Uilyam Jennings Brayn 1896 yilgi prezidentlik kampaniyasi - William Jennings Bryan 1896 presidential campaign

Uilyam Jennings Bryan prezidentlikka
Kampaniya	AQShda prezident saylovi, 1896 yil
Nomzod	Uilyam Jennings Bryan AQSh vakili uchun Nebraskaning birinchi (1891–1895) Artur Syuoll (Demokratik nomzod) Direktori Meyn markaziy temir yo'li Tomas E. Uotson (Populist yugurayotgan jufti) AQSh vakili uchun Gruziya 10-chi (1891–1893)
Tegishli	Demokratik partiya; tomonidan tasdiqlangan Populistlar partiyasi va Milliy kumush partiyasi
Holat	Mag'lub bo'ldi: 1896 yil 3-noyabr
Bosh ofis	Chikago
Asosiy odamlar	Meri Baird Bryan (xotin va yordamchi) Senator Jeyms K. Jons (Demokratik milliy qo'mita rais) Jozefus Daniels (kampaniya tadbirlari bo'yicha menejer)
Kvitansiyalar	$ 500,000 (taxminiy)

1896 yilda, Uilyam Jennings Bryan uchun muvaffaqiyatsiz yugurdi Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Prezidenti. Bryan, sobiq Demokratik kongressmen dan Nebraska, partiyasini prezidentlikka nomzodini o'sha yilning iyulida elektrlashtirgandan so'ng olgan Demokratik milliy konventsiya u bilan Oltin xoch nutqi. U mag'lub bo'ldi umumiy saylov tomonidan Respublika nomzod, Ogayo shtatining sobiq gubernatori Uilyam Makkinli.

1860 yilda tug'ilgan Bryan qishloqda o'sgan Illinoys va 1887 yilda Nebraskaga ko'chib o'tdi, u erda huquqshunoslik bilan shug'ullangan va siyosatga kirgan. U saylovda g'olib chiqdi Vakillar palatasi 1890 yilda va muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lishidan oldin, 1892 yilda qayta saylangan AQSh Senati yugurish. U Demokratik partiyaning nisbatan kichik vakili bo'lib qolganiga qaramay, 1896 yilda prezident etib saylanishi mumkinligiga ishonib, yuqori lavozimlarga yo'l oldi. Prezidentlik kampaniyasini kutib, u 1895 yil va 1896 yil boshlarida AQSh bo'ylab nutq so'zlash bilan shug'ullangan; uning majburiy notiqligi partiyasida mashhurligini oshirdi.

Bryan valyuta masalasida tez-tez gapirardi. Iqtisodiy 1893 yilgi vahima xalqni 1896 yil boshlarida davom etgan chuqur tanazzulda qoldirgan edi. Bryan va boshqa ko'plab demokratlar iqtisodiy qayg'uga qaytish orqali tuzatish mumkin deb hisobladilar. bimetalizm, yoki bepul kumush - ular siyosatni valyutani shishiradi va qarzdorlarga qarzlarni to'lashni osonlashtiradi deb hisobladilar. Bryan Chikagoda bo'lib o'tgan Demokratik Kongressga e'lon qilinmagan nomzod sifatida bordi, matbuot uni Demokratik nomzod bo'lish uchun ozgina imkoniyat bergan edi. Uning "Oltin xoch" nutqi, munozarani yakunlash uchun berilgan partiya platformasi, darhol uni nominatsiya uchun favoritga aylantirdi va ertasi kuni u g'olib bo'ldi. Demokratlar nomzodini ko'rsatdilar Artur Syuoll, boy Meyn bankiri va kema quruvchisi, uchun vitse prezident. Chap qanot Populistlar partiyasi (kumushni qo'llab-quvvatlaydigan yagona nomzodni ilgari surishga umid qilgan) Bryanni prezidentlikka tasdiqlagan, ammo Sewallni o'rnini bosuvchi, nomaqbul deb topgan Tomas E. Uotson Gruziya.

Chikagodagi anjumandan so'ng oltinni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi ko'plab partiyalar rahbarlari va gazetalari tomonidan tashlab yuborilgan Bryan o'zining kampaniyasini odamlarga etkazish uchun temir yo'l orqali keng sayohat uyushtirdi. Taxminan 600 marta gapirgan 5.000.000 tinglovchi. Uning saylovoldi kampaniyasi kumushga qaratilgan bo'lib, bu narsa shaharlik saylovchilarni jalb qila olmadi va u mag'lubiyatga uchradi.

1896 yildagi poyga odatda a deb qaraladi saylovni qayta tashkil etish. Bryanni mag'lubiyatga uchratgan boy, o'rta sinf va shahar saylovchilarining koalitsiyasi 1932 yilgacha respublikachilarni ko'p vaqt hokimiyatda ushlab turdi. Saylovda mag'lubiyatga uchragan bo'lsa-da, Bryan kampaniyasi uni milliy shaxsga aylantirdi va u 1925 yilda vafotigacha saqlanib qoldi.

Fon

Bryan

Uilyam Jennings Bryan qishloqda tug'ilgan Salem, Illinoys 1860 yilda. Uning otasi, Silas Bryan, edi a Jeksoniyalik demokrat, sudya, advokat va mahalliy partiya faoli.^[1] Sudyaning o'g'li sifatida kichik Bryan sud zallarida, siyosiy mitinglarda, cherkov va tirilish uchrashuvlarida nutq so'zlash san'atini kuzatish uchun juda katta imkoniyatga ega edi. Fuqarolar urushidan keyingi Amerikada notiqlik san'ati juda qadrli edi va Bryan yoshligidanoq unga katta qobiliyatini namoyon etdi. otasining uyi Salemda. Ishtirok etish Illinoys kolleji 1877 yildan boshlab, Bryan nutq uchun maktab mukofotini yutishga o'zini bag'ishladi. U yoshligida sovrinni qo'lga kiritdi, shuningdek, yaqin atrofdagi ayollar akademiyasining talabasi Meri Beydning mehrini ta'minladi. U uning rafiqasi bo'ldi va butun faoliyati davomida uning asosiy yordamchisi bo'ldi.^[2][3]

Bryan 1890 yilda

1881 yildan 1883 yilgacha yuridik fakultetida o'qiyotganida, Bryan Illinoys shtatining sobiq senatorining xizmatchisi edi Lyman Trumbull, unga boylik va biznes monopoliyalarini yoqtirmaslikda ta'sir qilgan. Yangi paydo bo'lgan Bryanga qattiq ta'sir ko'rsatdi Ijtimoiy Xushxabar protestant faollarini qashshoqlik kabi ijtimoiy muammolarni davolashga chaqirgan harakat.^[4] Uning amaliyoti rivojlanishi mumkin bo'lgan o'sib borayotgan shaharni qidirib, u ko'chib o'tdi Linkoln, Nebraska 1887 yilda.^[5]

Bryan tezda Linkolnda huquqshunos va notiq sifatida tanilib, "Plattaning Boy Oratori" nomi bilan mashhur bo'ldi. 1890 yilda u Kongressga qarshi saylovlarda qatnashishga rozi bo'ldi Uilyam J. Konnell, 1888 yilda mahalliy Kongress kreslosini qo'lga kiritgan respublikachi. O'sha paytda Nebraska og'ir kunlarni boshdan kechirar edi, chunki ko'plab dehqonlar don narxining pastligi sababli kun kechirishda qiyinchiliklarga duch kelishdi va ko'plab amerikaliklar mavjud bo'lgan ikkita yirik siyosiy partiyalardan norozi edilar. Natijada, ko'ngli qolgan dehqonlar va boshqalar yangi o'ta chap partiya tashkil etishdi, ular partiyasi sifatida tanilgan Populistlar partiyasi. Populistlar iqtisodiyotni hukumat tomonidan yanada kattaroq nazorat qilishni taklif qildilar (ba'zilari temir yo'llarga hukumat egalik qilishni talab qilmoqdalar) va yashirin ovoz berish orqali xalqni hukumat ustidan hokimiyatni berish, to'g'ridan-to'g'ri saylash Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari senatorlari (ular 1913 yilgacha shtat qonun chiqaruvchi organlari tomonidan saylangan) va ularning o'rnini bosuvchi Saylov kolleji to'g'ridan-to'g'ri prezident va vitse-prezidentni xalq ovozi bilan saylash bilan. Partiya a'zolari ko'plab shtatlarda, shu jumladan Nebraskada, qog'ozni yoki kumush valyutani muomalaga chiqarish yo'li bilan valyuta inflyatsiyasini talab qilib, qarzni osonroq to'lashga imkon berishdi. Yangi paydo bo'lgan populistlar tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlangan nomzodni qaytarib olgandan so'ng, Bryan 6700 ovoz bilan Konnellni mag'lubiyatga uchratdi (Konnellning 1888 marjini deyarli ikki barobarga oshirdi), Populistlar va taqiqlovchilar tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlandi.^[6][7][8]

Kongressda Bryan kuchlilarga tayinlandi Yo'llar va vositalar qo'mitasi va tarif va pul masalalari bo'yicha asosiy vakili bo'ldi. U senatorlarni to'g'ridan-to'g'ri saylash va monopoliyalar hukmron bo'lgan sohalarda tarif to'siqlarini yo'q qilish bo'yicha bir nechta takliflarni kiritdi ishonchlar. Ushbu targ'ibot unga kumush konlari egalaridan 1892 yildagi qayta saylovda muvaffaqiyatli ishtirok etishida o'z hissasini qo'shdi 1892 yil prezident saylovi, sobiq Demokratik prezident Grover Klivlend respublikachi amaldagi prezidentni mag'lub etdi, Benjamin Xarrison, ishxonasini tiklash uchun.^[9] Bryan Klivlendni qo'llab-quvvatlamadi, chunki u populist nomzodni afzal ko'rganligini aniq ko'rsatib berdi, Jeyms B. Weaver Garchi u sodiq demokrat sifatida partiya biletiga ovoz berishini ko'rsatgan bo'lsa ham.^[10]

1894 yil may oyida Bryan Vakillar Palatasiga qayta saylanishga intilmasligini e'lon qildi, chunki chekka okrugda saylovoldi tashviqoti uchun pul yig'ish zarurati uning siyosiy karerasiga xalaqit berayotganini sezdi. Buning o'rniga u 1895 yil yanvar oyida Nebraska qonun chiqaruvchi organi egallaydigan Senat vakolatxonasini qidirdi. Garchi Brayan majburiy bo'lmagan xalq ovozini yutishda muvaffaqiyat qozongan bo'lsa-da, respublikachilar qonun chiqaruvchi organlarda ko'pchilik ovozga ega bo'lib, saylandilar. Jon Thurston senator sifatida.^[11]

Iqtisodiy tushkunlik; bepul kumushning ko'tarilishi

Valyuta masalasi 1870-yillarning o'rtalaridan boshlab katta siyosiy masala edi. Advokatlari bepul kumush (yoki bimetalizm ) hukumatdan unga taqdim etilgan barcha kumush tanalarni qabul qilishini va tanga ichiga solib, oltin va kumushning 16 dan 1 gacha bo'lgan tarixiy nisbati bilan qaytarib berishini xohladi. 1873 yilda bekor qilingan. Erkin kumush siyosati, a-dagi kumush kabi, valyutani kuchaytiradi dollarlik tanga nominal qiymatining deyarli yarmidan ko'prog'iga teng edi / Kumush tanga sifatida o'n dollar sovg'a qilgan kishi kumush tanga bilan taqqoslaganda qariyb ikki baravar qaytarib oladi.^[12] Himoyachilar ushbu takliflar farovonlikka olib keladi deb hisoblashgan, muxoliflar esa turli xillardan ogohlantirgan oltin standart (Qo'shma Shtatlar 1873 yildan beri samarali foydalangan) xalqaro savdoda muammolarni keltirib chiqaradi.

1878 yil Bland-Allison qonuni va Sherman kumush sotib olish to'g'risidagi qonun 1890 yil hukumatdan katta miqdordagi kumush sotib olishni va uni tanga ichiga solib qo'yishni talab qildi. Ular erkin kumush va oltin standart o'rtasidagi kelishuv sifatida qabul qilingan.^[13] Oxirgi qonun qabul qilinganidan keyin saylangan Bryan, dastlab bu mavzuda ozgina gaplashardi. Bepul kumush nebraskaliklar orasida juda mashhur edi, ammo ko'plab kuchli demokratlar bunga qarshi edilar.^[14] Kongressga saylanganidan so'ng, Bryan valyuta masalasini sinchkovlik bilan o'rganib chiqdi va erkin kumushga ishondi; uning siyosiy salohiyatini ham ko'rdi.^[15] 1893 yilga kelib, Bryan Sent-Luisdagi nutqida oltin standart deflyatsion "odamni qarzidan kattaroq dollar bilan qarz to'lashga majbur qiladi" degan bahsda bepul kumushning etakchi tarafdoriga aylandi ... Agar bu talonchilik ruxsat berilsa, dehqon xarob bo'ladi, shunda shaharlar azoblanadi ".^[16]

1893 yil mart oyida Klivlend prezident sifatida ish boshlaganida ham, iqtisodiy tanazzul alomatlari mavjud edi. Shermanniki akti hukumatdan oltinni kumush va qog'oz pul evaziga to'lashni talab qildi va 1893 yilning dastlabki oylarida oltin oltin chiqib ketdi Xazina. 1893 yil 22 aprelda G'aznachilikdagi oltin miqdori 1879 yildan buyon birinchi marta 100 million dollardan pastga tushib, bezovtalikni kuchaytirdi. Evropaliklar oltinga katta miqdordagi pulni qaytarib olmoqchi ekanligi haqidagi mish-mishlar qimmatli qog'ozlar bozorida umidsiz sotuvlarga sabab bo'ldi. 1893 yilgi vahima. Avgustga qadar ko'plab firmalar bankrot bo'lib, Klivlend tomonidan kumush sotib olish to'g'risidagi aktni bekor qilish uchun chaqirilgan Kongressning maxsus sessiyasi chaqirildi. Hali ham Kongressda bo'lgan Bryan bekor qilishga qarshi ochiqchasiga gapirdi, ammo Klivlend buni majbur qildi. Prezidentning oltin uchun murosasiz pozitsiyasi uning partiyasida ko'pchilikni chetlashtirdi (janubiy va g'arbiy demokratlarning aksariyati kumushparast edi). Iqtisodiyot yaxshilana olmadi va 1894 yilda Prezident Illinoysga federal qo'shinlarni yuborish uchun yubordi Pullman Strike, u yanada ko'proq demokratlarni g'azablantirdi. 1894 yil oxirida kumushparast demokratlar partiyani Klivlenddan va boshqalardan boshqarishni o'z zimmalariga olish umidida uyushishni boshladilar. Oltin demokratlar va 1896 yilda kumush nomzodni ko'rsatish.^[17] Bunda ularni Illinoys gubernatori boshqargan Jon Piter Altgeld, Pullmanning zarbasi tufayli Klivlendga qarshi bo'lgan. Demokratlar 1894 yilgi oraliq saylovlarda Kongressning ikkala palatasi ustidan nazoratni yo'qotib qo'yishdi, janubiy shtatlarning bir qismi odatda demokratlar uchun mustahkam bo'lib, respublikachilar yoki populistlar kongressmenlarini sayladilar.^[18]

Dan rasm Tanganing moliyaviy maktabi; yosh tanga (o'rtada) o'quvchini bepul kumush bilan farovonlikni yoki oltin standart bilan xarobani tanlashga taklif qiladi.

1893 yilda bimetalizm populistlar va boshqalarning ko'plab takliflaridan biri edi. Iqtisodiy tanazzul davom etar ekan, erkin kumush himoyachilari uning davom etishini kumush sotib olish to'g'risidagi aktning bekor qilinishida ayblashdi va kumush masalasi yanada dolzarb bo'lib qoldi. Erkin kumush, ayniqsa, janubiy va g'arbiy dehqonlar, shuningdek, konchilar orasida aks sado berdi. 1894 yil iyun oyida Uilyam X. Harvining asari nashr etildi Tanganing moliyaviy maktabi. Coin ismli o'spirin Chikago tomoshabinlariga bergan kumush masala bo'yicha ma'ruzalar (xayoliy) ma'ruzalaridan iborat bo'lgan kitob juda katta bestsellerga aylandi. Kitobga Chikagodagi eng taniqli biznesmenlar (unvon belgisining plyonkalari sifatida) kiritilgan; ba'zilari, masalan, bankir va kelajakdagi G'aznachilik kotibi Lyman Gage, bunday ma'ruzalarda qatnashganliklarini rad etdi. Valyuta muomalasining ushbu ommabop usuli juda ta'sirli edi. Missuriyalik Ezra Piters Illinoys senatoriga xat yozdi Jon M. Palmer, "Tangalar [sic ] Moliyaviy maktab o'rmonning bu bo'ynida h ko'tarilmoqda. Agar halol pulni qo'llab-quvvatlovchilar uning ta'sirini kamaytirish uchun biror narsa qilmasalar, mamlakat itlarga murojaat qiladi. "^[19] Minnesota shtatidagi muxbir yozgan Outlook jurnali: "o'rta maktab o'quvchilari kumush va beysbol o'rtasida teng taqsimlanadi va qaror bilan avvalgisiga suyanadi".^[20]

To'q otga nomzod

Tayyorgarlik

Bryan 1896 yilda

1895 yil mart oyida, xuddi shu oy Kongressni tark etganida, Bryan o'zining 35 yoshini o'tab, uni konstitutsiyaviy ravishda prezidentlikka munosib qildi.^[21] O'sha paytgacha u ushbu lavozimga nomzodini iloji boricha ko'rish uchun kelgan edi, ehtimol. Bryan Demokratik nomzod va prezidentlikka erishish uchun o'zining orqasida kumushparast kuchlarni birlashtirib, Kongressga saylanishda qo'llagan koalitsiyani qurish usullaridan foydalanishi mumkinligiga ishongan. Shu maqsadda Populistlarning raqib kumush nomzodini ko'rsatmasliklari muhim edi va u Populistlar rahbarlari bilan yaxshi munosabatlarni rivojlantirish uchun azob chekdi. 1895 yil va 1896 yil boshlarida Bryan o'zini iloji boricha kumush himoyachisi sifatida tanishga intildi. U nominal tahririyatni qabul qilgan Omaha World-Herald 1894 yil avgustda. Ushbu lavozim kundalik vazifalarni o'z ichiga olmaydi, ammo unga siyosiy sharhlarini nashr etishga imkon berdi.^[22][23] Kongressdan ketgandan va 1896 yil iyulda Demokratik milliy konvensiyadan 17 oy o'tgach, Bryan kumush bilan gaplashib, Janubiy va G'arb bo'ylab keng sayohat qildi. Har bir bekatda u keyinchalik rivojlantiradigan aloqalarni o'rnatdi.^[24][25] Bir necha marta, o'z murojaatlarida, Bryan 1894 yil dekabrda Kongressda aytgan satrlarining o'zgarishini takrorladi va oltin standartni buzdi: "Men insoniyatni oltindan xochga mixlashga yordam bermayman. Men ularni bosishga yordam bermayman. qon to'kish qoshi, bu tikanlar toji. "^[26]

Tarixchi X. Ueyn Morgan Bryanni quyidagicha ta'riflagan:

Robert La Follette Bryanni "baland bo'yli, ingichka, kelishgan yigit ilohiyotga o'xshagan yigit" sifatida esladi. Axloqshunos voizning ketma-ketligi Injil iborasiga va Shekspiranga mos odamlar orasida uning siyosiy imkoniyatlarini oshirdi [sic ] pozitsiyasi. U yaxshi aktyor, juda mashhur ovozi bilan, lekin sharlatan emas edi. Bryan eskirganiga ishongan Jeffersonian fazilatlari u va'z qildi Hamiltoniyalik 1896 yilgi dunyo ... U yosh edi, obro'li, ammo og'ir bo'lmagan rekordga ega, G'arbdan kelgan va yarashtirish san'atini tushungan. O'sha paytda erkaklar boshqacha fikrda bo'lishgan bo'lsa ham, na taqdir va na tasodif partiyadagi mavqeini yaratdi.^[27]

1896 yil boshidan Bryan jimgina nomzodni izladi. Mumkin bo'lgan har qanday nomzod kumush tarafdorlarining qurultoy delegatlarining asosiy qismini tanlashda muvaffaqiyat qozonishiga bog'liq edi; shunga ko'ra Bryan bunday harakatlarni qo'llab-quvvatladi. U boshqa partiyalardagi kumush partizanlar bilan aloqani davom ettirdi, ularni nomzodlikdan keyin to'plash umidida. Uning saylovoldi tashviqoti past darajada bo'lib, ortiqcha reklama qilinmadi: Brayan taniqli nomzodlarning e'tiborini jalb qilmoqchi emas edi.^[28] U nutqlarini davom ettirdi va sayohat xarajatlarini yig'di va ko'pincha a gapirish narxi, uni taklif qilganlardan.^[29]

Demokratik nomzodni izlashda Bryan bir qator kamchiliklarga duch keldi: u siyosatni yaqindan kuzatmaydigan amerikaliklar orasida kam tanilgan edi, uning saylov kampaniyasida ishtirok etish uchun puli yo'q edi, davlat idoralari etishmayotgan va Klivlend va uning dushmanligiga duch kelgan. kumush va boshqa masalalarda o'z pozitsiyasi orqali ma'muriyat. Hech qachon demokratga ovoz bermagan, aholisi kam shtat bo'lgan Nebraska shtatidan nomzod ko'rsatishda Demokratik partiyaning ozgina ustunligi bor edi.^[30] Shtat anjumanlari iyul oyidagi milliy anjumanda delegatlar nomzodini ko'rsatish uchun yig'ilayotganda, aksariyat hollarda ular kumushni qo'llab-quvvatladilar va kumush odamlarni Chikagoga jo'natdilar. Oltin demokratlar shimoli-sharqda muvaffaqiyatga erishdilar, boshqa joylarda esa ozgina.^[31] Aksariyat shtat konventsiyalari ularning delegatlarini nomzodlik uchun ma'lum bir nomzodga ovoz berishga bog'lamagan yoki "ko'rsatma bergan" emas; ushbu kurs Bryan tomonidan kuchli qo'llab-quvvatlandi.^[32] Delegatlar tanlanganidan so'ng, Bryan partiya rasmiylariga xat yozib, ro'yxatni qo'lga kiritdi; u o'zining nutqlari nusxalarini yubordi World-Heraldva uning fotosurati har bir delegatga.^[28]

1896 yil iyun oyida Bryanning eski o'qituvchisi, sobiq senator Trumbull vafot etdi; dafn marosimida Bryanning onasi ham Salemda to'satdan vafot etdi.^[33] Bryan uning dafn marosimida so'zlarni keltirib, nutq so'zladi Ikkinchi Timo'tiy: "Men yaxshi kurashdim, kursimni tugatdim, ishonchni saqladim".^[34] U shuningdek muxbir sifatida qatnashdi World-Herald, respublika anjumani o'sha oy Sent-Luisda. Respublikachilar, prezidentlikka nomzodi, Ogayo shtatining sobiq gubernatori iltimosiga binoan Uilyam Makkinli, ularning ichiga taxta kiritilgan partiya platformasi oltin standartni qo'llab-quvvatlash.^[35] Platformani qabul qilganidan keyin Kolorado senatori bo'lganida, Bryan qattiq ta'sirlandi Genri M. Teller kumushni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi respublikachilarning yurishini boshladi. Bryanning biografisi Paolo Koletta, Bryan kumush erkaklarning ketishiga turtki bergan bo'lishi mumkin; u bilan yaqin aloqada bo'lgan Kumush respublikachilar masalan, Teller va Janubiy Dakota senatori Richard Pettigryu.^[36] Tarixchi Jeyms Barns Bryanning tayyorgarligi haqida shunday yozgan:

Nebraskan siyosiy vaziyatni uning raqibi bo'lishi mumkin bo'lganlarning aksariyatiga qaraganda yaxshiroq tushunar edi va u mavjud sharoitlardan qonuniy va sharafli tarzda foydalangan. U mehnatsevarlik xalqning noroziligini partiyaning oltin qanotiga qarshi qo'zg'olonga aylantirishi mumkinligini bilar edi va biron bir shaxs guruhi siyosiy maqsadlariga erishish uchun 1893 yilgacha [Demokratik partiya] tarkibidagi kumush odamlardan ko'ra ko'proq g'ayrat bilan mehnat qilmagan. va 1896. Bryan nomzod bo'lish imkoniyatini 1896 yilga qadar ancha oldin sezgan; uning ambitsiyasi anjumandan bir necha oy oldin to'la pishdi va u Chikagoga jo'nab ketishdan oldin uning umidlari aniqlanib borayotganiga dalillar mavjud.^[37]

Konventsiya

Chikagodagi Kolizey 1896 yildagi Demokratlarning milliy qurultoyi bo'lib o'tgan.

Da boshlanadigan Demokratlar milliy konvensiyasi arafasida Chikago Kolizey 1896 yil 7-iyulda biron bir nomzod prezidentlikka nomzodning katta favoriti sifatida ko'rilmadi. Etakchi nomzodlar Missuri shtatining sobiq kongressmenlari edi Richard P. Bland va Ayova shtatining sobiq gubernatori Horace Boies. "Kumush Dik" Bland kumush harakatining oqsoqol davlat arbobi sifatida ko'rilgan; U 1878 yilgi Bland-Ellison qonunini yaratgan edi, Boisning odatda respublikachilar shtatida gubernatorlikdagi g'alabalari uni g'arbiy O'rta G'arbda Makkinli bilan raqobatlasha oladigan nomzod sifatida o'ziga jalb qildi. Ikkalasi ham o'z nomzodlarini ochiq e'lon qilishdi va garovga qo'yilgan delegatlarni olishga intilayotgan tashkilotlarga ega bo'lgan yagona demokratlar edi. Ikkala nomzodning ham saylovoldi tashviqotiga sarflash uchun ko'p pullari bo'lmagan. Old peshqadamlardan tashqari, boshqa kumush erkaklar nomzod sifatida tilga olindi. Ular orasida vitse-prezident ham bor edi Adlai Stivenson Illinoys shtati, senator Jozef C. Blekbern Kentukki shtatidan, Indiana gubernatori Klod Metyus va Bryan.^[38] Illinoys gubernatori, kumush harakatining etakchisi Altgeld huquqiga ega emas edi, chunki u tabiiy ravishda tug'ilgan AQSh fuqarosi emas edi. prezidentlik uchun zarur Konstitutsiyada.^[39] Senator Tler valyuta taxtasi ustidan norozilik sifatida respublikachilar s'ezdidan chiqib ketgach, u darhol demokratlarning prezidentlikka nomzodi uchun yana bir mumkin bo'lgan nomzodga aylandi. Biroq, u muvaffaqiyatga erishishi ehtimoldan yiroq edi, chunki ko'plab demokratlar saylansa, u ba'zi respublikachilar bilan patronaj ishlarini to'ldirishi mumkin deb qo'rqishgan.^[40] Prezident Klivlend anjumanning bir haftasini baliq ovida o'tkazdi va u erdagi voqealar haqida hech qanday izoh bermadi; siyosatshunos Richard Bensel Klivlendning siyosiy harakatsizligini Prezidentning o'z partiyasidagi ta'sirini yo'qotishi bilan izohlaydi.^[41]

Bryanning Nebraska delegatsiyasi 5-iyul kuni Linkolndan poezdda jo'nab ketdi. 200 ga yaqin odamni olib ketayotgan poyezd beshta vagonning har birida "W.J. Bryan Club" va "Nebraska-da ko'zingizni saqla" kabi yozuvlar bor edi.^[42] Bryanning strategiyasi juda sodda edi: oxirgi imkoniyatgacha nomzod sifatida past darajadagi obro'ingizni saqlang, so'ngra orqasida turgan kumush kuchlarni to'plagan nutq so'zlang va uning nomzodini taqdim eting. U "vaziyat mantig'iga" ishonib, muvaffaqiyatga erishishiga to'liq ishonar edi, keyinchalik aytganidek, tanlovni buyurdi.^[43] U tushuntirdi Champ Klark, Kelajak Palata spikeri, Bland va janubiy shtatlarning boshqalari eski Konfederatsiyaga nisbatan xurofot tufayli qulab tushishi, Boies u juda kam tanilganligi sababli nomzod qilib ko'rsatilishi mumkin emasligi va qolganlarning hammasi qo'llab-quvvatlanmagani uchun muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchragan - faqat o'zini qoldirgan.^[44]

Koletta Brayan nomzodni qo'lga kiritishda duch kelgan muammolarni va uning asoslari ularni engishga qanday yordam berganini ta'kidladi:

Bryanga eng katta dividendlarni to'laydigan manevr uning kumush va Chikago delegatlari etishtirish uchun o'n besh oylik missionerlik faoliyati edi. U shaxsan boshqa nomzodlarga qaraganda ko'proq delegatlarni bilar edi ... va u strategiyasini nazorat qilish uchun erda edi. U o'zini nomzod sifatida aytganda, ba'zilari [jurnalist] kabi munosabat bildirishdi. Willis J. Abbot qilgan va uning aqliy qobiliyatiga shubha qilgan. Tashqi ko'rinishida, hali qurultoyga qabul qilinmagan, orqasida bironta ham shtat bo'lmagan bola nomzodlikni da'vo qilishga jur'at eta oladimi? Javob oddiy edi, dedi Bryan Abbotga - u konvensiyani buzadigan nutq tayyorlagan.^[45]

Bryan boy Palmer uyiga tutashgan kamtarona mehmonxonada joylashgan Clifton House-da qoldi. Klifton uyi tashqarisidagi katta bannerda Nebraska delegatsiyasining shtab-kvartirasi borligi e'lon qilingan, ammo Nebraskaning xonalaridan olib borilgan Brayanning kampaniyasi haqida so'z yuritilmagan. Bosh idorasi Palmer uyida joylashgan asosiy nomzodlar, ularning xonalari tez-tez gavjum edi, chunki ular bepul alkogolli ichimliklar bilan xizmat qilishgan. Kolizey Chikagoning "quruq" tumanida joylashgan, ammo mehmonxonalar bunday bo'lmagan.^[46]

Anjuman arafasida Demokratik milliy qo'mita (DNC) delegatsiyalar o'tirishi kerak bo'lgan dastlabki qarorlarni qabul qildi - yig'ilgandan so'ng delegatlar konvensiyaning Ishonch yorliqlari qo'mitasi xabar berganidan so'ng yakuniy qarorni qabul qilishadi. DNC Nebraska shtatidagi raqib delegatsiyasini o'tirdi va Nyu-York senatorini tavsiya qildi Devid B. Xill har biri 27-23 ovoz bilan konvensiyaning vaqtinchalik raisi sifatida. Dastlab uning delegatsiyasi o'tirilmasligi e'lon qilinganda Bryan ishtirok etdi; u natijadan "biroz ajablanib" harakat qilgani haqida xabar beradi.^[47] DNC harakati Bryanning ish boshlanishida joy bo'lmasligini anglatganligi sababli, u vaqtinchalik rais bo'la olmas edi (u ishni topshiradigan asosiy manzil ); Nebraskan anjumanda nutq so'zlash uchun boshqa imkoniyatlarni izlay boshladi. Tarixchi Jeyms A. Barns DNC tomonidan berilgan ovozni ahamiyatsiz deb topdi; 7 iyul kuni qurultoy yig'ilgandan so'ng, tezda Virjiniya shtatining senatori bo'lgan kumush odamni sayladi Jon Doniyor, vaqtinchalik raisi sifatida va kumush sabablarga mos bo'lgan ishonch yorliqlarini ko'rib chiqish uchun qo'mitani tayinladi.^[48]

Qo'mitalar yig'ilishida anjuman davom etdi, garchi ancha chalkashlikda bo'lsa ham. Ko'p kumush erkaklar ilgari milliy anjumanda qatnashmagan va uning tartib-qoidalari bilan tanish bo'lmagan. Qarorlar bo'yicha qo'mita a'zolari (Platforma qo'mitasi deb ham yuritiladi) Kaliforniya senatorini saylamoqchi edilar Stiven M. Oq rais sifatida; u allaqachon anjumanning doimiy raisi sifatida tanlanganligini aniqladilar.^[49] Kumush odamlar Bryanni doimiy raislikka nomzod sifatida keng qo'llab-quvvatladilar, ammo doimiy tashkilot qo'mitasining ba'zi g'arbiy delegatlari nomzodlik uchun Bryanni qo'llab-quvvatlash imkoniyatini istashlarini bildirishdi (doimiy rais odatdagidek nomzod).^[50]

1896 yildagi demokratlarning milliy qurultoyi

Delegatlar dastlabki ikki kunning ko'p qismini kumush tarafdorlarining turli xil nutqlarini tinglash bilan o'tkazishdi. 8 iyul kuni tushdan keyin Ishonch yorliqlari qo'mitasining birinchi hisobotida Bryan delegatsiyasini o'tirish tavsiya etildi. Bu kumush delegatlar uchun katta qiziqish uyg'otdi: Bryan ko'p sonli delegatlarga o'z odamlarini oltin raqiblari ustidan yordam berishga chaqirgan; bir marta Chikagoda, u va uning hamkasbi Nebraskans ko'plab odamlar bilan tortishuv haqida suhbatlashishgan. Qurultoy ovozli ovoz berish orqali bir necha daqiqadan so'ng anjumanlar zaliga guruhning hamrohligida kelgan kumush nebraskaliklarni o'tirdi. Ko'p o'tmay, zerikib qolgan delegatlar Bryandan nutq so'zlash uchun baqirishdi, ammo u topilmadi.^[51]

O'tirgandan so'ng, Bryan Platforma qo'mitasi majlisiga bordi Palmer uyi, Nebraska shtatidagi oltin delegatni qo'mitaga almashtirish. Taklif qilingan platforma kumush rangga ega edi; Senator Xill qo'mita ovozi bilan mag'lubiyatga uchragan oltin standartni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi tuzatishni taklif qildi. Xill platformadagi kurashni to'liq qurultoyga olib borishga qaror qilganida, qo'mita bahsda kim gaplashishi kerakligini muhokama qildi va har ikki tomonga 75 daqiqadan vaqt ajratdi. Janubiy Karolina senatori Benjamin Tillman, kumush tarafdori, qurultoyda chiqish qilish va munozarani yopish uchun bir soat vaqt talab qildi. Xill ham, Bryan ham (kumush tarafdori bo'lgan boshqa ma'ruzachi sifatida tanlangan) bunday uzoq yopilish nutqiga e'tiroz bildirishganda, Tillman 50 daqiqaga va munozarani yopishdan ko'ra ochishga qaror qildi; Bryanga yopilishi uchun 25 daqiqa vaqt berildi. Keyinchalik Bryan Platforma qo'mitasi raisi, Arkanzas senatoridan so'radi Jeyms K. Jons nima uchun unga platformadagi munozarani yopish kabi hal qiluvchi rol berildi; Senator Jons uning uchta sababi bor deb javob berdi: Bryanning kumush yo'lda uzoq vaqt xizmat qilgani, Nebraskan konvensiyada qatnashmagan yagona asosiy ma'ruzachi edi va Jonsning tomog'i og'rib qoldi. O'sha oqshom Bryan rafiqasi va do'stlari bilan birga ovqatlandi. "Boies" va "Bland" ning baland ovozda tarafdorlariga qarab, Bryan shunday dedi: "Bu odamlar buni bilishmaydi, lekin ular ertaga kechqurun men uchun shunday xursand bo'lishadi".^[52]

Nutq

Rassomning Bryanning eskizlari ushbu rasmni yaratgandan keyin delegatlar elkasida ko'tarilgan Oltin xoch nutqi

1896 yil 9-iyul kuni ertalab platformadagi munozarani eshitish umidida minglab odamlar Kolizey tashqarisida kutishdi. Gallereyalar tezda gavjum edi, lekin dastlabki ikki kunlik charchoq va shahar markazidagi mehmonxonalardan uzoq sayohat tufayli sekinlashgan delegatlar sekinroq etib kelishdi. Ertalab soat 10:45 da, soatiga to'rtdan uch qismi kechikib, rais Uayt qurultoyni tartibga chaqirdi. Bryan kechikish paytida keldi; u anjuman guruhlaridan birining musiqiy hurmati bilan kutib olindi,^[a] keyin yana irlandiyalik kuylar chalib qaytdi.^[53] Uayt jarayonni boshlaganidan so'ng, u kumush delegatlar katta qarsaklar ostida va oltinlardan xirillagan holda taklif qilingan platformani o'qigan senator Jonsga doka uzatdi. Ozchiliklarning hisoboti qarama-qarshi reaktsiyani jalb qildi.^[54]

Datchikni bo'yniga pichan kiygan otashin ma'ruzachi senator Tillman boshladi. Uning nutqida, Bryanning kumush foydasiga yagona bo'lgan nutqi, kumushni a sifatida tasvirlangan bo'lim masalasi Janub va G'arbning qashshoq aholisini oltinni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi Nyu-York va Shimoliy-sharqning qolgan qismiga qarshi kurash. Bu kumushni vatanparvar deb bilishni xohlagan kumush delegatlar tomonidan ham yomon qabul qilindi, milliy masala. Senator Jons besh daqiqa sarflashga majbur bo'lganini his qildi (oltin tomon tomonidan berilgan), kumush emissiya kesim chegaralarini kesib o'tganini aytdi. Keyingi o'rinni Nyu-York senatori Xill egalladi: oltinning etakchi vakili, ham oltin, ham kumush delegatlar uni tinglash uchun jim bo'lishdi. Uning ortidan senator ergashdi Uilyam Vilas Viskonsin va sobiq Massachusets gubernatori Uilyam D. Rassel. Ularning har biri o'zlarining ishlarini oltindan olishgan va ehtimol ozgina ovozlarni o'zgartirgan. Gapirish uchun faqat Brayan qoldi va qurultoyda hali hech kim kumush uchun samarali kurashmagan edi.^[55] The New York Times sozlamani tasvirlab berdi:

Bunday notiq uchun hech qachon Bryanga tushganidan ko'ra bunday maqbul daqiqalar bo'lmagan. Ozchilik [oltin fraksiya] xursand bo'lgan edi va aksariyat Tillmanning erkin kumush chempioni sifatida paydo bo'lishidan tushkunlikka tushdi va tushkunlikka tushdi ... Ozchilik o'z pozitsiyasini ko'rsatdi. Ko'pchilik o'zlarini fosh, qulab tushgan va xo'rlangan deb his qilishdi.^[56]

Yozuvchi Edgar Li Masters, Bryanning nutqiga guvoh bo'lgan "esimda:" Birdan men delegatlar orasida o'z o'rnidan ko'tarilgan odamni ko'rdim va g'ayratli bokschining epchilligi va tezkorligi bilan ma'ruzachining minbariga shoshilayotgan edi. burun tumshug'i. "^[57] Nebraska delegatsiyasi qizil ro'molchasini silkitib, Bryan shohsupaga ko'tarilayotganda;^[56] u kiyib olgan alpaka xalta kostyumi Chikagodan ko'ra ko'proq Linkoln va G'arbga xos. Brayan ma'ruza oldida turganida baland ovozda xursandchilik eshitildi; sukut saqlash uchun unga to'liq daqiqa kerak bo'ldi.^[58] U boshladi:

Darhaqiqat, agar siz bu qobiliyatlarni o'lchash bo'lsa, siz tinglagan taniqli janoblarga qarshi o'zimni namoyish qilmoqchiman. ammo bu odamlar o'rtasidagi musobaqa emas. Butun erdagi eng kamtar fuqaro, adolatli ish qurolini kiyganida, barcha xatolar egalaridan kuchliroqdir. Men siz bilan erkinlik sababi kabi insoniylik kabi muqaddas sababni himoya qilish uchun gaplashmoqchiman.^[59]

Bryan, ushbu deklaratsiya bilan, o'zining argumentining mavzusini belgilab qo'ydi va bu o'zining kampaniyasini isbotlaganidek: kumush masalasida insoniyat farovonligi xavf ostida bo'lgan. Uning tarjimai holi Maykl Kazinning so'zlariga ko'ra, "Bryan Masih bilan boshlangan va oxiriga yaqinlashish alomatlarini ko'rsatmagan jiddiy mojaroda o'z hissasini o'tayotganini his qildi".^[60] Boshidanoq Bryan o'zining tinglovchilariga ega edi: u jumla tugagach, ular ko'tarilib, qichqirar va xursand qilar, keyin keyingi so'zlarga tayyor bo'lish uchun o'zlarini jim qilar edilar; keyinchalik Nebraskan anjumanni o'qitilgan xor kabi ta'rifladi.^[61] U Sharq ishbilarmonlari oltin standartni ma'qullashi haqidagi dalillarni rad etdi:

Sizga aytmoqchimizki, siz ishbilarmon odamning ta'rifini qo'llashda juda cheklangan qildingiz. Ish haqi uchun ishlaydigan odam ish beruvchisi singari ishbilarmon odam; qishloqdagi advokat, buyuk metropolda korporatsiya maslahatchisi kabi ishbilarmon odam; chorrahalar do'konidagi savdogar Nyu-York savdogari singari ishbilarmon odam; ertalab chiqqan va kun bo'yi mehnat qilgan, bahorda boshlanib, yozda mehnat qiladigan va mamlakatning tabiiy boyliklariga miya va mushaklarni qo'llash orqali boylik yaratadigan dehqon ham odam kabi ishbilarmon odamdir. Savdo kengashiga kiradigan va don narxiga garov tikadigan; ming fut yerga tushib, yoki ikki ming metr balandlikdagi qoyalarga ko'tarilib, yashirinib olgan joylaridan savdo kanallariga quyiladigan qimmatbaho metallarni olib chiqib ketayotgan konchilar - sanoqli moliyaviy magnatlar singari ishbilarmon odamlar. , orqa xonada, dunyo pullarini burchakka. Biz bu kengroq ishbilarmon erkaklar toifasi haqida gaplashmoqchimiz.^[62][63]

Nutqning ko'plab elementlari Bryanning oldingi murojaatlarida paydo bo'lgan. Biroq, ishbilarmonning argumenti yangi edi, garchi u respublikachilar anjumanida bergan intervyusida bunga ishora qilgan bo'lsa ham. Bryan har doim ushbu bahsni nutqning eng kuchli qismi deb bilar edi, ammo shon-shuhratga ega bo'lishiga qaramay.^[62][64] U senator Vilasning kumush kuchlardan kelib chiqishi mumkin degan bahsiga javob qaytardi Robespyer. Brayan zolimning ko'tarilishiga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun odamlar bilan hisoblashish mumkin, deb ta'kidladi va "Bizga kerak bo'lgan narsa - Endryu Jekson, Jekson turganidek, uyushgan boylik tajovuzlariga qarshi turish", deb ta'kidladi.^[63] U davom etdi:

Demokratik partiya qaysi tomonda kurash olib boradi; "bo'sh turgan kapital egalari" tarafida yoki "kurashayotgan omma" tomonida?^[b] Bu savolga birinchi navbatda tomon javob berishi kerak, so'ngra unga har bir shaxs javob berishi kerak. Demokratik partiyaning hamdardligi, platformada ko'rsatilgandek, hech qachon Demokratik partiyaning asosi bo'lgan kurashuvchi omma tomonida.^[65]

Bryan Amerika tarixidan joy egallab, manzilni yakunladi:^[66]

Tijorat manfaatlari, mehnat manfaatlari va mehnatkashlar tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan bu millatning va dunyoning ishlab chiqaruvchi ko'pchiligini orqamizda qoldirib, biz ularga oltin standartga bo'lgan talabga javob beramiz: "Siz o'zingizni bosmaysiz. Ushbu tikanli tojni mehnat qoshi, siz oltindan xochga mixlamang. "^[66]

So'nggi hukmini gapirar ekan, u tikanlarga taqlid qilib barmoqlarini cho'zgan holda qo'llarini boshiga olib bordi; Kolizeyda o'lik sukunat ichida u so'zlarini va holatini eslab, qo'llarini cho'zdi Isoning xochga mixlanishi va bu pozitsiyani bir necha soniya ushlab turdi. Keyin u qo'llarini tushirib, sukutda o'z joyiga qaytish yo'lini boshladi.^[67]

Bryan sukunatni "chindan ham og'riqli" deb ta'rifladi; u muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lishi mumkin degan xavotirini tez orada pandemoniya buzdi. The Nyu-York dunyosi "Qurultoyning qavati ko'tarilganday tuyuldi. Hamma birdaniga aqldan ozganday tuyuldi."^[66] Taxminan yarim soatlik namoyishda Bryan polda ko'tarilib, keyin quvnoq tarafdorlari bilan o'ralgan. Erkaklar va ayollar bosh kiyimlarini qaerga tushishlariga ahamiyat bermay, osmonga uloqtirishdi.^[68] Delegatlar ovoz berishni boshlash va Bryanni zudlik bilan nomzodini ko'rsatish uchun baqirishar edi, agar u apellyatsiya shikoyati bir kecha davom eta olmasa, u noyabrgacha davom etmasligini his qilib, uni ko'rib chiqishni rad etdi. Bryan anjumanni tark etdi, natijasini kutish uchun o'z mehmonxonasiga qaytib keldi.^[69] Achchiqlangan olomon orasida, Bland tarafdori Altgeld do'sti, advokatiga izoh berdi Klarens Darrou "" Bu men tinglagan eng buyuk nutq. Bilmadim, lekin uning samarasi uning nomzodini ko'rsatishda bo'ladi. "^[70]

Nominatsiya

When order was restored after Bryan's speech, the convention passed the platform, voting down the minority report and a resolution in support of the Cleveland administration; it then recessed for a few hours until 8:00 pm, when nominating speeches were to be made.^[57][71] Ga binoan Boston Globe, Bryan "had locked himself within the four walls at the Clifton House, down town, and there blushes unseen. The dark horse is in his stall, feasting on the oats of hope and political straws."^[72] Bryan had made no arrangements for formal nominating speeches given the short timeframe, and was surprised when word was brought to him at the Clifton House that he had been nominated by Henry Lewis of Georgia: the candidate had expected the Kansas delegation to name him.^[73] As Missouri Senator Jorj Vest nominated Bland, his oratory was drowned out by the gallery, "Bryan, Bryan, W.J. Bryan".^[74]

The balloting for the presidential nomination was held on July 10, the day after the speech; a two-thirds majority was needed to nominate. Bryan remained at his hotel, sending word to his fellow Nebraskans, "There must be no pledging, no promising, on any subject with anybody. No delegation must be permitted to violate instructions given by a state convention. Our delegation should not be too prominent in applause. Treat all candidates fairly."^[75] On the first ballot, Bryan had 137 votes, mostly from Nebraska and four southern states, trailing Bland who had 235; Boies was fourth with 67 votes and was never a factor in the balloting. Bland maintained his lead on the second and third ballots, but on the fourth, with the convention in a huge uproar, Bryan took the lead. Governor Altgeld had held Illinois, which was subject to the "unit rule" whereby the entirety of a state's vote was cast as a majority of that state's delegation directed. After the fourth ballot, the Illinois delegation caucused and Altgeld was one of only two remaining Bland supporters, thus giving Bryan all of the state's 48 votes and bringing him near the two-thirds mark and the nomination. On the fifth ballot, other states joined the Bryan bandwagon, making him the Democratic candidate for president.^[76][77]

At the Clifton House, Bryan's rooms were overwhelmed with those wishing to congratulate him, despite the efforts of police to keep the crowds at bay. Bryan quipped, "I seem to have plenty of friends now, but I remember well when they were very few."^[79] He left the choice of a running mate to the convention; delegates selected Maine shipbuilder Artur Syuoll. Active in Democratic Party politics, Sewall was one of the few eastern party leaders to support silver, was wealthy and could help finance the campaign; he also balanced the ticket geographically. According to historian Stanley Jones in his account of the 1896 election, "it seemed in retrospect a curious logic that gave a capitalist from Maine a leading role in a campaign intended to have a strong appeal to the masses of the South and West".^[80] Bryan and Sewall gained their nominations without the ballots of the gold men, most of whom refused to vote.^[81][82] Amid talk that the Gold Democrats would form their own party, Senator Hill was asked if he remained a Democrat. "I was a Democrat before the Convention and am a Democrat still—very still."^[83][84]

Umumiy saylov kampaniyasi

Bryan, seen during the 1896 campaign

Bryan's nomination was denounced by many establishment Democrats. President Cleveland, stunned by the convention's repudiation of him and his policies, decided against open support for a bolt from the party, either by endorsing McKinley or by publicly backing a rival Democratic ticket. Nevertheless, Gold Democrats began plans to hold their own convention, which took place in September. Many Cleveland supporters decried Bryan as no true Democrat, but a fanatic and socialist, his nomination procured through demagoguery.^[85][86] Some of the Democratic political machines, such as New York's Tammany zali, decided to ignore the national ticket and concentrate on electing local and congressional candidates.^[87] Large numbers of traditionally Democratic newspapers refused to support Bryan, including the Nyu-York dunyosi, whose circulation of 800,000 was the nation's largest, and major dailies in cities such as Philadelphia, Detroit, and Bruklin. Southern newspapers stayed with Bryan; they were unwilling to endorse McKinley, the choice of most African Americans, though few of them could vote in the South.^[88][89] Newspapers that supported other parties in western silver states, such as the Populist Rokki tog 'yangiliklari ning Denver, Kolorado, and Utah's Republican Tuz ko'li tribunasi, quickly endorsed Bryan.^[90]

Following his nomination in June, McKinley's team had believed that the election would be fought on the issue of the himoya tarifi. Chicago banker Charlz Dovs, a McKinley advisor who had known Bryan when both lived in Lincoln, had predicted to McKinley and his friend and campaign manager, Mark Xanna, that if Bryan had the chance to speak to the convention, he would be its choice. McKinley and Hanna gently mocked Dawes, telling him that Bland would be the nominee.^[91][92] In the three weeks between the two conventions, McKinley spoke only on the tariff question, and when journalist Murat Xolstid telephoned him from Chicago to inform him that Bryan would be nominated, he responded dismissively and hung up the phone.^[93] When Bryan was nominated on a silver platform, the Republicans were briefly gratified, believing that Bryan's selection would result in an easy victory for McKinley.^[94]

Despite the confidence of the Republicans, the nomination of Bryan sparked great excitement through the nation. His program of prosperity through free silver struck an emotional chord with the American people in a way that McKinley's protective tariff did not. Many Republican leaders had gone on vacation for the summer, believing that the fight, on their terms, would take place in the fall. Bryan's endorsement, soon after Chicago, by the Populists, his statement that he would undertake a nationwide tour on an unprecedented scale, and word from local activists of the strong silver sentiment in areas Republicans had to win to take the election, jarred McKinley's party from its complacency.^[95]

Populist nominee

The Populist strategy for 1896 was to nominate the candidate most supportive of silver. Populist leaders correctly believed the Republicans unlikely to nominate a silver man. They hoped the Democrats either would not endorse silver in their platform or if they did, that the Democratic candidate would be someone who could be painted as weak on silver. Bryan's sterling record on the issue left the Populists with a stark choice: They could endorse Bryan, and risk losing their separate identity as a party, or nominate another candidate, thus dividing the pro-silver vote to McKinley's benefit.^[96][97] According to Stanley Jones, "the Democratic endorsement of silver and Bryan at Chicago precipitated the disintegration" of the Populist Party;^[98] it was never again a force in national politics after 1896.^[99]

Arkanzas senatori Jeyms K. Jons, raisi sifatida Demokratik milliy qo'mita, served as Bryan's campaign manager.

Even before their convention in late July, the Populists faced dissent in their ranks. Former Populist governor of Colorado Devis H. Vayt wrote to former congressman Ignatius Donnelli that the Democrats had returned to their roots and "nominated a good & true man on the platform. Of course I support him."^[100] Populist Kansas Congressman Jerri Simpson wrote, "I care not for party names. It is the substance we are after, and we have it with William J. Bryan."^[101] Many Populists saw the election of Bryan, whose positions on many issues were not far from theirs, as the quickest path to the reforms they sought; a majority of delegates to the convention in St. Louis favored him. However, many delegates disliked Sewall because of his wealth and ownership of a large business, and believed that nominating someone else would keep Populist issues alive in the campaign. Although they nominated Bryan for president, they chose Georgia's Tomas E. Uotson as vice-presidential candidate; some hoped Bryan would dump Sewall from his ticket. Bryan did not; Senator Jones (as the new Democratic National Committee chairman, in charge of the campaign) stated, "Mr. Sewall, will, of course, remain on the ticket, and Mr. Watson can do what he likes."^[102]

Historian R. Hal Williams, in his book about the 1896 campaign, believes that the Populist nomination did Bryan little good; most Populists would have voted for him anyway and the endorsement allowed his opponents to paint him and his supporters as extremists. The vice presidential squabble, Williams argues, worried voters who feared that instability would follow a Bryan victory, and drove them towards McKinley.^[103] Populist leader Genri Demarest Lloyd described silver as the "sigir qushi " of the Populist Party, which had pushed aside all other issues.^[104] The National Silver Party, mostly former Republicans, met at the same time as the Populists; both conventions were in St. Louis. They quickly endorsed Bryan and Sewall, urging all silver forces to unite behind that ticket.^[105]

New York visit

After the Democratic convention, Bryan had returned triumphantly to Lincoln, making speeches along the way. At home, he took a short rest, and was visited by Senator Jones to discuss plans for the campaign.^[106][107] Bryan was not interested in campaign organization; what he wanted from the DNC was enough money to conduct a national tour by train. The campaign, as it proved, was badly organized: This was Jones' first national campaign, and the party structure in many states was either only newly in the control of silver forces, or in gold states wanted no part of the national ticket. With little money, poor organization, and a hostile press, Bryan was his campaign's most important asset, and he wanted to reach the voters by traveling to them.^[108] According to Stanley Jones in his study of the 1896 campaign, "Bryan expected that he alone, carrying to the people the message of free silver, would win the election for his party."^[109]

Bryan (left) and his wife Mary at Crestline, Ogayo shtati, en route to New York for the acceptance, August 10, 1896

Bryan set the formal acceptance of his nomination for August 12 at New York's Madison Square Garden; he left Lincoln five days earlier by rail, and spoke 38 times along the way, sometimes from the trackside in his nightgown. While speaking in McKinley's hometown of Kanton, Ogayo shtati, Bryan yielded to impulse and called upon his rival at his home with Congressman Bland; the Republican candidate and uning xotini, somewhat startled, received the two men hospitably in a scene Williams calls, "surely bizarre."^{[110][111][112]} August 12 was an extremely hot day in New York, especially for the crowd jammed into the Garden; when Missouri Governor Uilyam J. Stoun, chair of the notification committee, essayed a lengthy speech, he was drowned out by the crowd, which wanted to hear "the Boy Orator of the Platte". Many were disappointed; the Democratic candidate read a two-hour speech from a manuscript, wishing to look statesmanlike, and fearing that if he spoke without a script, the press would misrepresent his words. Many seats were vacant before he concluded.^[113][114]

After several days in Nyu-York shtati, during which he had a dinner with Senator Hill^[c] at which the subject of politics was carefully avoided, Bryan began a circuitous journey back to Lincoln by train. At a speech in Chicago on Mexnat kuni, Bryan varied from the silver issue to urge regulation of corporations. According to Stanley Jones,

The period of this tour, in the return from New York to Lincoln, was the high point of the Bryan campaign. Bryan was well rested. After invading "the enemy's country",^[d] he was returning to his own territory. Wherever his train went people, who had travelled from nearby farms and villages, waved and shouted encouragement. Their enthusiasm at the unrehearsed rear platform appearances and in the formal speeches was spontaneous and contagious. The smell of victory seemed to hang in the air. Perhaps a vote taken then would have given Bryan the election.^[115]

Whistle-stop tour

Bryan's whistle-stop tours during the 1896 campaign were unprecedented. Here he addresses a crowd in Vellsvill (Ogayo shtati).

Bryan's plan for victory was to undertake a strenuous train tour, bringing his message to the people.^[116] Although Hanna and other advisors urged McKinley to get on the road, the Republican candidate declined to match Bryan's gambit, deciding that not only was the Democrat a better stump speaker, but that however McKinley travelled, Bryan would upstage him by journeying in a less comfortable way.^[117] McKinley's chosen strategy was a oldingi ayvon kampaniyasi; he would remain at home, giving carefully scripted speeches to visiting delegations, much to the gratification of Canton's hot dog vendors and souvenir salesmen, who expanded facilities to meet the demand. Meanwhile, Hanna raised millions from business men to pay for speakers on the currency question and to flood the nation with hundreds of millions of pamphlets.^[118] Starved of money, the Democrats had fewer speakers and fewer publications to issue. Bryan's supporters raised at most $500,000 for the 1896 campaign; McKinley's raised at least $3.5 million.^[119] Among the foremost supporters of Bryan was publisher Uilyam Randolf Xerst who both contributed to Bryan's campaign and slanted his newspapers' coverage in his favor.^[120]

On September 11, 1896, Bryan departed on a train trip that continued until November 1, two days before the election. At first, he rode in public cars, and made his own travel arrangements, looking up train schedules and even carrying his own bags from train station to hotel. By early October, the DNC, at the urging of Populist officials who felt Bryan was being worn out, procured the services of North Carolina journalist Jozefus Daniels to make travel arrangements, and also obtained a private railroad car, Ishsiz—a name Bryan thought somewhat inappropriate due to the strenuous nature of the tour. Mary Bryan had joined her husband in late September; kuni Ishsiz, the Bryans were able to eat and sleep in relative comfort.^[121]

Bryan's whistle-stop campaign, as mocked by Puck jurnal

During this tour, Bryan spoke almost exclusively on the silver question, and attempted to mold the speeches to reflect local issues and interests.^[122] He did not campaign on Sundays, but on most other days spoke between 20 and 30 times. Crowds assembled hours or days ahead of Bryan's arrival. The train bearing Ishsiz pulled in after a short journey from the last stop, and after he was greeted by local dignitaries, Bryan would give a brief speech addressing silver and the need for the people to retake the government. The shortness of the speech did not dismay the crowds, who knew his arguments well: they were there to see and hear William Jennings Bryan—one listener told him that he had read every one of his speeches, and had ridden 50 miles (80 km) to hear him, "And, by gum, if I wasn't a Republican, I'd vote for you."^[123] After a brief interval for handshakes, the train would pull out again, to another town down the track.^[123]

Throughout the nation, voters were intensely interested in the campaign, studying the flood of pamphlets. Speakers for both parties found eager audiences. Arthur F. Mullen, a resident of O'Nil, Nebraska, described the summer and fall of 1896:

O'Neill buzzed with political disputation from dawn till next dawn. A bowery had been built for the Fourth of July picnic and dance. Ordinarily, it was torn down after that event. In 1896 it was kept as a forum, and by day and night men and women met there to talk about the Crime of '73, the fallacies of the gold standard, bimetallism and international consent, the evils of the tariff, the moneybags of Mark Hanna, the front porch campaign of McKinley. They read W. H. Harvey's Tanganing moliyaviy maktabi to themselves, their friends, and opponents ... They read Bryan when they couldn't go off to listen to him.^[124]

Bryan rarely emphasized other issues than silver; leader of a disparate coalition linked by the silver question, he feared alienating some of his supporters.^[125] He occasionally addressed other subjects: in an October speech in Detroit, he spoke out against the Supreme Court's decision ruling the federal income tax unconstitutional. He promised to enforce the laws against the ishonchlar, procure stricter ones from Congress, and if the Supreme Court struck them down, to seek a constitutional amendment.^[126] In what Williams describes as "a political campaign that became an American legend",^[106] Bryan traveled to 27 of the 45 states, logging 18,000 miles (29,000 km), and in his estimated 600 speeches reached some 5,000,000 listeners.^[127]

Attacks and Gold Democrats; the final days

Bryan/Sewall campaign poster

Republican newspapers painted Bryan as a tool of Governor Altgeld, who was controversial for having pardoned the surviving men convicted of involvement in the Haymarket portlashi. Others dubbed Bryan a "Popocrat". On September 27, The New York Times published a letter by an "eminent alienist" who, based on an analysis of the candidate's speeches, concluded that Bryan was mad. The paper editorialized on the same page that even if the Democratic candidate was not insane, he was at least "of unsound mind".^[128] For the most part, Bryan ignored the attacks, and made light of them in his account of the 1896 campaign.^[129] Republican newspapers and spokesmen claimed that Bryan's campaign was expensively financed by the silver interests. This was not the case: the mining industry was seeing poor times, and had little money to donate to Bryan.^[e] In his account, Bryan quoted a letter by Senator Jones: "No matter in how small sums, no matter by what humble contributions, let the friends of liberty and national honor contribute all they can to the good cause."^[130]

Sentyabrda, the Gold Democrats met in convention in Indianapolis. Loyal to Cleveland, they wanted to nominate him. However, the President ruled this out; his Cabinet members also refused to run. Not even supporters thought the Gold Democrats would win; the purpose was to have a candidate who would speak for the gold element in the party, and who would divide the vote and defeat Bryan. Illinoys senatori Jon M. Palmer was eager to be the presidential candidate, and the convention nominated him with Kentucky's Simon Bolivar Bakner uning sherigi sifatida. Palmer was a 79-year-old former Union general, Buckner a 73-year-old former Confederate of that rank; the ticket was the oldest in combined age in American history, and Palmer the second-oldest presidential candidate (behind Piter Kuper ning Greenback partiyasi; Bryan was the youngest). The Gold Democrats received quiet financial support from Hanna and the Republicans. Palmer proved an able campaigner who visited most major cities in the East, and in the final week of his campaign, told listeners, "I will not count it any great fault if next Tuesday you decide to cast your ballots for William McKinley."^[131]

A "Bryan dollar" issued by his opponents to illustrate the difference between the size of a kumush dollar and the amount of bullion that could be purchased with a dollar.

The South and most of the West were deemed certain to vote for Bryan. When early-voting Maine and Vermont went strongly Republican in September, this meant that McKinley would most likely win the Northeast. These results made the Midwest the crucial battlefield that would decide the presidency. Bryan spent most of October there—160 of his final 250 train stops were in the Midwest.^[132] Early Republican polls had shown Bryan ahead in crucial Midwestern states, including McKinley's Ohio. Much of the blizzard of paper the Republican campaign was able to pay for concentrated on this area/ By September, this had its effect as silver sentiment began to fade. Morgan noted, "full organization, [Republican] party harmony, a campaign of education with the printed and spoken word would more than counteract" Bryan's speechmaking.^[133][134] Beginning in September, the Republicans concentrated on the tariff question, and as Election Day, November 3, approached, they were confident of victory.^[135]

William and Mary Bryan returned to Lincoln on November 1, two days before the election. He was not yet done with campaigning, however; on November 2, he undertook a train journey across Nebraska in support of Democratic congressional candidates. He made 27 speeches, including seven in Omaha, the last concluding a few minutes before midnight.^[136] His train reached Lincoln after the polls opened; he journeyed from train station to polling place to his house escorted by a mounted troop of supporters. He slept much of the evening of election day, to be wakened by his wife with telegrams showing the election was most likely lost.^[137]

Saylov

Map showing the results of the 1896 campaign, with electoral votes won noted. States won by Bryan are in blue.

The 1896 presidential election was close by modern measurements, but less so by the standards of the day, which had seen close-run elections over the previous 20 years. McKinley won with 7.1 million votes to Bryan's 6.5 million, 51% to 47%. The electoral vote was not as close: 271 for McKinley to 176 for Bryan. The nation was regionally split, with the industrial East and Midwest for McKinley, and with Bryan carrying the Qattiq janubiy and the silver strongholds of the Rocky Mountain states. McKinley did well in the border states of Maryland, West Virginia, and Kentucky. Although Bryan claimed that many employers had intimidated their workers into voting Republican, Williams points out that the Democrats benefited from the disenfranchisement of southern African Americans.^[138] Palmer received less than 1% of the vote, but his vote total in Kentucky was greater than McKinley's margin of victory there. Confusion over ballots in Minnesota resulted in 15,000 voided votes and may have thrown that state to the Republicans.^[139]

In most areas, Bryan did better among rural voters than urban. Even in the South, Bryan attracted 59% of the rural vote, but only 44% of the urban vote, taking 57% of the southern vote overall. The only areas of the nation where Bryan took a greater percentage of the urban than the rural vote were Yangi Angliya va Rokki tog 'shtatlari; in neither case did this affect the outcome, as Bryan took only 27% of New England's vote overall, while taking 88% of the Rocky Mountain city vote to 81% of the vote there outside the cities.^[f] McKinley even won the urban vote in Nebraska. Most cities that were financial or manufacturing centers voted for McKinley. Those that served principally as agricultural centers or had been founded along the railroad favored Bryan. ^[140] The Democratic Party preserved control in the eastern cities through machine politics and the continued loyalty of the Irish-American voter; Bryan's loss over the silver issue of many German-American voters, previously solidly Democratic, helped ensure his defeat in the Midwest. According to Stanley Jones, "the only conclusion to be reached was that the Bryan campaign, with its emphasis on the free coinage of silver at 16 to 1, had not appealed to the urban working classes."^[141]

On November 5, Bryan sent a telegram of congratulations to McKinley, becoming the first losing presidential candidate to do so, "Senator Jones has just informed me that the returns indicate your election, and I hasten to extend my congratulations. We have submitted the issues to the American people and their will is law."^[142] By the end of 1896, Bryan had published his account of the campaign, Birinchi jang. In the book, Bryan made it clear that the first battle would not be the last, "If we are right, we shall yet triumph."^[143]

Baholash va meros

Cartoon of Bryan gazing through the White House fence

Michael Kazin, Bryan's biographer, notes the many handicaps he faced in his 1896 campaign: "A severe economic downturn that occurred with Democrats in power, a party deserted by its men of wealth and national prominence, the vehement opposition of most prominent publishers and academics and ministers, and hostility from the nation's largest employers".^[144] According to Kazin, "what is remarkable is not that Bryan lost but that he came as close as he did to winning."^[144] Williams believes that Bryan did better than any other Democrat would have, and comments, "The nominee of a divided and discredited party, he had come remarkably close to winning."^[145] Bryan's own explanation was brief: "I have borne the sins of Grover Cleveland."^[145]

The consequences of defeat, however, were severe for the Democratic Party. The 1896 presidential race is generally considered a saylovni qayta tashkil etish, when there is a major shift in voting patterns, upsetting the political balance. McKinley was supported by middle-class and wealthy voters, urban laborers, and prosperous farmers; this coalition would keep the Republicans mostly in power until the 1930s.^[146] The election of 1896 marked a transition as the concerns of the rural population became secondary to those of the urban; according to Stanley Jones, "the Democratic Party reacted with less sensitivity than the Republicans to the hopes and fears of the new voters which the new age was producing".^[147] This was evidenced in the tariff question: Bryan spent little time addressing it, stating that it was subsumed in the financial issue; Republican arguments that the protective tariff would benefit manufacturers appealed to urban workers and went unrebutted by the Democrats.^[148]

One legacy of the campaign was the career of William Jennings Bryan. He ran for president a second time in 1900 and a third time in 1908, each time losing. Through the almost three decades before his death in 1925, he was ever present on political platform and speaking circuit, fighting first for silver, and then for other causes. Bryan served as Davlat kotibi Prezident davrida Vudro Uilson from 1913 to 1915, resigning as Wilson moved the nation closer to intervention in Birinchi jahon urushi. His final years were marked with controversy, such as his involvement in the Maymunlar bo'yicha sud jarayoni in the final weeks of his life,^[147][149] but according to Kazin, "Bryan's sincerity, warmth, and passion for a better world won the hearts of people who cared for no other public figure in his day".^[150]

Despite his defeat, Bryan's campaign inspired many of his contemporaries. Kabi yozuvchilar Edgar Li Masters, Xamlin Garland and his fellow Nebraskan, Willa Cather, like Bryan came from the prairies; they wrote of their admiration for him and his first battle.^[151] Shoir Vachel Lindsay, 16 years old in 1896, passionately followed Bryan's first campaign, and wrote of him many years later:

Where is that boy, that Heaven-born Bryan,
That Homer Bryan, who sang from the West?
Gone to join the shadows with Altgeld the Eagle,
Where the kings and the slaves and the troubadours rest.^[152]

Natijalar

Manba (Ommaviy ovoz berish): Leyp, Devid. "1896 yilgi Prezident saylovlari natijalari". Deyv Leypning AQSh Prezidenti saylovlari atlasi. Olingan 19 may, 2012.
Manba (Saylov ovozi): "Saylovchilar kollejining 1789–1996 yildagi ballari". Milliy arxivlar va yozuvlar boshqarmasi. Olingan 19 may, 2012.

Izohlar va ma'lumotnomalar

Tushuntirish yozuvlari

Adabiyotlar

Bibliografiya

Kitoblar

• Bensel, Richard Franklin (2008). Passion and Preferences: William Jennings Bryan and the 1896 Democratic National Convention. Kembrij, Buyuk Britaniya: Kembrij universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0-521-71762-5.
• Bryan, William Jennings (1896). The First Battle: A Story of the Campaign of 1896. Chikago: V.B. Conkey Company. Olingan 25 aprel, 2012.
• Cherny, Robert W. (1985). A Righteous Cause: The Life of William Jennings Bryan. Boston: Little, Brown va Company. ISBN  978-0-316-13854-3.
• Coletta, Paulo E. (1964). William Jennings Bryan: Political Evangelist, 1860–1908. Linkoln, Neb.: Nebraska universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0-8032-0022-7.
• Dickinson, Edward B. (official stenographer) (1896). Official Proceedings of the Democratic National Convention. Logansport, Ind.: Wilson, Humphreys, and Co. Olingan 25 aprel, 2012.
• Harpine, William D. (2005). Old verandadan oldingi sahifaga: 1896 yilgi prezidentlik kampaniyasida McKinley va Bryan. Presidential Rhetoric. 13. College Station, Tex.: Texas A&M University Press. ISBN  978-1-58544-559-2. Olingan 25 aprel, 2012.
• Horner, William T. (2010). Ohio's Kingmaker: Mark Hanna, Man and Myth. Afina, Ogayo: Ogayo universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0-8214-1894-9.
• Jons, Stenli L. (1964). 1896 yildagi Prezident saylovi. Madison, Vis.: Viskonsin universiteti matbuoti. OCLC  445683.
• Kazin, Maykl (2006). Xudojo'y Qahramon: Uilyam Jennings Braynning hayoti. Nyu-York: Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN  978-0-375-41135-9.
• Koenig, Louis W. (1971). Bryan. Nyu-York: G.P. Putnamning o'g'illari. ISBN  978-0-399-10104-5.
• Morgan, H. Wayne (1969). Xeysdan Makkinligacha: Milliy partiya siyosati, 1877–1896. Sirakuza, N.Y .: Sirakuza universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0-8156-2136-2.CS1 maint: ref = harv (havola)
• Morgan, H. Wayne (2003). William McKinley and His America (qayta ishlangan tahrir). Kent, Ogayo shtati: Kent shtati universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0-87338-765-1.CS1 maint: ref = harv (havola)
• Phillips, Kevin (2003). Uilyam Makkinli. Nyu-York: Genri Xolt va Kompaniya. ISBN  978-0-8050-6953-2.
• Uilyams, R. Xel (2010). Realigning America: McKinley, Bryan and the Remarkable Election of 1896. Lourens, Kan.: Kanzas universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0-7006-1721-0.

Articles and other sources

• Barnes, James A. (December 1947). "Myths of the Bryan campaign". Missisipi vodiysi tarixiy sharhi. Lincoln, Neb.: Mississippi Valley Historical Society. 34 (3): 367–404. doi:10.2307/1898096. JSTOR  1898096.
• Diamond, William (January 1941). "Urban and Rural Voting in 1896". Amerika tarixiy sharhi. Vashington, DC: Amerika tarixiy assotsiatsiyasi. 46 (2): 281–305. doi:10.2307/1838945. JSTOR  1838945.