Edvard Vud, Galifaksning birinchi grafligi - Edward Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax

To'g'ri hurmatli Galifaks grafligi KG OM GCSI GCMG GCIE TD Kompyuter
1947 yilda Galifaks grafligi
Viceroy va Hindiston general-gubernatori
Ofisda 1926 yil 3 aprel - 1931 yil 18 aprel
Monarx	Jorj V
Bosh Vazir	Stenli Bolduin Ramsay Makdonald
Oldingi	O'qish grafligi
Muvaffaqiyatli	Villingdon grafligi
Urush bo'yicha davlat kotibi
Ofisda 1935 yil 7 iyun - 1935 yil 22 noyabr
Monarx	Jorj V
Bosh Vazir	Stenli Bolduin
Oldingi	Viscount Hailsham
Muvaffaqiyatli	Duff Cooper
Tashqi ishlar bo'yicha davlat kotibi
Ofisda 1938 yil 21 fevral - 1940 yil 22 dekabr
Bosh Vazir	Nevill Chemberlen Uinston Cherchill
Oldingi	Entoni Eden
Muvaffaqiyatli	Entoni Eden
Buyuk Britaniyaning AQShdagi elchisi
Ofisda 1940 yil 23-dekabr - 1946 yil 1-may
Monarx	Jorj VI
Prezident	Franklin Ruzvelt Garri Truman
Bosh Vazir	Uinston Cherchill Klement Attlei
Oldingi	Lotianing markasi
Muvaffaqiyatli	Lord Inverchapel
Lordlar palatasining rahbari
Ofisda 1935 yil 22-noyabr - 1938 yil 21-fevral
Monarx	Jorj V Edvard VIII Jorj VI
Bosh Vazir	Stenli Bolduin Nevill Chemberlen
Oldingi	Londonderri markasi
Muvaffaqiyatli	Graf Stenxop
Ofisda 1940 yil 3 oktyabr - 1940 yil 22 dekabr
Monarx	Jorj VI
Bosh Vazir	Uinston Cherchill
Oldingi	Viscount Caldecote
Muvaffaqiyatli	Lord Lloyd
Lord Kengashning Prezidenti
Ofisda 1937 yil 28 may - 1938 yil 9 mart
Bosh Vazir	Nevill Chemberlen
Oldingi	Ramsay Makdonald
Muvaffaqiyatli	Viscount Hailsham
Maxfiy muhrni himoya qiluvchi Lord
Ofisda 1935 yil 22-noyabr - 1937-yil 28-may
Bosh Vazir	Stenli Bolduin
Oldingi	Londonderri markasi
Muvaffaqiyatli	Earl De La Warr
Qishloq xo'jaligi va baliq xo'jaligi vazirlari
Ofisda 1924 yil 6-noyabr - 1925 yil 4-noyabr
Monarx	Jorj V
Bosh Vazir	Stenli Bolduin
Oldingi	Noel Buxton
Muvaffaqiyatli	Valter Ginnes
Ta'lim kengashi prezidenti
Ofisda 1922 yil 24 oktyabr - 1924 yil 22 yanvar
Monarx	Jorj V
Bosh Vazir	Bonar qonuni Stenli Bolduin
Oldingi	H. A. L. Fisher
Muvaffaqiyatli	Ser Charlz Trevelyan
Koloniyalar bo'yicha parlament kotibi o'rinbosari
Ofisda 1921 yil 1 aprel - 1922 yil 24 oktyabr
Monarx	Jorj V
Bosh Vazir	Devid Lloyd Jorj
Oldingi	Leo Amery
Muvaffaqiyatli	Hurmat bilan. Uilyam Ormsbi-Gor
Oksford universiteti kansleri
Ofisda 1933–1959
Oldingi	Fallodonning viskonti kul rang
Muvaffaqiyatli	Garold Makmillan
Lordlar palatasi a'zosi Lord Temporal
Ofisda 1925 yil 5-dekabr - 1959 yil 23-dekabr Irsiy peerage
Oldingi	Baron Irvinni 1925 yilda yaratgan 2-gachasi Viscount Halifax (1934)
Muvaffaqiyatli	Galifaksning ikkinchi grafligi
Parlament a'zosi uchun Ripon
Ofisda 1910 yil 10 fevral - 1925 yil 5 dekabr
Oldingi	H. F. B. Linch
Muvaffaqiyatli	John Hills
Shaxsiy ma'lumotlar
Tug'ilgan	Edvard Frederik Lindli Vud (1881-04-16)16 aprel 1881 yil Puderxem qasri, Devon, Angliya
O'ldi	1959 yil 23-dekabr(1959-12-23) (78 yosh) Garrowby Hall, Yorkshir, Angliya
Millati	Inglizlar
Siyosiy partiya	Konservativ
Turmush o'rtoqlar	Lady Dorothy Onslow ​ (m. 1909)​
Bolalar	Anne Dunkombe, Feversham grafinyasi Leydi Meri Vud Charlz Vud, Galifaksning ikkinchi grafligi Mayor Hurmat bilan Frensis Vud Richard Vud, baron egasi
Ota-onalar	Charlz Vud, 2-gachasi Viscount Halifax Lady Agnes Courtenay
Olma mater	Xrist cherkovi, Oksford

Edvard Frederik Lindli Vud, Galifaksning 1-grafligi, KG, OM, GCSI, GCMG, GCIE, TD, Kompyuter (1881 yil 16 aprel - 1959 yil 23 dekabr), uslubda 1-baron Irvin 1925 yildan 1934 yilgacha va 3-gachasi Viscount Halifax 1934 yildan 1944 yilgacha Buyuk Britaniyaning katta yoshli vakili edi Konservativ siyosatchi va 30-yillarning diplomati. Bu vaqt ichida u bir qancha yuqori lavozimli lavozimlarda ishlagan, ayniqsa, ular Hindiston noibi 1925 yildan 1931 yilgacha va Tashqi ishlar vaziri 1938-1940 yillar orasida. U siyosatining me'morlaridan biri bo'lgan tinchlantirish ning Adolf Gitler 1936–38 yillarda Bosh vazir bilan yaqin hamkorlik qilib Nevill Chemberlen. Ammo, keyin Chexoslovakiyani Germaniya tomonidan bosib olinishi 1939 yil mart oyida u himoya qilish uchun urush boshlashga va'da berib, Germaniyaning keyingi tajovuzkorligini to'xtatishga urinishning yangi siyosatini olib borganlardan biri edi. Polsha.

1940 yil may oyi boshida Chemberlenning iste'foga chiqishi bilan, Halifaks bosh vazir lavozimidan o'zini rad etdi, chunki u buni his qildi Uinston Cherchill urushning eng munosib rahbari bo'lishi mumkin edi (Galifaksning a'zoligi Lordlar palatasi rasmiy sabab sifatida berilgan). Bir necha hafta o'tgach, ittifoqchilar halokatli mag'lubiyatga duch kelishdi va ingliz kuchlari orqaga qaytishdi Dunkirk, Galifaks yaqinlashishni ma'qulladi Italiya qabul qilinadigan tinchlik shartlarini muhokama qilish mumkinligini ko'rish. U keyin Cherchill tomonidan bekor qilingan bir qator bo'ronli uchrashuvlar ning Urush kabineti. 1941 yildan 1946 yilgacha u xizmat qilgan Britaniyaning Vashingtondagi elchisi.

Dastlabki hayot va ta'lim

Vud 1881 yil 16-aprelda tug'ilgan Puderxem qasri Devonda, onasining bobosining uyi Uilyam Kurtten, Devonning 11-grafligi. U a-da tug'ilgan Yorkshir oila, oltinchi bola va to'rtinchi o'g'li Charlz Vud, 2-gachasi Viscount Halifax (1839-1934) va Lady Agnes Elizabeth Courtenay (1838-1919). Uning otasi Prezident edi Ingliz cherkovi ittifoqi ekumenik birlashishga turtki bergan 1868, 1919 va 1927-1934 yillarda. Uning bobosi edi Graf Grey, tanishtirgan Bosh vazir 1832 yildagi buyuk islohotlar to'g'risidagi qonun.^[1]

1886-1890 yillarda Vudning uchta akasi yosh vafot etdi va uni to'qqiz yoshida otasining boyligi va o'tiradigan joyining merosxo'ri qoldirdi. Lordlar palatasi.^[2] U din va ov dunyosida tarbiyalangan. Uning dindorlik dindor sifatida Angliya-katolik xuddi otasi unga "Muqaddas Tulki" ning laqabini, ehtimol Cherchill tomonidan kiritilgan. U atrofini chap qo'li bilan tugilgan va chap qo'li yo'q, bu unga otda, ovda va otishda zavqlanishiga to'sqinlik qilmagan.^[1] Uning sun'iy chap qo'lida bahor bilan ishlaydigan bosh barmog'i bor edi, u bilan jilovni ushlab turishi yoki eshiklarini ochishi mumkin edi.^[3]

Vudning bolaligi asosan Yorkshirdagi ikkita uy o'rtasida bo'lib o'tdi: Xiklton Xoll, Donkaster yaqinida va Garrobi.

Galifaks 1892 yil sentyabrdan Sent-Devidning tayyorgarlik maktabida o'qigan Eton kolleji 1894 yil sentyabrdan. U maktabda baxtli emas edi, chunki u sportda ham, klassikada ham iqtidorli emas edi. U yuqoriga ko'tarildi Xrist cherkovi, Oksford, 1899 yil oktyabrda. U talabalar siyosatida qatnashmadi, ammo zamonaviy tarixda birinchi sinfni tugatib, akademik tarzda gullab-yashnadi.^[1]

1903 yil noyabrdan 1910 yilgacha u a'zosi bo'lgan All Souls kolleji, Oksford.^[1] All Souls-da bir yildan so'ng u Janubiy Afrika, Hindiston, Avstraliya va Yangi Zelandiyaning Buyuk turiga chiqdi Lyudovik Heathcoat-Amory. 1905 yilda u Angliyaga All Souls-da ikki yillik o'qish uchun qaytib keldi.^[4] U Kanadaga 1907 yilda tashrif buyurgan.^[5] U Viktoriya ruhoniyining qisqa biografiyasini yozgan Jon Keble (1909).^[4]

Dastlabki siyosiy martaba va harbiy xizmat

Wood o'tin ichida turmagan edi 1906 yilgi umumiy saylovlar, unda liberallar g'alaba qozonib, o'zlarining kuchlarini "Butun jonlar" do'stligiga bag'ishlashni tanladilar. 1909 yilga kelib, Vud o'zini konservativ nomzod sifatida ilgari surishi uchun etarlicha burilish yasadi Ripon Yorkshirda va u mahalliy ta'sir orqali osongina tanlangan.^[6] Ripon Liberalga 1906 yilda ketgan edi; Vud 1000 ovoz ko'pchilik ovozi bilan g'olib bo'ldi 1910 yil yanvar va uni qisqartirilgan ko'pchilik bilan o'tkazdi 1910 yil dekabr. U qoldi Parlament a'zosi Ripon uchun 1925 yilda Lordlarga ko'tarilguniga qadar.^[4] U Ditcher edi (ya'ni achchiq oxiriga qarshi va Lordlar palatasining qonunchilikka veto qo'yish huquqini himoya qilish uchun "so'nggi xandaqda o'lishga" tayyor). Parlament to'g'risidagi qonun 1911 Ammo 1914 yilgacha siyosatga unchalik ta'sir ko'rsatmadi. U qat'iy qarshi edi Welsh Disestablishment.^[4]

Oldin Birinchi jahon urushi u allaqachon kapitan edi Qirolichaning o'ziga xos Yorkshir ajdarlari, a G'arbiy minish yeomaniya polki. U munozaralarda kamdan-kam aralashuvni amalga oshirdi va chaqiruvni darhol boshlashni talab qildi. U 1916 yilda frontga jo'natildi. 1917 yil yanvarda u Jo'natmalarda eslatib o'tilgan ("Osmon nimani biladi" deb yozgan). U mayor darajasiga ko'tarildi. Keyinchalik u ishchi ta'minoti bo'yicha direktor o'rinbosari edi Milliy xizmat vazirligi 1917 yil noyabrdan 1918 yil oxirigacha. U dastlab xayrixoh edi Lord Lansdowne "s murosa tinchligi uchun taklif, ammo oxir-oqibat g'alaba va jazo tinchligini talab qildi.^[4]

Yog'ochga umumiy saylovlarda qarshilik ko'rsatilmagan edi 1918, 1922, 1923 va 1924. U 1919 yil aprel oyida Lowter Petition-ga imzo chekib, Germaniyaga qarshi qattiq tinchlik shartlarini chaqirdi Versal shartnomasi keyin muzokara olib borilmoqda. 1918-1922 yillarda parlamentda Vud ittifoqdosh bo'lgan Semyuel Xare, Filipp Lloyd-Grem va Valter Elliot, barcha ambitsiyali yosh deputatlar progressiv islohotlar tarafdori.^[4]

1918 yilda u va Jorj Ambruz Lloyd (keyinchalik Lord Lloyd) "Buyuk Imkoniyat" ni yozdi, bu trakt oxiridan keyin qayta tiklangan Konservativ va Unionist partiyasining kun tartibini belgilashga qaratilgan. Lloyd Jorj koalitsiya. Ular Konservativ partiyani shaxs manfaatlariga emas, balki jamiyat farovonligiga e'tibor qaratishga undashdi. Bilan Irlandiya mustaqillik urushi keyin Vud federal echimni taklif qildi. Bu vaqtda u uy-joy va qishloq xo'jaligi va Irlandiyaga e'tibor qaratdi.^[7]

Dastlab vazirlik faoliyati

1920 yil may oyida u qabul qildi General-gubernatorlik ning Janubiy Afrika, ammo taklif Janubiy Afrika hukumati Vazirlar Mahkamasi vaziri yoki Qirollik oilasi a'zosini istashini e'lon qilganidan keyin qaytarib olindi.^[7]

1921 yil aprel oyida u tayinlandi Mustamlakalar bo'yicha kotib muovini, dastlab u bilan uchrashishni istamagan Cherchill boshchiligida (bir safar u Cherchillning ofisiga bostirib kirib, unga "janob bilan muomala qilishini kutganini" aytgan). 1921-1922 yil qishda Vud Britaniyaning G'arbiy Hindistoniga tashrif buyurdi va Cherchillga hisobot yozdi.^[7]

1922 yil 16 oktyabrda Vud Lloyd Jorj koalitsiyasida bezovtaligini bildirgan kichik vazirlarning yig'ilishida qatnashdi. 1922 yil 19-oktyabrda u ovoz berdi Carlton Club uchrashuvi konservatorlar uchun mustaqil kuch sifatida keyingi saylovlarga qarshi kurashish. Koalitsiya tugadi va Bonar qonuni sof konservativ hukumatni tuzdi. Vud 1922 yil 24 oktyabrda Vazirlar Mahkamasiga ko'tarildi Ta'lim kengashi prezidenti. Ba'zilar buni hukumatning axloqiy sifatini yaxshilash deb hisoblashdi. Tejamkorlik siyosati konstruktiv siyosat uchun joy qoldirmadi. Haftada ikki kun ov qilish bilan shug'ullangan Vud bu ish bilan qiziqmagan va ayniqsa unchalik samarali bo'lmagan, lekin uni katta ishlarga qadam qo'yuvchi tosh deb bilgan. U bundan xursand emas edi Stenli Bolduin Konservatorlarni ko'rgan 1923 yil dekabrida tariflarni qabul qilish ko'pchilikni yo'qotish va ozchilikni tashkil etgan leyboristlar hukumatiga yo'l bering.^[7]

Konservatorlar bo'lganida hokimiyatga qaytdi, 1924 yil 6-noyabrda Vud tayinlandi Qishloq xo'jaligi vaziri, Ta'limga qaraganda ancha og'ir ish. U "Qishloq xo'jaligi va ushr to'g'risida" gi qonunni Commons orqali oldi.^[7]

Hindiston noibi

Uchrashuv

1925 yil oktyabrda, Lord Birkenhead, Hindiston bo'yicha davlat kotibi, Vudga ishni taklif qildi Hindiston noibi ning taklifiga binoan Qirol Jorj V. Uning ota bobosi Ser Charlz Vud 1859–1865 yillarda Hindiston bo'yicha davlat kotibi bo'lgan. U deyarli rad etdi, chunki maktab yoshidagi ikkita o'g'li bor edi va uning keksa otasi muddati tugashi kerak bo'lgan 1931 yilgacha yashashi mumkin emas edi. U otasining maslahati bilan qabul qildi (u qaytib kelganida u yashagan). U yaratildi Baron Irvin, ning Kirbi Underdeyl ichida York okrugi. U 1926 yil 17 martda Hindistonga jo'nab ketdi,^[7] kirib keldi Bombay 1926 yil 1-aprelda.

Irvin 1926 yilda GCSI va GCIE mukofotlariga sazovor bo'ldi.^[8]

Irvin vitse-qirollik dabdabasidan zavqlandi. U chaqqon otliq edi va 6 '5 "turardi. Uning"Cecilian egiluvchan va mehribon ko'zlar "va a taassurot qoldirdi Cherkov shahzodasi (R. Bernays Yalang'och Fakir 1931). Unga suiqasd qilishga bir necha bor urinishlar qilingan. U hindularga avvalgilariga qaraganda ko'proq xushyoqar edi, garchi u ularni o'ldirish to'g'risidagi buyruqlarni oqlash uchun ularni imzolashda hech qanday kelishuvga ega bo'lmagan. U hindular birlashgan va Buyuk Britaniyaga do'stona munosabatda bo'lishlarini xohlardi; uning vitse-prezident sifatida birinchi yirik nutqi va uning vakolat muddati davomida yana bir qancha so'zlar hindular va musulmonlar o'rtasidagi jamoat zo'ravonligini to'xtatishga undaydi.^[7]

Simon komissiyasi

The 1919 yil Hindiston hukumati to'g'risidagi qonun qo'shilgan edi Montagu-Chelmsford islohotlari ("Diarxiya "- mahalliy darajada inglizlar va hindular o'rtasida umumiy qoida) va o'n yildan so'ng yangi konstitutsiya to'g'risida so'roq qilish va keyingi islohotlar zarurmi yoki yo'qligi to'g'risida maslahat berish uchun komissiya paydo bo'lishiga va'da bergan edi. Irvin o'zini o'zi boshqarish uchun zarur bo'lgan narsani qabul qildi , 1919 yildan beri hindlarning milliy intilishlari kuchayganligi sababli. Birkenxed komissiya sanasini ilgari surdi va uni ostida qoldirdi Ser Jon Simon. Irvin hind fraktsiyalari o'zaro kelishmaydi, ammo so'rov natijalari orqasida qoladi deb o'ylaganligi sababli butun Britaniyalik tekshiruvni tavsiya qildi.^[7] Devid Dutton bu "uning vitse-qirolligining eng dahshatli xatosi va u pushaymon bo'lib kelgani" deb hisoblaydi.^[8]

1927 yil noyabrda Simon komissiyasi e'lon qilindi. Barcha etakchi hind partiyalari, shu jumladan Hindiston milliy kongressi, buni boykot qildi. Irvin Birkenxedni Simon mo''tadil hindlarning fikri ustidan g'alaba qozonishi mumkinligiga ishontirdi. Simon 1928 yil 3-fevralda Bombayga keldi. U ozgina yutuqlarga erishdi, ammo Irvin yangi imo-ishora zarurligiga amin bo'ldi.^[8]

Simonning kelishiga hindlarning javoblari tarkibida Hamjamiyatlar konferentsiyasi ham bor edi Neru hisoboti (1928 yil may), Hindiston uchun hukmronlik maqomini himoya qildi. Biroq, zo'ravonlik, shu jumladan o'lim ham bo'lgan Lala Lajpat Rai 1928 yil noyabrda va qasos hujumi Baghat Singx 1928 yil dekabrda. Boshqa javoblarga quyidagilar kiradi Musulmonlar ligasi rahbar Muhammad Ali Jinna "s 14 ball (1929 yil mart).

Irvin deklaratsiyasi

Yilda 1929 yil iyun, yangi Leyboristik hukumat Buyuk Britaniyada ish boshladi, bilan Ramsay Makdonald Ikkinchi marta Bosh vazir va Uilyam Uedvud Benn Hindiston bo'yicha davlat kotibi sifatida. 1929 yil 13-iyulda Irvin Buyuk Britaniyaga ta'tilga keldi va o'zi bilan Makdonald va Simon o'rtasida "taklif qilingan" maktub almashish loyihasini olib keldi. Uning rejasiga ko'ra, Saymon Komissiya xulosalarini muhokama qilish uchun davra suhbati konferentsiyasini taklif qilishni yozishi kerak edi va undan keyin MakDonald 1917 yil Montagu deklaratsiyasida majburiyatni nazarda tutganligini ta'kidlab javob qaytaradi. hukmronlik holati (ya'ni Hindiston Kanada yoki Avstraliya singari to'liq o'zini o'zi boshqarishi kerak). Simon loyihalarni ko'rib chiqdi va rejalashtirilgan davra suhbati konferentsiyasi to'g'risida jiddiy shubhalar uyg'otdi. Xatlar almashishida Dominion maqomi haqida so'z yuritilmadi, chunki boshqa komissarlar buni ma'qullamadilar, garchi Simon o'zlarining o'rtoqlashish uchun kelgan bunday tuyg'ulari Komissiya xulosalariga putur etkazadi va Dominion maqomi to'g'risida endi Hindiston rahbarlari uchun pirovard maqsad emas, balki minimal talabga aylanadi. Muallif Devid Dutton Simonning Dominion Statusiga qarshi chiqmasligiga ishongan Irvin buni tushunmagani "qiziq".^[8]

1929 yil oktyabrdagi Irvin deklaratsiyasi Britaniyani oxir-oqibat Hindiston uchun dominion maqomini olishga majbur qildi. Bunday siyosat o'n yil davomida yashirin bo'lganiga qaramay, Deklaratsiyani ko'pchilik "o'ng huquqchilar" tomonidan qoraladi. Lord Reading (Irvinning salafisi Vitseroy) buni qoraladi va Simon o'zining noroziligini ma'lum qildi. Angliya-hind munosabatlarida yutuqqa qisqa umid bor edi, ammo Irvin va Hindiston rahbarlari o'rtasida 1929 yil dekabrda bo'lib o'tgan Nyu-Dehli konferentsiyasi kelishuvga erisha olmadi. Gandi endi a fuqarolik itoatsizligi kampaniyasi to'liq mustaqillikka erishish maqsadida. U hukumatning tarixiy monopoliyasini buzgan holda 24 kun dengiz tomon yurdi va u erda tuz tayyorlashga kirishdi. Irvin Kongressning barcha rahbarlarini panjara ortiga, shu jumladan Gandi ham qamoqqa tashladi.^[8]

Irvinni ba'zi bir tanqidlari adolatsiz bo'lgan bo'lishi mumkin, ammo u xatoga yo'l qo'ygan va natijalari jiddiy bo'lib, tartibsizlik kuchaygan. Irvinning pozitsiyasini London haddan tashqari yumshoq, ammo Hindistonda yarimparvoz deb bildi. Manevr qilish uchun juda oz joy bo'lgan Irvin favqulodda vakolatlarini ishlatib, ommaviy yig'ilishlarni taqiqlash va isyonkor muxolifatni tor-mor qilish uchun repressiyani qo'lladi. Ammo Gandi hibsga olinishi vaziyatni yanada kuchaytirdi.

Maxatma Gandi bilan kelishuv

1930 yil noyabrda qirol Jorj V Birinchisini ochdi Davra suhbati konferentsiyasi Londonda; Gandi ishtirok etganligi sababli bironta Kongress delegatlari qatnashmadi gaol.^[8]

1931 yil yanvar oyida Gandi ozod qilindi va Irvinning taklifiga binoan ular birgalikda sakkizta uchrashuv o'tkazdilar. Irvin keksaygan otasiga "bu boshqa sayyoradan chiqib ketgan, ikki haftalik qisqa tashrif uchun bu bilan chiqib ketgan va aqliy dunyoqarashi sayyoradagi ishlarning aksariyatini tartibga soladigan odam bilan gaplashishga o'xshardi" u tushgan ". Ammo ular o'zlarining diniy e'tiqodlari asosida o'zaro hurmatga ega edilar.^[8]

1930 yil 12-noyabrda Londonda bo'lib o'tgan birinchi davra suhbati.

Ikki hafta davom etgan muhokamalar natijasida Gandi-Irvin pakti 1931 yil 5 martda Fuqarolik itoatsizligi harakati va ingliz tovarlarini boykot qilish barcha manfaatlarni ifoda etgan Ikkinchi davra suhbati evaziga to'xtatildi.^[8]

Eng ko'zga ko'ringan fikrlar:

• Kongress Fuqarolik itoatsizligi harakatini to'xtatadi.
• Kongress davra suhbati konferentsiyasida ishtirok etadi.
• Hukumat Kongressni jilovlash uchun chiqarilgan barcha farmonlarni qaytarib oladi.
• Hukumat zo'ravonlik bilan bog'liq bo'lmagan jinoyatlar bo'yicha barcha jinoiy ishlarni olib tashlaydi.
• Hukumat qamoq jazosini o'tayotgan barcha shaxslarni fuqarolik itoatsizligi harakatidagi faoliyati uchun ozod qiladi.

Shuningdek, Gandi Kongressning yagona vakili sifatida Ikkinchi davra suhbati konferentsiyasiga qo'shilishi to'g'risida kelishib olindi.

1931 yil 20 martda Irvin Gandining halolligi, samimiyligi va vatanparvarligi uchun hukmron knyazlar tomonidan berilgan kechki ovqatda hurmat bajo keltirdi.

Baholash

Gandi-Irvin shartnomasidan bir oy o'tgach, Lord Irvinning muddati tugadi va u Hindistonni tark etdi. 1931 yil aprel oyida Irvin Angliyaga qaytib kelganida, vaziyat tinch edi, ammo bir yil ichida konferentsiya qulab tushdi va Gandi yana hibsga olindi.

Aralash natijalarga qaramay, Irvin umuman muvaffaqiyatli vitse-prezident edi; u aniq va muvozanatli yo'lni belgilab olgan va o'z hukumati ishonchini yo'qotmagan. U qattiqqo'llik va mustaqillikni namoyish etdi. Uning vitse-prezidentlikdagi muvaffaqiyatli muddati uning Britaniya siyosatiga katta obro'-e'tibor bilan qaytishini ta'minladi.

Britaniya siyosati 1931–1935 yillar

Irvin 1931 yil 3-mayda Buyuk Britaniyaga qaytib keldi KG (u 1943 yilda buyruq kansleri bo'ldi). 1931 yilda u yangi milliy hukumatda Tashqi ishlar idorasini rad etdi, chunki Tory huquqi buni yoqtirmasligi kerak edi. Rasmiy ravishda, u uyda vaqt o'tkazishni xohlaganligini e'lon qildi. U taklifiga binoan Kanadaga yo'l oldi Vinsent Massey, da gapirish Toronto universiteti.^[8]

U hali ham uning ishonchli himoyachisi edi Stenli Bolduin. 1932 yil iyun oyida, to'satdan vafot etganida Ser Donald Maklin, u, ehtimol, qabul qilishni chin dildan istamaganligi sababli, ikkinchi marta Ta'lim kengashining prezidenti sifatida Vazirlar Mahkamasiga qaytdi. Uning qarashlari biroz eskirgan edi: u shunday dedi: "Biz ularni xizmatkorlar va butlerlar sifatida tayyorlaydigan maktabni xohlaymiz".^[8]

Irvin 1932 yilda Middlton Xant ustasi bo'ldi va saylandi Kantsler ning Oksford universiteti 1933 yilda. 1934 yilda u unvonni meros qilib oldi Viscount Halifax uning 94 yoshli otasining o'limi to'g'risida.^[9]

U Xarega nima bo'lganiga qoralamada yordam berdi Hindiston hukumati to'g'risidagi qonun 1935 yil, eng katta yagona qonun hujjati 1931–1935 yillardagi hukumat.^[9]

1935 yil iyun oyida Bolduin uchinchi marta Bosh vazir bo'ldi va Galifaks tayinlandi Urush bo'yicha davlat kotibi. U ta'lim ishidan voz kechganidan mamnun edi. U mamlakatni urushga tayyor emasligini his qildi, ammo shtab boshliqlarining qayta qurollanish talablariga qarshilik ko'rsatdi.^[9]

1935 yil noyabrda, keyin umumiy saylov, Galifaks bo'ldi Lord Privy Seal va Lordlar palatasining rahbari.^[9]

Tashqi siyosat

Adanning hamkasbi

Bu vaqtga kelib, Galifaks tashqi ishlarda tobora ko'proq nufuzga ega bo'ldi.^[9] Vazirlar Mahkamasi 1935 yil 18 dekabr kuni ertalab yig'ilib, jamoatchilik noroziligini muhokama qildi Hoare-Laval pakti. O'sha kuni tushdan keyin Lordlarda bayonot berishi kerak bo'lgan Halifaks tashqi ishlar vazirining so'zlarini talab qildi Semyuel Xare sabab, hukumatning pozitsiyasini saqlab qolish uchun iste'foga chiqishi kerak J. H. Tomas, Uilyam Ormsbi-Gor va Valter Elliott shuningdek, uning iste'fosi uchun chiqish. Entoni Eden Xare o'rnida tashqi ishlar vaziri etib tayinlandi.^[10] Keyingi yil, Halifaks Pakt qoidalari "Beshlik qo'mitasi [Liga] tomonidan ilgari surilganidan unchalik qo'rqmasdi", dedi. Ammo ikkinchisi hurmatga sazovor ota-onalar edi: va Parijdagilar juda ham o'xshash edi - XIX asr diplomatiyasining bosqichli kelishuvlari ".^[11]

Rasmiy bo'lmagan taqdirda ham, Halifaks Eden tashqi ishlar vazirining o'rinbosari edi. Umuman olganda ular yaxshi munosabatda bo'lishdi.^[9] Galifaks va Eden tashqi siyosat yo'nalishi bo'yicha kelishib oldilar (va butun Britaniyada mavjud bo'lgan fikrga muvofiq) Germaniyaning Reynning remilitarizatsiyasi "o'zining orqa hovlisiga" qarshi turish qiyin bo'lar edi va Germaniyaning Birinchi Jahon Urushidan keyingi kelishmovchiliklardan so'ng normal holatga qarab olg'a siljishini davom ettirar ekan, uni mamnuniyat bilan kutib olish kerak edi.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

1936 yilda, Nevill Chemberlen Galifaks har doim jamoat hayotidan nafaqaga chiqmoqchi ekanligini aytayotganini yozgan.^[12] 1937 yil may oyida Nevill Chemberlen Bolduindan bosh vazir lavozimiga o'tgach, Halifaks bo'ldi Lord Kengashning Prezidenti, shuningdek, Lordlar palatasining etakchisi.^[9] Chemberlen tobora to'g'ridan-to'g'ri tashqi siyosatga aralasha boshladi, uning faoliyati uni tayyorlamagan va Eden bilan ziddiyatni kuchaytirgan.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Lord Galifaks bilan Hermann Göring da Schorfheide, Germaniya, 1937 yil 20-noyabr.

Midlton Xant ustasi sifatida Galifaks taklifni qabul qildi Hermann Göring 1937 yil noyabrida Berlindagi ov ko'rgazmasiga borish va Pomeraniyada tulkilarni ovlash. Keyinchalik Galifaks buni qayd etdi: bundan Chemberlenning Tashqi ishlar idorasini chetlab o'tishga urinishi, Eden uni qabul qilishga majbur qilgan. Galifaks uchrashuvni qanday tashkil qilishiga qiziqmagan.^[9] Gyoring ehtirosli ovchi edi va Galifaksga taxallus qo'ydi Halalifaks, keyin Haloli!, nemis ovchilik chaqirig'i, ammo Halifaks ommaviy va to'g'ri ravishda Germaniya hukumati bilan muloqotni tiklash uchun Britaniya hukumati nomidan harakat qilgan deb hisoblangan.^[13]

Uchrashuvga olib borish to'g'risida Adolf Gitler Berxtesgadenda Galifaks deyarli paltosini unga topshirib, uni piyoda deb ishonib, deyarli voqea yaratdi:

Men mashina oynasidan tashqariga qarab, ko'zlar darajasida, bu supurilgan yo'lning o'rtasida ipak paypoq va nasoslarda tugagan qora shimning bir juft oyog'ini ko'rdim. Menimcha, bu menga mashinadan tushish va zinapoyadan ko'tarilish uchun yordam berish uchun tushgan va o'zimni mashinadan tushirish uchun shoshilmay harakat qilayotgan piyoda odam edi, deb eshitdim, fon Vurat yoki kimdir qulog'imga xirillagan pichirlaganini eshitdim. Der Fyurer, der Fyerer; va keyin oyoqlarim piyodaning emas, balki Gitlerning oyoqlari ekanligini angladim.^[14]

Keyin fyurer bilan uzoq va tikonli uchrashuv boshlandi.^[14] Gitler bilan bo'lgan munozaralarda Galifaks "vaqt o'tishi bilan yuzaga kelishi mumkin bo'lgan Evropa tartibidagi mumkin bo'lgan o'zgarishlar" haqida gapirdi. Edenning rezervasyonlarini e'tiborsiz qoldirib, u Gitlerning loyihalariga printsipial ravishda qarshi chiqmadi Avstriya va qismlari Chexoslovakiya va Polsha, faqat o'zgarishlarning tinchlik jarayonlari qabul qilinishi mumkinligini ta'kidladi.^[9]Karl Burkxardt (Dantsig Millatlar ligasi komissari) va Gitler o'rtasidagi suhbat haqida Bolduinga xat yozib, Galifaks shunday dedi:

Millatchilik va irqchilik qudratli kuch, lekin men buni g'ayritabiiy yoki axloqsiz deb his qila olmayman! Men bu do'stlar kommunizmni va boshqalarni chinakam nafratlanuvchilar ekanligiga shubha qilolmayman! Va agar biz ularning o'rnida bo'lganimizda, biz ham xuddi shunday his qilishimiz mumkinligiga jur'at etaman!^[15]

Galifaks va Uinston Cherchill 1938 yilda. Qora qo'lqop ostida yashiringan Halifaksning sun'iy chap qo'liga e'tibor bering.

1937 yil dekabrda Galifaks Vazirlar Mahkamasiga "biz Germaniya bilan yaxshi munosabatda bo'lishimiz kerak" deb aytdi, chunki Eden va Chemberlenning har qancha urinishlariga qaramay Angliya hali ham Germaniya, Italiya va Yaponiya bilan urush istiqbollarida edi.^[9]

1938 yil fevralga kelib, Galifaks Chemberlenni kabinetdagi zo'riqishlardan ogohlantirdi va Chemberlen va Eden o'rtasidagi bitimni tuzishga harakat qildi. Eden iste'foga chiqdi Tashqi ishlar vaziri 20 fevralda, Chemberlenning keyingi imtiyozlarni berish istagiga norozilik sifatida Benito Mussolini, Eden uni ishonchsiz gangster deb hisoblagan, uning tarafidan vijdon imo-ishoralari bo'lmagan. Leyboristlar va boshqa joylarning ba'zi tanqidlariga qaramay, Halifaks 1938 yil 21 fevralda tengdoshiga juda muhim ish berilayotgani sababli tashqi ishlar vaziri etib tayinlandi.^[9]

Galifaks "Menda etarli bo'ldi obloquy Tashqi ishlar vaziri lavozimiga qabul qilishdan oldin (bir umrga) (ya'ni Hindistonning vitse-prezidenti sifatida).^[16] Chemberlen uni hayajonli Adanga afzal ko'rdi: "Doimiy qatnovsiz tashqi ishlar vaziri uchun Xudoga minnatdorman".^[9]

Tashqi ishlar vaziri

Tahlil

Galifaksning tashqi ishlar vaziri lavozimidagi siyosiy yo'nalishini Buyuk Britaniyaning amaldagi tashqi siyosati kontekstida ko'rish kerak, bu demokratik davlatlarning hech birida urush, harbiy bosim va hatto qayta qurollanishni xalq qo'llab-quvvatlamaganligi to'g'risida keng kelishuvga erishilgan edi. Diktaturalarning alohida alohida manfaatlari qay darajada chalg'itilishi mumkinligi haqida munozaralar bo'lib o'tdi. Germaniya va Italiyaning uyg'unligi Angliya kuchlarini har qanday umumiy urushda bo'linishiga olib kelishi va hech bo'lmaganda neytral Italiya bo'lmasdan Angliya Amerikadagi kuchli izolyatsiyachilik kayfiyatini hisobga olgan holda Yaponiya bilan to'qnashish uchun yirik dengiz kuchlarini sharqqa siljita olmasligi aniq edi. Ko'pchilik uchun, ayniqsa Tashqi ishlar vazirligi, tinchlantirish, qayta qurollanish uchun vaqt sotib olish uchun zarur bo'lgan murosaga kelish edi, bu jarayonga Buyuk Britaniya allaqachon jiddiy kirishgan edi.^[17] Boshqalar, xususan Cherchill, Frantsiya bilan kuchli harbiy ittifoq diktatorlarga nisbatan tashqi siyosat yanada mustahkam bo'lishiga imkon beradi deb umid qilishgan. Ko'pchilik Cherchillning katta frantsuz armiyasiga bo'lgan ishonchini baham ko'rdi, ammo kamroq Frantsiyaning barqaror ittifoqchi bo'lishiga ishongan.

Chemberlen urush va mudofaa xarajatlariga qarshi bo'lgan boshqa ko'plab odamlar singari tinchlantirish siyosatini ham yaxshilik uchun axloqiy kuch sifatida qabul qildi. Taqqoslash uchun, Galifaks siyosati, xuddi shunga o'xshash, ancha amaliyroq ko'rinadi Semyuel Xare, g'ayrat bilan bo'lsa ham, qayta qurollanish bo'yicha qat'iy majburiyat bilan birlashdi. Barcha tomonlar jamoatchilik fikrining urushga yoki harbiy tayyorgarlikka dushmanligini va Amerika yoki Sovet Ittifoqi tomonidan o'z rollarini bajarishga tayyor bo'lmasdan harakat qilish qiyinligini ( Mehnat partiyasi qurollanishdan keyin ancha oldin qarshilik ko'rsatdi Myunxen shartnomasi ). Shunga qaramay, Galifaks, 1940 yilgi noma'lum kitobda, Chemberlen, Xoare va boshqa o'n ikki kishi bilan birga, yoqimtoy sifatida tanqid qilindi. Aybdor erkaklar.

Myunxen

Adolf Gitler Buyuk Britaniya Bosh vaziriga salom yo'llaydi Nevill Chemberlen Berghof zinapoyasida, 1938 yil 15 sentyabrda Chexoslovakiya ustidan inqiroz paytida. Yoaxim fon Ribbentrop o'ng tomonda turadi.

Gitler Avstriyaning anneksiyasi 1938 yil mart oyida Galifaksni kuchaytirdi Britaniya qurollanishi. Chexoslovakiya aniq kun tartibida edi, lekin na Angliya na Frantsiya uni qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun harbiy salohiyatga ega ekanligiga ishonishmadi va 1938 yil yozida Halifaks hanuzgacha chexlarni Germaniyaga imtiyozlar berishga undashni xohlamoqda, bu esa Germaniyaga nisbatan talabni keltirib chiqarmoqda. holati Sudeten nemislar.^[18]

Galifaks Londonda qoldi va 1938 yilning kuzida Chemberlenga Germaniyaga bo'lgan dramatik parvozlarida hamrohlik qilmadi. Bu bir paytlar Chamblenning o'z kabinetida hukmronlik qilishining belgisi sifatida qabul qilingan.^[18]

Ko'rinib turibdiki, uning jirkanch doimiy kotibi janob bilan ochiq suhbat bo'lib o'tdi Aleksandr Kadogan, Halifaksni tinchlantirish yo'li Buyuk Britaniyani aqlsiz bo'lgan va Germaniyani kerakli tinchlantirishni ta'minlashi mumkin bo'lmagan bir qator imtiyozlarga olib borganini keskin anglab etdi.

1938 yil 25 sentyabrda Galifaks Gitler tomonidan ilgari surilgan talablarga qarshi kabinetda gapirdi Godesberg memorandumi Chemberlen bilan ikkinchi sammit uchrashuvidan so'ng.^[19] Endi ma'lumki, Galifaks Kadogan ta'sirida Vazirlar Mahkamasini Yomon Godesberg shartlarini rad etishga ishontirgan. Britaniya va Germaniya Chemberlen Myunxenga uchib ketguncha urushga yaqinlashdilar. Chemberlen ikkinchi Tashqi ishlar vazirini yo'qotishni qiyinlashtirdi va uning kabinetidagi hukmronligi hech qachon bu qadar zo'r bo'lmagan edi.^[18]

Chamblenning Gitler bilan uchinchi sammit uchrashuvidan so'ng imzolangan oxir-oqibat Myunxen shartnomasi, ehtimol, butun dunyoda mashhur bo'lgan va Britaniya hukumatidagi ko'pchilikni kamsitgan, ammo bu Gitlerning istaklariga (va Chemberlenning taklif qilgan imtiyozlariga) qisqa edi va Gitlerning qaytib kelishga qaror qilganligini kuchaytirdi. bahorda Chexoslovakiyani yo'q qilish.

1938 yil 3-oktabrda Galifaks Lordlar palatasida Myunxen kelishuvini Bosh vazir qilganidan ko'ra ko'proq o'lchov bilan himoya qildi, bu g'alaba sifatida emas, balki ikkita yomonlikning eng kichigi sifatida.^[18]

Myunxen inqirozi tufayli Galifaks Germaniyaga beriladigan keyingi imtiyozlarga qarshi Chemberlenga nisbatan kuchli yo'l tutishni boshladi. Endryu Robertsning ta'kidlashicha, shu vaqtdan boshlab Halifaks o'zining yuzini qat'iyan ehtiyotkorlik siyosatiga qaratgan. U qayta qurollanishni kuchaytirdi, shu jumladan Sharqiy Evropa davlatlari bilan ittifoqlarni mustahkamlash va ularni iqtisodiy qo'llab-quvvatlash va muddatli harbiy xizmatni qayta tiklash - Germaniya, Italiya va Yaponiyaga nisbatan qat'iy yo'nalish bilan birgalikda ushbu uchta dushman davlatlarning harakatlarini kamaytiradi deb umid qildi. kombinatsiya. (Shuni ta'kidlash kerakki, urush boshlanganda, mayatnik Germaniya foydasiga ancha tebranguncha na Yaponiya va na Italiya qo'shilishga tayyor edilar.)

Myunxendan keyin

Myunxendan so'ng, Halifaks (muvaffaqiyatli) navbatdan tashqari umumiy saylovlarni tayinlash orqali Chemberlenga o'zining mashhurligidan foydalanmaslik to'g'risida maslahat berdi; Buning o'rniga u (bejizga) Chemberlenni nafaqat Cherchill va Edenga, balki leyboristlar va liberal arboblarga ham ish taklif qilish orqali Milliy koalitsiyani kengaytirishni tavsiya qildi.^[18] Galifaks yahudiylarga qarshi pogromdan ham nafratlandi Kristallnaxt (10 noyabr). U Buyuk Britaniyaning Markaziy va Sharqiy Evropa mamlakatlariga Germaniya ta'siriga tushib qolishlarini oldini olish uchun ularga moliyaviy yordam ko'rsatishni qo'llab-quvvatladi.^[18]

Gitlerning Myunxen kelishuvi borasida majburiyatlari yo'qligi aniq bo'lib, Galifaks inglizlarning kuchli pozitsiyasini yig'ish uchun barqaror ish olib bordi va Chemberlenni Angliyaning Sharqiy Evropadagi manfaatlarini qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun iqtisodiy choralar ko'rishga va Germaniyaga qo'shimcha harbiy etkazib berishning oldini olishga undadi. volfram.

Nevill Chemberlen, Benito Mussolini, Galifaks va Gian Ciano Rim operasida, 1939 yil yanvar

1939 yil yanvar oyida Galifaks Mussolini bilan muzokaralar olib borish uchun Chemberlenga Rimga hamrohlik qildi. O'sha oy Halifaks Germaniya va Italiya bilan bir vaqtda urush xavfini hisobga olgan holda, Frantsiya bilan xodimlarning muzokaralarini boshlashga majbur qildi. Gitler Myunxen kelishuvini buzib, "Chexo-slovakiya" ning tizzasini egallab olgandan keyin (defis Myunxendan keyin qo'shilgan edi), Chemberlen 1939 yil 17 martda Birmingemda nutq so'zlab, Buyuk Britaniya Polshani himoya qilish uchun urushga kirishishini va'da qildi. Halifaks siyosatning ushbu o'zgarishi omillaridan biri bo'lgan.^[18] 1939 yil martga kelib, o'shanda ishdan bo'shatilgan Eden, Galifaks tufayli hukumat "endi biz xohlagan narsani qilyapmiz" deb kuzatdi.^[12]

Halifaks Polshaga 1939 yil 31 martda Germaniyaga, Galifaksning so'zlari bilan aytganda, "endi Myunxenlar bo'lmaydi" degan aniq signallarni yuborish umidida Germaniyaning tayyorgarligi to'g'risida ogohlantiruvchi razvedka xizmatidan kelib chiqqan holda kafolat berdi.

Tashqi ishlar vazirligi 1939 yil aprel oyining boshlarida Italiya yaqinlashayotgani to'g'risida razvedka ma'lumotlarini oldi Albaniyani bosib olish. 1939 yil 5-aprelda bo'lib o'tgan Vazirlar Mahkamasi yig'ilishida Galifaks bu xabarlarni rad etdi. Ikki kundan keyin Italiya Albaniyani bosib oldi; Galifaks Ser bilan uchrashdi Aleksandr Kadogan va "qila olmasligimizga qaror qildik qil buni to'xtatish uchun hamma narsa ".^[20]

Garchi u Sovet rejimini yoqtirmasa ham, uning dahriyligi tufayli emas, Galifaks Angliya SSSR bilan ittifoq qilishga urinishi kerakligini anglagan. Muzokaralar (1939 yil yozida) muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi va SSSR Germaniya bilan ittifoqchilik qildi o'rniga 23 avgustda. Halifaks muzokaralarni o'zi olib borishi kerak edi.^[18] Polsha endi Germaniya va SSSR o'rtasida (ehtimol yaqin orada sodir bo'lgan) o'rtada o'ylanib qolishi mumkin bo'lgan diarist "Chips" kanallari, PPS Halifaksning kichik vaziriga Rab Butler, qayd etilgan (1939 yil 25-avgust) "urush barometri o'zgarib turar edi" va "Polsha kafolati [Halifaks] ning uy hayvonlari sxemasi va sevimli xudo-bola edi" (Butler bu kafolatga qarshi chiqdi).^[18]

Germaniya Polshaga bostirib kirganida, Germaniya qo'shinlari Polsha tuprog'ida qolganda Halifaks har qanday muzokaralarni rad etdi. Biroq, u frantsuzlar ham majbur qilmaguncha urushga kirishish majburiyatini kechiktirgan Chemberlen bilan qattiq turib oldi. Ulardan ikkitasi Britaniyaning Polshaga berilgan kafolatni talab qilishini talab qilgan Vazirlar Mahkamasi qo'zg'olonining maqsadi edi. Angliya 1939 yil 3 sentyabrda Germaniyaga urush e'lon qildi.^[18]

Feneni urushi

Urush boshlangandan so'ng, Galifaks diplomatiyasi Sovetlarni rasmiy ravishda Axisga qo'shilishdan qaytarishga qaratilgan edi. U nemislar qasos olmasligi uchun Germaniyani bombardimon qilishga qarshi chiqdi.^[18]

Shvetsiya vositachisi Birger Dahlerus urush boshlanishidan oldin 1939 yil avgustda Britaniyaga tinchlik muzokaralari uchun murojaat qilgan edi. Shunga qaramay, 1939 yil 1-noyabrda Galifaks Shvetsiya kanallari orqali Gitler hokimiyat tepasida tinchlik o'rnatib bo'lmaydi degan yondashuvga javob qaytardi. Hatto bu Cherchillning g'azabini qo'zg'atdi, Admirallikning birinchi lordidir, u Galifaksga shaxsiy notasini yuborib, bunday gap xavfli ekanligini tanqid qildi.^[21] Galifaks bu kelishuv tinchligi haqidagi har qanday maslahatlarga qarshi bo'lib qoldi Feneni urushi.^[22]

1940 yil yanvar oyida Galifaks elchi bilan uchrashdi Ulrix fon Xassell, Germaniya qarshilik ko'rsatishning etakchi a'zosi, "u o'zi ittifoqchilar Germaniyadagi inqilobdan foydalanib, Zigfrid chizig'i."^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Cherchill Bosh vazir sifatida

1940 yil 8-mayda Chemberlen hukumati Norvegiyadagi harbiy vaziyatning yomonlashishi natijasida yuzaga kelgan ishonchsizlik harakatidan omon qoldi. Hukumat palatada nominal ko'pchiligiga 213 ta ovoz berdi: "oxirida"Norvegiya munozarasi "Ular ovoz berishda atigi 81 ko'pchilik ovoz bilan g'olib bo'lishdi; 33 ta konservator va ularning 8 ta ittifoqchilari oppozitsiya partiyalari bilan ovoz berishdi, 60 kishi esa betaraf qoldi. Cherchill faqat xafagarchilik bilan tayinlandi Admirallikning birinchi lordidir. Shunga qaramay, u ovoz berish oldidan o'tgan bahsda Chemberlen va uning hukumatini kuchli va ehtirosli himoya qildi.^[23]

Oddiy sharoitlarda bunday sust ovoz siyosiy jihatdan halokatli bo'lmas edi, ammo Bosh vazirni palataning har ikki tomoni qattiq tanqid qilayotgan va milliy birdamlikka intilish kuchli bo'lgan bir paytda bu hal qiluvchi edi.^[24] Ovoz berishdan keyin Cherchill bilan suhbatlashganda, Chemberlen xafa bo'lganini tan oldi va u uchun harakat qilishini aytdi koalitsion hukumat Leyboristlar va Liberal partiyalar bilan, ammo Cherchill bunga qarshi chiqdi.

10.15 da ertasi kuni ertalab (9-may) ertalab, Chemberlen Galefaks va Cherchill bilan kabinet xonasida uchrashdi. Sakkiz yildan keyin nashr etilgan ushbu voqealar to'g'risida Cherchillning o'zi qayd etgan Yig'ish bo'roni, uning birinchi jildi Ikkinchi jahon urushi, Galifaksning o'zining kundaligi va kabi zamonaviy hisob-kitoblarga to'g'ri kelmaydi Aleksandr Kadogan uning Galifaks bilan suhbatlari yoki Chemberlen yoki bosh qamchi tomonidan berilgan hisob qaydnomalari Devid Margesson (uning uchrashuvida Cherchill haqida hech narsa aytilmagan). Cherchill, Norvegiya munozaralarida hukumatni himoya qilishi kerak bo'lganidan so'ng, Cherchill Leyboristlar partiyasining qo'llab-quvvatlashiga buyruq bera olmasligini, Galifaks oldida uzoq vaqt sukut bilan kutib olinganini aytib, uchrashuvni ochgan irodalar jangini tasvirlab berdi. biroz ikkilanib, o'z ishiga yaroqsizligini bildirdi. Boshqa guvohlarning bayonotlari Galifaksni tezroq bezovta qilayotganini tasvirlaydi va Cherchill u bilan faol rozi. Churchill also misdates the events of 9 May to the following day, and although his writing assistant William Deakin accepted responsibility for this error he later confirmed, in an interview in 1989, that Churchill's account was embellished after numerous retellings and was not meant to be taken seriously.^[25]

The description of Chamberlain attempting to persuade Churchill to agree tacitly to Halifax's appointment as Prime Minister is also hard to reconcile with Halifax's having expressed his reluctance to do so to Chamberlain at a meeting between the two men on the morning of the 9th.^[26][27]

At 4.30 pm that afternoon Chamberlain held another meeting, attended by Halifax, Churchill, and the leader and the deputy leader of the opposition Labour Party (Klement Attlei va Artur Grinvud tegishli ravishda). He asked the Labour leaders if they would agree to serve in a coalition government. They replied that it might be possible but only with a different Prime Minister and that before they could give an official answer, they would need the approval of Labour's Milliy Ijroiya Qo'mitasi, keyin Bornmut preparing for the annual conference which was to start on the Monday. They were asked to telephone with the result of the consultation by the following afternoon.^[28][29]

In his diary entry for 9 May, written up the following morning, Halifax later wrote:

I had no doubt at all in my own mind that for me to succeed him would create a quite impossible situation. Apart altogether from Churchill's qualities as compared with my own at this particular juncture, what would in fact be my position? Churchill would be running Defence, and in this connexion one could not but remember the relationship between Asquith and Lloyd George had broken down in the first war... I should speedily become a more or less honorary Prime Minister, living in a kind of twilight just outside the things that really mattered.^[30]

The Labour leaders telephoned at 5 pm on the 10th to report that the party would take part in a coalition government, although it had to be under the leadership of someone other than Chamberlain. Accordingly, Chamberlain went to Bukingem saroyi to tender his resignation, recommending that Qirol ask Churchill to form a government.^[28] On doing so, one of Churchill's first actions was to form a new, smaller War Cabinet by replacing six of the Conservative politicians with Greenwood and Attlee, retaining only Halifax and Chamberlain.

Churchill's political position was weak, although he was popular with the Labour and Liberal Parties for his stance against appeasement in the 1930s. He was unpopular in the Conservative Party, however, and he might not have been the choice of the King. Halifax had the support of most of the Conservative Party and of the King and was acceptable to the Labour Party. His position as a peer was a merely technical barrier given the scale of the crisis, and Churchill reportedly was willing to serve under Halifax. Sifatida Lord Beaverbrook said, "Chamberlain wanted Halifax. Labour wanted Halifax. Sinkler wanted Halifax. The Lords wanted Halifax. Qirol wanted Halifax. And Halifax wanted Halifax." Only the last sentence was incorrect, however; Halifax did not want to become Prime Minister. He believed that Churchill's energy and leadership skills were superior to his own.^[31]

Unlike Simon, Hoare and Chamberlain, Halifax was not the object of Labour hatred in May 1940. Dutton argues that he "drew back" because of "inner self-doubt". "Political ambition had never been the most compelling motivation". He had a stomach ache, possibly psychosomatic, at the thought of becoming Prime Minister, and also probably thought that he could wield more influence as Churchill's deputy.^[18] Like Chamberlain, he served in Churchill's cabinet but was frequently exasperated by Churchill's style of doing business. Like many others, Halifax had serious doubts about Churchill's judgement.^[22]

May 1940 War Cabinet Crisis

Germany invaded Belgiya, Nederlandiya va Frantsiya on 10 May 1940, the day that Churchill became Prime Minister. On 22–23 May, the German army ga yetdi Ingliz kanali, isolating the Britaniya ekspeditsiya kuchlari da Dunkirk. Churchill soon had a confrontation with Halifax who believed that the United Kingdom should try to negotiate a peace settlement with Hitler, using Mussolini as an intermediary. Halifax believed it better to try to get terms "safeguarding the independence of our Empire, and if possible that of France", in the belief that peace talks would make it easier to get the BEF home. He did not believe that there was any realistic chance of defeating Germany.^[22] Churchill disagreed, believing that "nations which went down fighting rose again, but those which surrendered tamely were finished" and that Hitler was unlikely to honour any agreement. Moreover, he believed that this was the view of the British people.

On 24 May, Hitler ordered his armies to halt before they reached Dunkirk, and two days later, the British and French navies began to evacuate the Allied forces. Between 25 and 28 May, Churchill and Halifax each fought to bring the War Cabinet around to their own respective points of view; by 28 May, it seemed as if Halifax had the upper hand and that Churchill might be forced from office. Halifax came close to resignation, which might have brought down Churchill's government.^[22]

However, Churchill outmanoeuvred Halifax by calling a meeting of his 25-member Outer Cabinet, to whom he delivered a passionate speech, saying, "If this long island story of ours is to end at last, let it end only when each one of us lies choking in his own blood upon the ground",^[32] convincing all who were present that Britain must fight on against Hitler whatever the cost. Churchill also obtained the backing of Neville Chamberlain, who was still Conservative Party leader.^[22]

Churchill told the War Cabinet that there would be no negotiated peace. Halifax had lost. A few weeks later, in July 1940, Halifax rejected German peace offers presented through the Papal Nuncio in Berne va Portugal va Finlyandiya prime ministers.

Halifax wrote in his memoirs of an occasion during a short holiday in Yorkshir:

One such interlude early in June 1940 is for ever graven into my memory. It was just after the fall of France, an event which at the time it happened seemed something unbelievable as to be almost surely unreal, and if not unreal then quite immeasurably catastrophic. Dorothy and I had spent a lovely summer evening walking over the Wolds, and on our way home sat in the sun for half an hour at a point looking across the plain of York. All the landscape of the nearer foreground was familiar—its sights, its sounds, its smells; hardly a field that did not call up some half-forgotten bit of association; the red-roofed village and nearby hamlets, gathered as it were for company round the old greystone church, where men and women like ourselves, now long dead and gone, had once knelt in worship and prayer. Here in Yorkshire was a true fragment of the undying England, like the White Cliffs of Dover, or any other part of our land that Englishmen have loved. Then the question came, is it possible that the Prussian jackboot will force its way into this countryside to tread and trample over it at will? The very thought seemed an insult and an outrage; much as if anyone were to be condemned to watch his mother, wife or daughter being raped.^[33]

Ambassador to the United States

When Chamberlain retired from the Cabinet due to ill health, Churchill tried to ease Halifax out of the Foreign Office by offering him a job as amalda Deputy Prime Minister, living at 11 Downing Street. Halifax refused, although he agreed to become Leader of the Lords once again.^[22]

In December 1940, the Marquess of Lothian, British Ambassador to the United States, died suddenly. Halifax was told to take the job by Churchill, with the proviso that he could still attend meetings of the War Cabinet when he was home on leave in London.^[22] Churchill's secretary Jon Kolvil recorded on 20 December that Churchill thought the Washington job was a great opportunity for Halifax to help bring the United States into the war. Colville recorded Churchill's view that Halifax "would never live down the reputation for appeasement which he and the F.O. had won themselves here. He had no future in this country." Colville thought Churchill had been influenced by the monthly censorship reports, which showed that Halifax had inherited some of Chamberlain's unpopularity.^[34] Halifax was the last man linked with appeasement to leave the Cabinet, as Chamberlain had by then died, and both Hoare va Simon had already moved to other jobs. Halifax and his wife desperately tried to persuade Eden to take the Washington job instead, but to no avail. Eden was restored to the Foreign Office in Halifax's place.

Halifax set sail for the still neutral United States in January 1941.^[22] He and his wife departed from the Royal Navy base at Skapa oqimi, Shotlandiya. They had been accompanied there from London by a large party which included Churchill and others, including Garri Xopkins,^[35] whom Roosevelt had sent to Britain to assess Britain's determination and situation.

Halifax and Soviet ambassador Maxim Litvinov at a garden party in Washington, D.C. in 1942

Prezident Franklin D. Ruzvelt welcomed him in person when he arrived. Casting aside diplomatic protocols, Roosevelt took the presidential yacht the Potomak to greet Halifax as his ship made harbour in the Chesapeake Bay. Initially Halifax damaged himself by a series of public relations disasters. Two weeks after his arrival in the United States, Halifax went to Capitol Hill, meeting with House and Senate leaders. Upon leaving, Halifax told reporters that he had inquired about the timetable for passage of the Lend-Lease Act.^[15] Isolationists seized upon the meetings to decry British meddling in American political affairs. He likened Washington politics to "a disorderly day's rabbit shooting".^[22]

Halifax was initially a cautious and elusive public figure, not an effective public diplomat like his predecessor. His relations with Roosevelt were satisfactory, but Halifax kept a low profile. Churchill's close engagement with the United States and his investment in personal communication with the President meant a more constrained role for the British Ambassador. Communications technology meant that Churchill could communicate directly with Roosevelt and was a regular visitor to Washington.

Halifax's cousin Angus McDonnell helped him find his feet, and he soon led a very effective propaganda effort. Even an incident that autumn where he was pelted with rotten eggs and tomatoes by isolationists helped his reputation in the long run. He maintained good relations with Roosevelt and Garri Xopkins, and toured the country, meeting many more ordinary Americans than his predecessor had done. He became especially popular after Pearl Harbor.^[22]

Lord Halifax in the middle (behind a seated Franklin D. Ruzvelt ) a'zosi sifatida Tinch okeanidagi urush kengashi.

Relations also increasingly turned on military issues channelled through the Joint Chiefs of Staff secretariat in Washington. Halifax wearied of Washington, especially after the death in action of his middle son Peter in November 1942, and the serious wounding of his younger son Richard in January 1943. In March 1943 he vainly asked Entoni Eden to be relieved of his post, but had to stay.^[22]

In May 1944 he was created Earl of Halifax, the fourth creation of the title.^[22]

Halifax took part in a plethora of international conferences over the UN and the Sovet Ittifoqi.

With Labour in power under Klement Attlei from July 1945, Halifax agreed to Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin 's request to stay on until May 1946. In February 1946, he was present at Churchill's "Iron Curtain" speech at Fulton, Missouri, of which he did not entirely approve. He believed that Churchill's view of the Soviet threat was exaggerated and urged him to be more conciliatory. He also helped Jon Maynard Keyns negotiate the Anglo-American loan, which was finalised in July 1946.^[12]

The final year of his Ambassadorship also witnessed the transition to President Garri S. Truman. Those years contained fraught moments and challenges for the relationship, as American power eclipsed that of Britain, and Britain's interests and rights were ignored on occasion, in particular, the cessation of nuclear co-operation after construction of the atom bomb. However, the partnership in World War II was immensely successful and as close as any other such partnership. It was a demanding post by any standards, but Halifax could reasonably claim to have played his part, and he enjoyed a notably longer term than his less successful successor Archibald Clark Kerr, 1st Baron Inverchapel.^{[asl tadqiqotmi? ]}

Keyinchalik hayot

Back in the United Kingdom, Halifax refused to rejoin the Conservative front bench, arguing that it would be inappropriate as he had been working for the Labour Government then still in office. The Labour Government were proposing that India become fully independent by May 1948 (later brought forward to August 1947) with no plans in place to protect minorities. Viscount Templewood (as Samuel Hoare was now known) opposed the plan, but Halifax spoke in the government's favour, arguing that it was not appropriate to oppose the plan if no alternative was suggested. He persuaded many wavering peers to support the government.^[12]

In retirement he returned to largely honorary pursuits. U edi Garter ordeni kansleri. He was an active governor of Eton and Chancellor of Oxford University. He was an honorary Fellow of All Souls from 1934. He was Chancellor of the Sheffild universiteti and High Steward of Westminster. He was Master of the Middleton Hunt. U Prezident edi Ziyoratchilar jamiyati, a society dedicated to better Anglo-American relations. From 1947 he was chairman of the General Advisory Council of the BBC. From 1957 he was Grand Master of the Order of Saint Michael and Saint George.^[12]

By the mid-1950s his health was failing.^[12] One of his last major speeches in the House of Lords was in November 1956, when he criticised the government's Suez policy and the damage it was doing to Anglo-American relations.^[12] He did little to challenge the critical view of appeasement which was then fashionable. His 1957 autobiography Fulness of Days was described in the Milliy biografiya lug'ati as "gently evasive".^[36] David Dutton describes it as "an extremely reticent book which added little to the historical record".^[12] He gave the impression that he had been Chamberlain's faithful subordinate, omitting to mention his role in changing policy in spring 1939.^[9]

He died of a heart attack at his estate at Garrowby on 23 December 1959, aged 78. His widow survived him until 1976.^[12]

Halifax had sold Temple Newsam to the City of Leeds for less than market value in 1925, and in 1948 he donated 164 of his paintings to a museum being opened there by Leeds City Council.^[37] His will was valued for probate at £338,800 10s 8d (not including settled land – land tied up in family trusts so that no individual has full control over it), equivalent to around £7m at 2016 prices.^[38][39] Despite his great wealth, Halifax was notoriously mean with money. Rab Butler recounted a tale of how he had once been having a meeting with Halifax, his boss at the time. An official brought in two cups of tea and four biscuits for them; Halifax passed two of the biscuits back, instructing the official not to charge him for them.^[38][40]

Baholash

Galifaks could not pronounce his "r"s. He had professional charm and the natural authority of an aristocrat, the latter aided by his immense height. He stood 1.96 metres (6 ft 5 in).^[12]

Harold Begbie described Halifax as "the highest kind of Englishman now in politics" whose "life and doctrine were in complete harmony with a very lofty moral principle, but who has no harsh judgement for men who err and go astray."^[41]

Garold Makmillan said that Halifax possessed a "sweet and Christian nature."^[42]

Rab Butler called him "this strange and imposing figure—half unworldly saint, half cunning politician."^[43]

In 1968, the official records were released of Halifax's years as Foreign Secretary (the "fifty-year rule" was replaced by the "thirty-year rule"). Conservative historian Moris Kovling argued that Halifax's stance of increasing resistance to Hitler, especially the Polish guarantee in the spring of 1939, was motivated not so much by considerations of strategy but by a need to keep ahead of a sea-change in British domestic opinion. He wrote in 1975: "To history, until yesterday, Halifax was the arch-appeaser. This, it is now recognised, was a mistake. His role, however, was complicated. In these pages he is not the man who stopped the rot, but the embodiment of Conservative wisdom who decided that Hitler must be obstructed because Labour could not otherwise be resisted."^[44]

David Dutton argues that Halifax, like Chamberlain, was slow to appreciate the sheer evil of Hitler and was overly confident that negotiation could yield results. His period as Foreign Secretary was "the pivot of his career and it remains the period upon which his historical reputation ultimately depends"; just as Eden saved his reputation by resigning in time, so Halifax damaged his by being Foreign Secretary in 1938–40. "He deserves some credit for abandoning, or at least for decisively modifying, the policy of appeasement". His refusal to seize the premiership in May 1940 was "the most significant act of his long career". He argues that later that month, far from being a potential Quisling, Halifax based his policies on rational considerations, and that "on rational grounds, there had been much to be said for the Foreign Secretary's line that Britain should at least have investigated what peace terms were on offer." However, his "most important role in public life" was, in Dutton's view, as Ambassador to the United States, where he helped to smooth a relationship which was "often more fraught than early interpretations … tended to suggest".^[45]

Halifax College da York universiteti uning nomi bilan atalgan. Lady Irwin College, a women's college in Delhi, was established under the patronage of Dorothy, Lady Irwin, in 1931.^[46]

Uslublar

Arms of The Rt Hon. Edward Frederick Lindley Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax

• 16 April 1881 – 8 August 1885: Edward Frederick Lindley Wood
• 8 August 1885 – 1910: The Hon. Edvard Frederik Lindli Vud
• 1910 – 25 October 1922: The Hon. Edvard Frederik Lindli Vud deputat
• 25 October 1922 – 22 December 1925: The Rt. Hurmat bilan. Edvard Frederik Lindli Vud deputat^[47]
• 22 December 1925 – 3 April 1926: The Rt. Hurmat bilan. Birinchi Baron Irwin shaxsiy kompyuter^[48]
• 3 April 1926 – 18 April 1931: Janobi Oliylari Rt. Hurmat bilan. Lord Irwin kompyuter, Viceroy va Hindiston general-gubernatori^[49]
• 18 April 1931 – 19 January 1934: The Rt. Hurmat bilan. Lord Irwin kompyuter
• 19 January 1934 – December 1940: The Rt. Hurmat bilan. Uchinchi Viscount Halifax kompyuter
• December 1940 – 1944: Janobi Oliylari Rt. Hurmat bilan. The 3rd Viscount Halifax PC, HM Ambassador to the United States of America
• 1944–1946: Janobi Oliylari Rt. Hurmat bilan. Halifaks shaxsiy kompyuterining birinchi grafligi, Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlaridagi HM elchisi
• 1946–1959: The Rt. Hurmat bilan. The 1st Earl of Halifax PC

Hurmat

• Edvud Vudning sharaflari, Galifaksning 1-grafligi

Nikoh va oila

Halifax married Lady Dorothy Evelyn Augusta Onslow (1885–1976), daughter of Uilyam Onslou, Onslowning 4-grafligi, former Governor-General of New Zealand, on 21 September 1909.^[4]

They had five children together:^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

• Lady Anne Dorothy Wood, OBE JP (31 July 1910 – 25 March 1995); uylangan Charlz Dunkombe, Fevershamning 3-grafligi, on 14 December 1936.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}
• Lady Mary Agnes Wood (31 July 1910 – 3 August 1910)
• Charles Ingram Courtenay Wood, 2nd Earl of Halifax (3 October 1912 – 19 March 1980)
• Mayor Hurmat bilan Francis Hugh Peter Courtenay Wood (born 5 October 1916, harakatda o'ldirilgan^[50] 26 October 1942)
• Richard Frederick Wood, Baron Holderness (5 October 1920 – 11 August 2002); MP from 1950, holding office from 1955.^[12]

Ajdodlar

Ommaviy madaniyatda

• Halifax was portrayed by Richard Merdok in the 1981 TV miniseries Uinston Cherchill: Yirtqich yillar.
• Halifax features in the novel Kunning qoldiqlari tomonidan Kazuo Ishiguro va 1993 yilgi film of the same name, in which he is portrayed by Piter Eyr.
• Halifax appears in the film Gandi, portrayed by Sir Jon Gielgud. The film incorrectly depicts him as possessing a left hand.
• Halifax appears as Lord Irwin in the film Baghat Singxning afsonasi, played by the Israeli actor Gil Alon.
• Halifax is a significant character in Maykl Dobbs ' novels Winston's War va Never Surrender.
• He is portrayed by British actor Richard Durdon in the BBC docudrama miniseries Dunkirk (2004).
• His cabinet struggle with Churchill is the subject of the 2011 play Three Days in May by Ben Brown.
• He appears as a character in the BBC television drama Kembrij josuslari o'ynagan Jeyms Foks.
• U o'ynagan Donald Sumpter in the HBO/BBC biographical film Into the Storm.
• Halifax is mentioned in the 2011 novel The Afrika Reich tomonidan Guy Saville, an muqobil tarix novel in which Halifax became Prime Minister following a massacre of British forces at Dunkirk, the novel's divergence point, and negotiates an uneasy peace with Nazi Germany. He also plays a minor part in the 2015 sequel The Madagaskar Plan.
• In the alternative history novel Dominion tomonidan C. J. Sansom, World War II ended in June 1940 when the Britaniya hukumati, under the leadership of Halifax, signed a peace treaty with Natsist Germany in Berlin. Due to poor health, Halifax resigned as Prime Minister in 1941 and was succeeded by the 78-year-old Devid Lloyd Jorj.
• In the alternative history novel For the Sake of England tomonidan Richard K. Burns, unda Uinston Cherchill was born in New York City in 1874 when his mother Jennie Jerome left his father Lord Randolf Cherchill and was elected President of the United States in 1936, Halifax became Prime Minister in 1940 and signed a peace treaty with Nazi Germany after the Frantsiya jangi. Biroq, Gitler betrayed Halifax and attacked the UK in 1941, leading the United States to enter the war.
• Yilda Upstairs Downstairs, Halifax is portrayed by British actor Ken Bones.
• Halifax appears briefly in three different muqobil tarix tomonidan yangi turkum Garri Turtledov: Worldwar, Southern Victory va Erta boshlangan urush. Yilda Southern Victory, as British Ambassador to the Konfederatsiya shtatlari, he is portrayed with a modicum of dignity and integrity, whereas in the other two series he is portrayed as an incompetent bumbler used for comic relief.
• Halifax is mentioned in episode four of Dushmanga yaqin, where it is claimed he had been given a now defunct key to the back garden of Bukingem saroyi to enable him secret meetings with Qirolicha Yelizaveta to discuss matters of state, intimating that he might have been a front runner for Prime Minister ahead of Uinston Cherchill.
• Halifax is portrayed by Stiven Dillane yilda Djo Rayt 's 2017 drama Eng qorong'i soat, qarama-qarshi Gari Oldman as Churchill.

Shuningdek qarang

• List of covers of Vaqt magazine (1920s) – 12 April 1926

Izohlar

Bibliografiya

• Churchill, Winston S., Ularning eng yaxshi soati. New York, 1949.
• Churchill, Winston S., Yig'ish bo'roni. Boston, 1948.
• Colville, John, The Fringes of Power: 10 Downing Street Diaries 1939–1955. Nyu-York, 1985 yil.
• Dalton, Hugh, The Fateful Years, Memoirs 1939–1945. London, 1957.
• Gilbert, Martin, Cherchill: hayot. Nyu-York, 1991 yil.
• Gilbert, Martin, Finest Hour: Winston S. Churchill 1939–1941. London, 1983.
• Gilbert, Martin (ed.), The Churchill War Papers Volume I: At the Admiralty. September 1939 – May 1940. London, 1993.
• Gilbert, Martin (ed.), The Churchill War Papers Volume II: Never Surrender. May 1940 – December 1940. London, 19.
• Gries, Thomas E. (ed.), Ikkinchi jahon urushi: Evropa va O'rta er dengizi. West Point, New York 2002.
• Halifax, Lord, Fullness of Days. New York, 1957.
• Howard, Anthony, RAB: The Life of R. A. Butler, Jonathan Cape 1987 ISBN  978-0224018623.
• Jago, Michael, Rab Butler: Bizda bo'lmagan eng yaxshi bosh vazir?, Biteback Publishing 2015 ISBN  978-1849549202.
• Jenkins, Roy, Cherchill. London: Pan, 2002. ISBN  0 330 48805 8.
• Liddell-Hart, B. H., Ikkinchi jahon urushi tarixi. Old Saybrook, CT: Konecky & Konecky, 1970. ISBN  978-1-56852-627-0.
• Lukacs, John, Five Days in London: May 1940. Yale University, 1999 ISBN  0-300-08466-8.
• Metyu (muharrir), Kolin (2004). Milliy biografiya lug'ati. 60. Oksford: Oksford universiteti matbuoti. ISBN  978-0198614111.CS1 maint: qo'shimcha matn: mualliflar ro'yxati (havola) CS1 maint: ref = harv (havola), essay on Halifax (pp. 81–89) written by David Dutton.
• Roberts, Andrew, The 'Holy Fox': The Life of Lord Halifax. London, 1991 yil.
• Schwoerer, Lois G. "Lord Halifax's Visit To Germany: November 1937." Tarixchi 32.3 (1970): 353–375.
• Young, Peter (ed.), Illustrated World War II Encyclopedia. Volume 2. Jaspard Polus, Monaco 1966.

Adabiyotlar

• Christopher Andrew, The Defence of the Realm: The Authorized History of MI5 (London: Allen Lane, 2009).
• A Gentleman with a Duster [pseud. for Harold Begbie], The Conservative Mind (London: Mills & Boon, 1924).
• Lord Butler, The Art of the Possible (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1971).
• Maurice Cowling, The Impact of Hitler: British Politics and British Policy, 1933–1940 (Cambridge University Press, 1975).
• Keith Feiling, A Life of Neville Chamberlain (London: Macmillan, 1970).
• The Earl of Halifax, Fulness of Days (London: Collins, 1957).
• Endryu Roberts, The Holy Fox: The Life of Lord Halifax (Phoenix, 1997 (originally published 1991)).

Qo'shimcha o'qish

• Alan Campbell-Johnson and R. Hale. Viscount Halifax: A Biography. 1941
• Birkenxed grafligi. Earl of Halifax: The Life of Lord Halifax. Hamilton, 1965.

Tashqi havolalar

• Works by Charles, Lord Halifax Lindley da Xira sahifa (Kanada)
• Works by or about Edward Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax da Internet arxivi
• Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by the Earl of Halifax
• Lord Irwin
• Biografiya, spartacus-educational.com
• Bibliografiya
• Lord Halifax, Our War Aims – Now and After, radio broadcast November 1939
• Newspaper clippings about Edward Wood, 1st Earl of Halifax ichida 20-asr matbuot arxivi ning ZBW