi etti hafta ichida u 3 foizdan 29 foizgacha o'tdi, oldingi o'rinni egallagan Dyui 67 dan 47 foizgacha tushdi.^[46]

Konventsiya

The 1940 yilgi respublikachilarning milliy anjumani da ochilgan Filadelfiya fuqarolik markazi^[a] 1940 yil 24-iyunda. Delegatlar yig'ilayotganda ular urush, nomzodlar va Ruzveltning ikkita respublikachi interventsionerni o'z kabinetiga qurultoydan to'rt kun oldin tayinlash masalalarini muhokama qildilar. Genri L. Stimson, Ostida harbiy kotib Prezident Taft va Guvver boshchiligidagi davlat kotibi urush holatiga qaytarildi va Landoning 1936 yildagi sherigi, Frank Noks, tayinlandi Dengiz kotibi. Kabinetga tayinlashlar Ruzveltni iflos siyosatda ayblagan respublikachilarni ikkiga bo'lib yubordi.^[47]

Kampaniya pimi

Uillki poyezd bilan keldi Filadelfiya 22 iyunda, anjumandan ikki kun oldin va darhol piyoda yurib e'tiborni tortdi 30-ko'cha bekati uning mehmonxonasiga, jurnalistlarning savollariga va eshitilishi uchun etarlicha yaqinlashishi mumkin bo'lgan barcha kishilarga javob berib. Devi, Vandenberg va Taftning katta shtab-kvartiralari bo'lgan, ammo Uilki kampaniyasi yashirin xonalardan olib borilgan. Benjamin Franklin mehmonxonasi. Root's Willkie Clubs va boshqa tarafdorlari delegatlarni telegrammalar bilan bombardimon qilib, o'z nomzodini qo'llab-quvvatlashga da'vat qildilar, bu ba'zilarning g'azabiga sabab bo'ldi. Qurultoyning asosiy rasmiylari Uillki tarafdorlari edi; shu jumladan Uy ozchiliklar etakchisi Djo Martin, Massachusetsning sevimli o'g'li va konvensiyaning doimiy raisi. Tartiblar qo'mitasining rahbari Ralf Uilyams (Taftni qo'llab-quvvatlaydi deb taxmin qilingan) anjuman arafasida vafot etgach, uning o'rnini vitse-prezident, Willkie tarafdorlari Sam Pryor egalladi. Bu Willkie tarafdorini jamoat galereyalari uchun chiptalarga mas'ul qildi.^[48] Taniqli publitsist Stiv Xannagan bilan Uillki kampaniyasi juda katta sur'at oldi.

Anjumanning ochilish kechasi asosiy ma'ruza gubernator Stassen tomonidan;^[b] Keyinchalik u Willkie-ni qo'llab-quvvatlashini e'lon qildi va nomzodning qavat menejerlaridan biriga aylandi. Ikkinchi kechada konvensiyani uchinchi nominatsiyaga kiritishga umid qilgan yagona tirik sobiq prezident Herbert Guverning nutqi eshitildi.^[49] Ovoz tizimidagi muammolar tufayli uning manzili zalda deyarli eshitilmadi. Shu orada Germaniyaning Frantsiya olinishi bilan Gitler kuchlari Buyuk Britaniyaga suzib ketadi degan e'loniga duch kelgan Devi kampaniyasi Villiga delegatlar oqimini to'xtatish uchun qo'lidan kelganicha harakat qildi. Devi, Taft va Vandenberg o'rtasidagi muzokaralar hech qanday natija bermadi, chunki hech kim prezidentlik nomzodidan kamini qabul qilmaydi. Uillki qayerga bormasin, uning oshkoralik alangasi kuzatib bordi, chunki u delegatlar bilan uchrashdi va tarafdorlari, shu jumladan butun Konnektikut delegatsiyasi bilan matbuot anjumanlarida qatnashdi. Afro-amerikaliklarning kuchli ozchilik qismi hamon respublikachilarni qo'llab-quvvatladilar va Uillki ularning bir guruhi bilan uchrashib, ushbu delegatlarni 1941 yilda Oq uyda uni ziyorat qilishga chaqirdi.^[50][51]

Indiana kongressmen Charlz Xallek 26 iyun kuni kechqurun Uilki uchun nomzodlik nutqini o'tkazdi va Uilkining yaqinda Respublikachilar partiyasiga o'tishi uning nomzodini ko'rsatmaslik uchun sabab emasligini ta'kidlab, "Respublikachilar partiyasi yopiq korporatsiya emasmi? Unda tug'ilish kerakmi?"^[52] Xallek Uillki nomini tilga olganida, dastlab ba'zi delegatlar tomonidan shov-shuvlar bo'lgan, ammo ularni tez orada balkonda: "Biz Uilki xohlaymiz!"^[53] Pryor Uillki uchun bo'lmagan delegatsiyalarga chipta ajratishni qisqartirgan va minglab tarqatgan turgan xona Willkie partizanlariga o'tadi. Tomoshabinlar orasida Willkie-ni ovozli qo'llab-quvvatlash, boshqa kampaniyalar chiptalarni tarqatishda qisqartirilganligi haqida shikoyatlarni keltirib chiqardi,^[54] ammo konvensiyaning eng dramatik daqiqalaridan birini taqdim etdi.^[53]

Dyui birinchi saylov byulletenida nomzod bo'lishi uchun zarur bo'lgan 501 ta ovozdan 400 tasiga ega bo'lishini bashorat qilgan edi^[55] va u kelajakdagi saylov byulletenlarida tezlashishi uchun hech narsani zaxirada saqlamagan. 27 iyun kuni tushdan keyin delegatlar birinchi marta ovoz berganda, u Taft uchun atigi 360 dan 189 gacha, Uillki uchun 105 va Vandenberg uchun 76 ta ovoz oldi. Ikkinchi byulletenda Devi siljiy boshladi va Taftning 203 va 331-ga Uillki uchun 178-ga tushdi.^[56] Yo'qotishlar Devining saylovoldi kampaniyasiga katta zarar etkazdi, chunki ovoz berishning dastlabki bosqichlarida arzimagan yo'qotishlardan tashqari Uorren G. Xarding 1920 yilda biron bir Respublikachilar nomzodi avvalgi ovoz berishdan qo'llab-quvvatlashni yo'qotmagan va nominatsiyani qo'lga kiritmagan.^[57] Devi ikkinchi ovoz berishdan keyin kechki ovqat tanaffusida va anjuman qayta boshlanganda "Biz Uilki xohlaymiz!" qadoqlangan galereyalardan Devi sirpanishini davom ettirdi, chunki anjuman Taft va Uilki o'rtasida ikki ot poygasiga aylandi. Mehmonxonadagi xonasidan radio orqali tinglagan Uillki, Ogayo shtatini o'zining sherigiga aylantirish evaziga Taft delegatlaridan qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun shartnoma tuzishdan bosh tortdi va beshinchi ovoz berishda yutqazishiga amin bo'ldi. Devi Taftni ma'qullab, Uillini to'xtatishga umid qilib, qurultoyga borishni va ketishni rejalashtirgan edi, ammo u qaror qilgan payt beshinchi ovoz berish boshlanishiga oz qoldi va u o'z vaqtida fuqarolik markaziga etib borolmadi. Beshinchi ovoz berishdan keyin Uillki 429 delegat bilan olib bordi, Taftda 377, Devi esa atigi 57 kishidan iborat edi. Ovozlari hanuzgacha ikki etakchidan biriga berilmagan yirik shtatlar Pensilvaniya (Gubernator) edi. Artur Jeyms eng sevimli o'g'li edi) va Michigan, ko'pchilik delegatlari senator Vandenbergda qolishdi. Uillki shu paytgacha bitim tuzishdan bosh tortgan bo'lsa-da, Michiganni olish uchun u respublika tashkilotiga o'sha shtatning federal sudyalarini tanlashiga ruxsat berishga rozi bo'ldi. 28 iyun kuni soat 12:20 da o'tkazilgan oltinchi ovoz berish Taftni ko'rdi, keyin Uillki etakchilikni qo'lga oldi. Gallereyada bo'lganlar Willkie-ni chaqirishni davom ettirganda, Vandenberg o'z vakillarini qo'yib yubordi, ularning aksariyati Willkiega bordi. Pensilvaniya ham uning uchun sinab ko'rdi, Uillki respublikachilar tomonidan bir ovozdan ovoz berishda prezidentlikka nomzod qilib qo'ydi.^[58]

Uilki (to'g'ri) ishlaydigan jufti bilan Charlz Maknari

Willkie vitse-prezidentlikka nomzodni Konnektikut gubernatoriga taklif qilgan edi Raymond Bolduin, asosiy yordamchisidir, ammo uning maslahatchilari va respublikachilar rasmiylari Nyu-York-Konnektikut chiptasi etarli bo'lmaydi deb o'ylaganlaridan keyin bu rejalarni buzdilar. geografik muvozanat. Ular Willkieni senatorni tanlashga undashdi Charlz Maknari o'rniga Oregon shtatidan. Advokat, jamoat hokimiyati tarafdori va dehqon Maknari G'arbda mashhur va hurmatga sazovor bo'lgan. Uillki rozi bo'lib, Fildelfiyaga kelganidan keyin Uillini Uoll-Stritning vositasi deb atagan Makkari boshqalarni ishontirganda, Bolduinni olib ketishga majbur qildi.^[59] Konventsiya ehtiyotkorlik bilan McNary nomzodini ko'rsatdi. Filadelfiyadan jo'nab ketishdan oldin Uillki Fuqarolik markaziga uni tanlagan delegatlar oldida qatnashish uchun bordi va konvensiyani ma'qullaganidan keyin birinchi respublika nomzodiga aylandi:

Demokratiya va bizning turmush tarzimiz butun uzoq tarixida duch kelgan eng muhim sinovga duch kelmoqda; va biz bu erda yolg'iz respublikachilar emas, balki amerikaliklarmiz, chunki biz o'zimizni Qo'shma Shtatlardagi demokratik hayot tarziga bag'ishlaymiz, chunki bu erda butun dunyodagi erkinlikning so'nggi mustahkam, daxlsiz poydevori turibdi.^[60]

Umumiy saylov kampaniyasi

Uillki o'zining nomzodini marosimda rasmiy ravishda qabul qiladi Elvud, Indiana 1940 yil 17-avgust

Qurultoydan keyin Uillki Nyu-Yorkka qaytib keldi. U kinoga borganida, spektaklni tomosha qilishga borganida bo'lgani kabi, uni ham olqishlashdi Ota bilan hayot. U 1940 yil 8-iyulda C&S-dan iste'foga chiqdi, hatto prezidentlik saylovida yutqazsa ham, ish uchun etishmasligiga ishongan.^[61] Uning respublika milliy qo'mitasi (RNC) raisi bo'lgan Jon Xemilton Hamiltonni o'ta konservativ va yakkalanib qolgan deb hisoblagan ba'zi maslahatchilarining tavsiyalari bilan ishdan bo'shatilgan, ammo sobiq raisga Uillki kampaniyasi uchun qisman javobgarlik bilan ijrochi direktor lavozimi berilgan. Kongress a'zosi Martin RNC raisi bo'ldi. O'sha paytgacha kichik tashviqot ishlari olib borilgan bir paytda Mexnat kuni, Uillki besh haftalik ish ta'tiliga jo'nab ketdi Broadmoor, Kolorado Springsdagi kurort, ammo na tinchlik va na shaxsiy hayot topdi.^[62]

Ruzvelt respublikachilar konvensiyasi natijalaridan hayratda edi, chunki konservativ izolyatorga qarshi chiqishini kutgan edi. The polls showed Willkie behind by only six points, and the president expected this to be a more difficult race than he had faced in his defeats of Hoover and Landon. Roosevelt felt that Willkie's nomination would remove the war issue from the campaign.^[63] Roosevelt was nominated by the Democratic convention in Chicago in July, though he stated that because of the world crisis, he would not actively campaign, leaving that to surrogates.^[64] The fact that both major-party presidential candidates favored intervention frustrated isolationists, who considered wooing Charlz Lindberg as a third party candidate.^[65]

Willkie formally accepted the nomination at Elwood on August 17 before a crowd of at least 150,000, the largest political gathering in U.S. history to that point. It was an extremely hot day, and Willkie, who tried to read his speech from a typed manuscript without enlargement, failed to ignite the crowd. He remained in Rushville, where he owned farmland, over the next month, trying to become more associated with his native state than with Uoll-strit. He gave interviews to reporters there, and his firm support of Roosevelt's aid to the Allies led Congressman Martin and Senator McNary to support a peacetime draft despite the strident objections of many Republicans and some Democrats. Roosevelt contacted Willkie through intermediaries to ensure the Republican candidate would not make a political issue out of the Asoslar uchun shartnoma; Willkie was supportive of the transfer, though he felt Congress should act, and opposed Roosevelt sending armaments to Britain by ijro buyrug'i.^[66]

"Willkie for President" poster

Conservatives and isolationists had little enthusiasm for the Willkie campaign, and the moderates wanted to see stronger positions on progressive issues and foreign policy. Nashriyotchi Genri Lyu decried both Roosevelt and Willkie for failing to be honest with the American people, "America will never be ready for any war until she makes her mind up there is going to be a war."^[67] (italics in original) Despite his pledge not to campaign, Roosevelt made inspection tours to military installations, well covered by the press. The president did not mention Willkie by name, seeking to avoid giving him publicity. According to Susan Dunn in her book in the 1940 campaign, this forced Willkie "to box against a phantom opponent and carry on a one-sided partisan debate ... Even in Willkie's speeches, Roosevelt occupied center stage".^[68] Willkie promised to keep New Deal social welfare programs intact, expand Ijtimoiy Havfsizlik, and provide full employment, a job for everyone: "I pledge a new world".^[69]

On September 12, Willkie began a whistle-stop tour by train, and between then and November 2, he reached 31 of the 48 states. He did not visit the Qattiq janubiy, though he spoke in Texas, hoping to win it as Hoover had in 1928. Willkie filled the Los-Anjelesdagi Kolizey with 70,000 middle-class supporters, but reporters saw few working-class people at his rallies, and he cancelled some appearances at auto plants in the Midwest. Other people in working-class areas booed the candidate, held up signs in support of Roosevelt, or pelted his motorcade with overripe fruit.^[70] Although Edith Willkie accompanied her husband on his tour (he had little time for contact with Van Doren), she disliked the media attention and did not give interviews, completing the campaign without ever giving a speech. On one occasion, she looked at her husband and stated, "Politics makes strange bedfellows".^[71] The Democrats knew of Willkie's affair with Van Doren, but the Republicans had letters from Genri A. Uolles, the Democratic vice presidential nominee, to his former guru, Russian mystic Nikolas Rerich, and neither issue became a factor in the campaign.^[72]

With polls released on October 6 showing Roosevelt well ahead, Willkie began to sound an isolationist theme, accusing Roosevelt of being a warmonger. Many of Willkie's speeches to that point had been on domestic issues, but he had been advised by Martin, Hamilton, and other advisors that the war was the issue the voters really cared about. Willkie began to argue that Roosevelt would not keep the U.S. out of war, but that he would. He was given room to make this argument by the United Kingdom's increasing success in the Britaniya jangi, as it was clear a German invasion was not imminent. The polls showed voters responding positively to this new tack, and Willkie kept on this course for the remainder of the campaign. Roosevelt reacted by scheduling five speeches for the final days, in which he proposed to rebut Willkie's "falsifications".^[73] The president stated, "I have said this before, but I shall say it again and again and again. Your boys are not going to be sent into any foreign war."^[74] Willkie was prone to ad lib remarks, which sometimes led to gaffes: addressing steelworkers, he pledged to appoint a new Secretary of Labor, "and it will not be a woman either".^[75] This allusion to Secretary Frensis Perkins, the only woman to hold a cabinet position in American history to that point, did not aid him among female voters.^[75]

The results of the election, with those states taken by Willkie in red

Willkie concluded his campaign on November 2 with a large rally at New York's Madison Square Garden. Polls showed him four points behind Roosevelt, but with a trend towards the Republicans. Many pundits expected a tight race. On Election Day, November 5, 1940, the returns were initially encouraging, but quickly turned against Willkie.^[76] By 11 pm, radio commentators were reporting that Roosevelt had won a third term. Willkie received 45 percent of the popular vote to Roosevelt's 55 percent.^[2] The president received 27.2 million votes to Willkie's 22.3 million, and won 449 to 82 in the Saylov kolleji.^[77] Willkie won 10 states to the president's 38 though he did better than Hoover and Landon had against Roosevelt. Willkie's popular vote total of 22,348,480 set a record for a Republican not broken until Eyzenxauer 1952 yilda.^[78]

The endorsement of CIO bosh Jon L. Lyuis probably gave Willkie Michigan, and he gained ground in the suburbs and rural areas, but Roosevelt consolidated his 1936 coalition of working-class Americans, minorities, and Southerners to take the election.^[79] On the evening of November 11, Willkie gave a nationwide radio address, urging those who had voted for him not to oppose Roosevelt on all issues, but to give support where it was called for.^[80] In late November, Willkie interrupted a Florida vacation for a speech he concluded by offering a toast "to the health and happiness of the President of the United States"; Roosevelt confided to his son Jeyms: "I'm happy I've won, but I'm sorry Wendell lost".^[81]

Activist and statesman (1940–43)

Visit to the United Kingdom

Roosevelt asked Willkie to serve as his informal envoy in Britain.

Although defeated in the election, Willkie had become a major figure on the public scene, and at age 48, was deemed likely to remain one for years to come. Landon had received some 6,000 letters commiserating with him in his defeat; Willkie received over 100,000. Financially independent, he was in no hurry to decide among the many offers of employment from top law firms and major corporations.^[82] He resumed his affair with Van Doren.^[83]

While on vacation, Willkie decided his next cause should be military aid to embattled Britaniya,^[84] and announced support of the president's Qarz berish dasturi 1941 yil 13 yanvarda.^[85] Lend-Lease was highly unpopular in the Republican Party, and Willkie's announcement created a firestorm, with Landon and Taft decrying his actions. Former RNC chairman Hamilton wrote that of the almost 200 Republican members of the House and Senate, "Willkie couldn't dig up ten friends if his life depended on it."^[86]

Roosevelt, both appreciating Willkie's talents, and seeking to divide and conquer his opposition, had been mulling over ways his former opponent might be of use. The president's onetime advisor, Justice Feliks Frankfurter, had suggested to Van Doren on New Year's Eve that Willkie should travel across the Atlantic to demonstrate bipartisan support of Britain.^[85] Willkie had already been planning a visit in support for Britain. Roosevelt believed that the visit of the nominal head of the opposition party would be far more effective in demonstrating American support than sending one of his advisors.^[87]

Willkie visited the president at the White House for the first time as an ally on January 19, 1941, the evening before Roosevelt's third swearing-in. The president asked Willkie to be his informal personal representative to Britain, and Willkie accepted.^[87] Eleanor Ruzvelt recorded that family members and White House staff found excuses to observe Willkie, and she would have done so herself had she been aware of the visit as it was happening. Roosevelt urged Willkie to see W. Averell Harriman va Garri Xopkins, both in London on missions from Roosevelt, and gave his former rival a letter to be hand-delivered to the British prime minister, Uinston Cherchill. At this time it was not routine for politicians to travel abroad; McNary, with considerable influence in foreign affairs, had never left North America. Thus, there was much public attention to Willkie's mission. U jo'nab ketdi New York Municipal Field for London on January 22.^[88]

Upon arrival, Willkie told the press, "I want to do all I can to get the United States to give England the utmost aid possible in her struggle".^[89] Willkie saw the damage Nazi bombing had inflicted on Britain, visiting bombed-out sites in London, Birmingem, Koventri, "Manchester" va "Liverpul".^[89] In London during Blits, he walked the streets at night without helmet or gas mask (until Churchill gave him some), visiting bomb shelters. Churchill hosted Willkie at an official luncheon at Dauning ko'chasi, 10-uy and had him as a guest at Shashka. In his writings, Churchill recalled "a long talk with this most able and forceful man".^[90]

Although it was cut short by Roosevelt's desire to have him testify before Congress on Lend-Lease, Willkie's visit to Britain was deemed a triumph. Willkie also went to Ireland, hoping to persuade Éamon de Valera to abandon neutrality, but his urging was unavailing. Willkie left London for Washington on February 5; because of the risk of being shot down by Nazi aircraft, the roundabout journey home took four days. U oldin guvohlik berdi Senatning tashqi aloqalar qo'mitasi on February 11, and his support was key to passing Lend-Lease.^[91]

Willkie's Senate testimony made him the leading interventionist outside the government, with Lindbergh (who had testified against Lend-Lease) the leading isolationist, and they debated in the pages of magazines.^[92] Roosevelt weighed in, backing his former opponent in a radio address on March 29. "The leader of the Republican Party himself—Mr. Wendell Willkie—in word and in action is showing what patriotic Americans mean by rising above partisanship and rallying to the common cause."^[93] That same month, a Gallup poll showed that 60 percent of Americans believed Willkie would have made a good president.^[93]

In April 1941, Willkie joined the New York law firm of Miller, Boston, and Owen as a senior partner, with the firm changing its name to Willkie, Owen, Otis, Farr, and Gallagher.^[94] Two months later, he agreed to represent motion picture producers before a Senate subcommittee which was investigating claims that Gollivud was producing pro-war propaganda. Willkie defended the rights of the studios to make films that reflected their views, and warned, "the rights of the individuals mean nothing if freedom of speech and freedom of the press are destroyed."^[95] Congress took no further action.^[96]

In late 1941, Willkie fought for the repeal of the Neytrallik to'g'risidagi qonun. In September, Lindbergh accused American Jews of "agitating for war"; Willkie responded that the aviator's speech was "the most un-American made in my time".^[97] Willkie lobbied Republican congressmen to repeal the act. The measure passed Congress with the aid of Republican votes, though most of that party voted against it. Roosevelt invited Willkie to dedicate Rushmor tog'i, but because of other commitments, Willkie could not. Roosevelt also sought to have Willkie join his administration, which the Republican was reluctant to do, wishing to preserve independence of word and action.^[98]

Wartime advocate

Willkie with Admiral Sir Genri Xarvud, Iskandariya, Misr

Yaponlardan keyin Perl-Harborga hujum, Willkie offered his full support to Roosevelt. Willkie was interested in the post of war production czar, but that position went to Donald M. Nelson. Labor Secretary Perkins offered to have Willkie arbitrate between management and labor in war industries, but Willkie declined after White House officials informed the press. In early 1942, Willkie considered a run for Nyu-York gubernatori. He later stated that Roosevelt had been willing to endorse him, but Willkie ultimately concluded that the Dewey forces were too strong and a defeat might eliminate him from a possible run for president in 1944. In July, Willkie proposed to Roosevelt that he go on another foreign mission, and the following month Willkie announced that he would be visiting the Soviet Union, China, and the Middle East. Dewey wrote, "I hear he is going to Russia before the Republican [state] convention, so he will be where he belongs and I hope he stays there until Christmas".^[99]

According to Dunn, Willkie's mission was to be Roosevelt's personal representative, "demonstrating American unity, gathering information, and discussing with key heads of state plans for the postwar future".^[100] After leaving the U.S. on August 26, Willkie's first stop was in Shimoliy Afrika, u qaerda uchrashgan Bosh Montgomeri and toured the front at El Alamein. Yilda Bayrut, u bilan qoldi General de Goll, rahbari Bepul frantsuzcha. Yilda Quddus, Willkie met with Yahudiylar va Arablar, told the British rulers of Falastin that both peoples should be brought into the government, and he later wrote that the conflict there was so ancient, it was unrealistic to think that it could "be solved by good will and simple honesty".^[101] Willkie had been moved to add the Soviet Union to his itinerary when three Western reporters there urged him by telegram to do so.^[102] There, he met with Stalin, and upon his return he advocated more liberal Lend-Lease terms for the USSR. In China, Willkie was hosted by Chiang Qay-shek and was fascinated by Madam Chiang. Willkie was taken to the front in order to observe the Chinese military forces in their fight against the Japanese, and he spoke out against mustamlakachilik, in China and elsewhere. His statements were reported widely in Britain, angering Churchill, who responded by saying, "We mean to hold our own. I have not become the King's First Minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the Britaniya imperiyasi."^[103]

While in the USSR, Willkie urged the opening of a second front against the Germans; when reporters asked Roosevelt about those comments, the president responded flippantly by saying that he had read the headlines but had not considered the speculative comments worth the reading. This angered Willkie, and on his return from his 49-day trip, he confronted Roosevelt about it when making his report at the White House.^[104]

On October 26, 1942, Willkie made a "Report to the People", telling Americans about his trip in a radio speech heard by about 36 million people. The following April, he published Bir dunyo, a book Van Doren edited, in which he recounted his travels and urged America to join a supernational global organization after the war was successfully concluded.^[105] The book was an immediate bestseller, selling a million copies in its first month.^[106] It was especially influential because Willkie was seen by many as having transcended partisan politics.^[107] According to Samuel Zipp's Idealist, Willkie was interested in creating 'a body of public opinion' to force policymakers and politicians of both parties to embrace the robust multilateralism he envisioned.^[108]

Fuqarolik huquqlari faolligi

During his 1940 campaign, Willkie had pledged to integrate the civil service and armed forces, and proudly pointed to what he deemed the strongest civil rights plank in history in the Republican platform. He also promised to end irqiy ajratish in Washington, D.C. He gained the endorsements of the two largest African American newspapers, the Pitsburg kuryeri va Baltimor afro-amerikalik. With Willkie running to the left of Roosevelt on civil rights, Roosevelt feared that blacks would return to their traditional home in the Republican Party, and he secured several prominent promotions or hirings of African Americans. Roosevelt was successful in keeping the majority of the black vote. After the election, Willkie promised to keep fighting for civil rights.^[109]

Willkie warned Republicans that only a full commitment to equal rights for minorities would woo African Americans back to the party, and he criticized Roosevelt for yielding to Southern racists among the Democrats.^[110] Willkie addressed a convention of the Rangli odamlarni rivojlantirish bo'yicha milliy assotsiatsiya (NAACP) in 1942, one of the most prominent politicians to do so up to that point. He urged integration of the armed forces, and when a violent race riot broke out in Detroit in June 1943, he went on national radio in order to criticize both parties for ignoring racial issues.^[111] When the movie hearings of 1941 ended without further action, Willkie had been made chairman of the board of Twentieth-Century Fox.^[96] In 1943, he worked with Uolter Uayt, executive secretary of the NAACP, to try to convince Hollywood to give blacks better treatment in films. Movie moguls promised changes, and some films featured blacks in major roles, but faced with objections from white Southerners, they reverted to giving blacks stereotyped roles after Willkie's death in 1944, such as servants.^[111] After his death, the NAACP named its headquarters the Wendell Willkie Memorial Building.^[112]

On November 9, 1942, soon after making his reports to Roosevelt and the American people, Willkie argued the case of Schneiderman v. United States before the Supreme Court. Uilyam Shneyderman, secretary of the California Communist Party, was a naturalized American until the government revoked his citizenship, stating that he had concealed his membership on his application for naturalization in 1927. Two lower federal courts upheld the denaturalization. Representing a communist, even in wartime, did nothing to shore up Willkie's diminishing support in the Republican Party, but he wrote to a friend saying, "I am sure I am right in representing Schneiderman. Of all the times when civil liberties should be defended, it is now."^[113] In his argument Willkie quoted Linkoln va Jefferson by saying that the people could, if they deemed it necessary, remake the government, and he stated that Marx's view of revolution was mild by comparison. 1943 yilda Oliy sud ruled for Schneiderman, 5–3, restoring his citizenship. Although Willkie refrained from criticizing Roosevelt's yapon amerikaliklarning internati, he stated in a speech that war was no excuse for depriving groups of people of their rights.^[114] He spoke out against those who blamed the Jews for the war, warning against "witch-hanging and mob-baiting".^[115] For his activities, he received the American Hebrew Medal for 1942.^[116]

1944 presidential campaign

Willkie spent much of 1943 preparing for a second presidential run, addressing Republican and nonpartisan groups.^[117] He did not meet with Roosevelt; with the presidential election approaching and with both men likely to run in it as candidates, their continued association would have been awkward.^[118] Although they differed with him on many issues, Republican leaders recognized Willkie's appeal and they had wanted him to campaign for the party in the 1942 midterm elections, but he went around the world instead.^[119] The huge publicity received by the titular head of the Republican Party as an emissary for a Democratic president frustrated leading Republicans.^[120] In spite of this, the Republicans gained seats in both the Uy va Senat, though they still remained in the minority. Few Republican members of Congress were by then willing to support Willkie, and he dropped to second place behind General Duglas Makartur in polls of likely voters in the party's 1944 presidential primaries.^[121] By 1943, even liberal Democrats did not doubt Willkie's progressive credentials. He spoke of appointing an African American to either the cabinet or the Supreme Court, and he warned California's Republican committee that the New Deal was irreversible and he stated that all they would get by opposing it was oblivion.^[122]

Willkie made his candidacy clear in an interview with Qarang jurnal in early October 1943, arguing that a return to isolationism would lead the party to disaster. He decided to enter several presidential primaries in order to demonstrate his public support of the party, and he chose Viskonsin, with a primary on April 4, 1944, as the first major test. Willkie had not taken Wisconsin's electoral votes in 1940, though he had won in all parts of the state except Miluoki. His advisors feared the large Nemis-amerikalik vote in Wisconsin, which had contributed to the state being firmly isolationist until Pearl Harbor. None of the other major candidates—Dewey, Stassen, MacArthur and Ohio Governor Jon Bricker —spoke in Wisconsin; MacArthur and Stassen were on active duty and could not do so. Willkie stated that if he did badly in Wisconsin, he would end his campaign.^[123][124]

The Nyu-Xempshir primary had not taken on the significance it later would,^[125] and Willkie won it on March 14, taking six out of eleven delegates. This was deemed a disappointment because he had spoken there many times since 1940, and was expected to do better. In Wisconsin, Willkie ran a slate of delegates led by future governor Vernon W. Thomson, and he devoted two weeks to campaigning there. He was endorsed by most newspapers, but polls showed him well behind Dewey both in the state and nationwide.^[126]

On March 16, his first day of campaigning in Wisconsin, Willkie made eight speeches, and the pace took a toll on his voice. The weather did not cooperate, and he travelled 200 miles (320 km) through a blizzard to reach a rally in the northern part of the state. Willkie attracted large crowds in most places, and he told them that the Republican party would fail unless it accepted the New Deal and recognized the need for the U.S. to remain active in the world after the war. The Democrats, he alleged, had been in office too long and they did not have the vision that was needed in the postwar world.^[127] Willkie's speech in Milwaukee attracted 4,000 people to a hall that could hold 6,000, and he left the state on the 29th for Nebraska, where he had also entered the primary. Once he was gone, Dewey's backers, including most of the Wisconsin Republican leadership, flooded the state with billboard advertisements and radio commercials.^[128] On April 4, Dewey gained 17 of Wisconsin's 24 delegates, Stassen 4, and MacArthur 3.^[129] Willkie's delegates ran last in every district.^[130] The following night, after giving his speech in Omaha, Willkie addressed the crowd:

I quite deliberately entered the Wisconsin primary to test whether the Republican voters of that state would support me ... It is obvious now that I cannot be nominated. I therefore am asking my friends to desist from any activity toward that end and not to present my name at the convention. I earnestly hope that the Republican convention will nominate a candidate and write a platform that really represents the views which I have advocated and which I believe are shared by millions of Americans. I shall continue to work for these principles and policies for which I have fought during the last five years.^[131][132]

Final months and death

Willkie's home in Rushville, Indiana, added to the Tarixiy joylarning milliy reestri 1993 yilda

Defeated in his second bid for the White House, Willkie announced that he was returning to the practice of law, but his friends doubted that he would be content there. Roosevelt was anxious to dump Vice President Wallace from the ticket in his bid for a fourth term, and he had an intermediary sound out Willkie about running in Wallace's place. Willkie was reluctant even to respond, knowing that Roosevelt had made promises to potential running mates which he did not follow through on. There were further discussions between Willkie and the White House, of which third parties were aware though the details are not known; the vice presidential nomination went to Garri S Truman. Willkie got Roosevelt interested in a new liberal party which would be formed once peace came that would combine the left of the two existing major parties, but Willkie broke off contact with the White House after there were leaks of this to the press, because he felt that Roosevelt had used him for political gain. Roosevelt sent a letter expressing his regret for the leak, but that too was printed in the papers, and Willkie stated, "I've been lied to for the last time."^[133]

In spite of their breach, Roosevelt continued to try to conciliate Willkie. Roosevelt's son Elliott later stated that his father hoped to have Willkie be the first Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Bosh kotibi, and the two men agreed to meet later in the year.^[134] Willkie had not been invited to speak at the 1944 yilgi Respublikachilar milliy konvensiyasi in Chicago that nominated Dewey for president, and he declined a pass as an "honored guest".^[135] Dewey hoped to get Willkie's endorsement, and he sent his foreign policy advisor, Jon Foster Dulles, to see Willkie. The former candidate refused to be drawn, and he made no endorsement before he died. Willkie wrote two articles for Klyer, one urging an internationalist foreign policy, and the other demanding advances in civil rights for African Americans. He also explored becoming a newspaper publisher.^[134]

Willkie had long been neglectful of his health and diet, smoking heavily, and rarely exercising.^[136] His heavy drinking had charmed the reporters in Philadelphia in 1940, but by 1944 it was becoming a problem.^[2] In August 1944, Willkie felt weak while traveling by train to his Rushville home. There, he suffered a yurak xuruji, but he had to be persuaded to see a doctor and he refused to be admitted to a hospital.^[137]

Willkie's condition only worsened as the weeks went on. He went to New York by rail in mid-September, but on the trip he was stricken with another heart attack. Although his advisors told him to seek treatment and abandon the trip, Willkie pressed on. When he arrived in New York, Willkie was in great pain and his press secretary called an ambulance to take him to Lenox Hill kasalxonasi. He recovered to some extent, enough so that his friends expected him to be discharged. He spent time working on the galleys of his second book, An American Program, and planned future projects. On October 4, Willkie caught a throat infection, which was treated with penicillin. As he was recovering, Willkie's now chronic heart attacks struck again and he suffered three more attacks on October 7. The hospital, which had been issuing reassuring bulletins to the public, was now forced to inform the public that Willkie's condition had worsened and that he was critically ill. The next morning, Willkie suffered one last attack, which proved fatal. From the time he checked into Lenox Hill Hospital, he was said to have suffered over a dozen heart attacks.^[137]

Roosevelt released a statement applauding Willkie's "tremendous courage" which "prompted him more than once to stand alone ... In this hour of grave crisis the nation loses a great citizen."^[138] War Secretary Stimson offered to have Willkie buried in Arlington milliy qabristoni, but Edith Willkie wanted her husband to be buried in his native Indiana, at Rushville.^[139] His casket was placed in the center aisle of the Beshinchi avenyu Presviterian cherkovi; 60,000 people filed by his casket, and 35,000 crowded around the church during the service, including many blacks—as, Eleanor Roosevelt noted in her column, was fitting. Wendell and Edith Willkie rest together in Rushville's East Hill qabristoni, the gravesite was marked by a cross, and a book was carved in stone, designed by sculptor Malvina Xofman, and inscribed with quotations from Bir dunyo.^{[139][140]:11}

Willkie's 1940 running mate, McNary, died eight months before him, on February 25. It was the first, and to date only, time both members of a major-party presidential ticket died during the term for which they sought election. Agar ular saylangan bo'lsa edi 1886 yildagi Prezident vorisligi to'g'risidagi qonun Uillki va uning o'limiga chaqirilgan bo'lar edi Davlat kotibi sifatida qasamyod qilgan bo'lar edi prezident vazifasini bajaruvchi for the remainder of the term ending on January 20, 1945.^[141][142]

Meros va xotira

Plaque dedicated to Willkie outside the asosiy filial ning Nyu-York ommaviy kutubxonasi

Soon after the 1940 convention, Roosevelt described Willkie's nomination as a "Godsend to our country", because it ensured that the presidential race would not turn on the issue of aid to Britain.^[143] Valter Lippmann believed Willkie's nomination to have been crucial to Britain's survival, "second only to the Britaniya jangi, the sudden rise and nomination of Willkie was the decisive event, perhaps providential, which made it possible to rally the free world when [Britain] was almost conquered. Under any other leadership but his the Republican party in 1940 would have turned its back on Great Britain, causing all who resisted Hitler to feel abandoned".^[144] Charles Peters wrote that "it is arguable that [Willkie's] impact on [the United States] and the world was greater than that of most men who actually held the office [of president]. At a crucial moment in history, he stood for the right things at the right time."^[145] When Georgia Senator Zell Miller, a Democrat, gave the keynote address at the 2004 yil respublikachilarning milliy anjumani, he urged unity instead of partisan strife in the Terrorizmga qarshi urush, and recalled Willkie's actions, "He gave Roosevelt the critical support he needed for a peacetime draft, an unpopular idea at the time. And he made it clear that he would rather lose the election than make national security a partisan campaign issue."^[146]

Historian Hugh Ross argued that in gaining the nomination, Willkie "gave exceptional promise of being a winner. There were ample precedents from American political history in which a minority party, queasy over prospects for survival, bypassed professional leadership in order to entrust its political fortunes to a man without political experience. In most of the previous instances, the nomination had gone to a military man. In 1940, it went to a businessman."^[147] Richard Moe, in his book on the 1940 election, suggested that the nomination of Willkie left long-lasting scars on the Republican Party, with conservatives angered by the success of its Eastern Establishment qanot; "whatever else it did, Philadelphia gave birth to the bitter proprietary division within the Republican Party, one accentuated by ideology and geography, that would define the party for decades to come."^[148] Among those converted from isolationism by Willkie's oratory, and who worked intensely on the Willkie campaign in Michigan, was Jerald R. Ford, who wrote many years later in his memoirs, "I now realize that my participation did not make much difference at all to the political fate of Wendell Willkie. But it made a lot of difference to me."^[149]

Correspondent and author Warren Moscow wrote that after 1940, Willkie helped Roosevelt, who was always careful not to go too far in front of public opinion, "as a pace-setter with the President's blessing".^[150] Willkie's global trip and the publication of Bir dunyo increased public support for the idea that the United States should remain active internationally once the war was won, and should not withdraw into a new isolationism.^[151] Indiana universiteti prezidenti Herman B Uells buni ta'kidladi Bir dunyo "has had such a profound influence on the thinking of Americans".^[152] Historian Samuel Zipp noted, "He launched the most successful and unprecedented challenge to conventional nationalism in modern American history ... He urged [Americans] to imagine and feel a new form of reciprocity with the world, one that millions of Americans responded to with unprecedented urgency."^[153]

His advocacy came at a cost to his standing in the Republican Party. According to Moscow, "his appeal for the party to be the party of the Loyal Opposition, supporting the President, was treason to the diehards; his trip around the world marked him as a Presidential agent seeking to infiltrate the Republican Party".^[118] This decline was accelerated as it became apparent that Willkie was a liberal, standing to the left of Roosevelt and proposing even higher taxes than the president was willing to stomach.^[154]

The Ikkinchi jahon urushi Ozodlik kemasi SSVendell L. Uillki uning sharafiga nomlangan.

In 1965, Indiana University completed Willkie Quadrangle, an 11-story undergraduate residence hall, on the Bloomington campus that was named after Willkie.^[155][156]

1992 yilda Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining pochta xizmati marked the centennial of Willkie's birth with a 75-cent stamp in the Buyuk amerikaliklar seriyasi.^[157] Dunn concluded that Willkie "died as he had lived, an idealist, a humanitarian—and a lone wolf".^[138] Willkie's biographer, Neal, wrote of him,

Though he never became President, he had won something much more important, a lasting place in American history. Bilan birga Genri Kley, William Jennings Bryan, and Xubert Xamfri, he was the also-ran who would be long remembered. "He was a born leader," wrote historian Allan Nevins, "and he stepped to leadership at just the moment when the world needed him." Shortly before his death, Willkie told a friend, "If I could write my own epitaph and if I had to choose between saying, 'Here lies an unimportant President', or, 'Here lies one who contributed to saving freedom at a moment of great peril', I would prefer the latter."^[158]

Ishlaydi

• Bir dunyo (kitob) (1943)
• An American Program, Simon and Schuster, 1944 (short essay collection)

Shuningdek qarang

• Ittifoq davlati, play believed to be based on Willkie's presidential run.

Izohlar

Tushuntirish yozuvlari

Adabiyotlar

Bibliografiya

Tashqi video
So'zlardan keyin Charlz Piters bilan intervyu Filadelfiyadagi besh kun, 2005 yil 3 sentyabr, C-SPAN
Peters tomonidan taqdimot Filadelfiyadagi besh kun, 2006 yil 24 iyun, C-SPAN

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• Moskva, Uorren (1968). Ruzvelt va Uilki. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc. OCLC  441820.
• Nil, Stiv (1984). To'q ot: Vendell Uilki tarjimai holi. Garden City, NY: Dubleday. ISBN  0-385-18439-5.
• Piters, Charlz (2006). Filadelfiyadagi besh kun: 1940 yilgi "Biz Uilki istaymiz" ajoyib konvensiyasi va G'arbiy dunyoni qutqarish uchun FDRni qanday ozod qilgan. Nyu-York: jamoat ishlari. ISBN  1-58648-450-8.
• Ross, Xyu (1962 yil iyun). "Vendell Uilki nomzodi siyosiy mo''jiza bo'lganmi?". Indiana tarixi jurnali. 58 (2): 79–100. JSTOR  27788982.
• Sitkoff, Garvard (2010). Erkinlik sari: Amerikada irqiy tenglik uchun uzoq kurash. Kentukki universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-1-282-93765-9. JSTOR  j.ctt2jcgvk.10.(obuna kerak)
• Snayder, Roland H. (Kuz 2004). "Viskonsin Vendell Uillkining siyosiy faoliyatini yakunlaydi". Viskonsin tarixi jurnali. 88 (1): 30–41. JSTOR  4637111.
• Syers, Uilyam A. (1990 yil qish). "Jerald R. Fordning siyosiy boshlanishi: Bossizmga qarshi kurash, internatsionalizm va 1948 yilgi kongress kampaniyasi". Prezidentlik tadqiqotlari chorakda. 20 (1): 127–142. JSTOR  20700119.
• Zipp, Samuel (2014 yil kuz). "Vendell Uilki tashrif buyurganida: jamoatchilik tuyg'usidagi o'zaro bog'liqlik va istisno holati o'rtasida Bir dunyo". Amerika adabiyoti tarixi. 26 (3): 484–510. doi:10.1093 / alh / aju040. S2CID  145809275.

Qo'shimcha o'qish

Tashqi video
Savol-javob Lyuis bilan intervyu Mumkin emas Vendell Uilki, 2018 yil 4-noyabr, C-SPAN

Tashqi video
Chikagodagi global ishlar bo'yicha kengashDaniel Immerwahr intervyular Zipp on Idealist, 2020 yil 21-avgust, Chikagodagi global ishlar bo'yicha kengash

• Lyuis, Devid Levering (2018). Mumkin bo'lmagan Vendell Uilki: Respublikachilar partiyasini va uning mamlakatini qutqarib, yangi dunyo tartibini o'ylab topgan ishbilarmon.. Nyu-York: jonli huquq. ISBN  978-0-871-40457-2.
• Zipp, Samuel (2020). Idealist: Vendell Uillkining urush davrida bitta dunyoni barpo etish talabi. Kembrij, MA: Garvard universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0674737518.

Tashqi havolalar

• Vendell Lyuis Uillki prezidentlik saylovoldi tashviqot qog'ozlari (MS 556). Qo'lyozmalar va arxivlar, Yel universiteti kutubxonasi. [1]

• Eleanor Ruzvelt milliy tarixiy saytidan tarjimai hol
• Willkie Farr & Gallagher veb-sayti
• Vendell Lyuis Uilki da Qabrni toping
• "Vendell Uilki, Prezidentlikka da'vogar" dan C-SPAN "s Nomzodlar
• Ko'rgazma: Vendell Lyuis Uillki The Lilly kutubxonasi Bloomington, IN
• "Vendell Uilki: To'q ot" Indiana tarixiy byurosi
• Wendell Willkie haqidagi gazetalardan olingan parchalar ichida 20-asr matbuot arxivi ning ZBW