Konservativ inqilob - Conservative Revolution

A qismi seriyali kuni
Konservatizm
Moviy bayroq
Milliy variantlar
  • DodgerBlue flag waving.svg Konservatizm portali
  • Rangli ovoz berish qutisi.svg Siyosat portali

The Konservativ inqilob (Nemis: Konservativ inqilob) deb nomlanuvchi Nemis neo-konservativ harakati[1][2] yoki yangi millatchilik,[3][2] nemis edi milliy-konservativ davomida ko'zga tashlanadigan harakat Veymar Respublikasi o'rtasidagi yillarda Birinchi jahon urushi va Natsistlar Germaniyasi (1918–1933).

Konservativ inqilobchilar madaniy aksilqilobda qatnashdilar va Germaniya o'rnatishi kerak bo'lgan muassasalar tabiatiga oid turli xil pozitsiyalarni namoyish qildilar. Rojer Vuds "konservativ dilemma". Shunga qaramay, ular odatda an'anaviyga qarshi edi Wilhelmine Nasroniy konservatizm, tenglik, liberalizm va parlament demokratiyasi madaniy ruhi bilan bir qatorda burjuaziya va zamonaviylik. Qaysi tarixchi bilan shug'ullangan Fritz Stern o'zlarini his qilgani kabi chuqur "madaniy umidsizlik" deb nomladi ratsionalizm va bilimlilik zamonaviy dunyoning konservativ inqilob nazariyotchilari XIX asrning turli unsurlaridan, shu jumladan, ilhom olishgan Fridrix Nitsshe uchun xo'rlik Xristian axloqi, demokratiya va tenglik; anti-zamonaviy va anti-ratsionalist Germaniya romantizmi; tomonidan ishlab chiqarilgan organik va uyushgan jamiyatning ko'rinishi Völkish harakati; militaristik va avtoritar millatchilikning Prussiya an'anasi; va davomida oldingi chiziqda o'z tajribasi Birinchi jahon urushi, ham mantiqsiz zo'ravonlik, ham o'rtoqlik ruhi bilan kuzatilgan.

Harakat bilan noaniq munosabatlar mavjud edi Natsizm 20-asrning 20-yillaridan 30-yillarning boshlariga qadar olimlar konservativ inqilobni "nemis fashizmgacha" deb ta'riflashlariga olib keldi[4] yoki "natsist bo'lmagan fashizm" sifatida.[5][6] Ular 19-asrda umumiy ildizlarga ega bo'lishsa-da anti-ma'rifatparvarlik mafkuralar, tarqoq harakatni natsizm bilan osonlikcha aralashtirib bo'lmaydi.[7] Konservativ inqilobchilar, albatta, irqchi emas edi, chunki bu harakatni uning darajasiga etkazish mumkin emas Völkisch komponent.[1] Agar ular nemis jamiyatini hukmronlikka tayyorlashda qatnashgan bo'lsalar Natsistlar ularning antidemokratik va organik nazariyalar,[8][9] va ularning hokimiyat tepasiga ko'tarilishiga qarshi emas edi,[10] konservativ inqilob qachon butun jamiyat kabi to'piqqa keltirildi Adolf Gitler 1933 yilda hokimiyatni egalladi.[11] Ularning aksariyati oxir-oqibat rad etdi antisemitik va totalitar Uchinchi Reyxning tabiati,[12][9] ning sezilarli istisnosiz Karl Shmitt va boshqalar.

1960-1970-yillardan boshlab konservativ inqilob asosan ta'sir ko'rsatdi Evropa yangi huquqi, xususan, frantsuzlar Nouvelle Droite va nemis Neue Rechte,[13][14][15] va ular orqali zamonaviy Evropa Identitariya harakati.[16][17]

Ism va ta'rif

Agar Veymar Respublikasining konservativ esseistlari yoqsa Artur Moeller van den Bryuk, Ugo fon Xofmannsthal yoki Edgar Jung allaqachon o'zlarining siyosiy loyihalarini a Konservativ inqilob ("Konservativ inqilob"),[2] nomi 1949 yil doktorlik dissertatsiyasidan keyin jonlanishni ko'rdi Neue Rechte faylasuf Armin Mohler harakat to'g'risida.[6] Molherning urushdan keyingi "konservativ inqilob" ni mafkuraviy jihatdan qayta qurish olimlar tomonidan keng tanqid qilindi, ammo yangitdan "neo-konservativ" tushunchasining asosliligi[1] yoki "yangi millatchi" harakat[3][2] - ba'zan 1890 - 1920 yillar davriga qadar cho'zilgan[18] - xususan, 19-asrdagi "eski millatchilik" dan farq qiladigan narsa, endi umuman qabul qilindi.[3][1][2]

"Konservativ inqilob" nomi ko'plab zamonaviy tarixchilar uchun paradoks, hattoki "semantik bema'nilik" sifatida paydo bo'ldi va ularning ba'zilari "neo-konservativ" harakatni osonroq oqlanishi mumkin bo'lgan yorliq sifatida taklif qildilar.[2] Breuer "yangi millatchilik" o'rnini bosuvchi xarizmatik va yaxlit o'tgan asrning "eski millatchiligi" dan farq qiluvchi madaniy harakat, ularning asosiy roli Germaniya institutlari va dunyodagi ta'sirini saqlab qolish edi.[3][19] Ko'rinib turgan qarama-qarshilikka qaramay, "konservativ" va "inqilob" atamalarining birlashishi Moeller van den Bryukning asarlarida harakatni abadiy qadriyatlarni saqlab qolish irodasi sifatida ideal va institutsional ravishda qayta ishlab chiqishni ma'qullashi bilan oqlanadi. "zamonaviy dunyoning ishonchsizligi" ga javoban shakllar.[20]

Dupeux bu harakatni o'zining izchil mantig'iga ega bo'lgan intellektual loyiha deb hisobladi, ya'ni Intellektueller Macht ("intellektual kuch") yangi konservativ va inqilobiy g'oyalarni ilgari surish maqsadida. Ushbu munosabat o'zgarishi (Xaltung) Dupeux a tomonidan belgilanadi Bejahung ("tasdiqlash"): Konservativ inqilobchilar zamonaviy jamiyatlarda anti-liberal va "abadiy qadriyatlarning" tiklanishiga ko'maklashadigan vositalarni topa olsalar, o'z vaqtlariga "ha" deyishdi. Dupyu shu bilan birga, konservativ inqilob haqiqiy falsafiy taklifga qaraganda ancha qarshi madaniy inqilobiy harakat ekanligini tan oldi va tahlil va tushunchalarga qaraganda ko'proq "tuyg'u, tasvir va afsonalarga" suyandi. Shuningdek, u o'zining turli xil mafkuraviy spektrida bir nechta moyillikni ajratish zarurligini tan oldi.[1][21]

[Konservativ inqilobchilar], tan olish kerakki, urushda oldingilari singari siyosatda ham reaktsion, ammo ular o'zlari bilan ajralib turishadi nekbinlik - yoki hech bo'lmaganda ularning ixtiyoriyligi bilan - zamonaviy dunyo oldida. Ular aslida qo'rqmaydilar ommaviy, na texnika endi. Ammo bu o'zgarishi Xaltung ("munosabat") jiddiy oqibatlarga olib keldi - orqaga qarab ketgan pushaymon voyaga etmaganlarning energiyasi bilan almashtiriladi - va bu keng qamrovli siyosiy va madaniy tashabbusga olib keldi.

— Louis Dupeux, 1994 yil[1]

Siyosatshunos Tamir Bar-On konservativ inqilobni "nemis ultra-millatchiligi, organik moddalarni himoya qilish xalq ishchi va askarni liberalizm, sotsializm va an'anaviy konservatizmning tenglik "dekadensiyasi" ni bosib o'tib, qayta tug'ilgan avtoritar davlat uchun namuna sifatida qabul qilgan jamiyat, texnologik zamonaviylik va sotsialistik revizionizm. "[5]

Kelib chiqishi va rivojlanishi

Konservativ inqilob katta va kattaroq davrda qamrab olingan qarshi harakat uchun Frantsiya inqilobi 1789 yilzamonaviylik va qarshiratsionalizm 19-asr boshlarida romantizm, nemis kontekstida, ayniqsa Prusscha, "liberalizm, sotsializm, demokratiya va baynalmilalizmni rad etgan militaristik, avtoritar millatchilik an'analari."[2] Tarixchi Fritz Stern bu harakatni yo'naltirilmagan ziyolilar chuqur "madaniy umidsizlikka" tushgan deb ta'rifladilar: ular o'zlarini "burjua ratsionalizmi va ilm-fan" deb bilgan dunyoda o'zlarini begonalashgan va ildizi bilan sug'urib tashladilar. Ularning zamonaviylikdan nafratlanishlari, Sternni ta'qib qilib, ularni ushbu zamonaviy yovuzliklarga qarshi kurashish va ularni "konservativ inqilob" bilan hal qilish mumkinligiga ishonch hosil qildi.[18]

Edgar Jung. 1925 yil.
Ko'plab konservativ inqilobchilar keltirilgan Fridrix Nitsshe (taxminan 1875) ularning ustozi sifatida[22][11]

Kabi atamalar bo'lsa ham Konservativ kraft ("konservativ kuch")[23] va schöpferische restoran ("ijodiy tiklash")[24] 1900-yillardan 20-asrning 20-yillariga qadar nemis tilida so'zlashadigan Evropa bo'ylab tarqalishni boshladi,[a] The Konservativ inqilob ("Konservativ inqilob") Veymar Respublikasi (1918–1933) kabi esseistlarning asarlari orqali Artur Moeller van den Bryuk, Ugo fon Xofmannsthal, Hermann Rauschning, Edgar Jung va Osvald Shpengler.[9]

Ning yaratilishi Alldeutscher Verband ("Pan Germaniya ligasi") tomonidan Alfred Xugenberg 1891 yilda va Jugendbewegung ("yoshlar harakati") 1896 yilda keyingi o'n yilliklarda konservativ inqilobning paydo bo'lishi uchun qulay deb keltirilgan.[26] Moeller van den Bryuk 1925 yil 30 mayda o'z joniga qasd qilishgacha harakatning hukmron vakili bo'lgan.[27][9] Uning g'oyalari dastlab orqali tarqaldi Juniklub u 1919 yil 28 iyunda, imzolangan kunida asos solgan Versal shartnomasi.[26]

Konservativ inqilobchilar tez-tez nemis faylasufiga murojaat qilishgan Fridrix Nitsshe ularning ustozi sifatida,[22][11] va ularning harakatiga asosiy intellektual ta'sir sifatida.[28][29] Nitsshe falsafasi ko'pincha konservativ inqilob mutafakkirlari tomonidan noto'g'ri talqin qilingan yoki noto'g'ri egallab olinganiga qaramay,[30][31] ular xristian axloqi, demokratiya, zamonaviylik va tenglikni o'zlarining mafkurasining asosi bo'lgan nafratini saqlab qolishdi. Tarixchi Rojer Vuds Konservativ inqilobchilar urush va beqarorlikka javoban "qurishdi" deb yozadi Veymar davri, Nitsshe "o'zini oqlaydigan faollik, o'zini o'zi tasdiqlash, tinchlik uchun urush va instinktni aql-idrok asosida ko'tarishni targ'ib qilgan".[32]

Bu harakatga jalb qilingan ko'plab ziyolilar XIX asrning so'nggi o'n yilligida tug'ilgan va Jahon urushini shakllantiruvchi voqea sifatida boshdan kechirishgan (Kriegserlebnis, "urush tajribasi") ularning siyosiy e'tiqodlari poydevori uchun.[33] Frontdagi hayot, zo'ravonlik va mantiqsizligi bilan, ularning aksariyatini qidirishga majbur qildi posteriori mojaro paytida ular boshdan kechirishga majbur bo'lgan narsalarning ma'nosi.[34] Ernst Jyunger tinchlik davrida jamiyatda harbiy tuzilmalar va qadriyatlarni qo'llab-quvvatlamoqchi bo'lgan va oldingi safdoshlar hamjamiyatida ko'rgan Konservativ inqilob tarmog'ining asosiy figurasi (Frontgemeinschaft) nemis sotsializmining asl mohiyati.[34][5][35]

Asosiy mutafakkirlar

Ga binoan Armin Mohler[36] va boshqa manbalar,[6][9][11] konservativ inqilobning taniqli a'zolari:

Mafkura

Tarixchi Rojer Vuds "konservativ dilemma" deb ta'riflagan keng siyosiy pozitsiyalarga qaramay,[50] Germaniya konservativ inqilobini quyidagilarni ma'qullamasligi bilan aniqlash mumkin.[2]

Yangi millatchilik va axloq

Osvald Shpengler
Osvald Shpengler, muallifi G'arbning tanazzuli, mujassam etgan Kulturpessimizm qisman konservativ inqilobni tavsifladi

Konservativ inqilobchilar, ularning millatchiligi nemis millatchiligi yoki konservatizmining oldingi shakllaridan tubdan farq qiladi, deb ta'kidladilar.[9] ga qarshi chiqish reaktsion an'anaviyning dunyoqarashi Wilhelmine konservatorlar va ularning zamonaviy dunyoda paydo bo'layotgan kontseptsiyalarni, masalan, texnologiya, shahar va proletariat.[52]

Moeller van den Bryuk Konservativ inqilobni a dan ajralmas deb hisoblanadigan qadriyatlar to'plamini saqlab qolish irodasi sifatida aniqladi Volk ("odamlar, etnik guruh"). Agar bu abadiy qadriyatlar asrlar o'zgarishi bilan ushlab tura oladigan bo'lsa, ular o'zlarining tarixidagi bir xil harakatlar va o'zgarishlar tufayli dunyoda omon qolishga qodir.[20] Moeller van den Bryukning ko'zlari bilan yaratmaydigan (va hamma narsani yo'q qilishdan boshqa narsani qilmaydigan sof inqilobchidan) reaktsionerdan uzoq, konservativ inqilobchi abadiy kosmosdagi hodisalarga shakl berishga intildi yo'qolishi mumkin bo'lmagan bir qator narsalar orasida ularning omon qolishlarini kafolatlash:[53]

Konservatsiya - bu topshirishni qabul qilish emas, balki doimiy tarixiy muvaffaqiyatsizliklar paytida qadriyatlar mustahkam dunyosida qolishga rozi bo'lgan institutsional yoki ideal shakllarni yangilash. Ishonchsizlik davri bo'lgan zamonaviylik oldida, o'tmishdagi qimmatli qog'ozlarga qarshi turish endi etarli emas; buning o'rniga u aniqlangan xavfli shartlarni qabul qilish va qabul qilish orqali yangi xavfsizlikni qayta ishlab chiqish kerak.

— Artur Moeller van den Bryuk[54]

Edgar Jung haqiqatan ham haqiqiy konservatorlar "tarix g'ildiragini to'xtatmoqchi" degan g'oyani rad etdi.[52][55] The ritsarlik ko'ra, ular erishmoqchi bo'lgan turmush tarzi edi Osvald Shpengler, hech qanday axloqiy kodlar bilan emas, balki "yaxshi nasl berishdan kelib chiqadigan tabiiy taktika tuyg'usiga asoslangan aslzodalik, o'ziga xos axloq". Ushbu axloq ongli ravishda aks ettirishning mahsuli emas, aksincha "o'zi sezadigan va o'ziga xos organik mantiqqa ega bo'lgan tug'ma narsa" edi.[56] Agar axloq qadriyatlari instinktiv va abadiy deb hisoblansa, ular mantiqan qishloq hayotida mujassam bo'lgan deb hisoblangan. Shpengler, shaharning sun'iy dunyosining ko'tarilishi bilan, shubhali bo'lib qoldi, bu erda liberal demokratlardan yoki hayotning o'zini anglash uchun nazariyalar va kuzatuvlar zarur edi. ilmiy sotsialistlar. Konservativ inqilobchilarning maqsadi zamonaviy dunyoda tabiiy qonunlar va qadriyatlar deb bilgan narsalarini tiklash edi:[57]

Biz Konservativ inqilobni barcha asosiy qonunlar va qadriyatlarni tiklash deb ataymiz, ularsiz inson tabiat bilan va Xudo bilan aloqasini yo'qotadi va haqiqiy tartibni o'rnatolmaydi.

— Edgar Jung, 1932 yil[58]

Nitsshe ta'sirida ularning aksariyati nasroniylarning birdamlik va tenglik axloqiga qarshi edi. Garchi ko'plab konservativ inqilobchilar o'zlarini ta'riflagan bo'lsalar-da Protestant yoki Katoliklar, ular ko'rdilar Xristianlarning axloqiy asoslari kuchsizlarni majburiy emas, majburiy xizmatga tizimli ravishda jalb qilish.[59][11] Geosiyosiy miqyosda harakat nazariyotchilari a dunyoni ko'rish (Weltanschauung) bu erda millatlar bir-birlari bilan munosabatlarida axloqiy me'yorlardan voz kechishadi, faqat o'zlarining tabiiy manfaatlari asosida boshqariladi.[2]

Minglab, yo'q millionlar o'lsin; bu qon daryolari nemis mavjudotining barcha bezovtaliklari va orzu-havaslarini qondiradigan holat bilan taqqoslaganda qanday ma'noga ega!

— Fridrix Georg Jyunger, 1926 yil[60]

Volkischen ishtirok etgan irqchi va okkultist 19-asrning o'rtalaridan boshlangan va konservativ inqilobga ta'sir ko'rsatgan harakat. Ularning ustuvor yo'nalishi - nasroniylikka qarshi kurash va (qayta qurilgan) germaniyalik butparast e'tiqodga qaytish yoki nasroniylikni begona (semitik) ta'siridan tozalash uchun "nemislashtirish".[61][62]

Volksgemeinschaft va diktatura

Tomas Mann, roman yozuvchisi va laureati 1929 yil Nobel mukofoti, yoshligida demokratiyaning ashaddiy raqibi bo'lgan, garchi keyinchalik ulardan biri bo'lgan Veymar Respublikasi eng taniqli himoyachilar[63]

Tomas Mann agar Birinchi Jahon urushi paytida Germaniyaning G'arbga qarshi harbiy qarshiligi uning ma'naviy qarshiligidan kuchliroq bo'lsa, bu birinchi navbatda chunki axloq ("belgi") nemis Volksgemeinschaft ("milliy hamjamiyat") o'zini so'z bilan tezda ifoda eta olmaydi va natijada qattiq moddalarga samarali qarshi tura olmaydi ritorika G'arbning.[64] Nemis madaniyati "qalb, aql bilan idrok etilmaydigan narsa" bo'lganligi sababli,[65] avtoritar davlat nemis xalqi xohlagan tabiiy tartib edi. Mann ta'kidlaganidek, siyosat muqarrar ravishda demokratiyaga sodiq edi va shuning uchun nemis ruhiga begona edi:[64]

A degan narsa yo'q demokratik yoki a konservativ siyosatchi. Yoki siz bor siyosatchi yoki siz emasva agar shunday bo'lsa, demak siz demokratsiz.

— Tomas Mann, 1915 yil[65]

1922 yilda ba'zi paragraflarni respublikadan olib tashlaganidan so'ng, Mann o'zining demokratik bo'lmagan qarashlarini susaytirganlikda ayblandi. Betrachtungen eines Unpolitischen ("Siyosatsiz odamning ko'zgulari"), dastlab 1918 yilda chiqarilgan.[66][67] Agar olimlar ushbu formulalarni badiiy va idealistik deb hisoblash kerakmi yoki aniqrog'i o'sha davrni siyosiy tahlil qilishga jiddiy urinish kerakmi deb bahslashsalar, yosh Manning asarlari ko'plab konservativ inqilobchilarga ta'sir ko'rsatgan.[38] 1922 yilda e'lon qilingan nutqda (Von Deutscher Republikasi), Mann Veymar respublikasining sodda himoyachisiga aylandi va Osvald Spengler singari konservativ inqilob bilan bog'liq bo'lgan ko'plab shaxslarga hujum qildi, u ularni intellektual jihatdan vijdonsiz va mas'uliyatsiz axloqsiz deb tasvirladi.[63] 1933 yilda u tasvirlab berdi Milliy sotsializm sifatida politische Wirklichkeit jener konservativen Revolution, ya'ni "o'sha konservativ inqilobning siyosiy haqiqati".[68]

1921 yilda, Karl Shmitt o'z insholarini nashr etdi Die Diktatur ("Diktatura"), unda u yaqinda tashkil etilgan asoslarni o'rgangan Veymar Respublikasi. U yangi konstitutsiyaning samarali va samarasiz elementlari sifatida ko'rgan narsalarini taqqoslab, u ofisini ta'kidladi Reichspräsident asosan prezidentga e'lon qilish huquqi berilganligi sababli qimmatli lavozim sifatida Ausnahmezustand ("favqulodda holat "), Shmitt bilvosita diktatorlik deb maqtagan:[69]

Agar davlat konstitutsiyasi demokratik bo'lsa, demak, demokratik tamoyillarning har qanday istisno qilinishi, ko'pchilik ma'qullashidan mustaqil bo'lgan davlat hokimiyatining har qanday amalga oshirilishini diktatura deb atash mumkin.

— Karl Shmitt, 1921 yil[70]

Shmitt aniqlik kiritdi Politische Theologie (1922), suveren hokimiyatsiz biron bir qonuniy tartib bo'lishi mumkin emas. U aniqladi suverenitet sifatida imkoniyatyoki kuch, to qaror qiling "favqulodda holat" ni qo'zg'atish to'g'risida, boshqacha qilib aytganda istisno qonun bilan bog'liq.[71] Unga ko'ra, har bir hukumat o'z konstitutsiyasiga diktatura imkoniyatini, zarurat tug'ilganda, parlament muhokamasi va murosaga kelishdan ko'ra tezroq va samaraliroq qaror qabul qilishga imkon berishini kiritishi kerak.[72] Ga murojaat qilish Adolf Gitler, keyinchalik u qonuniyligini oqlash uchun quyidagi formuladan foydalangan Uzoq pichoqlar kechasi: Der Fürer schützt das Recht ("Rahbar qonunni himoya qiladi").[69]

Old sotsializm

Konservativ inqilobchilar, ular "sinfiy kurashning steril g'azabi" ni boshqarmasligini ta'kidladilar.[73] Ularning ko'plari oldingi safdoshlar hamjamiyatini chaqirdilar (FrontgemeinschaftBirinchi jahon urushi milliy hamjamiyat uchun namuna sifatida (Volksgemeinschaft ) ushbu loyihada belgilangan o'ng va chap siyosiy toifalaridan ustun bo'lishiga umid qilib, tinch vaqtlarda ergashish.[51] Shu maqsadda ular 1914 yil avgustga qo'shilish uchun 1918 yil noyabridan inqilob tushunchasini olib tashlashga harakat qilishdi. Haqiqatan ham konservativ inqilobchilar Noyabr inqilobi, bu poydevorga olib keldi Veymar Respublikasi, haqiqiy inqilobga xiyonat va eng yaxshi holatda, olomon tomonidan ochlik noroziligi sifatida.[74]

Bilan umumiy kelishuv sotsialistlar kapitalizmning haddan tashqari haddan tashqari narsalarini bekor qilish edi.[75] Jungning ta'kidlashicha, iqtisodiyot xususiy qo'llarda qolishi kerak bo'lsa-da, "kapital ochko'zligi" bir vaqtning o'zida nazorat qilinishi kerak,[55] va ishchilar va ish beruvchilar o'rtasida umumiy manfaatlarga asoslangan jamiyat tuzilishi kerakligi. Kapitalizmdan nafratlanishning yana bir manbai urush va inflyatsiyadan olingan foyda bilan bog'liq edi va so'nggi tashvish shundaki, aksariyat konservativ inqilobchilar o'rta sinf, unda ular hukmron kapitalistlar va potentsial xavfli omma o'rtasidagi iqtisodiy kurash markazida ezilganligini his qilishdi.[75]

Agar ular ishdan bo'shatilgan bo'lsa kommunizm shunchaki idealizm sifatida ko'plab mutafakkirlar o'zlarining asarlarida marksistik terminologiyaga bog'liqligini ko'rsatdilar.[76] Yung konservatizmning liberal davrdan olgan "tarixiy muqarrarligi" ni ta'kidladi,[55] oynasining tasvirida tarixiy materializm tomonidan ishlab chiqilgan Karl Marks. Agar Splenger ham haqida yozgan bo'lsa G'arbning tanazzuli bekor qilinmaydigan hodisa sifatida, uning maqsadi zamonaviy o'quvchilarga hayotning ma'nosizligini anglashga imkon beradigan "yangi sotsializm" ni taqdim etish edi, bu erda Marksning er yuzida jannat kelishi haqidagi g'oyasidan farqli o'laroq.[76] Eng muhimi, konservativ inqilob ta'sir ko'rsatdi hayotiylik va irratsionalizm, o'rniga materializm.[77] Shpengler, Marksning materialistik qarashlari XIX asr ilm-faniga asoslangan bo'lsa, yigirmanchi asr asrga to'g'ri keladi, deb ta'kidladi. psixologiya:[76]

Biz endi aqlning hayot ustidan kuchiga ishonmaymiz. Biz aqlni hukmronlik qiladigan hayot ekanligini his qilamiz.

— Osvald Spengler, 1932 yil[78]

Bilan birga Karl Otto Paetel va Geynrix Laufenberg, Ernst Nekisch asosiy himoyachilaridan biri bo'lgan Milliy bolshevizm,[79] Konservativ inqilobning kichik bir bo'lagi, "o'ng qanotning chap qanot xalqi" deb ta'riflangan (Linke Leute fon qayta yozadi).[80] Ular ikkalasida ham ildiz otgan sotsializmning o'ta millatchi shaklini himoya qildilar Völkish ekstremizm va nigilistik Kulturpessimizm G'arbning nemis jamiyatiga ta'sirini rad etib: liberalizm va demokratiya, kapitalizm va Marksizm, burjuaziya va proletariat, Nasroniylik va gumanizm.[11] Niekish va Milliy bolsheviklar hatto vaqtinchalik ittifoq tuzishga ham tayyor edilar Nemis kommunistlari va Sovet Ittifoqi kapitalistik G'arbni yo'q qilish maqsadida.[81][82]

Oqimlar

Nomzodlik dissertatsiyasida Karl Yaspers, Armin Mohler Konservativ inqilob tumanligi ichidagi beshta oqimni ajratib ko'rsatdi: Jungkonservativen ("yosh konservatorlar"), Milliy inqilob ("milliy inqilobchilar"), Volkischen ("xalq harakati" dan), Bundisxen ("leaguists") va Landvolksbewegung ("qishloq xalq harakati"). Mohlerning so'zlariga ko'ra, so'nggi ikki guruh nazariy jihatdan kamroq va harakatga yo'naltirilgan edi Landvolks namoyishlar va soliq boykotlari shaklida aniq qarshilik ko'rsatadigan harakat.[83]

Frantsuz tarixchisi Louis Dupeux konservativ inqilobchilar ichida bo'linadigan beshta qatorni ko'rdi: mayda dehqonlar madaniy pessimistlar va "psevdo-modernistlar" dan farq qilar edilar, ular asosan o'rta sinfga mansub edi; "organik" jamiyat tarafdori esa "uyushgan" jamiyatdan ajralib chiqdi. Uchinchi bo'linish chuqur va uzoq muddatli siyosiy va madaniy o'zgarishlarni qo'llab-quvvatlovchilarni tez va avjga chiqayotgan ijtimoiy inqilobni qo'llab-quvvatlaganlardan ajratib, iqtisodiy erkinlik va xususiy mulk masalasiga qadar. Degan savolga to'rtinchi yoriq joylashdi Drang nach Osten ("Sharqqa haydash") va unga nisbatan munosabat Bolsheviklar Rossiya, "keksa" deb nomlangan o'rtasidagi Germaniya o'rnida munozara bilan birga G'arb va "yosh va vahshiy" Sharq; oxirgi bo'linma o'rtasidagi chuqur oppozitsiya Volkischen va fashistgacha bo'lgan mutafakkirlar.[4]

1995 yilda tarixchi Rolf Peter Sieferle u konservativ inqilobda beshta "kompleks" deb belgilagan narsalarini tasvirlab berdi: "völkischen", "milliy sotsialistlar", "inqilobiy millatchilar", "hayotiy faollar" (aktivistisch-vitalen), va, harakatdagi ozchilik, "biologik tabiatshunoslar".[84]

Frantsuz siyosatshunosi Mohler va Dyupe tomonidan olib borilgan avvalgi tadqiqotlar asosida Stefan Fransua Konservativ inqilobdagi uchta asosiy oqimni sarhisob qildi, bu keng bo'linish harakat tahlilchilari orasida eng keng tarqalgan:[1][11][85]

Yosh konservatorlar

Edgar Jung. 1925 yil.
Edgar Jung (1925 y.), taniqli mutafakkir Jungkonservativen,[11][83] paytida SS tomonidan o'ldirilgan Uzoq pichoqlar kechasi 1934 yilda

"Yosh konservatorlar" ga 19-asrning intellektual va estetik harakatlari chuqur ta'sir ko'rsatdi Nemis romantizmi va Kulturpessimizm ("madaniy pessimizm"). An'anaviy farqli o'laroq Wilhelmine konservatorlar, Jungkonservativen "doimiy va asosiy tuzilmalar" - hokimiyat, davlat, hamjamiyat, millat, odamlar qayta tiklanishiga yordam berishga qaratilgan bo'lib, xuddi shu harakatda "o'z vaqtlarini qo'llab-quvvatlaydi".[1]

Moeller van den Bryuk ni engib o'tishga harakat qildi Kulturpessimizm yangi siyosiy tartibni yaratish uchun dekadansga qarshi kurash orqali dilemma.[11] 1923 yilda u nufuzli kitobni nashr etdi Das Dritte Reyx ("Uchinchi reyx"), unda u siyosiy vaziyatni tuzatish vositasi sifatida amaliy inqilobiy dasturni joriy etish uchun nazariy tahlildan uzoqlashdi: barcha sinflarni birlashtirib turadigan "uchinchi reyx". avtoritar ning kombinatsiyasiga asoslangan qoida millatchilik o'ng va sotsializm chap tomon.[9][86]

Birlashgan xalqqa va turli etnik guruhlarga asoslangan imperialistik tuzilishga toraygan milliy davlatni rad etib,[11][87] maqsadi Jungkonservativen bajarishi kerak edi Volksmission ("ning vazifasi Volk ") yangi reyxni tuzatish orqali, ya'ni Armin Moxlerning so'zlari bilan aytganda" barcha xalqlarni ustun davlat hukmronligi ostida bo'lgan ustun davlatda tashkil etish ".[83] Xulosa sifatida Edgar Jung 1933 yilda:

Tushunchasi milliy davlat individualistik ta'limotlarni individual shaxslardan individual davlatga o'tkazishdir. [...] Super-davlat (Reyx) - yuqoridan ko'tarilgan qoida shakli Volkstum va uni daxlsiz qoldirishi mumkin. Ammo u umuman bo'lishni xohlamaydi va avtonomiyalarni tan oladi (Avtonomiya) va suverenitetlar (Eigenständigkeiten).

— Edgar Jung, 1933 yil[88]

Moeller van der Bryuk 1925 yil may oyida umidsizlikda o'zini o'ldirgan bo'lsa ham, uning g'oyalari zamondoshlariga ta'sir ko'rsatishda davom etdi. Ular orasida Edgar Jung ham bo'lgan korparatist organik holat ruhiy holatiga qaytish uchun yo'l ochadigan sinfiy kurash va parlament demokratiyasidan xoli O'rta yosh yangi bilan Muqaddas Rim imperiyasi markaziy Evropani birlashtirgan.[11] "Yosh konservatorlar" orasida o'rta asr qadriyatlari va estetikasiga qaytish mavzusi a Romantik zamonaviy dunyoga qaraganda sodda va yaxlitroq deb hisoblagan o'sha davr uchun hayrat.[89][1] Osvald Shpengler O'rta asrlarni maqtagan ritsarlik zamonaviy dekadent ruhiga qarshi qabul qilish uchun falsafiy va axloqiy munosabat sifatida.[56] Yung bu qaytishni xuddi shunga o'xshash asta-sekin va uzoq o'zgarish sifatida qabul qildi Protestant islohoti kabi to'satdan inqilobiy portlash emas, balki XVI asr Frantsiya inqilobi.[9]

Milliy inqilobchilar

Ernst Jyunger (1922 y.), "Milliy inqilobchilar" ning yirik namoyandasi hisoblangan askar va roman yozuvchisi.[11][90]

Boshqa konservativ inqilobchilar o'zlarining ta'sirini frontdagi hayotlaridan ko'proq jalb qilishdi (Kriegserlebnis, "urush tajribasi") Birinchi jahon urushi. Uzoq Kulturpessimizm "yosh konservatorlar" tashvishi, Ernst Jyunger va boshqa "milliy inqilobchilar"[1][83] zamonaviy texnikani to'liq qabul qilishni qo'llab-quvvatladi va zamonaviylikni engib chiqishda yordam beradigan har qanday zamonaviy hodisalardan foydalanishni ma'qulladi, masalan. tashviqot yoki ommaviy tashkilotlar - va oxir-oqibat yangi siyosiy tartibga erishiladi.[11][90] Ikkinchisi, aql-idrokka emas, balki organik, tabiiy ravishda tuzilgan va ierarxik jamoalarga asoslangan va yangi xizmat va harakat aristokratiyasi boshchiligidagi hayotga asoslangan bo'lar edi.[11][91] Tarixchi Jeffri Xerf "atamasini ishlatganreaktsion modernizm "buni tasvirlash uchun" zamonaviyga bo'lgan katta ishtiyoq texnologiya rad etish bilan Ma'rifat ning qadriyatlari va institutlari liberal demokratiya ":[92]

Bu vaqt faqat yo'q qilishga arziydi. Ammo uni yo'q qilish uchun avval uni bilishingiz kerak. [...] Siz oxir-oqibat uni shakllantirish orqali o'zingizni texnikaga to'liq topshirishingiz kerak edi. [...] Qurilmaning o'zi hech qanday hayratga sazovor emas edi - bu xavfli narsa edi - uni ishlatish kerak edi.

— Frants Shouvecker, 1931 yil[93]

Jyunjer burjua, kapitalizmga qarshi turishga va yangi millatparvar inqilobiy ruhni o'zida mujassam etishga tayyor bo'lgan Jahon urushi davridan chiqadigan yosh intellektual elitaning paydo bo'lishini qo'llab-quvvatladi. 20-asrning 20-yillarida u turli millatchi jurnallarda 130 dan ortiq maqola yozgan, asosan Die Standarte yoki kamroq tez-tez, ichida Kengroq, Milliy-bolshevik nashri Ernst Nekisch. Ammo, kabi Dyupe Jyunger millatchilikni "mutlaqo" sifatida emas, balki "portlovchi" sifatida ishlatishni, oxir-oqibat yangi tartib o'z-o'zidan paydo bo'lishini xohladi.[11] Yüngerning konservativ inqilobchilar bilan birlashishi hali ham olimlar o'rtasida munozarali masaladir.[94]

Germaniyaning kirishi Millatlar Ligasi 1926 yilda 1920-yillarning oxirlarida harakatning inqilobiy qanotini radikallashtirishda ishtirok etdi. Ushbu tadbir konservativ inqilobchilar kelajak deb talqin qilgan mamlakatda "G'arb yo'nalishi belgisi" sifatida talqin qilindi Reich der europäischen Mitte ("Imperiyasi Markaziy Evropa ").[26]

Volkischen

Sifat völkisch nemis tushunchasidan kelib chiqadi Volk (ingliz tiliga aloqador) xalq), "" degan ma'noga egamillat ", "poyga "va"qabila ".[95] The Völkisch harakat ta'sirida 19-asr o'rtalarida paydo bo'lgan Germaniya romantizmi. Kontseptsiyasi asosida qurilgan Blut und Boden ("qon va tuproq "), bu edi irqchi, populist, agrar, romantik millatchi va 1900-yillardan boshlab antisemitik harakat.[96] Ga binoan Armin Mohler, Volkischen tahdid solayotgan "degregatsiya jarayoniga" qarshi turishga qaratilgan Volk uni ta'minlash orqali o'z ongini shakllantirish degani.[97]

Kabi mualliflar ta'sirida Artur de Gobino (1816–1882), Jorj Vaxer de Lapuj (1854–1936), Xyuston Styuart Chemberlen (1855-1927) yoki Lyudvig Voltmann (1871-1907), Volkischen dunyo xalqlarining irqchilik va ierarxik ta'rifini kontseptsiyalashgan edi Oriylar (yoki nemislar) yig'ilishida "oq irq "Ammo ular shunga o'xshash atamalardan foydalanganlar Nordische Rasse ("Shimoliy poyga ") va Germanentum ("German xalqlari "), ularning kontseptsiyasi Volk ham moslashuvchan bo'lishi mumkin va a sifatida tushunilishi mumkin Gemeinsame Sprache ("umumiy til"),[98] yoki a Ausdruck einer Landschaftsseele ("landshaft ruhining ifodasi") geograf so'zlari bilan Evald Banse.[99] The Volkischen haqiqatan ham o'z davrida Germaniyaning qishloq hududlarida uchraydigan "asl millat" haqidagi afsonani idealizatsiya qildi, bu "o'zlarining tabiiy elitalariga bemalol bo'ysundirilgan ibtidoiy demokratiya" shaklidir.[11] "Odamlar" tushunchasi (Volk) keyin tug'ilish va abadiy mavjudot g'oyasiga aylandi Volkischen- ular xuddi "tabiat" da yozganlari kabi - sotsiologik kategoriya o'rniga.[100]

Jahon urushidan keyin yuzaga kelgan siyosiy qo'zg'alish va noaniqlik turli xil yutuqlar uchun serhosil zamin yaratdi Völkish o'sha paytda Berlinda juda ko'p bo'lgan mazhablar.[11] Garchi Volkischen davomida guruhlar soni bilan ahamiyatli bo'ldi Veymar Respublikasi,[101] tarafdorlari soni bo'yicha ular unchalik emas edi.[11] Biroz Volkischen haqiqiy nemis e'tiqodi deb ishongan narsalarni qayta tiklashga harakat qildilar (Deutschglaube ) ga sig'inishni qayta tiklash orqali Qadimgi german xudolari.[61] Kabi turli xil yashirin harakatlar ariosophy ulangan edi Völkisch nazariyalar,[102] va badiiy to'garaklar asosan orasida bo'lgan Völkishen, rassomlar singari Lyudvig Farrenkrog (1867-1952) va Fidus (1868–1948).[11] 1924 yil may oyiga qadar Wilhelm Stapel Bu harakatni butun xalqni qamrab olish va yarashtirishga qodir deb qabul qildi: uning fikriga ko'ra Vokischen partiya dasturi o'rniga tarqalish fikri bor edi va ularni "hisoblash siyosatchilari" emas, balki qahramonlar boshqargan.[103]

Mohler quyidagi raqamlarni tarafdorlari sifatida sanab o'tdi Völkisch harakat: Teodor Fritsh, Otto Ammon, Willibald Xentschel, Gvido fon ro'yxati, Erix Lyudendorff, Yorg Lanz fon Liebenfels, Herman Virt va Ernst Graf zu Reventlow.[97]

Natsizm bilan aloqalar

Umumiy intellektual merosga qaramay, turli xil harakatlarni osongina aralashtirib bo'lmaydi Natsizm.[104] Ularning antidemokratik va militaristik fikrlari avtoritar tuzum g'oyasini yarim ma'lumotli o'rta sinf vakillari va hattoki o'qimishli yoshlar uchun ma'qullashda qatnashgan.[8][9] ammo konservativ inqilobiy yozuvlar hal qiluvchi ta'sirga ega emas edi Milliy sotsialistik mafkura.[12] Tarixchi Helga Grebing haqiqatan ham "Milliy sotsializmga moyilligi va unga tayyorgarligi masalasi milliy sotsializmning ildizlari va mafkuraviy kashshoflari haqidagi savol bilan bir xil emasligini" eslatadi.[8] Ushbu noaniq munosabatlar olimlarni harakatni "nemis fashizmgacha" shakli sifatida tavsiflashga olib keldi.[4] yoki "natsist bo'lmagan fashizm".[5][6]

Qudratining ko'tarilishi davrida Natsistlar partiyasi 20-asrning 20-yillarida va 30-yillarning boshlarida ba'zi mutafakkirlar tarixchi sifatida ko'rsatgan ko'rinadi Rojer Vuds yozishicha, "fashistlarning asl tabiatiga nisbatan ko'rlik", ularning hal qilinmagan siyosiy ikkilanishi va Germaniya yangi tuzumning mazmunini aniqlay olmaganligi sababli, oxir-oqibat fashistlarning hokimiyatni egallab olishiga qarshilik ko'rsatilmadi.[10] Tarixchining fikriga ko'ra Fritz Stern, "Gitler demagogiyasi haqidagi ba'zi bir shubhalarga qaramay, ko'plab konservativ inqilobchilar Fyer ularning maqsadlariga erishishning yagona imkoniyati. Keyingi qismida Gitlerning g'alabasi Moellerning aksariyat izdoshlarining xayollarini buzdi va o'n ikki yil Uchinchi reyx yana konservativ inqilob va milliy sotsializmning ajralishiga guvoh bo'ldi ".[105]

Saylovda qat'iyatli g'alaba qozonganidan keyin bir necha oylik hayajondan so'ng, fashistlar rad etishdi Moeller van den Bryuk va uning Milliy sotsializmning kashshofi bo'lganligini rad etdi: uning "haqiqiy bo'lmagan mafkurasi", 1939 yilda aytilganidek, "haqiqiy tarixiy o'zgarishlar bilan yoki hushyorlik bilan hech qanday aloqasi yo'q". Realpolitik "va Gitler" edi emas Moellerning merosxo'ri ".[12] Shaxsiy qabul qilinganida, konservativ inqilobchilar fashistlarning ikkilangan qarashlariga ega edilar,[106] ammo ularning aksariyati 1933 yilda hokimiyatni qo'lga kiritgandan so'ng natsizm va natsistlar partiyasini rad etishdi,[12][9] yoki uning tufayli totalitar yoki antisemitik xarakteri yoki avtoritar rejimning boshqa shaklini afzal ko'rganligi sababli. Stern munosabatlarni quyidagi shartlar bilan umumlashtirdi:

Ammo, yana biron bir "Uchinchi Reyx" bo'lishi mumkinmi deb so'rashimiz kerak. Imperial diktatorning yoshini bashorat qilish, kuchni ulug'lash, bashorat qilish, mas'uliyatsizlik tantanasini tayyorlamasdan, mavjud bo'lgan barcha institutlarni qoralash mumkinmi? Nemis tanqidchilari bularning barchasini qildilar va shu bilan madaniy umidsizlik siyosatining dahshatli xavfini namoyish etdilar.

— Fritz Stern, 1961 yil[12]

Raqiblar

Ko'plab konservativ inqilobchilar, liberalizmga qarshi turishda va hali ham "kuchli rahbar" tushunchasiga sodiq qolishda,[9] fashistlar rejimining totalitar yoki antisemitik xususiyatini rad etdi. Martin Nemöller, dastlab tarafdori Adolf Gitler, 1934 yilda Germaniya protestant cherkovlarini natsifikatsiyalashga qarshi, shuningdek fashistlarning Oriy paragraf.[107] Ba'zi olimlar chaqirgan yahudiylar haqida aytgan so'zlariga qaramay antisemitik,[b][108] u anti-fashistlarning etakchisi edi Cherkovni tan olish.[109]

We preferred to keep silent. We are certainly not without guilt, and I ask myself again and again, what would have happened, if in the year 1933 or 1934 — there must have been a possibility — 14,000 Protestant pastors and all Protestant communities in Germany had defended the truth until their deaths? If we had said back then, it is not right when Hermann Göring simply puts 100,000 Communists in the concentration camps, in order to let them die.

— Martin Niemöller, 1946[110]

Rudolf Pechel va Fiedrich Hielscher openly opposed the Nazi regime, while Tomas Mann went into exile in 1939 and broadcast anti-Nazi speeches to the German people via the BBC urush paytida. Ernst Jyunger refused a seat in the Reyxstag for the Nazi party both in 1927 and in 1933, despised the "qon va tuproq " doctrine,[109] and his house was raided several times by the Gestapo.[11] Hermann Rauschning va Gotfrid Reyxold Treviranus sought refuge abroad to keep on opposing the regime.[41] Georg Quabbe refused to collaborate with the Nazis as a lawyer.[111] Shortly before his death in 1936, Osvald Shpengler prophesied that "in ten years, a German Reich [would] probably no longer exist" (Da ja wohl in zehn Jahren ein Deutsches Reich nicht mehr existieren wird!).[112] In his private papers, he denounced Nazi anti-Semitism in strong terms:

How much envy of the capability of other people in view of one's lack of it lies hidden in anti-Semitism! [...] when one would rather destroy business and scholarship than see Jews in them, one is an ideologue, i.e., a danger for the nation. Idiotic.

— Osvald Shpengler[113]

Others such as Klaus fon Stauffenberg remained inside the Reyxsver va keyinchalik Vermaxt to silently conspire in the 20 iyul fitnasi of 1944. Fritz Stern stated that it was "a tribute to the genuine spiritual quality of the conservative revolution that the reality of the Third Reich aroused many of them to opposition, sometimes silent, often open and costly. [...] In the final plot against Hitler, in July 1944, a few former conservative revolutionaries risked and lost their lives, martyr to the genuine idealism of their earlier cause."[114]

Raqobatchilar

Some Conservative Revolutionaries did not reject the fascist nature of Nazi rule o'z-o'zidan, but would have preferred an alternative fashist yoki totalitar Shtat. They often got murdered or imprisoned for their deviation from the Fyererprinzip.

Edgar Jung, a leading figure of the Conservative Revolution, was murdered during the Uzoq pichoqlar kechasi tomonidan SS ning Geynrix Ximmler, who wanted to prevent competitive fascist ideas from opposing or deviating from Hitler's doctrine. For many Conservative Revolutionaries, this event ended the alliance between them and the Nazis.[115] Jung promoted a fashist version of the Conservative Revolution, speaking of nations as being singular organic entities, attacking individualizm while praising militarizm and war. He also supported "total mobilization " of human and industrial resources, while promoting the productive power of zamonaviylik, ga o'xshash futurizm tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlangan Italiya fashizmi.[116]

Ernst Niekisch, garchi yahudiylarga qarshi and in favour of a totalitar state, rejected Adolf Gitler as he felt he lacked any real sotsializm, and instead found in Jozef Stalin his model for the Führer Principle. He was interned in a concentration camp from 1937 to 1945 for his criticism of the regime.[117]

August Winnig, initially welcoming the Nazis in 1933, opposed the Uchinchi reyx uning uchun neo-pagan tendencies. Despite a best-selling[118] essay published in 1937 defending fascism and strongly tainted by antisemitism, but that diverged from the official Nazi doctrine on race,[119] he was left alone by the Nazis due to Winnig remaining mostly silent during the rule of Hitler.[120]

Hamkorlar

Although he considered Adolf Hitler too vulgar,[116] Karl Shmitt was party to the burning of books by Jewish authors, rejoicing in the destruction of "un-German" and "anti-German" material, and calling for a much more extensive purge, to include works by authors influenced by Jewish ideas.[121] Considered the "crown jurist of the Uchinchi reyx ",[122] Schmitt remained unrepentant even after 1945 for his role in the creation of the Nazi state.[123]

Hans Freyer was the head of the German Institute for Culture in Budapesht from 1938 to 1944. Together with Nazi historian Walter Frank, Freyer established a racist and anti-semitic völkisch historiography during that period.[124]

Wilhelm Stapel ga qo'shildi Deutschen Christen in July 1933, spoke vehemently against the anti-Nazi Cherkovni tan olish ning Martin Niemöller va Karl Bart and advocated for the introduction of the Aryan paragraph in the Church. At the same time Stapel was committed to the policy of Reichsminister of Church Affairs (Reichskirchenminister) Xanns Kerrl, to whom he served as an advisor.[125] However, under pressure from the Nazi leadership in 1938, he had to stop the publication of his monthly magazine Deutsches Volkstum.[126]

Study and debate

The precursor in the academical study of the Conservative Revolution was Edmond Vermeil.[11] He published in 1938 an essay titled Doctrinaires de la révolution allemande 1918–1938 ("Doctrinarians of the German revolution 1918–1938").[127] In the first decades following the end of Ikkinchi Jahon Urushi, most of the scholars who studied the Conservative Revolution and became specialists of the subject were far-right thinkers deeply influenced by ideas of the Conservative Revolution such as Armin Mohler yoki Alen de Benoist. It was not until the 1980–90s that academical researches on the movement began to spread more globally across the political spectrum.[2]

Post-war revival after Armin Mohler

The contemporary concept of a "Conservative Revolution" was retrospectively reconstructed after WWII by Neue Richt faylasuf Armin Mohler in his 1949 doctoral thesis 1918-1932 yillarda Deutschlandda konservativ inqilob, nazorati ostida Karl Yaspers. Since Mohler called them the "Trotskiylar of the German Revolution", his appropriation of the concept has been recurrently accused of being a biased attempt to reconstruct an acceptable far-right movement in post-fascist Europe, by downplaying the influence of these thinkers on the rise of Natsizm.[5][48][128] Subtitled "a hanbook", the book was conceived, according to historian Rojer Griffin, "as a survivalist manual for those who do not wish to lose their spiritual bearings in the present age", and Mohler believed that the project of a "Conservative Revolution" had only been postponed by the Nazi seizure of power.[129] He was also at that time the secretary of Ernst Jyunger.[130]

During the 1970s, thinkers of the Conservative Revolution were influencing new radikal huquq movements and theorists such as Alen de Benoist va uning Nouvelle Droite.[15] Some academics, especially in G'arbiy Germaniya, took a new interest in the subject and began to suspect Mohler's study for his political closeness to the concept. The reactionary and anti-modern characters of the "Conservative Revolution" were during that decade largely emphasised, and the movement seen as nothing more than a fertile ground for Natsizm,[131] speaking "the same totalitarian languages".[132][133]

German-American historian Fritz Stern used the term "Conservative Revolution" in his 1961 book The Politics of Cultural Despair to describe the life and ideas of Arthur Moeller van den Bruck, and rather drew attention to the alienation and "cultural despair" these authors experienced in the nascent modern world, which led them to express such radical ideas in response. Stern grouped however Moeller van den Bruck into a larger "Germanic ideology", along with earlier thinkers from the late 19th century like Pol de Lagard va Julius Langbehn.[18]

Academic research since the 1980s

In a symposium organised in 1981 and titled "Conservative revolution and modernity", French historian Louis Dupeux pointed out that what Mohler had called the "Conservative Revolution" was neither totally reactionary nor truly anti-modern (they could even show optimism towards the modern world),[1] an analysis later confirmed by the publication of the 1984 book Reactionnary modernism by American historian Jeffri Xerf, who highlighted the acceptance of modern technique beside a rejection of liberal democracy among conservative thinkers of that period.[92][134] Dupeux also stressed that Conservative Revolutionaries were not only opposed to the "two forms of progressivism"—liberalizm va marksizm —but also to the "cultural pessimism " of the reactionary and conservative rights, a standoff they attempted to overcome by proposing a new form of reactionary regime that could espouse the new frameworks of the modern world.[1]

In his 1993 book Anatomie der Konservativen Revolution ("Anatomy of the Conservative Revolution"), German sociologist Stefan Breuer rejected Mohler's definition of the term "Conservative Revolution". Breuer defined "conservatism" as the aspiration to conserve feudal Germany, in fact a moribund political project during the Republic of Weimar.[135] The "Conservative Revolution" constructed by Mohler was, in his view, the mirror-image of a young modern society that took conscious of the deadlocks and dangers of a "simple modernity" built only on fan va texnika. Finally, while noting the complexity that would imply an intellectual classification of that period, Breuer stated that he would have preferred the substitute "new nationalism" to name a more charismatic and yaxlit version of the German right-wing movement, contrasting with the "old nationalism" of the 19th century, a current which had been aiming only at preserving traditional institutions and German influence in the world.[19]

In 1996, British historian Roger Woods recognized the validity of the concept, while stressing the eclectic character of the movement and their inability to form a common agenda, a political deadlock he labelled the "conservative dilemma". Woods defined the Conservative Revolution as "ideas which cannot simply be explained and summarised as if they were a political programme, but rather as expressions of tension".[136] Regarding the ambiguous relationship with Nazism, downplayed by Mohler in his 1949 thesis and accentuated by 1970s analysts, Woods argued that "regardless of individual Conservative Revolutionary criticisms of the Nazis, the deeper commitment to activism, strong leadership, hierarchy and a disregard for political programmes persists. [...] Unresolved political dilemmas result in an activism and an interest in hierarchy which mean that there can be no fundamental objection to the National Socialist assumption of power."[10]

Historian Ishay Landa has described the nature of the Conservative Revolution's "socialism" as decidedly capitalist.[137] Landa points out that Oswald Spenger's "Prussian Socialism" strongly opposed ish tashlashlar, kasaba uyushmalari, progressiv soliqqa tortish or any imposition of taxes on the rich, any shortening of the working day, as well as any form of government insurance for sickness, old age, accidents, or unemployment.[137] At the same time as he rejected any social democratic provisions, Spengler celebrated private property, competition, imperialism, capital accumulation, and "wealth, collected in few hands and among the ruling classes".[137] Landa describes Spengler's "Prussian Socialism" as "working a whole lot, for the absolute minimum, but — and this is a vital aspect — being happy about it."[137] Landa likewise describes Arthur Moeller van den Bruck as a "socialist champion of capitalism" who praised free trade, flourishing markets, the creative value of the entrepreneur, and the capitalist division of labor, and sought to emulate British and French imperialism.[138] Landa notes the similarities of Moeller's critiques of socialism with those of neoliberals such as Friedrich von Hayek and writes that "far from hostile to the bourgeois spirit, Moeller's text is suffused with such spirit."[138]

Keyinchalik ta'sir

The movement influenced contemporary thinkers outside of German-speaking Europe. Among them, the Italian fascist philosopher Julius Evola is often associated with the Conservative Revolution.[43][44]

The Nouvelle Droite, a French far-right philosophical movement created in the 1960s to adapt an'anaviy, ethnopluralist and illiberal politics to the European post-WWII context and to distance itself from earlier forms of far-right like fascism and nazism, mainly through a project of pan-European nationalism[139] have been deeply influenced by the Conservative Revolution,[15][140] as well as its German counterpart the Neue Rechte.[13][17]

The ideology and theoretical structure of the Identitariya harakati is mainly inspired by the Nouvelle Droite, the Neue Rechete, and through them by the Conservative Revolution.[16][17]

Shuningdek qarang

Izohlar

  1. ^ Stefan Breuer has noted earlier appearances of the term outside of German-speaking Europe such as in Fyodor Dostoevskiy 's writings—who may have influenced Thomas Mann—and in Charlz Maurras "ishlaydi.[25]
  2. ^ Niemöller made pejorative remarks about Jews, while at the same time protecting baptised Jewish Christians in his own church, persecuted as Jews by the Nazis. In one sermon in 1935, he remarked: "What is the reason for [their] obvious punishment, which has lasted for thousands of years? Dear brethren, the reason is easily given: the Jews brought the Christ of God to the cross!"

Adabiyotlar

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  4. ^ a b v Dupeux 1992.
  5. ^ a b v d e f Bar-On 2011, p. 333.
  6. ^ a b v d e f Blamires 2006, p. 304.
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  8. ^ a b v Woods 1996, 2-4 betlar.
  9. ^ a b v d e f g h men j k l Klapper 2015, pp. 13–15.
  10. ^ a b v Woods 1996, p. 134.
  11. ^ a b v d e f g h men j k l m n o p q r s t siz v w x y z Fransua 2009 yil.
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