Xubert Xamfri - Hubert Humphrey

Hubert Hamfri ismli boshqa odamlar uchun qarang Xubert Xemfri (so'z ma'nosi).

Xubert Xamfri
Hubert Xamfri vitse-prezident portreti.jpg
Rasmiy portret, 1965 yil
38-chi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining vitse-prezidenti
Ofisda
1965 yil 20 yanvar - 1969 yil 20 yanvar
PrezidentLyndon B. Jonson
OldingiLyndon B. Jonson
MuvaffaqiyatliSpiro Agnew
Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Senati tempore prezidenti o'rinbosari
Ofisda
1977 yil 5 yanvar - 1978 yil 13 yanvar
PrezidentJeyms Istland
OldingiLavozim belgilandi
MuvaffaqiyatliJorj J. Mitchell (1987)
Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari senatori
dan Minnesota
Ofisda
1971 yil 3 yanvar - 1978 yil 13 yanvar
OldingiEvgeniy Makkarti
MuvaffaqiyatliMuriel Xemfri
Ofisda
1949 yil 3 yanvar - 1964 yil 29 dekabr
OldingiJozef H. Ball
MuvaffaqiyatliValter Mondale
Senatning aksariyat qamchi
Ofisda
1961 yil 3 yanvar - 1964 yil 29 dekabr
RahbarMayk Mensfild
OldingiMayk Mensfild
MuvaffaqiyatliRassell B. Long
35-chi Minneapolis meri
Ofisda
1945 yil 2-iyul - 1948 yil 30-noyabr
OldingiMarvin L. Kline
MuvaffaqiyatliErik G. Xoyer
Shaxsiy ma'lumotlar
Tug'ilgan
Xubert Xoratio Xamfri kichik

(1911-05-27)1911 yil 27-may
Uolles, Janubiy Dakota, AQSh
O'ldi1978 yil 13-yanvar(1978-01-13) (66 yosh)
Waverly, Minnesota, AQSh
Dam olish joyiLakewood qabristoni
Siyosiy partiyaDemokratik-dehqon-mehnat
Turmush o'rtoqlar
​
(m. 1936)​
Bolalar4, shu jumladan O'tkazib yuborish
Ta'limMinnesota universiteti (BA )
Kapitoliy farmatsiya kolleji
Luiziana davlat universiteti (MA )
Imzo

Xubert Xoratio Xamfri kichik (1911 yil 27-may - 1978 yil 13-yanvar) 38-chi bo'lib xizmat qilgan amerikalik siyosatchi edi AQSh vitse-prezidenti 1965 yildan 1969 yilgacha. U ikki marta Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Senati, vakili Minnesota 1949 yildan 1964 yilgacha va 1971 yildan 1978 yilgacha u Demokratik partiya nomzodi 1968 yil prezident saylovi, yutqazish Respublika nomzod Richard Nikson.

Tug'ilgan Uolles, Janubiy Dakota, Xemfri ishtirok etdi Minnesota universiteti. Bir payt u otasining dorixonasini boshqarishda yordam berdi. U a Magistrlik darajasi dan Luiziana davlat universiteti va uchun ishlagan Ishni rivojlantirish boshqarmasi, Minnesota urush xizmati dasturi va Urush ishchi kuchlari komissiyasi. 1943 yilda u siyosatshunoslik professori bo'ldi Makalester kolleji uchun muvaffaqiyatsiz kampaniya o'tkazdi shahar hokimi ning Minneapolis. U topishda yordam berdi Minnesota Demokratik-Fermer-Mehnat partiyasi (DFL) 1944 yilda; keyingi yil u Minneapolis meri etib saylandi, 1948 yilgacha xizmat qildi va liberal asoschilaridan biri bo'ldi antikommunist guruh Amerikaliklar demokratik harakat uchun 1947 yilda. 1948 yilda u AQSh Senatiga saylangan va tugatish taklifini kiritishni muvaffaqiyatli himoya qilgan. irqiy ajratish ichida 1948 yil demokratlarning milliy qurultoyi partiyaning platformasi.[1]

Hamfri 1949 yildan 1964 yilgacha Senatda uch muddat ishlagan va shu davrda Senatning aksariyat qamchi uning ishining so'nggi to'rt yilida. Shu vaqt ichida u .ning muallifi edi Fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi 1964 y, yaratish uchun birinchi tashabbusni taqdim etdi Tinchlik korpusi, ning bandiga homiylik qildi Makkarran qonuni kontsentratsion lagerlarga tahdid soluvchi "buzg'unchilar", ishlab chiqarishni taklif qilishdi Kommunistik partiya a jinoyat tarkibiga kirdi va raislik qildi Qurolsizlanish bo'yicha qo'mitani tanlang. U partiyasidan prezidentlikka nomzodini muvaffaqiyatsiz izladi 1952 va 1960. Keyin Lyndon B. Jonson Prezidentlikka qo'shilib, u Xamfrini o'zi bilan turmush o'rtog'i sifatida tanladi va Demokratik chiptalar g'alaba qozondi 1964 yilgi saylov.

1968 yil mart oyida Jonson kutilmaganda qayta saylanishga intilmasligini e'lon qildi va Xamfri o'z faoliyatini boshladi uning prezidentlik uchun saylov kampaniyasi. Jonson ma'muriyatining siyosatiga sodiq Vetnam urushi, u o'z partiyasi ichidagi ko'pchilikning qarshiliklariga duch keldi va bunday vaziyatdan qochdi boshlang'ich saylovlar birlamchi bo'lmagan davlatlar delegatsiyalarini g'olib bo'lishiga e'tibor qaratish Demokratik konventsiya. Uning delegat strategiyasi ushbu nominatsiyani qo'lga kiritishga muvaffaq bo'ldi va u senatorni tanladi Edmund Maski uning sherigi sifatida. Umumiy saylovlarda u Niksonning umumiy ovoz berish natijalariga deyarli tenglashdi, ammo yutqazdi saylovda ovoz berish keng farq bilan. Mag'lubiyatdan keyin u Senatga qaytib keldi va 1971 yildan 1978 yilgacha vafotigacha xizmat qilgan.

Dastlabki hayot va ta'lim

Xamfri otasining dorixonasi joylashgan xonada tug'ilgan Uolles, Janubiy Dakota.[2] U Ragnild Kristin Sannesning o'g'li (1883-1973), a Norvegiya muhojir,[3] va Xubert Xoratio Xamfri (1882-1949).[4] Xamfri yoshligining ko'p qismini shu erda o'tkazgan Doland, Janubiy Dakota, Dakotada dasht; shahar aholisi 600 ga yaqin edi. Uning otasi litsenziyalangan farmatsevt va savdogar bo'lib, shahar hokimi va shahar kengashi a'zosi bo'lib ishlagan; u, shuningdek, qisqa vaqt ichida Janubiy Dakota shtati qonun chiqaruvchi organida ishlagan va Janubiy Dakotaning vakili bo'lgan 1944 va 1948 Demokratik milliy konventsiyalar.[5] 1920-yillarning oxirida Dolandni jiddiy iqtisodiy tanazzulga uchradi; shaharchadagi ikkala bank ham yopildi va Xemfri otasi do'konini ochiq saqlashga qiynaldi.[6]

Xemfri otasining dorixonasida farmatsevt bo'lib ishlaydi.

O'g'li Dolandning o'rta maktabini tugatgandan so'ng, Gubert Sr Dolandni tark etdi va katta shaharchada yangi dorixona ochdi. Huron, Janubiy Dakota (11000 aholi), bu erda u o'z boyliklarini yaxshilashga umid qilgan.[7] Oilaning moliyaviy qiyinchiliklari tufayli Xamfri oilani tark etishga majbur bo'ldi Minnesota universiteti faqat bir yildan keyin.[8] U Kapitoliy farmatsiya kollejidan farmatsevt litsenziyasini olgan Denver, Kolorado (atigi olti oy ichida ikki yillik litsenziyalash dasturini bajarish),[9] va 1931-1937 yillarda otasiga do'konini boshqarishda yordam bergan.[10] Ikkala ota ham, o'g'il ham xaridorlarni jalb qilish yo'llarini izlashda innovatsion edilar: "o'z bizneslarini to'ldirish uchun Hamfreylar ... ham cho'chqalar, ham odamlar uchun patent dori vositalari ishlab chiqaruvchisi bo'lib qolishdi. Dorixona ustiga yog'och cho'chqa tasvirlangan belgi osilgan edi. Bu noodatiy xizmat haqida jamoatchilik. Fermerlar xabar olishdi va aynan Xemfri fermerning dorixonasi sifatida tanildi. "[11] Bir biografning ta'kidlashicha, "kichik Xubert do'konni o'ylab, podvaldagi aralashmalarni aralashtirganda, Hubert kichik" Humphrey's BTV "(Body Tone Veterinary), cho'chqalar uchun mineral qo'shimchalar va degelminter va" Hamfreyning ko'kragi "ni sotishda yo'lga chiqqan. Ikki oyoqli bemorlar uchun moy 'va' Hamfrining hidlari '. "[12] Keyinchalik Xamfri shunday deb yozgan edi: "Biz Vikning burun tomchilarining o'rnini bosuvchi" Hamfri Sniffles "ni ishlab chiqardik. Men o'zimnikini yaxshiroq his qildim. Vik singdiruvchi mineral moydan foydalangan va biz o'simlik moyi bazasidan foydalanganmiz. Men qo'shdim. benzokain, mahalliy og'riqsizlantirish vositasi, shunda ham hidlar yaxshilanmasa ham, siz buni kamroq his qildingiz. "[13] Har xil "Xamfri shifolari ... etarlicha yaxshi ishladi va oila daromadining muhim qismini tashkil etdi ... dorilarni sotib olgan dehqonlar yaxshi mijozlar edi."[14] Vaqt o'tishi bilan Xemfri dorixonasi foydali korxonaga aylandi va oila yana gullab-yashnadi.[15] Xuronda yashab, Xamfri muntazam ravishda Huronning eng yirik metodist cherkoviga tashrif buyurgan va cherkovning Boy Skautlar Troop 6 skautteriga aylangan.[10] U "cherkov podvalida basketbol o'yinlarini boshladi ... garchi uning skautlari 1931 yilda lagerga pul topmagan bo'lsalar ham, Gyubert o'sha yozdagi chang bo'roni, chigirtka va depressiyaning eng yomoni ichida bir kechada [sayrga] yo'l ochdi. "[16]

Xamfri farmatsevt sifatida ishlashni yoqtirmasdi va uning orzusi siyosatshunoslik bo'yicha doktorlik unvonini olish va kollej professori bo'lishni davom ettiradi.[9] Uning baxtsizligi "oshqozon og'rig'i va hushidan ketish sehrlarida" namoyon bo'ldi, ammo shifokorlar unga yomonlik topolmadilar.[17] 1937 yil avgustda u otasiga Minnesota universitetiga qaytishni istashini aytdi.[15] Kichik Hubert o'g'lini do'konda to'liq sheriklik qilishni taklif qilib, uni ketmaslikka ishontirishga urindi, ammo kichik Xyubert rad etdi va otasiga "ishimdan deyarli jismoniy kasal bo'lganimdan ruhiy tushkunlikka tushganimni" aytdi. chang bo'ronlari, mening nimadir qilishni va kimdir bo'lishni istashim bilan unga bo'lgan sadoqatim o'rtasidagi ziddiyat ... u "Gubert, agar sen xursand bo'lmasang, unda bu haqda biron narsa qilishing kerak" deb javob berdi.[18] Xemfri 1937 yilda MINNESOTA universitetiga qaytib keldi va 1939 yilda san'at bakalavrini oldi.[19] U a'zosi edi Phi Delta Chi, dorixona birodarligi. U magistr darajasiga ham ega bo'lgan Luiziana davlat universiteti 1940 yilda u erda siyosatshunoslik bo'yicha o'qituvchi yordamchisi bo'lib xizmat qilgan.[20] Uning sinfdoshlaridan biri edi Rassell B. Long, kelajakdagi AQSh senatori Luiziana.

Keyin u instruktor bo'ldi va doktorant 1940 yildan 1941 yilgacha Minnesota Universitetida (ga qo'shilish Amerika o'qituvchilar federatsiyasi ) ga rahbarlik qilgan Ishni rivojlantirish boshqarmasi (WPA).[21] Xemfri universitetning munozarali jamoasida yulduz edi; uning jamoadoshlaridan biri bo'lajak Minnesota shtati gubernatori va AQSh qishloq xo'jaligi vaziri edi Orvil Freeman.[22] In 1940 yilgi prezidentlik kampaniyasi Xemfri va bo'lajak Minnesota universiteti prezidenti Malkolm Moos ning mohiyati haqida bahslashdi Franklin D. Ruzvelt, Demokratik nomzod va Vendell Uilki, respublikachi nomzod, Minneapolis radiostansiyasida. Xemfri Ruzveltni qo'llab-quvvatladi.[23] Tez orada Xamfri Minneapolis siyosatida faollashdi va natijada doktorlik dissertatsiyasini tugatmadi.[24]

Nikoh va erta martaba

1934 yilda Xamfri uchrashishni boshladi Muriel Buck, a buxgalter va mahalliy Huron kollejini bitiruvchisi.[25] Ular 1936 yildan Hamfri vafotigacha 42 yil o'tib turmush qurdilar.[26] Ularning to'rtta farzandi bor edi: Nensi Fay, Hubert Horatio III, Robert Endryu va Duglas Sannes.[27] Ko'pgina taniqli siyosatchilardan farqli o'laroq, Xamfri hech qachon millioner bo'lmagan; biograflardan biri ta'kidlagan: "Umrining ko'p qismida yashashga pul etishmayotgan edi va Oq uyga etib borishga bo'lgan tinimsiz intilishi ba'zida uzoq vaqtga o'xshab tuyuldi va u erga borish uchun etarli miqdordagi saylov kampaniyasini yig'ish uchun kurashni yo'qotdi".[28]

Xamfri maoshini oshirishga yordam berish uchun tez-tez tashqarida gaplashadigan ishlarni olib bordi. AQSh senatori va vitse-prezidenti bo'lgan ko'p yillari davomida u o'rta sinf shahar atrofi uy-joy qurilishida yashagan Chevy Chase, Merilend. 1958 yilda Hamfreylar o'zlarining va uning jamg'armalaridan foydalanganlar nutq to'lovlari ko'l bo'yida uy qurish Waverly, Minnesota, Minneapolisdan 40 milya g'arbda.[29]

Davomida Ikkinchi jahon urushi, Xemfri qurolli kuchlar safiga qo'shilishga uch marta urinib ko'rdi, ammo bu muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi.[30] Dastlabki ikki urinishi dengiz flotiga birinchi navbatda ofitser, keyin esa harbiy xizmatga qo'shilish edi. Ikkala marta ham rang ko'rligi uchun rad etilgan.[31] Keyin u 1944 yil dekabrida armiyaga chaqirilishga urindi, lekin ikki marta churra, rang ko'rligi va o'pkaning kalsifikatsiyasi tufayli fizik imtihondan o'ta olmadi.[31] Harbiy xizmatga qo'shilishga urinishlariga qaramay, bitta biograf yozishicha, urush paytida "butun siyosiy hayoti davomida Xamfri o'zini dodger deb ayblagan".[32]

Xemfri urush davridagi turli davlat idoralarini boshqargan va kollejda o'qituvchi bo'lib ishlagan. 1942 yilda u yangi ishlab chiqarishni o'qitish va qayta ishlash bo'yicha davlat direktori va Minnesota shtatidagi harbiy xizmat dasturining boshlig'i edi.[33] 1943 yilda u direktorning yordamchisi bo'lgan Urush ishchi kuchlari komissiyasi.[19] 1943 yildan 1944 yilgacha Xamfri siyosatshunoslik professori edi Makalester kolleji yilda Saint Paul, Minnesota Universitetning yaqinda tashkil etilgan xalqaro munozaralar bo'limini boshqargan, u xalqaro siyosatiga bag'ishlangan Ikkinchi jahon urushi va Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining yaratilishi.[34] 1944 yil bahorida Makalesterdan ketganidan keyin Xamfri 1945 yilgacha Minneapolis radiostantsiyasida yangiliklar sharhlovchisi bo'lib ishlagan.[19]

1943 yilda Xamfri o'zining birinchi saylov lavozimiga nomzodini qo'ydi Shahar hokimi Minneapolis. U yutqazdi, ammo kam mablag 'bilan ta'minlangan kampaniyasi hali ham 47 foizdan ortiq ovozni qo'lga kiritdi.[21] 1944 yilda Xemfri qo'shilishning muhim ishtirokchilaridan biri edi Demokratik va Fermer-mehnat tashkil etish uchun Minnesota partiyalari Minnesota Demokratik-Fermer-Mehnat partiyasi (DFL).[35] U Prezident bilan ham ishlagan Ruzvelt 1944 yilgi qayta saylov kampaniyasi.[36] Qachon Minnesota Kommunistlar 1945 yilda yangi partiyaning boshqaruvini qo'lga olishga harakat qildi, Xamfri unashtirildi antikommunist va kommunistlarni DFLdan chiqarib yuborish uchun muvaffaqiyatli kurash olib bordi.[37]

Urushdan keyin u yana Minneapolis meri nomzodini ilgari surdi; bu safar u saylovlarda 61% ovoz bilan g'olib bo'ldi.[21] Shahar hokimi sifatida u o'zining do'sti va avvalgi qo'shnisi Edvin Rayanni saylashda yordam berdi, chunki unga "yaxlitligi va sadoqati tahqirdan yuqori bo'lgan politsiya boshlig'i" kerak edi.[38] Rayan va Xemfri ishchilar kasaba uyushmalariga nisbatan har xil qarashlarga ega bo'lishgan bo'lsa-da, Minneapolisdagi jinoyatchilikka qarshi kurashishda birgalikda harakat qilishgan. Xemfri Rayanga: "Men bu shaharning tozalanishini xohlayman va demoqchimanki, bu shahar bir yildan yoki bir oydan keyin emas, balki hozirdanoq tozalanishini xohlayman" va "Siz huquqni muhofaza qilish organlari bilan shug'ullaning. Men olaman. siyosat g'amxo'rligi. "[39] Xamfri 1945 yildan 1948 yilgacha shahar hokimi bo'lib ishlagan,[40] 1947 yilda shaharning o'sha paytdagi eng katta farqi bilan qayta saylanishda g'olib chiqdi. Hamfri liberal antikommunist asoschilaridan biriga aylanib, milliy shuhrat qozondi Amerikaliklar demokratik harakat uchun (ADA) va u 1949 yildan 1950 yilgacha rais bo'lib ishlagan.[41] Shuningdek, u Minneapolis politsiya kuchlarini isloh qildi.[42] Shahar "deb nomlangan ediantisemitizm mamlakat poytaxti ",[43] va uning oz sonli afroamerikalik aholisi ham kamsitishlarga duch keldi. Xemfri merligi mutaassiblikning barcha turlariga qarshi kurashishga qaratilgan harakatlari bilan ajralib turadi.[44] U Insonlar bilan aloqalar bo'yicha kengashni tashkil qildi va uning shahar versiyasini yaratdi Adolatli bandlik amaliyoti qo'mitasi, Minneapolisni Qo'shma Shtatlardagi ishchi kuchida irqiy kamsitishni taqiqlovchi bir nechta shaharlardan biriga aylantirish.[45] Xemfri va uning publitsistlari Insonlar bilan aloqalar kengashi turli mafkuraga ega shaxslarni birlashtirganidan faxrlanishdi.[46] 1960 yilda Xemfri jurnalistga aytdi Teodor H. Uayt, "Men bir paytlar shahar hokimi bo'lganman, Minneapolisda ... shahar hokimi - bu juda yaxshi ish, bu hokim bo'lish va prezident bo'lish o'rtasidagi eng yaxshi ishdir."[47]

1948 yil demokratlarning milliy qurultoyi

1948 yildagi Demokratik partiya, asosan federal hukumat faol himoya qilishi kerak deb o'ylagan shimolliklar o'rtasida bo'lindi inson huquqlari irqiy ozchiliklar uchun va asosan janubiy aholisi uchun, ular davlatlar an'anaviy ravishda ijro etishi kerak, deb hisoblashgan irqiy ajratish ularning chegaralari ichida.[48]

Da 1948 yil demokratlarning milliy qurultoyi, partiya platformasi bo'linishni faqat fuqarolik huquqlarini qo'llab-quvvatlovchi yengillikni o'z ichiga olgan holda aks ettirdi.[49] Amaldagi prezident, Garri S. Truman, Janubiy demokratlarning g'azablanishiga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun o'zining 1946 yilgi Fuqarolik huquqlari bo'yicha komissiyasining tavsiyalarining ko'pini bekor qildi.[50] Ammo Xemfri yozgan edi Progressive jurnali, "Demokratik partiya hisobotdagi har qanday tamoyil uchun kurashni boshqarishi kerak. Hammasi yoki yo'q".[48]

Xemfri 1948 yil demokratlarning milliy qurultoyi yilda Filadelfiya.

Turli koalitsiya konventsiyaning fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi platformasiga qarshi chiqdi, jumladan Xamfri singari antikommunist liberallar, Pol Duglas va Jon F. Shelli, keyinchalik ularning barchasi Demokratik partiyaning etakchi taraqqiyparvarlari sifatida tanilgan bo'lar edi. Ular partiyaning platformasiga Demokratik partiyani yanada tajovuzkor qarshilik ko'rsatishga majbur qiladigan "ozchilik taxtasi" ni qo'shishni taklif qildilar irqiy ajratish.[51] Ozchiliklar taxtasi federal qonunchilikka qarshi chiqishga chaqirdi linchalash, janubda qonuniylashtirilgan maktablar ajratilishini tugatish va terining rangiga qarab ish joyidagi kamsitishlarga barham berish.[20] Shuningdek, ozchiliklar taxtasini kuchli qo'llab-quvvatlagan Ed Flinn singari demokrat shahar rahbarlari Bronks shimoli-sharq delegatlarining ovozlarini Xemfri platformasiga va'da bergan, Jeykob Arvi Chikagodan va Devid Lourens ning Pitsburg. Garchi konservator sifatida ko'rilgan bo'lsa-da, shahar boshliqlari Shimoliy Demokratlar fuqarolik huquqlarini qo'llab-quvvatlash orqali ko'plab qora ovozlarga ega bo'lishlari mumkin, deb hisoblashadi, faqat Janubiy demokratlar nisbatan ozgina yo'qotishlarga ega.[52] Garchi ko'plab olimlar[JSSV? ] kasaba uyushmalari ushbu koalitsiyaning etakchi namoyandalari edi, deb ta'kidladilar, konferentsiyada sanoat tashkilotlari Kongressi siyosiy harakatlar qo'mitasi (CIOPAC) rahbarlaridan tashqari, hech qanday muhim mehnat rahbarlari qatnashmadi, Jek Kroll va A.F.Uitni.[53]

Trumanning yordamchilari ushbu masalani Konventsiya maydonchasida majburlashdan saqlanish uchun agressiv bosimiga qaramay, Xamfri ozchiliklar taxtasi uchun gapirdi.[20] Taniqli nutqda,[54] Xemfri Konventsiyani ehtiros bilan aytdi: «Do'stlarim, biz fuqarolik huquqlari masalasida shoshilayapmiz deganlarga, men ularga aytaman 172 yil (juda kech! Ushbu fuqarolik huquqlari dasturi davlatlarning huquqlarini buzish deb aytayotganlarga men shuni aytaman: Amerikaga Demokratik partiyaning davlatlar huquqlari soyasidan chiqib, inson huquqlarining yorqin quyoshi ostida to'g'ri yuradigan vaqti keldi. ! "[55] Xemfri va uning ittifoqchilari muvaffaqiyat qozonishdi: konventsiya 651 ovoz bilan fuqarolar huquqlarini himoya qilish bo'yicha rejani qabul qildi1/2 582 ga1/2.[56]

Kongress ovoz berganidan so'ng Missisipi delegatsiya va ularning yarmi Alabama delegatsiya zaldan chiqib ketdi.[1] Ko'plab janubiy demokratlar o'zlarining "turmush tarziga" qarshi bunday g'azabdan g'azablandilar va ular tashkil qildilar Diksiekrat ziyofat[57] va o'zlarining prezidentlikka nomzodlarini, gubernatorni ko'rsatdilar Strom Thurmond ning Janubiy Karolina.[58] Diksiekratlarning maqsadi Janubiy shtatlarni Trumandan tortib olish va shu bilan uning mag'lubiyatiga sabab bo'lish edi.[59] Ularning fikriga ko'ra, bunday mag'lubiyatdan so'ng milliy demokratik partiya hech qachon tajovuzkor ravishda fuqarolik huquqlarini qo'llab-quvvatlash dasturini amalga oshirmaydi. Harakat natija bermadi: garchi fuqarolik huquqlari taxtasi Truman Diksekratlar tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlansa ham, unga qora tanlilar, ayniqsa, shimoliy yirik shaharlarda ko'p ovoz oldi. Natijada, Truman o'zining ustidan g'alaba qozondi Respublika raqib, Tomas E. Devi.[60] Natijada Demokratik partiya "Qattiq janub" bo'lmasdan prezidentlik saylovlarida g'alaba qozonishi mumkinligini va Janubiy demokratlarni zaiflashtirganligini namoyish etdi. Pulitser mukofoti - yutuqli tarixchi Devid Makkullo Xamfri, ehtimol, Trumanni 1948 yilda saylanishi uchun Trumaning o'zidan boshqalarga qaraganda ko'proq ish qilgan deb yozgan.[61]

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Senati (1949-1964)

Xemfri saylangan Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Senati yilda 1948 ustida DFL 89% ovoz bilan DFLning dastlabki bosqichida Jeyms M. Shildsni mag'lubiyatga uchratib,[62] va amaldagi respublikachi Jozef H. Ball umumiy saylovlarda 60% ovoz bilan.[63] U 1949 yil 3-yanvarda lavozimiga kirishdi va shu kunga qadar Minnesota shtatidan saylangan birinchi demokrat senator bo'ldi Fuqarolar urushi.[64] Xemfri g'alaba uning o'zini anglash tuyg'usini kuchaytirganligini yozgan, chunki u respublikachini engish uchun shtat bo'ylab qo'llab-quvvatlangan.[65] Xamfrining otasi o'sha yili vafot etgan va Xamfri "Jr." dan foydalanishni to'xtatgan. uning nomidagi qo'shimchalar. U qayta saylandi 1954 va 1960.[40] Hamkasblari uni tanladilar ko'pchilik qamchi 1961 yilda bu lavozimni tark etguniga qadar egallagan Senat 1964 yil 29 dekabrda vitse-prezidentlikni boshlaydi.[66] Xemfri 81-chi uchun 87-chi Kongress sessiyalari va ularning bir qismida 88-kongress.

Senator Xamfri

Dastlab, Xamfri fuqarolik huquqlarini qo'llab-quvvatlaganligi sababli, Senatning etakchi lavozimlarida hukmronlik qilgan va uni 1948 yilgi Konvensiyada fuqarolik huquqlari platformasini taklif qilgani uchun jazolamoqchi bo'lgan janubiy demokratlar tomonidan tahqirlagan. Senator Kichik Richard Rassel Janubiy Demokratlar partiyasining etakchisi Jorjiya shtati Xamfri o'tib ketayotganda boshqa senatorlarga shunday dedi: "Tasavvur qilyapsizmi, Minnesota aholisi bu la'nati ahmoqni ularni vakili qilish uchun bu erga yuborgan?"[67] Xamfri qo'rqitishdan bosh tortdi va o'z o'rnida turdi; uning yaxlitligi, ishtiyoqi va notiqligi oxir-oqibat unga janubiy aholining aksariyatining hurmatiga sazovor bo'ldi.[68] Janubliklar, shuningdek, Xamfri Senatning vakili bo'lganidan keyin uni qabul qilishga ko'proq moyil edilar Ko'pchilik rahbari Lyndon B. Jonson Texas.[20] Xemfri liberal sabablarni himoya qilish bilan mashhur bo'lgan (masalan inson huquqlari, qo'llarni boshqarish, a yadro sinovlarini taqiqlash, oziq-ovqat markalari va gumanitar tashqi yordam ) va uning uzoq va aqlli nutqlari uchun.[69] Davomida Makkartist davr (1950-54), Xamfri "yumshoq "likda ayblangan kommunizm "antikommunist liberal tashkilot asoschilaridan biri bo'lishiga qaramay Amerikaliklar demokratik harakat uchun, Truman ma'muriyatining o'sishiga qarshi kurashning qat'iy tarafdori bo'lgan Sovet Ittifoqi va Minnesota va boshqa joylarda kommunistik siyosiy faoliyat bilan kurashgan. Bundan tashqari, Xamfri ushbu bandga homiylik qildi Makkarran to'g'risidagi 1950 yildagi qonun tahdid kontslagerlar "qo'poruvchilar" uchun,[70] va 1954 yilda shunchaki a'zolikni taklif qildi Kommunistik partiya jinoyat, muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lgan taklif.[71] U raisi edi Qurolsizlanish bo'yicha qo'mitani tanlang (84-chi va 85-chi Kongresslar).[72] Garchi "Xemfri 1938 yildan 1978 yilgacha bo'lgan har bir AQSh urushining g'ayratli tarafdori bo'lgan",[73] 1960 yil fevral oyida u Milliy tinchlik agentligini tashkil etish to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasini taqdim etdi.[74] Boshqa sobiq farmatsevt bilan, Vakil Karl Darem, Hamfri homiylik qildi Durham-Xamfri tuzatishlari, o'zgartirilgan Federal oziq-ovqat, giyohvand moddalar va kosmetika to'g'risidagi qonun, dorilar uchun ikkita aniq toifani aniqlash, afsona (retsept ) va retseptsiz sotiladigan (OTC).[75] Demokrat sifatida qamchi 1964 yilda Senatda Xemfri o'tishda muhim rol o'ynagan Fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi qonun o'sha yili. U respublika senati respublika ozchiliklar etakchisi bilan bir qatorda uning matnining etakchi muallifi edi Everett Dirksen ning Illinoys.[76] Xemfri doimiy ravishda quvnoq va ko'tarinki xulq-atvori va liberal sabablarni kuchli ravishda himoya qilgani sababli, Senatdagi ko'plab hamkasblari va siyosiy jurnalistlar tomonidan "Baxtli jangchi" laqabini olishdi.[77]

Prezident sifatida Jon F. Kennedi ni yaratganligi uchun ko'pincha kredit olinadi Tinchlik korpusi, Xamfri Tinchlik Korpusini tuzish bo'yicha birinchi qonun loyihasini 1957 yilda - Kennedining Michigan universiteti nutqidan uch yil oldin kiritgan.[78] Jurnalistlarning uchligi 1969 yilda Xamfri haqida "Amerika siyosatida kam sonli erkaklar bu qadar muhim ahamiyatga ega bo'lishgan. Bu murakkab parlament o'yinlarida hal qiluvchi rol o'ynagan senator [Everett] Dirksen emas, Xamfri bo'lgan" deb yozgan edi. The Fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi 1964 y. Tinchlik korpusini birinchi marta taklif qilgan Jon Kennedi emas, Xamfri edi. The Tinchlik uchun oziq-ovqat dastur Xamfri g'oyasi edi va shunday edi Medicare, u birinchi marta taklif qilganidan keyin o'n olti yil o'tdi. U 1949 yildan Federal ta'limga yordam berish va 1956 yildan yadro sinovlarini taqiqlash to'g'risidagi bitim uchun ishlagan. Bular Senatda liberal maqsadlar uchun olib borilgan 20 yillik samarali ishlarning mustahkam yodgorliklari. "[79] Prezident Jonson bir paytlar "Senatorlarning aksariyati mayda-chuyda ... Hubert Xamfri kitlar orasida" deb aytgan edi.[79]Uning tarjimai holida, Jamoat odamining tarbiyasi, Xemfri yozgan:[80]

Men uchun alohida emotsional ahamiyatga ega uchta qonun loyihasi bor edi Tinchlik korpusi, qurolsizlanish agentligi va Yadro sinovlarini taqiqlash to'g'risidagi shartnoma. Prezident mening his-tuyg'ularimni bilib, uchalasi uchun ham qonunchilikni kiritishimni iltimos qildi. Men Tinchlik Korpusi to'g'risidagi birinchi qonun loyihasini 1957 yilda taqdim etganman. U juda g'ayrat bilan kutilmadi. Ba'zi an'anaviy diplomatlar o'zlarining dunyolariga tarqalib ketgan minglab amerikalik yoshlarni o'ylab, dahshatga tushishdi. Ko'plab senatorlar, shu jumladan liberallar, bu g'oyani bema'ni va amalga oshirib bo'lmaydigan deb o'ylashdi. Endi, yosh prezident uni o'tishni talab qilganda, bu mumkin bo'ldi va biz uni Senat orqali tez surib qo'ydik. Hozir Tinchlik Korpusi ko'ngillilariga o'zlari ishlagan mamlakatlar singari o'z tajribalaridan ko'proq yoki ko'proq foyda olishlarini taklif qilish zamonaviy. Bu to'g'ri bo'lishi mumkin, ammo bu ularning ishini kamsitmasligi kerak. Ular ko'plab hayotlarga ta'sir qilishdi va ularni yaxshilashdi.

1950 yil 9-aprelda Xamfri Prezident Truman 4 milliard dollarlik uy-joy loyihasini imzolaydi va kelasi oy Trumanning O'rta G'arbiy va Shimoliy-G'arbiy safarlarida respublikachilarga hisobotning asosiy o'rtacha daromadli imtiyozlarini olib tashlaganlikda ayblaydi.[81]

1951 yil 7-yanvarda Xamfri senatorga qo'shildi Pol Duglas kommunistik tajovuzga qarshi kurashish uchun 80 milliard dollarlik federal byudjetni jalb qilishda va qarz olishning oldini olish uchun soliqni qattiq oshirish.[82]

1951 yil yanvar oyida Xamfri Prezident Trumanga yozgan maktubida shunga o'xshash komissiya zarurligi haqida yozgan Adolatli bandlik amaliyoti komissiyasi mudofaa sanoatida kamsitishni to'xtatish uchun foydalaniladigan va ijro buyrug'i bilan bunday komissiyani tashkil etish amerikaliklar tomonidan yuqori ma'qullash bilan kutib olinishini taxmin qilgan.[83]

1953 yil 18-iyunda Xemfri AQShni Germaniyadagi anti-kommunistik tartibsizliklarga javoban Germaniyada erkin saylovlarni o'tkazishga chaqiruvchi rezolyutsiya kiritdi. Sharqiy Berlin.[84]

1958 yil dekabr oyida, xabar olganidan keyin Nikita Xrushchev Sovet Ittifoqiga tashrifi chog'ida Xamfri bu xabar Amerikaga salbiy ta'sir ko'rsatmasligini ta'kidlab qaytdi.[85] 1959 yil fevral oyida Xemfri Amerika gazetalari Xrushyovni uni ertaklarni tozalovchi deb atagan izohlarini e'tiborsiz qoldirishi kerak edi.[86] Sentyabr oyida Milliy statsionar va ofis uskunalari assotsiatsiyasiga murojaat qilgan Xamfri Xrushchevning "jonli va jonli bo'lsin" doktrinasini yanada chuqurroq tekshirishga chaqirdi va sovuq urushni Amerikaning "tinchlik qurollari" yordamida yutish mumkin edi.[87]

1963 yil iyun oyida Xemfri o'zining uzoq yillik do'sti mehnat rahbariga hamroh bo'ldi Uolter Reuter sayohatda Xarpsund, Shvetsiya Bosh vazirining yozgi mamlakati orqaga chekinib, Evropa sotsialistik rahbarlari bilan fikr almashish uchun uchrashdi.[88] Xamfri va Reuter bilan uchrashgan Evropa rahbarlari orasida Buyuk Britaniya, Shvetsiya, Daniya va Norvegiyaning bosh vazirlari hamda Germaniyaning bo'lajak kansleri bor edi. Villi Brandt.[89]

Prezidentlik va vitse-prezidentlik ambitsiyalari (1952–1964)

1960 yilgi boshlang'ich saylovlarda Xamfri Janubiy Dakota va Vashingtonda g'olib chiqdi.

Xemfri yugurish uchun Demokratik 1964 yilda vitse-prezidentlikka saylanishidan oldin ikki marta prezidentlikka nomzod. Birinchi marta Minnesota shtatining vakili bo'lgan sevimli o'g'il 1952 yilda; u birinchi ovoz berishda atigi 26 ovoz oldi.[90] Ikkinchi marotaba 1960 yilda bo'lib o'tgan. Ikki taklif o'rtasida Xamfri vitse-prezidentlikka nomzod uchun bepul ishtirok etgan. 1956 yil demokratlarning milliy konvensiyasi, bu erda u birinchi ovoz berishda 134, ikkinchisida 74 ovoz oldi.[91]

1960 yilda Xamfri senator o'rtoqlarga qarshi nomzod sifatida qatnashdi Jon F. Kennedi boshlang'ich saylovlarda. Ularning birinchi uchrashuvi Viskonsin boshlang'ich tashkiloti, bu erda Kennedining yaxshi tashkil etilgan va yaxshi moliyalashtirilgan kampaniyasi Hamfreyning baquvvat, ammo kam mablag 'bilan ta'minlangan sa'y-harakatlarini engib chiqdi.[92] Xemfri Viskonsindagi Kennedini mag'lubiyatga uchratish, kampaniyaning tezligini susaytiradi va pasaytiradi deb ishongan.[93] Kennedining jozibali birodarlari, opalari va rafiqasi Jaklin ovoz berish uchun shtatni taroqladi. Bir payt Xamfri o'zini "o'zini mustaqil savdo tarmog'i bilan raqobatdosh savdogar kabi his qilayotganidan" shikoyat qildi.[94] Keyinchalik Xamfri o'z xotiralarida shunday yozgan edi: "Muriel va men va" oddiy xalqimiz "atrofimiz Jeki Kennedi va boshqa Kennedi ayollarining jozibasi bilan tenglashmas edik. Piter Lawford ... va Frank Sinatra "High Hopes" reklama roliklarini kuylash. Jek Kennedi Viskonsinga oilasi va Gollivudni olib keldi. Xalq buni yaxshi ko'rardi va matbuot uni yutib yubordi. "[95] Kennedi Viskonsin shtatidagi dastlabki saylovlarda g'alaba qozondi, ammo kutilganidan kichikroq farq bilan. Ba'zi sharhlovchilar Kennedining g'alaba marjasi deyarli butunlay katta maydonlardan kelgan deb ta'kidlashdi Rim katolik aholi,[96] va bu Protestantlar Xamfrini qo'llab-quvvatlagan edi. Natijada, Xamfri poygadan chiqishni rad etdi va yana Kennediga qarshi yugurishga qaror qildi G'arbiy Virjiniya birlamchi. Bir biografning so'zlariga ko'ra "Xamfri G'arbiy Virjiniyada uning imkoniyatini yaxshi deb o'ylagan, to'rt yil oldin vitse-prezidentlik uchun yutqazish poygasida uni qo'llab-quvvatlagan kam sonli davlatlardan biri ... G'arbiy Virjiniya shaharlardan ko'ra qishloqroq edi. Xamfrining xalqchil stump uslubini taklif qilish. Davlat, bundan tashqari, mehnat qo'rg'oni edi. U tushkunlikka tushgan; ishsizlik katta zarar ko'rgan; ko'mir qazib oluvchilarning oilalari och bo'lgan. Xamfri 95% protestantlar ( Xemfri a Jamoatchi )[97] va shuningdek, chuqur bo'yalgan Muqaddas Kitobni buzadiganlar ".[96]

Kennedi din bilan yuzma-yuz uchrashishni tanladi. Radioeshittirishlarda u bu masalani katoliklarga nisbatan ehtiyotkorlik bilan qayta ko'rib chiqdi Protestant bag'rikenglikka nisbatan toqat qilmaslik. Kennedining murojaatida butun faoliyati davomida bag'rikenglik tarafdori bo'lgan Hamfri mudofaaga qo'yildi va Kennedi unga qasos bilan hujum qildi. Franklin D. Ruzvelt kichik., sobiq prezidentning o'g'li, G'arbiy Virjiniyada Kennedi uchun qoqilib, Xamfri Ikkinchi Jahon urushida qurolli kuchlarda ishlamasligi masalasini ko'targan. Ruzvelt tinglovchilarga "Ikkinchi Jahon Urushida u [Xamfri] qaerda bo'lganini bilmayman" dedi va Xamfri chaqirilgan qochqin ekanligi haqidagi varaqalarni tarqatdi.[98] Tarixchi Robert Dallek buni yozgan Robert F. Kennedi, akasining saylov kampaniyasining menejeri bo'lib ishlagan, "Xamfri Ikkinchi Jahon urushi paytida harbiy kechikishlarni qidirib topgan bo'lishi mumkinligi haqidagi ma'lumotni qo'lga kiritdi ... u buni ishlatish uchun Ruzveltni bosdi."[99] Xamfri Ruzveltning "qochib ketgan" da'vosini "Bobbi [Kennedi] ma'qullagan, agar Jek bo'lmasa" deb ishongan.[99] Xamfri dodger edi degan da'volar noto'g'ri edi, chunki urush paytida Xamfri "jismoniy nogironligi sababli [harbiy xizmatga] kirishga urinib ko'rgan va muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchragan".[99] G'arbiy Virjiniya shtatidagi dastlabki saylovlardan so'ng Ruzvelt Xamfriga yozma ravishda kechirim so'rash va qaytarib yuborishni yubordi.[98] Tarixchining fikriga ko'ra Artur Shlezinger, kichik, Ruzvelt "o'zini ishlatilganligini sezdi va [loyihadan qochish ayblovini] Robert Kennedining har qanday narxda g'alaba qozonishga qaror qilgani bilan aybladi ... Ruzvelt keyinchalik bu uning karerasidagi eng katta siyosiy xato ekanligini aytdi."[100]

Pul mablag'lari kamligi sababli, Xamfri yaxshi moliyalashtirilgan Kennedining operatsiyasiga teng kela olmadi. U ijaraga olingan avtobusda shtat bo'ylab sayohat qilgan, Kennedi va uning xodimlari oilaga tegishli bo'lgan katta samolyotda uchishgan.[101] Uning tarjimai holi Karl Solbergning so'zlariga ko'ra, Xamfri G'arbiy Virjiniya shtatidagi boshlang'ich saylovga atigi 23 ming dollar sarflagan, Kennedining saylovoldi kampaniyasi esa ularning rasmiy taxminlariga ko'ra 100 million dollardan oshib ketgan.[102] Isbotlanmagan ayblovlarga ko'ra, Kennedilar G'arbiy Virjiniya shtatidagi boshlang'ich saylovni Kennediga ovoz berish uchun okrug sheriflari va boshqa mahalliy amaldorlarga pora berish orqali sotib olgan.[103] Keyinchalik Xamfri shunday deb yozgan edi: "Men professional siyosatchi sifatida Kennedi kampaniyasining samaradorligini qabul qildim va haqiqatan ham uni hurmat qildim. Ammo go'zal tashqi ko'rinish ostida men qabul qilishda ham, unutishda ham qiynalgan shafqatsizlik va qat'iylik elementi bor edi".[104] Kennedi G'arbiy Virjiniyada 60,8% ovoz bilan Xamfrini ishonchli tarzda mag'lub etdi.[105] O'sha kuni kechqurun Xamfri poygadan ketishini e'lon qildi.[106] G'arbiy Virjiniyani yutib, Kennedi protestant saylovchilari katoliklikni prezidentlikka saylamaydi degan ishonchni engib chiqdi va shu tariqa Demokratik nomzodni tikdi.[107]

Xamfri Kennedi kirmagan Janubiy Dakota va Kolumbiya okrugidagi dastlabki saylovlarda g'olib chiqdi.[108] Da 1960 yil Demokratik milliy konventsiya, u endi nomzod bo'lmaganiga qaramay 41 ovoz oldi.

Hamfri bilan birga saylangan vitse-prezident Koretta Skott King va Fuqarolik huquqlari rahbari Dr. Martin Lyuter King kichik

Vitse-prezidentlik kampaniyasi

1960 yilda Xamfrining mag'lubiyati uning fikrlashiga katta ta'sir ko'rsatdi; ibtidoiy saylovlardan so'ng u do'stlariga siyosatdagi nisbatan kambag'al odam sifatida, agar u birinchi vitse-prezident bo'lib xizmat qilmasa, hech qachon Prezident bo'la olmasligini aytdi.[109] Xemfri shu yo'l bilan u mablag ', umummilliy tashkilot va ko'zga ko'rinishga ega bo'lib, Demokratik nomzodni yutish uchun kerak bo'ladi, deb ishongan. Shunday qilib 1964 yil prezidentlik kampaniyasi - dedi Xempri Lindon Jonsonning sherigi bo'lishga bo'lgan qiziqishini. Da 1964 yil Demokratlarning milliy qurultoyi, Jonson uchta ehtimoliy vitse-prezidentlikka nomzodlarni, Konnektikut senatorini saqlab qoldi Tomas Dodd, Minnesota shtatidan senator Evgeniy Makkarti va Xemfri,[110] Hamfri o'z tanlovini e'lon qilishdan oldin, qolgan xalq kabi, shov-shuv bilan, uning ismini e'lon qilishdan oldin uning malakasini ancha oldin maqtagan.[111]

Ertasi kuni Xamfrining qabul haqidagi nutqi Jonsonning qabul qilish manzilini soya qildi:

Gubert Prezidentga bo'lgan uzoq ehtirom bilan iliqlashdi, so'ngra marom bilan jabborish va chopishni boshlaganda uning qadamini urdi Barri Goldwater. "Senatdagi aksariyat demokratlar va respublikachilar Amerika fuqarolari va Amerika biznesi uchun soliqni kamaytirish uchun 11,5 milliard dollar miqdorida ovoz berishdi, - dedi u." Ammo senator Golduoter emas. Senatdagi aksariyat demokratlar va respublikachilar - aslida uning a'zolarining to'rtdan to'rt qismi. o'z partiyasi - Fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi qonunga ovoz berdi, ammo senator Golduoter emas. "Vaqt o'tishi bilan u ayblovlarini baraban chinqirig'i bilan yopdi:" Ammo senator Golduoter emas! " Delegatlar kadansni ushladilar va qo'shiqni boshladilar. Qiziqarli tabassum Xamfrining yuziga yoyilib, keyin g'alaba kulishiga aylandi. Hubert yaxshi formada edi. U buni bilar edi. Delegatlar buni bilishar edi. Hubert Xamfri kelgusi haftalarda dahshatli siyosiy antagonist bo'lishini hech kim inkor eta olmasdi.[112]

Mehnat rahbarlari oldidagi murojaatida Youngstown, Ogayo shtati 1964 yil 7 sentyabrda Xemfri ishchilar harakati "ushbu saylovda jamiyatning deyarli barcha qismlariga qaraganda ko'proq xavf ostida edi" dedi.[113] Yilda Jeymsburg, Nyu-Jersi 10 sentyabrda Xemfri shahar uylarini qurish masalalariga kelganda Goldvudning "chekinish va reaktsiya qaydlari" bo'lganligini ta'kidladi.[114] 12 sentyabr kuni Denver Demokratik miting, Xemfri Golduoterni aksariyat amerikaliklar va uning partiyasi a'zolari qo'llab-quvvatlagan dasturlarni rad etganlikda aybladi.[115] A Santa Fe Xempfri 13-sentabr kuni bo'lib o'tgan mitingda Golduoter boshchiligidagi Respublikachilar partiyasi "Amerikani zabt etishi uchun bo'linishga" intilayotganini va Golduoter hukumatni qisqartirishda odamlarni siqib chiqarishini aytdi.[116] 16 sentyabr kuni Xemfri shunday dedi Amerikaliklar demokratik harakat uchun Jonson ma'muriyatining Kubaga qarshi iqtisodiy sanktsiyalarini qo'llab-quvvatladi va tashkilot erkin Kuba hukumatiga ega bo'lishni xohladi.[117] Ertasi kuni San-Antonio, Texas, Xemfri, Golduoter aksariyat texansliklar va amerikaliklar tomonidan ma'qullanadigan dasturlarga qarshi chiqishgan.[118]27 sentyabr kuni ko'rinish paytida Klivlend, Ogayo shtati, Xemfri Kennedi ma'muriyati Amerikani gullab-yashnagan yo'nalishda olib borganini va saylovchilarni "Ozodlik haykalini temir bilan qulflangan eshik bilan almashtirmoqchi bo'lganlarga" qarshi ovoz berib, referendum o'tkazishga chaqirganini aytdi.[119]

Kaliforniya shtatining Los-Anjeles shahridagi Shrine Auditorium-da, 2-oktabr kuni Xamfri umumiy saylovlar saylovchilarga uning o'rtog'i va "zulmatni la'natlaydigan va hech qachon sham yoqmaydigan" nomzod o'rtasida tanlov qilishini aytdi.[120] 9 oktyabr kuni Jersi Siti, Nyu-Jersi Xamfri "kasal va charchagan amerikaliklar" deb atagan ma'muriyat tanqidchilariga javoban Kennedi va Jonson prezidentligining yutuqlarini aytib o'tdi.[121] Yilda Tampa, Florida iste'foga chiqqanidan bir hafta o'tib, 18 oktyabrda Uolter Jenkins janjal ostida, Xamfri ushbu ish bilan bog'liq har qanday xavfsizlik ma'lumotlari haqida bilmasligini aytdi.[122] Yilda Minneapolis 24 oktyabrda Xemfri senatorga qarshi tanqid ovozini sanab o'tdi Jozef Makkarti, fuqarolik huquqlari to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi va yadro sinovlarini taqiqlash to'g'risidagi bitim, "so'nggi o'n yil ichida Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Senati oldida vijdonning uchta buyuk masalasi" bo'lib, u senator sifatida noto'g'ri ovoz bergan.[123] Xamfri 26 oktyabr kuni Chikagodagi nutqida Golduoterni "na respublikachi, na demokrat" va "radikal" deb atadi.[124]

Jonson-Xamfri chiptasi saylovlarda katta ustunlikka ega bo'lib, 538 ovozdan 486 ta saylovchining ovozini oldi.[125] Respublikachilar chiptasini faqatgina beshta Janubiy shtat va Golduoterning uyi Arizona qo'llab-quvvatladi.[126] Oktyabr oyida Xemfri chiptani katta farq bilan yutishini, ammo har bir shtatni olib yurmasligini bashorat qilgan edi.[127]

AQShning saylangan vitse-prezidenti

1964 yil 6-noyabrda Xemfri Virgin orollari o'z lavozimini egallashidan oldin ikki haftalik ta'til uchun.[128] Yangiliklar Xempfri prezident Jonson bilan uning vitse-prezident sifatida qanday rol o'ynashini muhokama qilmaganligini va milliy kampaniyalarni to'rt haftaga qisqartirish kerakligini aytgan lenta yozuvlarini efirga uzatdi.[129] In an interview on November 20, Humphrey announced he would resign his Senate seat midway through the following month so that Valter Mondale could assume the position.[130]

On December 10, 1964, Humphrey met with President Johnson in the Oval Office, the latter charging the vice president-elect with "developing a publicity machine extraordinaire and of always wanting to get his name in the paper." Johnson showed Humphrey a George Reed memo with the allegation that the president would die within six months from an already acquired fatal heart disease.[131] The same day, during a speech in Washington, President Johnson announced Humphrey would have the position of giving assistance to governmental civil rights programs.[132]

On January 19, 1965, the day before the inauguration, Vice President-elect Humphrey told the Demokratik milliy qo'mita that the party had unified because of the national consensus established by the presidential election.[133]

Vice Presidency (1965–1969)

Vice President Humphrey at a meeting in the Oval ofis, June 21, 1965

Humphrey took office on January 20, 1965,[134] ending the 14-month vacancy of the Vice President of the United States, which had remained empty when then-Vice President Lyndon B. Johnson assumed the Presidency after the Jon F. Kennedining o'ldirilishi.[135] He was an early skeptic of the then growing Vetnam urushi. Muvaffaqiyatli Vietnam Kong yugur-yugur attack on a US military installation at Pleiku on February 7, 1965 (where 7 Americans were killed and 109 wounded), Humphrey returned from Georgia to Washington D.C., to attempt to prevent further escalation.[136] He told President Johnson that bombing Shimoliy Vetnam was not a solution to the problems in Janubiy Vetnam, but that bombing would require the injection of US ground forces into South Vietnam to protect the airbases.[136] Presciently, he noted that a military solution in Vietnam would take several years, well beyond the next election cycle. In response to this advice, President Johnson punished Humphrey by treating him coldly and restricting him from his inner circle for a number of months, until Humphrey decided to "get back on the team" and fully support the war effort.[136]

As Vice President, Humphrey was criticized for his complete and vocal loyalty to Johnson and the policies of the Johnson Administration, even as many of his liberal admirers opposed the president's policies with increasing fervor regarding the Vietnam War.[19] Many of Humphrey's liberal friends and allies abandoned him because of his refusal to publicly criticize Johnson's Vietnam War policies. Humphrey's critics later learned that Johnson had threatened Humphrey – Johnson told Humphrey that if he publicly criticized his policies, he would destroy Humphrey's chances to become President by opposing his nomination at the next Democratic Convention.[137] However, Humphrey's critics were vocal and persistent: even his nickname, "the Happy Warrior", was used against him. The nickname referred not to his military hawkishness, but rather to his crusading for social welfare and civil rights programs.[19] After his narrow defeat in the 1968 presidential election, Humphrey wrote that "After four years as Vice-President ... I had lost some of my personal identity and personal forcefulness. ... I ought not to have let a man [Johnson] who was going to be a former President dictate my future."[138]

While he was Vice President, Hubert Humphrey was the subject of a satirical song by songwriter/musician Tom Lehrer entitled "Whatever Became of Hubert?" The song addressed how some liberals and ilg'or felt let down by Humphrey, who had become a much more mute figure as Vice President than he had been as a senator. The song goes "Whatever became of Hubert? Has anyone heard a thing? Once he shone on his own, now he sits home alone and waits for the phone to ring. Once a fiery liberal spirit, ah, but now when he speaks he must clear it. ..."

During these years Humphrey was a repeated and favorite guest of Jonni Karson kuni Tonight Show.[139][140] He also struck up a friendship with Frank Sinatra, who supported his campaign for president in 1968 before his conversion to the Republican party in the early 1970s,[141] and was perhaps most on notice in the fall of 1977 when Sinatra was the star attraction and host of a tribute to a then-ailing Humphrey. U shuningdek paydo bo'ldi The Dean Martin Celebrity Roast 1973 yilda.

Humphrey with Soviet cosmonaut Yuriy Gagarin va Egizaklar 4 1965 yilda kosmonavtlar Parij havo shousi

On April 15, 1965, Humphrey delivered an address to the American Society of Newspaper Editors, pledging the incumbent session of Congress would "do more for the lasting long-term health of this nation" since the initial session in office at the time of Franklin D. Ruzvelt assuming the presidency in 1933 and predicting 13 major measures of President Johnson's administration would be passed ahead of the session's conclusion.[142] In mid-May 1965, Humphrey traveled to Dallas, Texas for an off-the-record discussion with donors of President Johnson's campaign. During the visit, Humphrey was imposed tight security as a result of the JFK assassination a year and a half prior and the mother of Li Xarvi Osvald was placed under surveillance by Police Chief Cato Hightower.[143]

During a May 31, 1966 appearance at Huron College, Humphrey said the US should not expect "either friendship or gratitude" in helping poorer countries.[144] At a September 22, 1966 Jeymsburg, Nyu-Jersi Democratic Party fundraiser, Humphrey said the Vietnam War would be shortened if the US stayed firm and hastened the return of troops: "We are making a decision not only to defend Vietnam, we are defending the United States of America."[145]

During a May 1967 news conference, Humphrey said American anger toward Vietnam was losing traction and that he could see a growth in popularity for President Johnson since a low point five months prior.[146] During an August 2, 1967 appearance in Detroyt, Michigan, Humphrey proposed each state consider forming peacekeeping councils focused on preventing violence, gaining community cooperation, and listening to "the voices of those who have gone unheard."[147]

On November 4, 1967, Humphrey cited Malayziya as an example of what Vietnam could resemble post a Viet Cong defeat while in Jakarta, Indoneziya.[148]The following day, Vice President Humphrey requested Indonesia attempt mediation in the Vietnam War during a meeting with Suxarto at Merdeka palace.[149] On December 7, Vice President Humphrey said in an interview that the Viet Cong could potentially be the factor in creating a political compromise with the government of Saigon.[150]

Inson huquqlari

In February 1965, President Johnson appointed Humphrey to the chairmanship of the President's Council on Equal Opportunity.[151] The position and board had been proposed by Humphrey, who told Johnson that the board should consist of members of the Cabinet and federal agency leaders and serve multiple roles: assisting agency cooperation, creating federal program consistency, using advanced planning to avoid potential racial unrest, creating public policy, and meeting with local and state level leaders.[152] During his tenure, he appointed Wiley A. Branton as executive director.[153] During the first meeting of the group on March 3, Humphrey stated the budget was US$289,000 and pledged to ensure vigorous work by the small staff.[152] Keyingi Vattdagi tartibsizliklar in August of that year, Johnson downsized Humphrey's role as the administration's expert on civil rights. Dallek wrote the shift in role was in line with the change in policy the Johnson administration underwent in response to "the changing political mood in the country on aid to African Americans."[151] In a private meeting with Joseph Califano on September 18, 1965, President Johnson stated his intent to remove Humphrey from the post of "point man" on civil rights within the administration, believing the vice president was tasked with enough work.[154] Days later, Humphrey met with Johnson, Attorney General Nikolas Katzenbax va Oq uy maslahatchisi Lee C. White. Johnson told Humphrey he would shorten his role within the administration's civil rights policies and pass a portion to Katzenbach, Califano writing that Humphrey agreed to go along with the plan reluctantly.[155]

In an August 1967 speech at a county officials national convention in Detroit, Michigan, Humphrey called for the establishment of a Marshall rejasi that would curb poverty in the United States as well as address racial violence, and advocated for the creation of civil peace councils that would counter rioting. He said the councils should include representation from all minority groups and religions, state governments, the National Guard, and law enforcement agencies and that the United States would see itself out of trouble only when law and order was reestablished.[156]

Xorijiy sayohatlar

December 1965 saw the beginning of Humphrey's tour of eastern countries, saying he hoped to have "cordial and frank discussions" ahead of the trip beginning when asked about the content of the talks.[157] During a December 29 meeting with Yaponiya Bosh vaziri Eisaku Satō, Humphrey asked the latter for support on achieving peace in the Vietnam War and said it was a showing of strength that the United States wanted a peaceful ending rather than a display of weakness.[158]

Humphrey began a European tour in late-March 1967 to mend frazzled relations and indicated that he was "ready to explain and ready to listen."[159] On April 2, 1967, Vice President Humphrey met with Buyuk Britaniyaning Bosh vaziri Garold Uilson. Ahead of the meeting, Humphrey said they would discuss multiple topics including the nuclear nonproliferation treaty, European events, Atlantic alliance strengthening, and "the situation in the Far East".[160] Oq uy matbuot kotibi Jorj Kristian said five days later that he had received reports from Vice President Humphrey indicating his tour of the European countries was "very constructive" and said President Johnson was interested in the report as well.[161] While Humphrey was in Florensiya, Italy on April 1, 1967, 23-year-old Giulio Stocchi threw eggs at the Vice President and missed. He was seized by American bodyguards who turned him in to Italian officers.[162] Yilda Bryussel, Belgiya on April 9, demonstrators led by communists threw rotten eggs and fruits at Vice President Humphrey's car, also hitting several of his bodyguards.[163] In late-December 1967, Vice President Humphrey began touring Africa.[164]

1968 yil Prezident saylovi

Asosiy maqola: Hubert Humphrey presidential campaign, 1968
Vice President Hubert Humphrey, President Lindon Jonson va umumiy Kreyton Abrams in a Cabinet Room meeting in March 1968

As 1968 began, it looked as if President Johnson, despite the rapidly decreasing approval rating of his Vietnam War policies, would easily win the Democratic nomination for a second time.[165] Humphrey was widely expected to remain Johnson's running mate for reelection in 1968.[166] Johnson was challenged by Senator Evgeniy Makkarti of Minnesota, who ran on an anti-Vietnam War platforma.[167] With the backing of out-of-state anti-war college students and activists while campaigning in the Nyu-Xempshirda boshlang'ich saylov, McCarthy, who was not expected to be a serious contender for the Democratic nomination, nearly defeated Johnson, finishing with a surprising 42% of the vote to Johnson's 49%.[168] A few days after the New Hampshire primary, after months of contemplation and originally intending to support Johnson's bid for reelection, Senator Robert F. Kennedi of New York also entered the race on an anti-war platform.[169] On March 31, 1968, a week before the Viskonsin birlamchi, where polls showed a strong standing for McCarthy, President Johnson stunned the nation by withdrawing from his race for a second full term.[170]

Following the announcement from Johnson, Humphrey announced his presidential candidacy on April 27, 1968.[171] Declaring his candidacy in a speech in Washington, DC alongside Senators Fred Xarris ning Oklaxoma va Valter Mondale of Minnesota (who both served as the co-chairs to his campaign), Humphrey stated:

Here we are, just as we ought to be, here we are, the people, here we are the spirit of dedication, here we are the way politics ought to be in America, the politics of happiness, politics of purpose, politics of joy; and that's the way it's going to be, all the way, too, from here on out. We seek an America able to preserve and nurture all the basic rights of free expression, yet able to reach across the divisions that too often separate race from race, region from region, young from old, worker from scholar, rich from poor. We seek an America able to do this in the higher knowledge that our goals and ideals are worthy of conciliation and personal sacrifice.[172]

Also in his speech, Humphrey supported President Johnson's Vietnam initiative he proposed during his address to the nation four weeks earlier;[172] partially halting the bombings in North Vietnam, while sending an additional 13,500 troops and increasing the Department of Defense's budget by 4% over the next fiscal year.[173] Later in the campaign, Humphrey opposed a proposal by Senators McCarthy and Jorj MakGovern ning Janubiy Dakota to the Democratic Convention's Policy Committee, calling for an immediate end to the bombings in Vietnam, an early withdrawal of troops and setting talks for a koalitsion hukumat with the Viet Cong.[174]

Hubert Humphrey campaigning for President in 1968

Many people saw Humphrey as Johnson's stand-in; he won major backing from the nation's labor unions and other Democratic groups troubled by young antiwar protesters and the social unrest around the nation.[175] A group of British journalists wrote that Humphrey, despite his liberal record on civil rights and support for a nuclear test-ban treaty, "had turned into an arch-apologist for the war, who was given to trotting around Vietnam looking more than a little silly in olive-drab fatigues and a forage cap. The man whose name had been a by-word in the South for softness toward Negroes had taken to lecturing black groups ... the wild-eyed reformer had become the natural champion of every conservative element in the Democratic Party."[79] Humphrey entered the race too late to participate in the Demokratik ibtidoiy saylovlar[176] and concentrated on winning delegates in non-primary states by gaining the support of Democratic officeholders who were elected delegates to the Democratic Convention.[175] By June, McCarthy won in Oregon and Pennsylvania, while Kennedy had won in Indiana and Nebraska, though Humphrey was the front runner as he led the delegate count.[175][177] The California primary was crucial for Kennedy's campaign, as a McCarthy victory would have prevented Kennedy from reaching the number of delegates required to secure the nomination.[177] On June 4, 1968, Kennedy defeated McCarthy by less than 4% in the winner-take-all California primary.[178] But the nation was shocked yet again when Senator Kennedy was assassinated after his victory speech at the Ambassador Hotel Los-Anjelesda, Kaliforniya.[179] After the assassination of Kennedy, Humphrey suspended his campaign for two weeks.[180]

Chicago riots and party fallout

Humphrey did not enter any of the 13 state primary elections,[181] but won the Democratic nomination at the party convention in Chicago, even though 80 percent of the primary voters had been for antiwar candidates. The delegates defeated the peace plank by 1,5673/4 to 1,0411/4.[182] Humphrey selected as his yugurish jufti Senator Ed Muskie of Maine. Unfortunately for Humphrey and his campaign, in Grant parki, just five miles south of Xalqaro amfiteatr convention hall (closed 1999), and at other sites near downtown Chicago, there were gatherings and protests by thousands of antiwar demonstrators, many of whom favored McCarthy, Jorj MakGovern, or other antiwar candidates. Chicago police attacked and beat these protesters, most of them young college students, which amplified the growing feelings of unrest among the public.

Humphrey's inaction during these incidents, President Johnson and Chicago Shahar hokimi Richard Daley 's behind-the-scenes maneuvers,[182] public backlash against Humphrey's winning the nomination without entering a single primary, and Humphrey's refusal to meet McCarthy halfway on his demands,[183] resulting in McCarthy's refusal to fully endorse him, highlighted turmoil in the Democratic Party's base that proved to be too much for Humphrey to overcome in time for the general election. The combination of Johnson's unpopularity, the Chicago demonstrations, and the discouragement of liberals and African-Americans after the assassinations of Robert F. Kennedy and Martin Lyuter King kichik that year, all contributed to his loss to former Vice President Nixon.

Although he lost the November saylov by less than one percent of the popular vote, with 43.4% for Nixon (31,783,783 votes) to 42.7% (31,271,839) for Humphrey, and 13.5% (9,901,118) for Jorj Uolles. Humphrey carried just 13 states with 191 electoral college votes, Nixon carried 32 states and 301 electoral votes, and Wallace carried five states and 46 electoral votes. In his concession speech, Humphrey said, "I have done my best. I have lost; Mr. Nixon has won. The democratic process has worked its will."[184]

Post-Vice Presidency (1969–1978)

Teaching and return to the Senate

Shuningdek qarang: Minnesota shtatidan AQSh Kongressi delegatsiyalari
Senator Hubert Humphrey with Democratic presidential nominee Jimmi Karter, in 1976. California Governor Jerri Braun is at right.

After leaving the Vice Presidency, Humphrey taught at Makalester kolleji va Minnesota universiteti, and served as chairman of the board of consultants at the Britannica entsiklopediyasi Educational Corporation.

On February 11, 1969, Humphrey met privately with Mayor Richard J. Deyli and denied ever being "at war" with Daley during a press conference later in the day.[185] In March, Humphrey declined answering questions on the Johnson administration being either involved or privy to the cessation of bombing of the north in Vietnam during an interview on Issues and Answers.[186] At a press conference on June 2, 1969, Humphrey backed Nixon's peace efforts, dismissing the notion that he was not seeking an end to the war.[187] In early July, Humphrey traveled to Finland for a private visit.[188] Later that month, Humphrey returned to Washington after visiting Europe, a week after McCarthy declared he would not seek reelection, Humphrey declining to comment amid speculation he intended to return to the Senate.[189] During the fall, Humphrey arranged to meet with President Nixon through Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari milliy xavfsizlik bo'yicha maslahatchisi Genri Kissincer, Humphrey saying the day after the meeting that President Nixon had "expressed his appreciation on my attitude to his effort on Vietnam."[190] On August 3, Humphrey said that Russia was buying time to develop ballistic missile warheads to catch up with the United States and that security was the "overriding concern" of the Soviet Union.[191] Days later, Humphrey repudiated efforts against President Nixon's anti-ballistic missile system: "I have a feeling that they [opponents of the ABM] were off chasing rabbits when a tiger is loose."[192] During October, Humphrey spoke before the AFL-CIO convention delegates, charging President Nixon's economic policies with "putting Americans out of work without slowing inflation."[193] On October 10, Humphrey stated his support for Nixon's policies in Vietnam and that he believed "the worst thing that we can do is to try to undermine the efforts of the President."[194] At a December 21 press conference, Humphrey said President Nixon was a participant in the "politics of polarization" and could not seek unity on one hand but have divisive agents on the other.[195] On December 26, Humphrey responded to a claim from former President Johnson that Humphrey had been cost the election by his own call for a stop to North Vietnam bombing, saying he did what he "thought was right and responsible at Salt Lake City."[196]

On January 4, 1970, Humphrey said the United States should cease tests of nuclear weapons during the continued conversations for potential strategic arms limitations between the United States and the Soviet Union while speaking to the National Retail Furniture association at the Palmer House.[197] In February, Humphrey predicted Nixon would withdraw 75,000 or more troops prior to the year's midterm elections and the main issue would be the economy during an interview: "The issue of 1970 is the economy. Some of my fellow Democrats don't believe this. But this is a fact."[198] On February 23, Humphrey disclosed his recommendation to Larri O'Brayen for the latter to return to being Chair of the Demokratik milliy qo'mita, a Humphrey spokesman reporting that Humphrey wanted a quick settlement to the issue of the DNC chairmanship.[199] Solberg wrote of President Nixon's April 1970 Kambodja kampaniyasi as having done away with Humphrey's hopes that the war be taken out of political context.[190] In May, Humphrey pledged to do all that he was capable of to provide additional war planes to Israel and stress the issue to American leaders.[200] Amid an August 11 address to the American Bar Association luncheon meeting, Humphrey called for liberals to cease defending campus radicals and militants and align with law and order.[201]

Humphrey had not planned to return to political life, but an unexpected opportunity changed his mind. McCarthy, who was up for reelection in 1970, realized that he had only a slim chance of winning even re-nomination for the Minnesota seat because he had angered his party by opposing Johnson and Humphrey for the 1968 presidential nomination, and declined to run. Humphrey won the nomination, defeated Republican Congressman Klark MakGregor, and returned to the U.S. Senate on January 3, 1971. Ahead of resuming his senatorial duties, Humphrey had a November 16, 1970 White House meeting with President Nixon as part of a group of newly elected senators invited to meet with the president.[202] U qayta saylandi 1976, and remained in office until his death. In a rarity in politics, Humphrey held both Senate seats from his state (Class I and Class II) at different times. During his return to the Senate he served in the 92-chi, 93-chi, 94-chi va ning bir qismi 95th Congress. U raisi sifatida ishlagan Qo'shma iqtisodiy qo'mita in the 94th Congress.

Fourth Senate term

L. Edward Purcell wrote that upon returning to the Senate, Humphrey found himself "again a lowly junior senator with no seniority" and that he resolved to create credibility in the eyes of liberals.[203]On May 3, 1971, after the Amerikaliklar demokratik harakat uchun adopted a resolution demanding President Nixon's impeachment, Humphrey commented that they were acting "more out of emotion and passion than reason and prudent judgment" and that the request was irresponsible.[204] On May 21, Humphrey said ending hunger and malnutrition in the U.S. was "a moral obligation" during a speech to International Food Service Manufacturers Association members at the Conrad Hilton Hotel.[205] In June, Humphrey delivered the commencement address at the Bridgeport universiteti[206] and days later said that he believed Nixon was interested in seeing a peaceful end to the Vietnam War "as badly as any senator or anybody else."[207] On July 14, while testifying before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Arms Control, Humphrey proposed amending the defense procurement bill to place in escrow all funds for creation and usage of multiple‐missile warheads in the midst of continued arms limitations talks. Humphrey said members of the Nixon administration needed to remember "when they talk of a tough negotiating position, they are going to get a tough response."[208] On September 6, Humphrey rebuked the Nixon administration's wage price freeze, saying it was based on trickle-down policies and advocating "percolate up" as a replacement, while speaking at a United Rubber Workers yig'ilish.[209] On October 26, Humphrey stated his support for removing barriers to voting registration and authorizing students to establish voting residences in their college communities, rebuking the refusal of Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Bosh prokurori Jon N. Mitchell the previous month to take a role in shaping voter registration laws as applicable to new voters.[210] On December 24, 1971, Humphrey accused the Nixon administration of turning its back on the impoverished in the rural parts of the United States, citing few implementations of the relief recommendations of the 1967 National Advisory Commission; in another statement he said only 3 of the 150 recommendations had been implemented.[211] On December 27, Humphrey said the Nixon administration was responsible for an escalation of the Southeast Asia war and requested complete cessation of North Vietnam bombing while responding to antiwar protestors in Filadelfiya, Pensilvaniya.[212]

In January 1972, Humphrey stated the U.S. would be out of the Vietnam War by that point had he been elected President, saying Nixon was taking longer to withdraw American troops from the country than it took to defeat Adolf Gitler.[213] On May 20, Humphrey said Nixon's proposal to limit schoolchildren busing was "insufficient in the amount of aid needed for our children, deceptive to the American people, and insensitive to the laws and the Constitution of this nation", in a reversal of his prior stance, while in Miluoki, Viskonsin.[214] During a May 30 appearance in Burbank, Kaliforniya, Humphrey stated his support for an immediate withdrawal of American forces from South Vietnam despite an invasion by North Vietnam.[215]

In January 1973, Humphrey said the Nixon administration was plotting to eliminate a school milk program in the upcoming fiscal year budget during a telephone interview.[216] On February 18, 1973, Humphrey said the Middle East could possibly usher in peace following the Vietnam War ending along with American troops withdrawing from Hindiston during an appearance at the New York Hilton.[217] In August 1973, Humphrey called on Nixon to schedule a meeting with nations exporting and importing foods as part of an effort to both create a worldwide policy on food and do away with food hoarding.[218] After Nixon's dismissal of Arxibald Koks, Humphrey said he found "the whole situation entirely depressing."[219] Three days after Cox's dismissal, during a speech to the AFL-CIO convention on October 23, Humphrey declined to state his position on whether Nixon should be impeached, citing that his congressional position would likely cause him to have to play a role in determining Nixon's fate.[220] On December 21, Humphrey disclosed his request of federal tax deductions of US$199,153 for the donation of his vice presidential papers to the Minnesota State Historical Society.[221]

In early January 1974, Humphrey checked into the Bethesda dengiz kasalxonasi for tests regarding a minute tumor of the bladder. His physician Edgar Berman said the next day that Humphrey "looks fine and feels fine" and was expected to leave early the following week.[222] In an interview conducted on March 29, 1974, Humphrey concurred with Senator Mayk Mensfild 's assessment from the prior day that the House of Representatives had enough votes to impeach Nixon.[223] Humphrey was reportedly pleased by Nixon's resignation.[219]

In an April 1975 news conference at the spring education conference of the United Federation of Teachers, Humphrey cited the need for a national department of education, a national education trust fund, and a federal government provision for a third of America's educational expenses. He said the Ford administration had no educational policy and noted the United States was the only industrialized country without a separate national education department.[224] In May, Humphrey testified at the trial of his former campaign manager Jack L. Chestnut, admitting that as a candidate he sought the support of Associated Milk Producers, Inc., but saying he was not privy to the illegal contributions Chestnut was accused of taking from the organization.[225] Later that month, Humphrey was one of 19 senators to originate a letter stating the expectation of 75 senators that Ford would submit a foreign aid request to Congress meeting the "urgent military and economic needs" of Israel.[226] In August, after the United States Court of Appeals ruled that Ford had no authority to continue levying fees of $2 a barrel on imported oil, Humphrey hailed the decision as "the best news we've heard on the inflation front in a long time" and urged Ford to accept the decision because the price reduction on oil and oil‐related products would benefit the national economy.[227] In October, after Sara Jeyn Mur 's assassination attempt on Ford, Humphrey joined former presidential candidates Barry Goldwater, Edmund Muskie, and George McGovern in urging Ford and other presidential candidates to restrain their campaigning the following year to prevent future attempts on their lives.[228]

In October 1976, Humphrey was admitted to a hospital for the removal of a cancerous bladder,[229] predicted his victory in his reelection bid and advocated for members of his party to launch efforts to increase voter turnout upon his release.[230]

1972 Presidential election

1972 campaign logo

On November 4, 1970, shortly after being elected to the Senate, Humphrey stated his intention to take on the role of a "harmonizer" within the Democratic Party to minimize the possibility of potential presidential candidates within the party lambasting each other prior to deciding to run in the then-upcoming election, dismissing that he was an active candidate at that time.[231] In December 1971, Humphrey made his second trip to New Jersey in under a month, talking with a plurality of county leaders at the Robert Treat Hotel: "I told them I wanted their support. I said I'd rather work with them than against them."[232]

In 1972, Humphrey once again ran for the Democratic nomination for president, announcing his candidacy on January 10, 1972 during a twenty-minute speech in Filadelfiya, Pensilvaniya. At the time of the announcement, Humphrey said he was running on a platform of the removal of troops from Vietnam and a revitalization of the United States economy.[233] He drew upon continuing support from organized labor and the African-American and Jewish communities, but remained unpopular with college students because of his association with the Vietnam War, even though he had altered his position in the years since his 1968 defeat. Humphrey initially planned to skip the primaries, as he had in 1968. Even after he revised this strategy he still stayed out of New Hampshire, a decision that allowed McGovern to emerge as the leading challenger to Muskie in that state. Humphrey did win some primaries, including those in Ohio,[234] Indiana and Pennsylvania, but was defeated by McGovern in several others, including the crucial California primary. Humphrey also was out-organized by McGovern in caucus states and was trailing in delegates at the 1972 yilgi Demokratik milliy konventsiya yilda Mayami-Bich, Florida. His hopes rested on challenges to the credentials of some of the McGovern delegates. For example, the Humphrey forces argued that the winner-take-all rule for the California primary violated procedural reforms intended to produce a better reflection of the popular vote, the reason that the Illinois delegation was bounced. The effort failed, as several votes on delegate credentials went McGovern's way, guaranteeing his victory.

1976 Presidential election

Senator Hubert Humphrey with President Jimmi Karter bortda Air Force One 1977 yilda

On April 22, 1974, Humphrey said that he would not enter the upcoming Democratic presidential primary for the 1976 Presidential election. Humphrey said at the time that he was urging fellow Senator and Minnesotan Valter Mondale to run, despite believing that Ted Kennedi would enter the race as well.[235] Leading up to the election cycle, Humphrey also said, "Here's a time in my life when I appear to have more support than at any other time in my life. But it's too financially, politically, and physically debilitating – and I'm just not going to do it."[236] In December 1975, a Gallup poll was released showing Humphrey and Ronald Reygan as the leading Democratic and Republican candidates for the following year's presidential election.[237]

On April 12, 1976, Chairman of the New Jersey Democratic Party State Senator James P. Dugan said the selection of a majority of uncommitted delegates could be interpreted as a victory for Humphrey, who had indicated his availability as a presidential candidate for the convention.[238] Humphrey announced his choice to not enter the Nyu-Jersi primary nor authorize any committees to work to support him during an April 29, 1976 appearance in the Senate Caucus Room.[239] Hatto keyin ham Jimmi Karter had won enough delegates to clinch the nomination, many still wanted Humphrey to announce his availability for a qoralama. However, he did not do so, and Carter easily secured the nomination on the first round of balloting. Humphrey had learned that he had terminal cancer, prompting him to sit the race out.

Humphrey attended the November 17, 1976 meeting between President-elect Carter and Democratic congressional leaders in which Carter sought out support for a proposal to have the president's power to reorganize the government reinstated with potential to be vetoed by Congress.[240]

Fifth Senate term

Humphrey attended the May 3, 1977 White House meeting on legislative priorities. Humphrey told President Carter that the U.S. would enter a period of high unemployment without an economic stimulus and noted that in "every period in our history, a rise in unemployment has been accompanied by a rise in inflation". Humphrey stated a preventative health care program would be the only way for the Carter administration to not have to fund soaring health costs.[241] In July 1977, after the Senate began debating approval for funding of the neutron bomb, Humphrey stated that the White House had granted the impact statement on arms control be released.[242]

Deputy President pro tempore of the Senate (1977–1978)

In 1974, along with Rep. Augustus Hawkins of California, Humphrey authored the Xemfri-Xokkinsni to'liq ish bilan ta'minlash to'g'risidagi qonun, the first attempt at full employment legislation. The original bill proposed to guarantee full employment to all citizens over 16 and set up a permanent system of public jobs to meet that goal. A watered-down version called the Full Employment and Balanced Growth Act passed the House and Senate in 1978. It set the goal of 4 percent unemployment and 3 percent inflation and instructed the Federal rezerv kengashi to try to produce those goals when making policy decisions.

Humphrey ran for Ko'pchilik rahbari after the 1976 election but lost to Robert Berd ning G'arbiy Virjiniya. The Senate honored Humphrey by creating the post of Deputy President pro tempore of the Senate for him. On August 16, 1977, Humphrey revealed he was suffering from terminal qovuq saratoni. On October 25 of that year, he addressed the Senate, and on November 3, Humphrey became the first person other than a member of the House or the President of the United States to address the Vakillar palatasi in session.[243] President Carter honored him by giving him command of Air Force One for his final trip to Washington on October 23. One of Humphrey's final speeches contained the lines "It was once said that the moral test of Government is how that Government treats those who are in the dawn of life, the children; those who are in the twilight of life, the elderly; and those who are in the shadows of life, the sick, the needy and the handicapped", which is sometimes described as the "liberals' mantra".[244]

O'lim va dafn marosimi

Burial plot of Hubert and Muriel Humphrey at Lakewood qabristoni yilda Minneapolis

Humphrey spent his last weeks calling old political acquaintances. One call was to Richard Nikson inviting him to his upcoming funeral, which Nixon accepted. Staying in the hospital, Humphrey went from room to room, cheering up other patients by telling them jokes and listening to them. On January 13, 1978, he died of bladder cancer at his home in Waverly, Minnesota, at the age of 66.

Humphrey's body davlatda yotish ichida rotundas of the U.S. Capitol[245] va Minnesota shtatining kapitoliy before being interred at Lakewood qabristoni Minneapolisda. His passing overshadowed the death of his colleague from Montana, Senator Li Metkalf, who had died the day before Humphrey. Old friends and opponents of Humphrey, from Gerald Ford and Richard Nixon to President Carter and Vice President Walter Mondale, paid their final respects. "He taught us how to live, and finally he taught us how to die", said Mondale.[246]

Xemfrining rafiqasi Murielni Minnesota shtati gubernatori tayinlagan Rudi Perpich muddatni to'ldirish uchun maxsus saylovlar o'tkazilgunga qadar AQSh Senatida ishlash; u erining vakolat muddatini tugatish uchun saylovga intilmagan. 1981 yilda u Maks Braunga turmushga chiqdi va Muriel Xamfri Braun nomini oldi.[247] 1998 yilda vafotidan keyin u Xamfri yonida Leykud qabristoniga joylashtirilgan.[27]

Ish


Hurmat

1965 yilda Xamfri an Faxriy hayot a'zosi ning Alpha Phi Alpha, tarixiy afroamerikalik birodarlik.[248]

1978 yilda Xemfri AQSh Senatori Jon Xayntsning eng katta davlat xizmati uchun saylangan yoki tayinlangan mansabdor tomonidan har yili beriladigan mukofotini oldi. Jefferson mukofotlari.[249]

U vafotidan keyin mukofotlandi Kongressning oltin medali 1979 yil 13 iyunda va Prezidentning Ozodlik medali 1980 yilda.

U tomonidan sharaflandi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining pochta xizmati 52 with bilan Buyuk amerikaliklar seriyasi (1980–2000) pochta markasi.[250]

Minneapolis shahar hokimligi oldida uning haykali bor.[251]

Ismlar

Hamjamiyat

  • Butun dunyoda bilim almashinuvi va o'zaro tushunishni rivojlantiradigan Hubert H. Xamfri nomidagi stipendiya dasturi.

Binolar va muassasalar

Portretlar

Saylov tarixi

Asosiy maqola: Hubert Xamfrining saylov tarixi

Shuningdek qarang

Izohlar

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Adabiyotlar

  • Berman, Edgar. Xubert: Men bilgan Xemfrining zafari va fojiasi. Nyu-York: G.P. Putnam & Sons, 1979. Shifokorning Xamfri bilan 1957 yildan to 1978 yilgacha vafotigacha bo'lgan do'stligi haqidagi shaxsiy hisoboti.
  • Boomxauer, Rey E. "Yaxshi kurashga qarshi kurash: Jon Bartlou Martin va Gubert Xamfri 1968 yilgi prezidentlik kampaniyasi." Indiana tarixi jurnali (2020) 116 №1 1-29 betlar.
  • Caro, Robert A. Lyndon Jonson yillari: Senat ustasi. Nyu-York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2002 yil.
  • Chester, Lyuis, Xojson, Godfri, Peyj, Bryus. Amerikalik melodrama: 1968 yildagi prezidentlik kampaniyasi. Nyu-York: Viking Press, 1969 yil.
  • Koen, Dan. Mag'lubiyatsiz: Hubert H. Xamfri hayoti. Minneapolis: Lerner nashrlari, 1978 yil.
  • Dallek, Robert. Tugallanmagan hayot: Jon F. Kennedi, 1917–1963. Nyu-York: Little, Brown va Company, 2003 y.
  • Engelmayer, Sheldon. Hubert Xamfri: Inson va uning orzusi. London: Routledge, Kegan va Pol, 1978 yil.
  • Garrettson, Charlz L. III. Hubert H. Xamfri: quvonch siyosati. Nyu-Brunsvik, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1993 y.
  • Xemfri, Xubert X. Jamoat odamining tarbiyasi: mening hayotim va siyosatim. Garden City, NY: Dubleday, 1976 yil.
  • Jons, Endryu L. Sadoqatning narxi: Hubert Hamfreyning Vetnamdagi mojarosi (Rowman & Littlefield, 2020).
  • Mann, Robert. Erixo devorlari: Lindon Jonson, Xubert Xamfri, Richard Rassel va fuqarolik huquqlari uchun kurash. Nyu-York: Harcourt Brace, 1996 yil.
  • Offner, Arnold, "Hubert Xamfri: Mamlakatning vijdoni", Nyu-Xeyven, KT: Yel universiteti matbuoti, 2018 yil.
  • Ross, Irvin. Eng yolg'iz kampaniya: 1948 yildagi Truman g'alabasi. Nyu-York: Nyu-Amerika kutubxonasi, 1968 yil.
  • Shlezinger, Artur M., kichik. Robert Kennedi va uning vaqtlari. Nyu-York: Ballantin kitoblari, 1996 y.
  • Solberg, Karl. Hubert Xamfri: Biografiya. Nyu-York: Norton, 1984 yil.
  • Teylor, Jef. Partiya qaerga bordi ?: Uilyam Jennings Brayan, Hubert Xemfri va Jeffersonian merosi. Kolumbiya: Missuri universiteti matbuoti, 2006 yil.
  • Thurber, Timoti N. Tenglik siyosati: Hubert H. Xamfri va afroamerikaliklarning ozodlik kurashi. Columbia University Press, 1999. 352 bet.
  • Oq, Teodor H. Prezidentning tuzilishi 1960 yil. Nyu-York: Barns & Noble Books, 2004. (Qayta nashr etish)

Tashqi havolalar

Siyosiy idoralar
Oldingi
Marvin L. Kline		 Minneapolis meri
1945–1949		Muvaffaqiyatli
Erik G. Xoyer
Oldingi
Lyndon B. Jonson		 Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining vitse-prezidenti
1965–1969		Muvaffaqiyatli
Spiro Agnew
Yangi ofis AQSh Senatining tempore prezidenti o'rinbosari
1977–1978		Bo'sh
Sarlavha keyingi tomonidan o'tkaziladi
Jorj J. Mitchell
Partiyaning siyosiy idoralari
Oldingi
Ed Merfi		 Demokratik nomzod AQSh senatori dan Minnesota
(2-sinf )
1948, 1954, 1960		Muvaffaqiyatli
Valter Mondale
Oldingi
Mayk Mensfild		 Senatning demokratik qamchi
1961–1964		Muvaffaqiyatli
Rassell B. Long
Oldingi
Lyndon B. Jonson		 Demokratik nomzod Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari vitse-prezidenti uchun
1964		Muvaffaqiyatli
Edmund Maski
Demokratik nomzod Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Prezidenti uchun
1968		Muvaffaqiyatli
Jorj MakGovern
Oldingi
Evgeniy Makkarti		 Demokratik nomzod AQSh senatori dan Minnesota
(1-sinf )
1970, 1976		Muvaffaqiyatli
Bob qisqa
Oldingi
Mayk Mensfild		 Ittifoq davlatining manziliga javob
1975
Bilan birga xizmat qildi: Karl Albert		Muvaffaqiyatli
Edmund Maski
AQSh Senati
Oldingi
Jozef H. Ball		 Minnesota shtatidan AQSh senatori (2-sinf)
1949–1964
Bilan birga xizmat qildi: Edvard Tye, Evgeniy Makkarti		Muvaffaqiyatli
Valter Mondale
Oldingi
Mayk Mensfild		 Senatning aksariyat qamchi
1961–1964		Muvaffaqiyatli
Rassell B. Long
Oldingi
Evgeniy Makkarti		 Minnesota shtatidan AQSh senatori (1-sinf)
1971–1978
Bilan birga xizmat qildi: Valter Mondale, Vendell Anderson		Muvaffaqiyatli
Muriel Xemfri
Faxriy unvonlar
Oldingi
Lyndon B. Jonson		 Ega bo'lgan shaxslar davlat yoki sharafda yotish
ichida Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Capitol rotunda
1978		Muvaffaqiyatli
Noma'lum askar ning Vetnam davri
(Maykl Bassi )
Minnesota 81-88 va 92-95-chi delegatsiyalar (lar) Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Kongresslari (yoshi bo'yicha buyurtma qilingan)
81-chiSenat: E.J. Thye | XamfriUy: A.H. Andresen | H.C. Andersen | JP O'Hara | H. Xagen | V. Judd | J. Blatnik | F. Marshall | E. Makkarti | R. Vier
82-chiSenat: E.J. Thye | XamfriUy: A.H. Andresen | H.C. Andersen | JP O'Hara | H. Xagen | V. Judd | J. Blatnik | F. Marshall | E. Makkarti | R. Vier
83-chiSenat: E.J. Thye | XamfriUy: A.H. Andresen | H.C. Andersen | JP O'Hara | H. Xagen | V. Judd | J. Blatnik | F. Marshall | E. Makkarti | R. Vier
84-chiSenat: E.J. Thye | XamfriUy: A.H. Andresen | H.C. Andersen | JP O'Hara | V. Judd | J. Blatnik | F. Marshall | E. Makkarti | R. Vier | C. Knutson
85-chiSenat: E.J. Thye | XamfriUy: A.H. Andresen | H.C. Andersen | JP O'Hara | V. Judd | J. Blatnik | F. Marshall | E. Makkarti | R. Vier | C. Knutson
85-chiSenat: E.J. Thye | XamfriUy: H.C. Andersen | JP O'Hara | V. Judd | J. Blatnik | F. Marshall | E. Makkarti | R. Vier | C. Knutson | A. Quie
86-chiSenat: Xamfri | E. MakkartiUy: H.C. Andersen | V. Judd | J. Blatnik | F. Marshall | R. Vier | A. Quie | J. Karth | O. Langen | A. Nelson
87-chiSenat: Xamfri | E. MakkartiUy: H.C. Andersen | V. Judd | J. Blatnik | F. Marshall | A. Quie | J. Karth | O. Langen | A. Nelson | S MacGregor
88-chiSenat: Xamfri | E. MakkartiUy: J. Blatnik | A. Quie | J. Karth | O. Langen | A. Nelson | S MacGregor | D.M. Freyzer | A.G.Olson
92-chiSenat: W. Mondale | XamfriUy: J. Blatnik | A. Quie | J. Karth | A. Nelson | D.M. Freyzer | J.M.Zvax | R. Bergland | B. Frenzel
93-chiSenat: W. Mondale | XamfriUy: J. Blatnik | A. Quie | J. Karth | A. Nelson | D.M. Freyzer | J.M.Zvax | R. Bergland | B. Frenzel
94-chiSenat: W. Mondale | XamfriUy: A. Quie | J. Karth | D.M. Freyzer | R. Bergland | B. Frenzel | T. Xagedorn | R. Nolan | J. Oberstar
94-chiSenat: Xamfri | V. AndersonUy: A. Quie | J. Karth | D.M. Freyzer | R. Bergland | B. Frenzel | T. Xagedorn | R. Nolan | J. Oberstar
95-chiSenat: Xamfri | V. AndersonUy: A. Quie | D.M. Freyzer | R. Bergland | B. Frenzel | T. Xagedorn | R. Nolan | J. Oberstar | B. Vento