Evo Morales - Evo Morales
Evo Morales | |
|---|---|
 2018 yilda Morales | |
| 65-chi Boliviya Prezidenti | |
| Ofisda 2006 yil 22 yanvar - 2019 yil 10 noyabr[1] | |
| Vitse prezident | Alvaro García Linera |
| Oldingi | Eduardo Rodriges (oraliq) |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Janin Anez (oraliq) |
| CELAC tempore prezidenti | |
| Ofisda 14 yanvar 2019 - 10 noyabr 2019 | |
| Oldingi | Salvador Sanches Cerén |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Janin Anez |
| UNASUR prezidenti tempore | |
| Rolda 2018 yil 17 aprel - 2019 yil 16 aprel | |
| Oldingi | Maurisio Makri |
| Muvaffaqiyatli | Bo'sh[bahsli ] |
| Lideri Sotsializm uchun harakat | |
| Taxminan ofis 1998 yil 1-yanvar | |
| Oldingi | Partiya tashkil etildi |
| Deputatlar palatasi a'zosi uchun Cochabamba | |
| Ofisda 1997 yil 6 avgust - 2002 yil 24 yanvar | |
| Shaxsiy ma'lumotlar | |
| Tug'ilgan | Xuan Evo Morales Ayma 1959 yil 26 oktyabr Isallavi, Boliviya |
| Siyosiy partiya | MAS-IPSP |
| Bolalar | 2 |
| Ota-onalar | Dionisio Morales Choke Mariya Ayma Mamani |
| Imzo |  |
| Harbiy xizmat | |
| Sadoqat |  Boliviya |
| Filial / xizmat |  Boliviya armiyasi |
| Xizmat qilgan yillari | 1977–1978 |
| Birlik | To'rtinchi Ingavi otliq polki |
Xuan Evo Morales Ayma (Ispancha talaffuz:[Βeβo moˈɾales]; 1959 yil 26 oktyabrda tug'ilgan) a Boliviya siyosatchi va sobiq kokalero 65-chi bo'lib xizmat qilgan faol Boliviya Prezidenti 2006 yildan 2019 yilgacha. Keng tarqalgan bo'lib, mamlakatning birinchi prezidenti uning prezidentidan kelgan mahalliy aholi,[a] uning ma'muriyati amalga oshirishga qaratilgan chap siyosati va ta'siriga qarshi kurashish Qo'shma Shtatlar va transmilliy korporatsiyalar. Mafkuraviy jihatdan a sotsialistik, u boshlig'i Sotsializm uchun harakat (MAS) partiyasi.
An tug'ilgan Aymara oilasi yordamchi dehqonlar Isallaviyda, Orinoca Canton, Morales majburiy harbiy xizmatga borishdan oldin boshlang'ich ta'limni olgan Chapare viloyati 1978 yilda. o'sib bormoqda koka va kasaba uyushmasi a'zosi bo'lib, u taniqli bo'lgan kampesino ("qishloq mehnatkashlari") kasaba uyushmasi. Ushbu lavozimda u AQSh va Boliviyaning urinishlariga qarshi tashviqot olib bordi kokani yo'q qilish qismi sifatida Giyohvand moddalarga qarshi urush, bularni an imperialistik And madaniyatini buzish. Uning hukumatga qarshi ishtiroki to'g'ridan-to'g'ri harakat norozilik namoyishlari ko'plab hibsga olishga olib keldi. Morales 1995 yilda saylov siyosatiga kirib, MAS rahbariga aylandi va saylandi Kongress 1997 yilda. Bilan bog'langan populist ritorika, uning kampaniyasi mahalliy va kambag'al jamoalarni qamrab oladigan masalalarga, er islohotlari va gaz boyliklarini teng ravishda taqsimlashga qaratilgan. U orqali ko'rish qobiliyati oshdi Cochabamba suv urushi va gaz mojarosi. 2002 yilda u hukumatga qarshi namoyishchilarni rag'batlantirgani uchun Kongressdan chiqarib yuborildi, garchi u ikkinchi o'rinda bo'lsa ham o'sha yilgi prezident saylovlari.
Bir marta 2005 yilda saylangan, Morales ijtimoiy xarajatlarni kuchaytirish uchun uglevodorod sanoatiga soliqni oshirdi va savodsizlik, qashshoqlik, irqchilik va seksizmga qarshi kurashish bo'yicha loyihalarni ta'kidladi. Vokal tanqid qilish neoliberalizm, Morales hukumati Boliviyani a tomon siljitdi aralash iqtisodiyot ga bog'liqligini kamaytirdi Jahon banki va Xalqaro valyuta fondi (XVF) va kuchli iqtisodiy o'sishni nazorat qildi. Qo'shma Shtatlarning mamlakatdagi ta'sirini kamaytirib, u Lotin Amerikasidagi chap hukumatlar bilan munosabatlarni o'rnatdi pushti oqim - ayniqsa Ugo Chaves Venesuela va Fidel Kastro Kuba - va Boliviyani imzoladi Amerika uchun Bolivar Ittifoqi. Uning ma'muriyati avtonomistlarning talablariga qarshi chiqdi Boliviyaning sharqiy viloyatlari, yutuq 2008 yil chaqirib olinadigan referendum va tashkil etdi a yangi konstitutsiya Boliviyani a plurinatsion davlat. 2009 yilda qayta saylangan va 2014, u Boliviyaning qabul qilinishini nazorat qildi Janub banki va Lotin Amerikasi va Karib havzasi davlatlari hamjamiyati Garchi uning mashhurligi prezidentlikni bekor qilishga urinishlar bilan ajralib tursa ham muddat cheklovlari. Mojaroni kuzatib borish 2019 yilgi umumiy saylov va keyingi tartibsizlik, Morales iste'foga chiqishga chaqirishga rozi bo'ldi, shundan keyin u vaqtinchalik surgunga ketgan. U ittifoqchi saylanganidan bir yil o'tib qaytib keldi Luis Arse. U o'z partiyasini boshqarishda davom etmoqda.
Uni chempioni sifatida maqtashgan mahalliy huquqlar, anti-imperializm va ekologizm, shuningdek, katta miqdordagi iqtisodiy o'sishga erishganligi va qashshoqlikni kamaytirganligi bilan bir qatorda uning kokani himoya qilish noqonuniy sabab bo'lganligi haqidagi ayblovlarga duch keldi. kokain ishlab chiqarish va uning ichki norozilik chaqiriqlari vakili fitna va terrorizm.
Dastlabki hayot va faollik
Bolalik, ta'lim va harbiy xizmat: 1959–1978
Morales Isallaviyning kichik qishloq qishlog'ida tug'ilgan Orinoca Canton Boliviyaning g'arbiy qismining bir qismi Oruro departamenti, 1959 yil 26 oktyabrda, oilasidan mahalliy Aymara xalqi.[9][10] Dionisio Morales Choke va uning rafiqasi Mariya Ayma Mamani tug'ilgan etti farzanddan biri,[11] faqat u va ikkita aka-uka, Ester va Ugo o'tgan bolalikdan omon qolishdi.[12] Onasi deyarli a dan vafot etdi tug'ruqdan keyingi qon ketish uning tug'ilishidan keyin.[13] Oymaraning odatiga binoan, otasi dafn marosimini o'tkazdi platsenta tug'ilganidan keyin ushbu tadbir uchun maxsus tanlangan joyda ishlab chiqarilgan.[13] Uning bolalik uyi an'anaviy bo'lgan Adobe uy,[14] va u katta bo'lgan Aymar tili Garchi keyinchalik sharhlovchilar ta'kidlashlaricha, u prezident bo'lgan paytga kelib u endi to'liq notiq emas edi.[15]
Morales oilasi dehqonlar edi; u yoshligidan ularga ekin ekish va yig'ib olishda, lama va qo'ylar podasini qo'riqlashda ko'maklashish uchun uy qurgan futbol to'pini olib, ularga yordam berdi.[16] Kichkintoy sifatida u Orinokaning tayyorgarlik maktabida qisqa vaqt ichida qatnashdi va besh yoshida Isallaviydagi bitta xonali boshlang'ich maktabda o'qishni boshladi.[17] 6 yoshida u olti oy davomida Argentinaning shimoliy qismida singlisi va otasi bilan birga bo'lgan. U erda Dionisio shakar qamish yig'di, Evo esa muzqaymoq sotdi va qisqa vaqt ispan tilidagi maktabda o'qidi.[18] Bolaligida u muntazam ravishda piyoda sayohat qilgan Arani viloyati yilda Cochabamba otasi va ularning lamalari bilan, tuz va kartoshkani makkajo'xori va kokaga almashtirish uchun ikki haftagacha davom etadigan sayohat.[19] Futbolning ashaddiy muxlisi, 13 yoshida u o'zi bilan jamoa sardori sifatida jamoat futbol jamoasini tashkil qildi. Ikki yil ichida u butun mintaqa bo'yicha trener sifatida saylandi va shu tariqa etakchilik bo'yicha dastlabki tajribaga ega bo'ldi.[20]
Boshlang'ich ta'limni tugatgandan so'ng, Morales Orinokaning (ITAHO) agrar-gumanistik texnika institutida qatnashdi va oxirgi yilni emas, balki barchasini yakunladi.[21] Keyin ota-onasi uni ilmiy darajaga o'qishga yuborishdi Oruro; u akademik jihatdan yomon o'qigan bo'lsa-da, 1977 yilga kelib barcha kurslari va imtihonlarini tugatib, g'isht ishlab chiqaruvchi, kunlik ishchi, novvoy va Qirollik imperatori guruhining karnay chaluvchisi sifatida pul ishladi. Oxirgi lavozim unga Boliviya bo'ylab sayohat qilishga imkon berdi.[22] Oliy ma'lumotni tugatgandan so'ng, u diplom sertifikatini to'play olmadi.[21] U jurnalistikani o'rganishga qiziqqan bo'lsa-da, uni kasb sifatida tanlamadi.[23]
Morales majburiy ravishda xizmat qildi harbiy xizmat 1977 yildan 1978 yilgacha Boliviya armiyasida. Dastlab Maxsus qo'shinlarni o'qitish markazida (CITE) ro'yxatdan o'tgan Cochabamba, u To'rtinchi Ingavi otliq polkiga yuborilgan va Boliviya poytaxtidagi armiya shtab-kvartirasida joylashgan. La Paz.[24] Bu ikki yil Boliviyaning siyosiy jihatdan eng beqaror davrlaridan biri bo'lib, beshta prezident va general boshchiligidagi ikkita harbiy to'ntarish bo'lgan. Xuan Pereda va umumiy Devid Padilla mos ravishda; ikkinchisining tuzumi ostida Morales qo'riqchi sifatida xizmat qilgan Palacio Quemado (Prezident saroyi).[25]
Erta kokalero faollik: 1978-1983
Harbiy xizmatdan so'ng Morales 1980-yillarda qishloq xo'jaligi halokatidan qutulgan oilasiga qaytdi El-Nino sharqiy pasttekislikdagi Cochabamba tropikasiga ko'chib o'tish orqali bo'ron aylanishi.[26] Villa 14 de Septiembre shahrida uy qurish, El Chapare, Moralesning onasining amakisidan olingan kreditdan foydalangan holda, oila guruch, apelsin, greyfurt, papayya, banan va undan keyin etishtirish uchun o'rmonda er uchastkasini tozalashdi. koka.[27] Bu erda Morales gapirishni o'rgangan Kechua, mahalliy mahalliy til.[28] Morales oilasining kelishi mintaqaga ko'chishning ancha keng qismi edi; 1981 yilda El Chapare aholisi 40 ming kishini tashkil etgan bo'lsa, 1988 yilga kelib ular 215 ming kishiga etdi. Ko'plab Boliviyaliklar fermer xo'jaliklarini barpo etishga umid qilar edilar, ularda narxlari barqaror ko'tarilib boradigan va yiliga to'rt martagacha etishtirish mumkin bo'lgan koka etishtirish bilan shug'ullanish mumkin edi; And madaniyatida an'anaviy tibbiy va marosim moddasi bo'lib, u asosiy tarkibiy qism sifatida chet elga sotilgan kokain.[29] Morales 2 avgust kuni bo'lib o'tgan Markaziy turnirda g'olib chiqqan "New Horizon" jamoasini tashkil etishdan oldin mahalliy futbol jamoasiga qo'shildi.[29] El Chapare viloyati Morales uchun ko'p yillar davomida o'zgacha bo'lib qoldi; prezidentligi davrida u tez-tez nutqlarida bu haqda gaplashar va muntazam ravishda tashrif buyurar edi.[30]
El Chapare shahrida Morales kasaba uyushmasiga qo'shildi kokaleros (koka ishlab chiqaruvchilari), mahalliy sport kotibi etib tayinlanmoqda. Futbol musobaqalarini uyushtirgan holda, kasaba uyushma a'zolari orasida uchrashuvni tanaffus paytida uchrashuvlar tashkil etishga moyilligi tufayli "yosh to'p tepuvchi" laqabini oldi.[29] Ittifoqqa keng miqyosdagi voqealar ta'sirida ta'sir ko'rsatdi, 1980 yilda o'ta o'ng general Luis Garsiya Meza harbiy to'ntarish natijasida hokimiyatni qo'lga kiritgan, boshqa siyosiy partiyalarni taqiqlagan va o'zini prezident deb e'lon qilgan; Morales uchun 1981 yilda "uning siyosat bilan munosabatlaridagi asosiy voqea" sodir bo'lgan, a kampesino (koka ishlab chiqaruvchisi) askarlar tomonidan kokain savdosida ayblanib, kaltaklangan va o'ldirilgan.[31] 1982 yilda chap Ernan Siles Zuazo va Demokratik va ommaviy ittifoq (Unidad Democrática y Mashhur - UDP) hokimiyatni qabul qildi vakili demokratik saylovlar, amalga oshirishdan oldin neoliberal kapitalist Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari ko'magi bilan davlat sektorining katta qismini isloh qilish va xususiylashtirish; giperinflyatsiya nazoratga olindi, ammo ishsizlik 25% gacha ko'tarildi.[32] 1982 yildan 1983 yilgacha ittifoqda tobora faollashib borayotgan Morales o'zining mahalliy San-Frantsisko sindikatining bosh kotibi bo'lib ishlagan.[33] 1983 yilda Moralesning otasi Dionisio vafot etdi va u dafn marosimini o'tkazib yuborgan bo'lsa-da, otasining ishlarini tashkil etish uchun kasaba uyushma ishidan vaqtincha chekindi.[34]
Ning bir qismi sifatida Giyohvand moddalarga qarshi urush, Qo'shma Shtatlar hukumati koka ishlab chiqarishni oldini olish orqali kokain savdosini to'xtatish umidida edi; ular Boliviya hukumatiga uni yo'q qilish uchun bosim o'tkazdilar, operatsiyaga yordam berish uchun Boliviyaga qo'shin yuborishdi.[35] Boliviya qo'shinlari koka ekinlarini yoqib yuboradi va ko'p hollarda ularga qarshi chiqqan koka etishtiruvchilarni kaltaklaydi.[36] Bundan g'azablangan Morales qaytib keldi kokalero saylovoldi tashviqoti; ko'plab o'rtoqlari singari, u yo'q qilgan har bir gektar koka uchun hukumat tomonidan taqdim etilgan 2500 AQSh dollar kompensatsiyasidan bosh tortdi. Boliviya madaniyatiga chuqur singib ketgan kampesinoslar koka bilan ajdodlararo munosabatda bo'lgan va eng foydali yashash vositalarini yo'qotishni xohlamagan. Ular uchun bu milliy suverenitet masalasi bo'lib, Qo'shma Shtatlar shunday deb hisoblangan imperialistlar; faollar muntazam ravishda "Yashasin koka! Yankilarga o'lim!" ("Causachun kokasi! Vaunchun yanquis!").[33]
Bosh kotibi Kokalero Ittifoq: 1984-1994
1984 yildan 1985 yilgacha Morales harakat uchun yozuvlar kotibi bo'lib ishlagan,[33] va 1985 yilda u avgustning ikkinchi shtabining bosh kotibi bo'ldi.[33]1984 yildan 1991 yilgacha sindikatlar mahalliy hukumat idoralarini egallab olish, yo'l to'siqlarini o'rnatish, ochlik e'lon qilish va ommaviy yurishlar va namoyishlarni tashkil qilish orqali kokani majburan yo'q qilishga qarshi bir qator norozilik namoyishlarini boshladi.[37] Morales ushbu to'g'ridan-to'g'ri faollikda shaxsan ishtirok etgan va 1984 yilda 3 to'siqda bo'lgan kampesinoslar o'ldirilgan.[38] 1988 yilda Morales Tropiklar federatsiyasining mas'ul kotibi lavozimiga saylandi.[33] 1989 yilda u bir yillik laboratoriya tadbirida nutq so'zladi Villa Tunari qirg'ini unda 11 koka dehqoni agentlari tomonidan o'ldirilgan Qishloq hududida harakatlanadigan patrul xizmati (Áreas Rurales uchun Unidad Móvil Policial - UMOPAR).[38] Ertasi kuni UMOPAR agentlari Moralesni o'ldirish uchun tog'da qoldirib, uni kaltakladilar, ammo uni boshqa kasaba uyushma a'zolari qutqardilar.[39] Ushbu zo'ravonlikka qarshi kurashish uchun Morales qurolli degan xulosaga keldi kokalero militsiya ishga tushirishi mumkin partizan urushi hukumatga qarshi, ammo tez orada u saylov yo'lini tanlashni tanladi.[40] 1992 yilda u chempion bo'lish uchun turli xil xalqaro sayohatlarni amalga oshirdi kokalero sabab, konferentsiyada so'zga chiqib Kuba,[41] va shuningdek sayohat qilish Kanada, bu vaqt davomida u onasining o'limi haqida bilib oldi.[42]
Morales o'z nutqlarida koka bargini AQSh imperiyasining zulmi tahdidi ostida bo'lgan And madaniyati ramzi sifatida taqdim etdi. Uning fikriga ko'ra, Qo'shma Shtatlar o'zlarining mahalliy giyohvand moddalarni iste'mol qilish bilan bog'liq muammolarini Boliviyaga aralashmasdan hal qilishlari kerak, chunki ular And madaniyatida boy rol o'ynagan ko'plab foydalanishga ega bo'lgan qonuniy mahsulot bo'lgan kokani yo'q qilishga urinish huquqiga ega emaslar.[43] O'z nutqida Morales jurnalistlarga "Men giyohvand moddalar savdosi bilan shug'ullanmayman. Men koka ishlab chiqaruvchiman. Men koka bargini o'stiraman, bu tabiiy mahsulot. Men kokainni tozamayman (kokainni ham qo'shmayman) va giyohvand moddalar ham bo'lmagan And madaniyatining bir qismi ".[6] Morales "biz o'z kokamizni ishlab chiqaramiz, uni asosiy bozorlarga olib chiqamiz, sotamiz va shu bilan bizning javobgarligimiz shu erda tugaydi" deb ta'kidladi.[44]
Morales koka ishlab chiqaruvchilarni neoliberal iqtisodiy islohotlarni amalga oshirish orqali AQSh bosimiga bo'ysungan boy, shahar ijtimoiy elitasining qurbonlari sifatida taqdim etdi.[43] Uning ta'kidlashicha, ushbu islohotlar Boliviya ko'pchiligiga zarar etkazgan va shu tariqa mamlakatdagi vakillik demokratik boshqaruv tizimi ko'pchilikning haqiqiy demokratik irodasini aks ettira olmagan.[43] Bu holat quyidagi holatlarda yanada kuchaygan 1993 yilgi umumiy saylovlar qachon markazchi Inqilobiy millatchilik harakati (Movimiento Nacionalista Revolucionario - MNR) saylovda g'alaba qozondi va Gonsalo Sanches de Lozada prezident bo'ldi. U "siyosatini qabul qildishok terapiyasi ", iqtisodiyotni liberallashtirish va davlat aktivlarini keng miqyosda xususiylashtirishni amalga oshirish.[45] Sanches ham AQSh DEA Boliviya koka yetishtiruvchilariga qarshi hujumini qayta boshlash uchun, Boliviyaga 1994 yil martigacha AQShning 20 million AQSh dollari miqdoridagi yordami evaziga 12500 gektar (5100 ga) kokani yo'q qilishni o'z zimmasiga oldi, Morales kokalero harakati qarshi chiqishini aytdi.[46]
1994 yil avgustda Morales hibsga olingan; voqea joyida bo'lgan jurnalistlar uni fuqaro agentlari tomonidan kaltaklangani va irqiy shafqatsizlik bilan ayblanganiga guvoh bo'lishdi. G'alayonda ayblanib, qamoqxonada hibsga olinganiga qarshi quruq ochlik e'lon qildi.[47] Ertasi kuni, 3000 kampesinoslar dan 360 mil (580 km) yurishni boshladi Villa Tunari ga La Paz. Morales 1994 yil 7 sentyabrda ozod qilinadi va ko'p o'tmay, yurish joyiga etib keladi va 19 sentyabr 1994 yilda shaharni siyosiy grafitlar bilan qoplaydi.[48] U yana 1995 yil aprel oyida And qirg'og'idagi Koka ishlab chiqaruvchilari kengashi yig'ilishida qatnashgan hibsga olish paytida hibsga olingan. Titikaka ko'li. Kolumbiyaning yordami bilan davlat to'ntarishiga urinishda guruhni ayblash FARC va Peruniki Yorqin yo'l, bir qator o'rtoqlari qiynoqqa solingan, ammo davlat to'ntarishiga oid dalillar keltirilmagan va u bir hafta ichida ozod qilingan.[49] U ozodlik uchun kurash bo'yicha seminarda qatnashish uchun Argentinaga yo'l oldi.[50]
Siyosiy yuksalish
ASP, IPSP va MAS: 1995-1999 yillar
A'zolari sindikato Ijtimoiy harakat 1986 yilda siyosiy maydonga o'tishni birinchi marta taklif qildi. Bu munozarali bo'lib, ko'pchilik siyosatchilar bu harakatni shaxsiy manfaatlari yo'lida tanlab olishidan qo'rqishgan.[51] Morales siyosiy qanotni shakllantirishni 1989 yilda qo'llab-quvvatlay boshladi, ammo uning tuzilishi tarafdorlari fikri faqat 1993 yilda paydo bo'ldi.[52] 1995 yil 27 martda bo'lib o'tgan VII Kongressda Boliviya qishloq mehnatkashlarining noyob konfederatsiyasi (Boliviya Campesinos Campesinos Konfederacion Sindical Única de Trabajadores - CSUTCB), "siyosiy vosita" ("siyosiy partiya" da ishlatilgan atama) tashkil topdi Xalqlar suvereniteti uchun yig'ilish (Asamblea por la Sobernía de los Pueblos - ASP).[53] ASPning 1-kongressida CSUTCB Boliviya konchilari, dehqonlar va mahalliy xalqlarning vakillari bo'lgan uchta boshqa Boliviya kasaba uyushmalari qatorida qatnashdi.[52] 1996 yilda Morales Cochabamba tropikasining oltita federatsiyasi qo'mitasining raisi etib tayinlandi va bu lavozimni 2006 yilgacha saqlab qoldi.[54]
Boliviya Milliy saylov sudi (Corte Nacional saylovi - CNE) protsessual qoidabuzarliklarni keltirib, ASPni tan olishdan bosh tortdi.[52] Koka faollari bayroq ostida yugurib bu muammoni chetlab o'tishdi Birlashgan chap (IU), boshchiligidagi chap partiyalar koalitsiyasi Boliviya Kommunistik partiyasi (Partido Comunista Boliviano - PCB).[55] Ular 11 ta shahar hokimi va 49 ta munitsipalitetni ishlab chiqaruvchi harakatlarning mahalliy tayanch punktlari bo'lgan joylarda g'alaba qozondilar.[52] Morales deputatlar palatasiga saylandi Milliy Kongress mahalliy ovozlarning 70,1 foizini qo'lga kiritgan El Chapare vakili sifatida.[54] In 1997 yilgi milliy saylovlar IU / ASP Kongressda to'rtta o'ringa ega bo'lib, milliy ovozlarning 3,7% ini qo'lga kiritdi va bu Cochabamba bo'limida 17,5% gacha ko'tarildi.[56] Saylov natijasida o'ng qanot boshchiligidagi koalitsion hukumat tashkil etildi Milliyatchi demokratik harakat (Acción Democrática Nacionalista - ADN), bilan Ugo Banzer prezident sifatida; Morales uni "Boliviya tarixidagi eng yomon siyosatchi" deb tanqid qildi.[57]
Ko'tarilgan saylovdagi muvaffaqiyatlar fraksiya kurashlari bilan birga o'tdi va amaldagi prezident o'rtasida ASPda etakchilik tanlovi paydo bo'ldi Alejo Velez va ijtimoiy harakat asoslarini saylovlar asosida qo'llab-quvvatlagan Morales.[56] Mojaro nizolarga olib keldi, Morales va uning tarafdorlari bo'linib, o'zlarining partiyasini, Xalqlar suverenitetining siyosiy vositasini tuzdilar.Instrumento Político por la Soberanía de los Pueblos - IPSP).[58] Harakatning asoslari buzilgan ommaviy ravishda IPSP ga, ASPni parchalanishiga va Véliz markazning o'ng tomoniga qo'shilishga qoldirdi Yangi respublika kuchlari (Nueva Fuerza Republicana - NFR), buning uchun Morales uni xoin deb qoraladi kokalero sabab.[59] Faoliyatini davom ettirib, 1998 yilda Morales boshqasini boshqargan kokalero El Chaparedan La Pazgacha yurish,[60] hukumat tomonidan tobora ko'proq tanqid ostiga olinmoqda, ular uni bir necha bor kokain savdosi bilan shug'ullanganlikda ayblab, qanday gapirayotgani va o'qimaganligi uchun uni masxara qilgan.[61]
Morales bilan kelishuvga erishdi David Anez Pedraza, faoliyati tugatilgan va hali ham ro'yxatdan o'tgan Sotsializm Harakati (MAS) partiyasining rahbari; ushbu kelishuvga binoan Morales va Olti Federacion partiyaning nomini o'z zimmasiga olishi mumkin, Pendraza o'z qisqartmasi, nomi va ranglarini saqlab qolish shartini belgilagan. Shunday qilib, ishlamay qolgan o'ng qanot MAS koka faollari harakati uchun gullab-yashnagan chap qanot vositasiga aylandi Sotsializm uchun harakat - Xalqlar suvereniteti uchun siyosiy vosita.[62] MASni "sanoatni milliylashtirishga, koka bargini qonuniylashtirishga ... va milliy resurslarni adolatli taqsimlashga chaqiruvchi mahalliy siyosiy partiya" deb ta'rif berishadi.[63] Partiya asosiy partiyalar uchun mavjud bo'lgan moliyaviy mablag'lardan mahrum bo'lgan va shu sababli faoliyat yuritish uchun asosan ko'ngillilarning ishiga tayangan.[64] U boshqa siyosiy partiyalar singari tuzilmadi, aksincha ijtimoiy harakatning siyosiy qanoti sifatida harakat qildi, harakatdagi barcha darajalar qaror qabul qilishda ishtirok etdi; tashkilotning ushbu shakli 2004 yilgacha davom etadi.[65]In 1999 yil dekabr oyida bo'lib o'tgan shahar saylovlari, MAS 79 ta munitsipal kengash o'rni va 10 ta merlik lavozimini qo'lga kiritdi, milliy ovozlarning 3,27% ini qo'lga kiritdi, ammo Kochabambada 70% ovoz oldi.[62]
Cochabamba noroziliklari: 2000-02
2000 yilda Tunari Waters korporatsiyasi Boliviya iste'molchilariga suv sotish narxini ikki baravarga oshirdi, natijada chap faol guruhlar, shu jumladan, kokaleros. Faollar politsiya va qurolli kuchlar bilan to'qnashdilar, "suv urushi "Natijada 6 kishi halok bo'ldi va 175 kishi yaralandi. Zo'ravonliklarga javoban hukumat Tunaridan shartnomani olib tashladi va kommunal xizmatni kooperatsiya nazorati ostiga oldi.[66] Keyingi yillarda bir qator muammolar yuzasidan yana shiddatli norozilik namoyishlari boshlandi, natijada ham faollar, ham huquqni muhofaza qilish organlari o'limiga olib keldi. Ushbu notinchlikning aksariyati Boliviya jamiyati bo'ylab iqtisodiy liberallashtirishga qarshi keng tarqalgan qarshilik bilan bog'liq bo'lib, bu faqat ozchilikka foyda keltiradi degan umumiy tasavvur bilan.[67]
And baland platosida, a kokalero guruhi boshchiligida partizan qo'zg'oloni boshladi Felipe Quispe; etnik separatist, u va Morales bir-birini yoqtirmasdi, Kvispe Moralesni xoin va fursatchi deb biladi, chunki u hamkorlik qilishga tayyorligi uchun. Oq Boliviyaliklar.[68]Morales ushbu norozilik namoyishlarida etakchi rol o'ynamagan, ammo MAS bir masalali partiya emasligi va shunchaki huquqlar uchun kurashish o'rniga, uning xabarlari bilan tanishish uchun foydalangan. kokalero siyosiy tizimdagi tarkibiy o'zgarishlarni va Boliviyada fuqarolikni qayta belgilashni muhokama qildi.[69]
2001 yil avgust oyida Banzer o'lik kasalligi sababli iste'foga chiqdi va Xorxe Quiroga prezident sifatida ish boshladi.[70] AQSh bosimi ostida Quiroga Moralesni ikki kishining o'limiga sabab bo'lgan Moralesning jirkanch tili sabab bo'lganini aytib, uni Kongressdan haydashga intildi. Sakaba Cochabamba yaqinida. U Moralesning aybdorligi to'g'risida hech qanday dalil keltira olmadi. 140 deputat Moralesning haydab chiqarilishi uchun ovoz berdi, bu 2002 yilda sodir bo'ldi. Morales "bu Aymara va Kechasga qarshi sud jarayoni" ekanligini aytdi. [71] MAS faollari buni siyosiy sinfning psevdo-demokratik ishonchlari dalili sifatida izohladilar.[72]
AAS tobora ommalashib bormoqda norozilik partiyasi asosan qishloq va kambag'al shaharlarda yashovchi Boliviyaliklar orasida mavjud bo'lgan asosiy siyosiy partiyalardan keng tarqalgan norozilikka tayanib.[73] Morales buni tan oldi va nutqining ko'p qismi MASni an'anaviy siyosiy sinfdan farqlashga qaratdi.[74] Ularning kampaniyasi muvaffaqiyatli o'tdi 2002 yilgi prezident saylovi MAS milliy ovozlarning 20,94% ini qo'lga kiritdi va Boliviyaning ikkinchi yirik partiyasiga aylandi va g'olib bo'lgan MNRdan atigi 1,5% orqada qoldi, uning nomzodi, Gonsalo Sanches de Lozada, prezident bo'ldi.[75] Ular Senatda 8 ta va Deputatlar palatasida 27 ta o'ringa ega bo'lishdi.[76] Endi siyosiy muxolifat, Morales alternativalarni belgilashdan ko'ra hukumat siyosatini tanqid qilishga e'tibor qaratdi. U Lozada bilan bir nechta konstruktiv bo'lmagan uchrashuvlar o'tkazgan, ammo Venesuela bilan uchrashgan Ugo Chaves birinchi marta.[77]
Boliviyaning AQShdagi elchixonasi Moralesni tanqid ostiga oldi; saylov oldidan AQShning Boliviyadagi elchisi Manuel Rocha MAS saylovda g'alaba qozongan taqdirda AQShning Boliviyaga ko'rsatadigan yordami qisqartirilishini e'lon qilgan bayonot berdi. Biroq, saylov uchastkalari Rochaning izohlari Moralesni qo'llab-quvvatlashni kuchaytirishga xizmat qilganini aniqladi.[78] Saylovdan so'ng AQSh elchixonasi ushbu tanqidiy pozitsiyani saqlab qoldi, Moralesni jinoyatchi sifatida tavsifladi va Boliviyaning an'anaviy partiyalarini MASga qarshi keng bitim imzolashga undadi; Moralesning o'zi AQSh deb da'vo qila boshladi. Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi unga suiqasd qilishni rejalashtirayotgan edi.[79]
Mashhurlikka ko'tarilish: 2003-05
2003 yilda Boliviya gazidagi ziddiyat faollar, shu jumladan koka ishlab chiqaruvchilar - mamlakatdagi tabiiy gaz ta'minotining xususiylashtirilishi va uni AQSh kompaniyalariga bozor narxidan pastroqqa sotilishiga qarshi norozilik namoyishi paytida boshlandi. Faollar La-Pasga olib boradigan yo'lni to'sib qo'yishdi, natijada politsiya bilan to'qnashuvlar bo'ldi. 80 kishi halok bo'ldi va 411 kishi yaralandi, ular orasida ofitserlar, faollar va tinch aholi, jumladan bolalar.[80] Morales mojaroda faol rol o'ynamadi, aksincha Liviya va Shveytsariyaga sayohat qildi, u erda qo'zg'olonni "davom etayotgan tinch inqilob" deb ta'rifladi.[81] Hukumat Morales va MASni uyushtirilgan jinoyatchilik yordamida Boliviya parlament demokratiyasini ag'darish uchun namoyishlarda foydalanganlikda aybladi, FARC, va o'ta chap Venesuela, Kuba va Liviya hukumatlari.[82]
Morales prezident Sanches de Lozadani o'lim soni bo'yicha iste'foga chiqishga chaqirdi, MAS, boshqa faol guruhlar va o'rta sinflar tomonidan keng qo'llab-quvvatlandi; bosim kuchayishi bilan Sanches iste'foga chiqdi va qochib ketdi Mayami, Florida.[83] Uning o'rnini egalladi Karlos Mesa AQSh va kokalero talablari o'rtasida muvozanatni o'rnatishga harakat qilgan, ammo Morales unga ishonmagan.[84] Noyabr oyida Morales Kuba prezidenti bilan 24 soat vaqt o'tkazdi Fidel Kastro yilda Gavana,[85] va keyin Argentina prezidenti bilan uchrashdi Nestor Kirchner.[86] 2004 yildagi munitsipalitet saylovlarida MAS Boliviyadagi barcha maslahatchilarning 28,6 foizini tashkil qilgan holda mamlakatning eng yirik milliy partiyasiga aylandi. Biroq, ular biron bir yirik shaharlarda merlikni qo'lga kirita olmadilar, bu ularning shahar o'rta sinflari orasida keng qo'llab-quvvatlana olmasliklarini ko'rsatdi.[87] Boliviyaning boy odamlarida Santa-Kruz mintaqa, Pro Santa Cruz qo'mitasi rahbarligida muxtoriyat uchun kuchli harakat rivojlangan (Comite Pro Santa Cruz). Neoliberal iqtisodiyot uchun qulay bo'lgan va kokalerosni qattiq tanqid qilganlar, agar MAS hokimiyatni qo'lga kiritishi kerak bo'lsa, ular Boliviyadan ajralib chiqish uchun qurolli qo'zg'olon deb hisobladilar.[88]
2005 yil mart oyida Mesa Moralesning bosimini va kokalero yo'llari to'siqlarini va tartibsizlikni keltirib, iste'foga chiqdi.[89] Fuqarolar urushidan qo'rqib,[90] Eduardo Rodriges a prezidenti bo'ldi o'tish davri hukumati, Boliviyani a .ga tayyorlash 2005 yil dekabrda bo'lib o'tgan umumiy saylovlar.[91] Perulik Valter Chavesni o'zining saylov kampaniyasining menejeri sifatida yollash, MAS saylov kampaniyasi asos bo'ldi Salvador Allende muvaffaqiyatli kampaniyasi 1970 yil Chili prezidenti saylovi.[92] Partiya tuzilmasini institutsionalizatsiya qilish, unga ijtimoiy harakatdan katta mustaqillik berish choralari amalga oshirildi; bu Morales va boshqa MAS rahbarlariga bazalarga murojaat qilishning uzoq jarayonisiz yangi ishlanmalarga tezkorlik bilan javob berishlari va bazalar radikalizmidan uzoqroq mo''tadil tasvirni taqdim etishlari uchun qilingan.[93] Dastlab u ayol ayoldan umidvor bo'lgan bo'lsa-da, Morales oxir-oqibat marksistik intellektualni tanladi Alvaro García Linera uning vitse-prezidentligiga nomzod sifatida,[94] Boliviya matbuoti ikkalasi o'rtasidagi romantik munosabatlar haqida taxmin qilmoqda.[95] MASning asosiy raqibi bo'ldi Xorxe Quiroga va uning o'ng tomoni Ijtimoiy va demokratik hokimiyat kampaniyasi Santa-Kruzda bo'lib, neo-liberal islohotlarni davom ettirish tarafdori; Quiroga Moralesni giyohni legallashtirishni targ'ib qilishda va a qo'g'irchoq Venesuela uchun.[96]
Saylovda 84,5% ishtirok etgan saylovda Morales 53,7% ovoz to'plagan, Quiroga 28,6% bilan ikkinchi o'rinni egallagan; Morales an bilan birinchi g'alaba bo'ldi mutlaq ko'pchilik Boliviyada 40 yil davomida.[97] Uning Lotin Amerikasida 1998 yildan beri saylangan o'zini o'zi ta'riflagan oltinchi prezident ekanligini hisobga olsak, uning g'alabasi kengroq mintaqaviy qism sifatida aniqlandi pushti oqim.[98] Bo'lmoq saylangan prezident, Morales Boliviyaning birinchi mahalliy etakchisi deb ta'riflangan edi, o'sha paytda aholining 62% atrofida mahalliy aholi deb topilgan edi; siyosiy tahlilchilar shu sababli saylovlari bilan taqqoslashdi Nelson Mandela uchun 1994 yilda Janubiy Afrika prezidentligi.[99] Bu Amerikadagi tub aholi, xususan Boliviya aholisi orasida keng hayajonga sabab bo'ldi.[100] Uning saylanishi mamlakatdagi boylar va mulkdorlar sinflari orasida tashvish tug'dirdi, ular o'z mulklarini davlat ekspurizatsiyasi va millatlashtirishdan qo'rqishgan, shuningdek, bu o'ta o'ng guruhlar, bu uning paydo bo'lishiga olib keladi. irq urushi.[100] U Kastro bilan vaqt o'tkazish uchun Kubaga, Venesuelaga borishdan oldin, keyin Evropa, Xitoy va Janubiy Afrikaga gastrol safariga borgan; sezilarli darajada u AQShdan qochgan[101] 2006 yil yanvar oyida Morales mahalliy ma'naviy marosimda qatnashdi Tiwanaku u toj kiygan joyda Apu Mallku (Oliy Rahbar) Lotin Amerikasi bo'ylab mahalliy xalqlardan sovg'alar olgan Aymaradan. U ma'budaga minnatdorchilik bildirdi Pachamama g'alabasi uchun va "Xalq birligi bilan biz mustamlaka davlatiga va neo-liberal modelga barham beramiz" deb e'lon qildi.[102]
Prezident (2006–2019)
Birinchi prezidentlik muddati: 2006–09
- Evo Morales, ochilish nutqi, 2006 yil 22-yanvar.[103]
Moralesning inauguratsiyasi 22 yanvar kuni La-Pasda bo'lib o'tdi. Unda turli davlatlar rahbarlari, jumladan Argentinaning Kirchner, Venesuelaning Chaves, Braziliyaning Lula da Silva, va Chili Rikardo Lagos.[104] Morales modelyer tomonidan ishlab chiqilgan andeans kostyumini kiyib olgan Beatriz Canedo Patiño,[105] va kurashda halok bo'lgan kokalerolar va mahalliy faollarni bir daqiqalik sukut bilan yodga olgan nutq so'zladi.[104] U Boliviyaning sobiq "mustamlakachilik" rejimlarini ularga o'xshatib qoraladi Aparteid ostida Janubiy Afrika va MASning saylanishi mamlakatni "isloh qilish" ga olib kelishini aytib, bu atama MAS doimiy ravishda "inqilob" dan foydalangan.[106] Morales Ta'sis Majlisini chaqirganida bu fikrlarni takrorladi.[107]
Xizmatga kirishishda Morales millatchilik, anti-imperializm va neoliberalizmni ta'kidladi, ammo dastlab uning ma'muriyatini sotsialistik deb atamadi.[108] U darhol o'z prezidentlik maoshlarini va vazirlarning oylik maoshini 57 foizga kamaytirdi va oyiga 1875 dollarni tashkil etdi, shuningdek, Kongress a'zolarini ham shunga chaqirdi.[109][110][111] Morales deyarli tajribasizlarni yig'di kabinet mahalliy faollar va chap tarafdagi ziyolilardan tashkil topgan,[112] garchi hukumatning dastlabki uch yilida kabinetda tez almashinish yuz bergan bo'lsa-da, Morales ko'plab mahalliy a'zolarni o'rgatilgan o'rta sinf chap siyosatchilar bilan almashtirdi.[113] 2012 yilga kelib vazirlar mahkamasining 20 a'zosidan atigi 3 nafari mahalliy aholi deb topildi.[114]
Iqtisodiy dastur
Morales saylangan paytda Boliviya Janubiy Amerikaning eng qashshoq davlati edi.[115] Morales hukumati Boliviyaning iqtisodiy tuzilishini tubdan o'zgartirishni boshlamadi,[116] va ularning 2006–10 yillarga mo'ljallangan Milliy Rivojlanish Rejasi (PDN) asosan mamlakatning avvalgi liberal iqtisodiy modeliga amal qildi.[117] Boliviya iqtisodiyoti asosan qazib olishga asoslangan edi Tabiiy boyliklar, Janubiy Amerikaning ikkinchi yirik tabiiy gaz zaxirasiga ega mamlakat.[118] O'zining saylov va'dasiga sodiq qolgan Morales davlat ustidan tobora kuchayib borayotgan nazoratni o'z zimmasiga oldi uglevodorod 2870 Oliy Farmoni bilan sanoat; ilgari korporatsiyalar o'z foydalarining 18 foizini davlatga to'lagan, ammo Morales buni ramziy ma'noda o'zgartirib yuborgan, shuning uchun foydaning 82 foizi davlatga, 18 foizi kompaniyalarga tushgan. Neft kompaniyalari xalqaro sudga murojaat qilish yoki Boliviyada ishlashni to'xtatish bilan tahdid qilishdi, ammo oxir-oqibat o'zlariga qaytishdi. Natijada, Boliviyaning uglevodorod qazib olishdan daromadi 2002 yildagi 173 million dollardan 2006 yilga kelib 1,3 milliard dollarga ko'tarildi.[119] Garchi texnik jihatdan milliylashtirish shakli bo'lmasa-da, Morales va uning hukumati buni shunday deb atashgan, natijada Boliviya so'lining sektorlari tanqid qilishgan.[120] 2006 yil iyun oyida Morales tog'-kon, elektr energiyasi, telefon va temir yo'llarni milliylashtirish rejasini e'lon qildi. 2007 yil fevral oyida hukumat Vinto metallurgiya zavodi va kompensatsiya berishdan bosh tortdi Glencore, hukumat shartnomani noqonuniy ravishda qo'lga kiritgan deb aytdi.[121] FSTMB konchilar federatsiyasi hukumatni konlarni milliylashtirishni talab qilgan bo'lsa-da, hukumat buni amalga oshirmadi, aksincha Boliviyada qonuniy ravishda faoliyat yuritayotgan har qanday transmilliy korporatsiyalar ekspurpatsiya qilinmaydi.[122]
Morales davrida Boliviya misli ko'rilmagan iqtisodiy qudratni boshdan kechirdi, natijada uning valyutasi qiymati oshdi boliviano.[123] Moralesning birinchi yillik faoliyati yo'q bilan yakunlandi moliya defitsiti, bu Boliviyada 30 yil davomida birinchi marta sodir bo'lgan.[124] Global davrda 2007–08 yillardagi moliyaviy inqiroz Boliviya dunyodagi iqtisodiy o'sishning eng yuqori darajalaridan birini saqlab qoldi.[125] Bunday iqtisodiy kuch qurilishning butun mamlakat bo'ylab rivojlanishiga olib keldi,[123] va davlatga kuchli moliyaviy zaxiralarni yaratishga imkon berdi.[123] Ijtimoiy xarajatlar darajasi oshirilgan bo'lsa-da, u nisbatan past bo'lib qoldi, ustuvor yo'nalish - asfaltlangan yo'llar va futbol maydonlari va kasaba uyushmalari binolari kabi jamoat joylarini qurish.[126] Xususan, hukumat qishloq infratuzilmasini yaxshilash, yo'llar, suv oqimi va elektr energiyasini etishmayotgan joylarga etkazishga e'tibor qaratdi.[127]
Hukumatning bildirgan maqsadi Boliviyaning eng o'tkir qashshoqlik darajasini 35% dan 27% gacha kamaytirish va besh yil davomida o'rtacha qashshoqlik darajasini 58,9% dan 49% gacha kamaytirish edi.[128]Ijtimoiy davlat kengaytirildi, chunki bolalari sog'lig'i tekshirilishi uchun olinishi va bolalari maktabga borishi sharti bilan onalarga nafaqa va nafaqa to'lamaydigan pensiyalar va onalarga to'lovlar belgilandi. Shuningdek, yuzlab bepul traktorlar tarqatildi. Gaz va ko'plab oziq-ovqat mahsulotlarining narxi nazorat qilinib, mahalliy oziq-ovqat ishlab chiqaruvchilari eksportga emas, balki mahalliy bozorda sotishga majbur bo'ldilar. Shuningdek, oziq-ovqat mahsulotlarini imtiyozli narxlarda tarqatadigan yangi davlat organi tashkil etildi. Ushbu chora-tadbirlarning barchasi inflyatsiyani jilovlashga yordam berdi, shu bilan birga iqtisodiyot o'sib bordi (qisman davlat xarajatlari o'sishi hisobiga) va iqtisodiy barqarorlikni ta'minlagan kuchli davlat moliyalari bilan birga.[129]
Moralesning birinchi davri mobaynida Boliviya hukmronligidan xalos bo'ldi Jahon banki va Xalqaro valyuta fondi (IMF) avvalgi tuzumlarni moliyaviy yordamdan va ularga bog'liq bo'lgan qoidalardan voz kechish bilan tavsiflagan.[tushuntirish kerak ][130] 2007 yil may oyida u dunyodan birinchi bo'lib chiqib ketdi Investitsiya bilan bog'liq nizolarni hal qilish bo'yicha xalqaro markaz Morales, muassasa o'z qarorlarida doimiy ravishda transmilliy korporatsiyalarga ustunlik berganligini ta'kidladi. Boliviya etakchiligiga boshqa Lotin Amerikasi davlatlari ergashdi.[131] Boliviya AQSh tomonidan undayotganiga qaramay, unga qo'shilishdan bosh tortdi Amerika qit'asining erkin savdo zonasi, buni AQSh imperializmining bir shakli deb hisoblaydi.[132]
Morales ma'muriyati duch kelgan asosiy ikkilamchi, ijtimoiy dasturlarni moliyalashtirish va ish bilan ta'minlash hamda mamlakat atrof-muhitini ushbu tarmoqlar ifloslanishidan himoya qilish uchun qazib olish sanoatini kengaytirish istagi o'rtasida edi.[133] Although his government professed an environmentalist ethos, expanding environmental monitoring and becoming a leader in the voluntary O'rmonlarni boshqarish kengashi, Bolivia continued to witness rapid deforestation for agriculture and illegal logging.[134]Economists on both the left and right expressed concern over the government's lack of economic diversification.[125]Many Bolivians opined that Morales's government had failed to bring about sufficient job creation.[116]
ALBA and international appearances
Morales's administration sought strong links with the far-left governments of Cuba and Venezuela.[135] In April 2005 Morales traveled to Gavana for knee surgery, there meeting with the two nations' presidents, Castro and Chávez.[136] In April 2006, Bolivia agreed to join Cuba and Venezuela in founding the Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas (ALBA), with Morales attending ALBA's conference in May, at which they initiated with a Peoples' Trade Agreement (PTA).[137] Meanwhile, his administration became "the least US-friendly government in Bolivian history".[138] In September Morales visited the U.S. for the first time to attend the BMT Bosh assambleyasi, where he gave a speech condemning U.S. President Jorj V.Bush as a terrorist for launching the Afg'onistondagi urush va Iroq urushi, and called for the BMTning bosh qarorgohi to be moved out of the country. In the U.S., he met with former presidents Bill Klinton va Jimmi Karter va bilan Mahalliy amerikalik guruhlar.[139] Relations were further strained between the two nations when in December Morales issued a Supreme Decree requiring all U.S. citizens visiting Bolivia to have a visa.[140] His government also refused to grant legal immunity to U.S. soldiers in Bolivia; hence the U.S. cut back their military support to the country by 96%.[132]
In December 2006, he attended the first South-South conference yilda Abuja, Nigeria, there meeting Libyan leader Muammar Qaddafiy, whose government had recently awarded Morales the Inson huquqlari uchun Al-Kaddafiy xalqaro mukofoti.[141] Morales proceeded straight to Havana for a conference celebrating Castro's life, where he gave a speech arguing for stronger links between Latin America and the Middle East to combat U.S. imperialism.[142] Under his administration, diplomatic relations were established with Iran, with Morales praising Eron prezidenti Mahmud Ahmadinajod as a revolutionary comrade.[143] In April 2007 he attended the first Janubiy Amerika energetika sammiti in Venezuela, arguing with many allies over the issue of bioyoqilg'i, u unga qarshi chiqdi.[144] He had a particularly fierce argument with Brazilian President Lula over Morales's desire to bring Bolivia's refineries – which were largely owned by Brazil's Petrobras – under state control. In May, Bolivia purchased the refineries and transferred them to the Bolivian State Petroleum Company (YPFB).[145]
Ijtimoiy islohot
Morales's government sought to encourage a model of development based upon the premise of vivir bien, or "to live well".[115] This entailed seeking social harmony, consensus, the elimination of discrimination, and wealth redistribution; in doing so, it was rooted in communal rather than individual values and owed more to indigenous Andean forms of social organization than Western ones.[115]
Upon Morales's election, Bolivia's illiteracy rate was at 16%, the highest in South America.[146] Attempting to rectify this with the aid of far left allies, Bolivia launched a literacy campaign with Cuban assistance, and Venezuela invited 5000 Bolivian high school graduates to study in Venezuela for free.[147] 2009 yilga kelib, YuNESKO declared Bolivia free from illiteracy.[148] The World Bank stated that illiteracy had declined by 5%.[149] Cuba also aided Bolivia in the development of its medical care, opening ophthalmological centers in the country to treat 100,000 Bolivians for free per year, and offering 5000 free scholarships for Bolivian students to study medicine in Cuba.[150] The government sought to expand state medical facilities, opening twenty hospitals by 2014, and increasing basic medical coverage up to the age of 25.[151] Their approach sought to utilize and harmonize both mainstream Western medicine and Bolivia's an'anaviy tibbiyot.[152]
The 2006 Bono Juancito Pinto program provided US$29 per year to parents who kept their children in public school with an attendance rate above 80%.[153][154][155] 2008's Renta Dignidad initiative expanded the previous Bonosol social security for seniors program, increasing payments to $344 per year, and lowering the eligibility age from 65 to 60.[156][157][158] 2009's Bono Juana Azurduy program expanded a previous public maternity insurance, giving cash to low-income mothers who proved that they and their baby had received pre- and post-natal medical care, and gave birth in an authorized medical facility.[159][160] Conservative critics of Morales's government said that these measures were designed to buy off the poor and ensure continued support for the government, particularly the Bono Juancito Pinto which is distributed very close to election day.[161][162]
Morales announced that one of the top priorities of his government was to eliminate racism against the country's indigenous population.[163] To do this, he announced that all civil servants were required to learn one of Bolivia's three indigenous languages, Quechua, Aymara, or Guaraní, within two years.[164] His government encouraged the development of indigenous cultural projects,[165] and sought to encourage more indigenous people to attend university; by 2008, it was estimated that half of the students enrolled in Bolivia's 11 public universities were indigenous,[166] while three indigenous-specific universities had been established, offering subsidized education.[167] In 2009, a Vice Ministry for Decolonization was established, which proceeded to pass the 2010 Law against Racism and Discrimination banning the espousal of racist views in private or public institutions.[168]Various commentators noted that there was a renewed sense of pride among the country's indigenous population following Morales's election.[169] Conversely, the opposition accused Morales's administration of aggravating racial tensions between indigenous, white, and mestizo populations,[170] and of using the Racism and Discrimination law to attack freedom of the press.[171][172][173]
Yoqilgan Xalqaro ishchilar kuni 2006, Morales issued a presidential decree undoing aspects of the informalization of labor which had been implemented by previous neoliberal governments; this was seen as a highly symbolic act for mehnat huquqlari Boliviyada.[174] In 2009 his government put forward suggested reforms to the 1939 labor laws, although lengthy discussions with trade unions hampered the reforms' progress.[175] Morales's government increased the legal minimum wage by 50%,[176] and reduced the pension age from 65 to 60, and then in 2010 reduced it again to 58.[177]
While policies were brought in to improve the living conditions of the working classes, conversely many middle-class Bolivians felt that they had seen their social standing decline,[178] with Morales personally mistrusting the middle-classes, deeming them fickle.[179] A 2006 law reallocated state-owned lands,[180] with this agrarian reform entailing distributing land to traditional communities rather than individuals.[181] In 2010, a law was introduced permitting the formation of recognized indigenous territories, although the implementation of this was hampered by bureaucracy and contesting claims over ownership.[182] Morales's government also sought to improve women's rights in Bolivia.[183] In 2010, it founded a Unit of Depatriarchalization to oversee this process.[113] Further seeking to provide legal recognition and support to LGBT huquqlari, it declared 28 June to be Sexual Minority Rights Day in the country,[184] and encouraged the establishment of a gay-themed television show on the state channel.[185]
Adopting a policy known as "Coca Yes, Cocaine No",[186] Morales's administration ensured the legality of coca growing, and introduced measures to regulate the production and trade of the crop.[187] In 2007, they announced that they would permit the growing of 50,000 acres of coca in the country, primarily for the purposes of domestic consumption,[188] with each family being restricted to the growing of one kato (1600 meters squared) of coca.[189]
A social control program was implemented whereby local unions took on responsibility for ensuring that this quota was not exceeded; in doing so, they hoped to remove the need for military and police intervention, and thus stem the violence of previous decades.[190] Measures were implemented to ensure the industrialization of coca production, with Morales inaugurating the first coca industrialization plant in Chulumani, which produced and packaged coca and trimate tea; the project was primarily funded through a $125,000 donation from Venezuela under the PTA scheme.[187]
These industrialization measures proved largely unsuccessful given that coca remained illegal in most nations outside Bolivia, thus depriving the growers of an international market.[191] Campaigning against this, in 2012 Bolivia withdrew from the UN 1961 Convention which had called for global criminalisation of coca, and in 2013 successfully convinced the UN Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs to declassify coca as a narcotic.[192] The U.S. State Department criticized Bolivia, saying that it was regressing in its counter-narcotics efforts, and dramatically reduced aid to Bolivia to $34 million to fight the narcotics trade in 2007.[193] Nevertheless, the number of cocaine seizures in Bolivia increased under Morales's government,[194] as they sought to encourage coca growers to report and oppose cocaine producers and traffickers.[195] High levels of police corruption surrounding the illicit trade in cocaine remained a continuing problem for Bolivia.[196]
Morales's government also introduced measures to tackle Bolivia's endemic corruption; in 2007, Morales issued a presidential decree to create the Ministry of Institutional Transparency and Fight Against Corruption.[197] Critics said that MAS members were rarely prosecuted for the crime, the main exception being YPFB head Santos Ramírez, who was sentenced to twelve years imprisonment for corruption in 2008. A 2009 law that permitted the retroactive prosecution for corruption led to legal cases being brought against a number of opposition politicians for alleged corruption in the pre-Morales period and many fled abroad to avoid standing trial.[198]
Domestic unrest and the new constitution
During his presidential campaign, Morales had supported calls for regional autonomy for Bolivia's departments. As president, he changed his position, viewing the calls for autonomy – which came from Bolivia's four eastern departments of Santa Cruz, Beni, Pando va Tarija – as an attempt by the wealthy bourgeoisie living in these regions to preserve their economic position.[199] He nevertheless agreed to a referendum on regional autonomy, held in July 2006; the four eastern departments voted in favor of autonomy, but Bolivia as a whole voted against it by 57.6%.[200] In September, autonomy activists launched strikes and blockades across eastern Bolivia, resulting in violent clashes with MAS activists.[201] In January 2007, clashes in Cochabamba between activist groups led to fatalities, with Morales's government sending in troops to maintain the peace. The left-indigenous activists formed a Revolutionary Departmental Government, but Morales denounced it as illegal and continued to recognize the legitimacy of right-wing departmental head Manfred Reyes Villa.[202]
In July 2006, an election to form a Constitutional Assembly was held, which saw the highest ever electoral turnout in the nation's history. MAS won 137 of its 255 seats, after which the Assembly was inaugurated in August.[203] The Assembly was the first elected parliamentary body in Bolivia which features strong campesino and indigenous representation.[204] In November, the Assembly approved yangi konstitutsiya, which converted the Republic of Bolivia into the Plurinational State of Bolivia, describing it as a "plurinational communal and social unified state". The constitution emphasized Bolivian sovereignty of natural resources, separated church and state, forbade foreign military bases in the country, implemented a two-term limit for the presidency, and permitted limited regional autonomy. It also enshrined every Bolivians' right to water, food, free health care, education, and housing.[205] In enshrining the concept of plurinationalism, one commentator noted that it suggested "a profound reconfiguration of the state itself" by recognising the rights to self-determination of various nations within a single state.[206]
In May 2008, the eastern departments pushed for greater autonomy, but Morales's government rejected the legitimacy of their position.[207] Ular a referendum on recalling Morales, which saw an 83% turnout and in which Morales was ratified with 67.4% of the vote.[208] Unified as the National Council for Democracy (CONALDE), these groups – financed by the wealthy agro-industrialist, petroleum, and financial elite – embarked on a series of destabilisation campaigns to unseat Morales's government.[209]Unrest then broke out across eastern Bolivia, as radicalized autonomist activists established blockades, occupied airports, clashing with pro-government demonstrations, police, and armed forces. Some formed paramilitaries, bombing state companies, indigenous NGOs, and human rights organisations, also launching armed racist attacks on indigenous communities, culminating in the Pando Massacre of MAS activists.[210] The autonomists gained support from some high-ranking politicians; Santa Cruz Governor Rubén Costas lambasted Morales and his supporters with racist epithets, accusing the president of being an Aymara fundamentalist and a totalitar dictator responsible for davlat terrorizmi.[211] Amid the unrest, foreign commentators began speculating on the possibility of civil war.[212]
After it was revealed that USAID "s Office of Transition Initiatives had supplied $4.5 million to the pro-autonomist departmental governments of the eastern provinces, in September 2008 Morales accused the U.S. ambassador to Bolivia, Filipp Goldberg, of "conspiring against democracy" and encouraging the civil unrest, ordering him to leave the country.[213][214] The U.S. government responded by expelling Bolivian ambassador to the U.S., Gustavo Guzman.[215] Bolivia subsequently expelled the U.S. Giyohvand moddalarga qarshi kurash boshqarmasi (DEA) from the country, while the U.S. responded by withdrawing their Tinchlik korpusi.[216] Chávez stood in solidarity with Bolivia by ordering the U.S. ambassador Patrik Duddi out of his country and withdrawing the Venezuelan ambassador to the U.S.[217] The Janubiy Amerika millatlari ittifoqi (UNASUR) convened a special meeting to discuss the Bolivian situation, expressing full support for Morales's government.[218]
Although unable to quell the autonomist violence, Morales' government refused to declare a favqulodda holat, believing that the autonomists were attempting to provoke them into doing so.[219]Instead, they decided to compromise, entering into talks with the parliamentary opposition. As a result, 100 of the 411 elements of the Constitution were changed, with both sides compromising on certain issues.[220] Nevertheless, the governors of the eastern provinces rejected the changes, believing it gave them insufficient autonomy, while various Indianist and leftist members of MAS felt that the amendments conceded too much to the political right.[221] The constitution was put to a referendum in January 2009, in which it was approved by 61.4% of voters.[222]
Following the approval of the new Constitution, the 2009 yilgi umumiy saylov deb nomlangan. The opposition sought to delay the election by demanding a new biometric registry system, hoping that it would give them time to form a united front against MAS.[223] Many MAS activists reacted violently against the demands, and attempting to prevent this. Morales went on a five-day hunger strike in April 2009 to push the opposition to rescind their demands. He also agreed to allow for the introduction of a new voter registry, but said that it was rushed through so as not to delay the election.[224] Morales and the MAS won with a landslide majority, polling 64.2%, while voter participation had reached an all-time high of 90%.[225] His primary opponent, Reyes Villa, gained 27% of the vote. The MAS won a two-thirds majority in both the Deputatlar palatasi va Senat.[226] Morales notably increased his support in the east of the country, with MAS gaining a majority in Tarija.[227]In response to his victory, Morales proclaimed that he was "obligated to accelerate the pace of change and deepen socialism" in Bolivia, seeing his re-election as a mandate to further his reforms.[228]
Second presidential term: 2009–2014
During his second term, Morales began to speak openly of "communitarian socialism" as the ideology that he desired for Bolivia's future.[229] He assembled a new cabinet which was 50% female, a first for Bolivia,[230] although by 2012, that had dropped to a third.[183] One of the main tasks that faced his government during this term was the aim of introducing legislation that would cement the extension of rights featured in the new constitution.[231] In April 2010, the departmental elections saw further gains for MAS.[232] In 2013, the government passed a law to combat domestic violence against women.[233]
In December 2009, Morales attended the 2009 yil Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining iqlim o'zgarishi bo'yicha konferentsiyasi in Copenhagen, Denmark, where he blamed climate change on capitalism and called for a financial transactions tax to fund climate change mitigation. Ultimately deeming the conference to have been a failure, he oversaw the World's People Conference on Climate Change and the Rights of Mother Earth outside of Cochabamba in April 2010.[234]
Following the victories of Barak Obama va Demokratik partiya ichida 2008 yil AQSh prezident saylovi, relations between Bolivia and the U.S. improved slightly, and in November 2009 the countries entered negotiations to restore diplomatic relations.[235] After the U.S. backed the 2011 yil Liviyadagi harbiy aralashuv tomonidan NATO forces, Morales condemned Obama, calling for his Tinchlik bo'yicha Nobel mukofoti bekor qilinmoq.[236] The two nations restored diplomatic relations in November 2011,[237] although Morales refused to allow the DEA back into the country.[238]
In October 2012, the government passed a Law of Mother Earth that banned genetik jihatdan o'zgartirilgan organizmlar (GMOs) being grown in Bolivia. This was praised by environmentalists and criticized by the nation's soya growers, who said that it would make them less competitive on the global market.[239]
In July 2013, Morales attended a summit in Moscow where he said he was open to offering political asylum to Edvard Snouden, who was staying in the Moscow airport at the time. On 2 July 2013, while travelling back to Bolivia from the summit, his presidential plane was quruqlikka majbur in Austria when Portuguese, French, Spanish and Italian authorities denied it access to their airspace.[240][241] Bolivian Foreign Minister David Choquehuanca said the European states had acted on "unfounded suspicions that Mr. Snowden was on the plane".[241] The Organisation of American States condemned "actions that violate the basic rules and principles of international law such as the inviolability of Heads of State", and demanded that the European governments explain their actions and apologise. An emergency meeting of the Janubiy Amerika millatlari ittifoqi denounced "the flagrant violation of international treaties" by European powers.[241][242] Latin American leaders describe the incident as a "stunning violation of national sovereignty and disrespect for the region".[243] Morales himself described the incident as a "hostage" situation.[244] France apologised for the incident the next day.[245] Snowden said that the forced grounding of Morales plane may have prompted Russia to allow him to leave the Moscow airport.[246]
In 2014, Morales became the oldest active professional soccer player in the world after signing a contract for $200 a month with Sport Boys Warnes.[247]
On 31 July 2014, Morales condemned the 2014 yil Isroil - G'azo mojarosi and declared Israel a "terrorist state".[248]
Domestic protests
Morales's second term was heavily affected by infighting and dissent from within his support base, as indigenous and leftist activists rejected several government reforms.[249] In May 2010, his government announced a 5% rise in the minimum wage. The Bolivian Workers' Central (COB) felt this insufficient given the rising cost of living, calling a umumiy ish tashlash, while protesters clashed with police. The government refused to increase the rise, accusing protesters of being pawns of the right.[250] In August 2010, violent protests broke out in southern Potosi over widespread unemployment and a lack of infrastructure investment.[233] In December 2010, the government cut subsidies for gasoline and diesel fuels, which raised fuel prices and transport costs. Protests led Morales to nullify the decree, responding that he "ruled by obeying".[251] 2012 yil iyun oyida, Bolivia's police launched protests against anti-corruption reforms to the police service; they burned disciplinary case records and demanded salary increases. Morales's government relented, canceling many of the proposed reforms and agreeing to the wage rise.[252]
In 2011, the government announced it had signed a contract with a Brazilian company to construct a highway connecting Beni to Cochabamba, which would pass through the Isiboro Sécure milliy bog'i va mahalliy hudud (TIPNIS). This would better integrate the Beni and Pando departments with the rest of Bolivia and facilitate hydrocarbons exploration. The plan brought condemnation from environmentalists and indigenous communities living in the TIPNIS, who said that it would encourage deforestation and illegal settlement and that it violated the constitution and United Nations Mahalliy aholi huquqlari to'g'risidagi deklaratsiya.[253] The issue became an international cause célèbre and cast doubt on the government's environmentalist and indigenous rights credentials.[254] In August, 800 protesters embarked on norozilik marshi dan Trinidad to La Paz; many were injured in clashes with police and supporters of the road.[255] Two government ministers and other high-ranking officials resigned in protest and Morales's government relented, announcing suspension of the road.[255] In October 2011, he passed Law 180, prohibiting further road construction, although the government proceeded with a consultation, eventually gaining the consent of 55 of the 65 communities in TIPNIS to allow the highway to be built, albeit with a variety of concessions; construction was scheduled to take place after the 2014 general election.[255][256][257] In May 2013, the government announced that it would permit hydrocarbon exploration in Bolivia's 22 national parks, to widespread condemnation from environmentalists.[239]
Third presidential term: 2014–2019
In 2008, Morales stated that he would not stand for re-election in the 2014 yilgi umumiy saylovlar.[258] The 2009 Bolivian constitution places a term limit of two consecutive presidential terms.[259] However, a 2013 ruling by the Plurinational Konstitutsiyaviy sudi held that Morales' first term did not count towards the term limit, because it had taken place prior to the ratification of the 2009 constitution. The court ruling, which was criticized by opposition politicians, allowed Morales to run for a third term as president.[260] After standing for re-election and proclaiming victory, Morales declared it "a triumph of the anti-colonialists and anti-imperialists" and dedicated his win to both Castro and Chávez.[261][262][263]
On the basis of this victory, the Financial Times remarked that Morales was "one of the world's most popular leaders".[264] On 17 October 2015, Morales surpassed Andres de Santa Cruz 's nine years, eight months, and twenty-four days in office and became Bolivia's longest serving president.[265][266] Yozish Guardian, Ellie Mae O'Hagan attributes his enduring popularity not to anti-imperialist rhetoric but his "extraordinary socio-economic reforms," which resulted in poverty and extreme poverty declining by 25% and 43% respectively.[267]
In early February 2016 there were rumors that Morales had had a child with a young woman, Gabriela Zapata Montaño, and had granted favors to the Chinese company that she worked for.[268] Morales said that they had had a son who died in infancy, but that he had not granted any favors and had not been in contact with Zapata Montaño since 2007.[269] The commission that investigated the issue concluded that Morales was not at fault. Zapata Montaño was later sentenced to ten years in prison for illegal financial behavior.[270]
Morales attended the swearing-in ceremony of Venezuela's president Nikolas Maduro for his second term on January 10, 2019.[271] In April 2019, Morales condemned the arrest of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assanj.[272]
New presidential residence
Controversy arose when a new $34 million presidential skyscraper residence, the Casa Grande del Pueblo, was constructed in the historical Plazma Murillo.[273][274] The proposal was initially declined due to municipal height restrictions in the historical district, though Morales' parliamentary majority in the Plurinational qonunchilik assambleyasi overrode the ban, permitting the tower's construction.[273][274] The Casa Grande del Pueblo was inaugurated by Morales on 9 August 2018.[275]
The 29-story tower standing at 120 metres (390 ft) was the tallest building in the capital city of La Paz when completed.[276][277] It was designed by Bolivian architects and decorated with indigenous motifs representing traditional Bolivian culture.[273] The skyscraper was built to replace the former presidential palace, which Morales planned to turn into a museum.[278] The building features a helipad and the top two floors were reserved for the president, featuring a gym, spa, Jacuzzi and private elevator.[273][274] The presidential suite in total was 1,068 square metres (11,500 sq ft), with the bathroom and dressing room measuring at 47 square metres (510 sq ft) while the bedroom was 61 square metres (660 sq ft).[279] Ga binoan Diario Pagina Siete, Morales' bedroom was the same size as the average home provided by his government housing project.[279]
Many analysts and opposition politicians of Morales criticised the spending due to the high levels of poverty in Bolivia.[279] Milliy radio described the new residence as "a luxurious new skyscraper" and that critics contend that "Morales is acting more like an emperor than a president",[280] esa Reuters wrote that Morales "alienated those who once backed him, especially by building the ostentatious presidential palace".[281] Boliviya Kardinal Toribio Ticona Porco dubbed the tower "Evo Palace" and criticized the opulence invested into it.[274]
After signing the contract for the new building, Morales stated that it was "not a luxury" since it would also house cabinet meeting rooms, a center for indigenous ceremonies and a 1,000-seat auditorium as well as rooms for exclusive presidential use.[278] He also stated that the project would reduce government spending by $20 million per year as five other ministries would move into the building.[273] He said the Casa Grande del Pueblo was a break with the past and described the previous residence, the Palacio Quemado or "Burnt Palace", as a vestige of colonialism and a symbol of neoliberal governments that stripped the State of its wealth, its heritage and its memory.[275] Morales' communication minister Gísela López responded to criticism, stating that the tower was "a necessity for the people".[275]
2019 election controversy and resignation
Fon
Despite Morales' declaration in 2014 that he would not attempt to alter the constitution so that he could serve a fourth term,[282] in 2015 Morales began exploring legal efforts to make a fourth term possible.[283]
2016 referendum on term limits
Morales' party, the Sotsializm uchun harakat (MAS), sponsored an effort to amend the constitution by national vote. A referendum was authorized by a combined session of the Plurinational qonunchilik assambleyasi on 26 September 2015, by a vote of 112 to 41.[284][285] On 21 February 2016 the referendum was held on a constitutional amendment to allow presidents to serve three consecutive terms, which would have allowed Morales to run for a fourth term (third under the new constitution).[286][287][288] The proposed constitutional amendment narrowly lost.[289][290]
2017 Supreme Constitutional Tribunal ruling
Despite the referendum loss and Morales' earlier statement that he would not seek a fourth term if he lost the referendum,[291] in December 2016 MAS nominated Morales as their candidate for the 2019 yilgi prezident saylovlari, stating that they would seek various avenues to ensure the legality of Morales' candidacy.[292] In September 2017, MAS petitioned the Plurinational Constitutional Court to abolish term limits, based on the reasoning that term limits are a inson huquqlari ostida qoidabuzarliklar American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR), a binding multilateral treaty.[293] In November, the Court accepted the grounds of the petition. The ruling enabled Morales to submit his application as a presidential candidate to the Bolivian Electoral Tribunal, who then accepted his application and approved his candidacy.[294]
Critics said that both courts had been stacked with Morales loyalists, some of whom received favorable positions in the government following these decisions.[295][296]
In response to the decision by the Plurinational Constitutional Court, the Secretary General of the Amerika davlatlari tashkiloti, Luis Almagro, stated that the clause in the Inson huquqlari bo'yicha Amerika konventsiyasi cited by the Court "does not mean the right to perpetual power".[293] In 2019, Almagro publicly supported Morales' participation in the 2019 election, saying that "presidents [in other countries]...have taken part in electoral processes on the grounds of a court ruling".[297] Muxolifat lideri Samuel Doria Medina called the decision "a blow to the constitution".[293] The court of the ACHR in 2018 reviewed and upheld the legality of term limits, automatically triggering reinstatement of Bolivian term limit laws. The Bolivian Electoral Tribunal had already accepted Morales' application and declined to void his candidacy.
Between 28 and 30 September 2020, the Inter-American Court met in an advisory hearing to make a subsequent ruling on whether indefinite re-election as a human right was in compliance with the American Convention on Human Rights. At the virtual hearing, the IACHR argued against the ruling of the Bolivian Supreme court, saying "indefinite reelection is contrary to the American Convention due to its negative effects on representative democracy" and "States have the obligation to limit it (reelection). The alternation in power is the basis of representative democracy". Speaking at the hearing, former Bolivian President, Tuto Quiroga said that the primary objective of the Convention was to protect citizens, not be an instrument of "a tyrant".[298][299][300] None of those that submitted the appeal to the Plurinational Constitutional court appeared at the hearing to defend their position.[301]
2019 yilgi saylov
A umumiy saylov was held on 20 October 2019.From 21 October 2019 until late November, mass street protests and counterprotests occurred in Bolivia in response to claims of electoral fraud. The claims of fraud were made after the suspension of the preliminary vote count, in which incumbent Evo Morales was not leading by a large enough margin (10%) to avoid a runoff, and the subsequent publication of the official count, in which Morales won by just over 10%.[302]The final count released on 25 October 2019 gave Morales 47.08% of the votes, with 36.51% for runner-up Carlos Mesa.[303] A margin under 10% would have automatically triggered a runoff election between the top two candidates.[304]
Disputes about the results began on election night, when there was an unexplained 20 hour break in transmission of the results, leading to widespread protests across the country. Responding to concerns about vote tampering and violent protests, Morales asked the Amerika davlatlari tashkiloti (OAS) to conduct an audit of the vote count.[305] Morales said he would call for a second-round runoff vote with Mesa if the OAS' audit found evidence of fraud.[304]
Resignation, asylum, and return to Bolivia
Morales resigned as president on 10 November 2019 calling his removal "forced" and a "coup" but also saying that he wanted to stop the bloodshed.[306][307] He made the announcement from El Chapare, a coca-growing rural area of Cochabamba where he had sought refuge.[308] Mexico immediately offered him political asylum as "his life and safety are at risk" in Bolivia.[309] Armed intruders broke into Morales’ home in Cochabamba and he accused "coup plotters" of an arson attack on his sister's home and of putting a price of $50,000 (£38,000) on his head.[307][310] He said his fellow socialist leaders were being "harassed, persecuted and threatened".[307] He thanked the Mexican President Andres Manuel Lopes Obrador, whom he credited with saving his life.[307]
Morales left Cochabamba on 11 November in a Mexican government plane, which refuelled in Paraguay before flying to Mexico via Brazil and Peru.[307]
In December 2019, Morales moved from Mexico to Argentina, where he was also granted political asylum.[311] Later that month, an arrest warrant was issued for Morales by Bolivian prosecutors for alleged fitna va terrorizm. The interim government alleged that Morales promoted violent clashes in the country before and after he left office.[312][313] In February 2020, Morales announced that he would run for a seat in the Plurinational qonunchilik assambleyasi ichida 2020 yil Boliviyada umumiy saylovlar.[314] On 20 February however, the national electoral tribunal ruled that Morales was ineligible to run for Senate.[315] 2020 yil sentyabr oyida, Human Rights Watch tashkiloti reported that it had found no evidence that Morales committed acts of terrorism and described the charges against him as politically motivated.[316] In October 2020, the charges were dropped and the arrest warrant dismissed when a court in La Paz found Morales' rights had been violated and judicial procedures breached.[317]
Return to Bolivia
On 9 November 2020, Morales returned to Bolivia by crossing the La Quiaca River da Horacio Guzmán International Bridge ichida Argentina - Boliviya chegarasi dan chegara shaharcha ning La Quiaca to the border town of Villazon hamrohligida Argentinian president Alberto Fernandes, after 11 months in exile and one day after the new Bolivian President Luis Arce was sworn in to office.[318]
Re-evaluation of OAS Findings
In June 2020, a group of independent researchers in the United States published a report which stated that the OAS's conclusion about the voting trend indicating election fraud was false and based on statistical errors and incorrect data.[319] The researchers, made up of a group of political scientists and experts on Latin American politics, concluded that there was "no statistical evidence of fraud" during the 2019 elections. The New York Times subsequently publicized these findings.[320]This study was criticized by the Bolivian government, the OEA itself, and by independent press as a campaign of fake news against the transitional government as a way to exonerate ex-President Morales of any responsibility for the events.[321][322]
On 15 October 2020, a study by Gary A. Hoover from the Oklaxoma universiteti and Diego Escobari from the Texas universiteti found that there was evidence of a "statistically significant electoral case of fraud" that increased the votes of MAS and reduced the votes of the opposition.[323][324] In a survey conducted in June 2020 by the company IPSOS, for the Unión Nacional de Instituciones para el Trabajo de Acción Social (UNITAS), 73% of respondents agreed with the statement that there had been fraud in the October 2019 elections.[325]
Allegations of creating a Narco-state
Morales has faced criticism concerning his links with the coca farming Boliviyada va noqonuniy giyoh savdosi bozori bilan aloqadorlikda gumon qilinmoqda. Bular Moralesning "tobora kuchayib borayotgan giyohvand moddalar savdosi muammosiga ko'z yumish" dan tortib, uni osonlashtirayotganlikda ayblashgacha. giyohvandlik holati.[326][327][328][329][330] 2008 yilda, prezidentlikka birinchi muddatidan ikki yil o'tib, u bu lavozimidan chetlashtirildi Narkotik moddalarini nazorat qilish agentligi mamlakatdan.[331] Ular orasida Kolumbiya, Boliviya va Peru dunyodagi deyarli barcha kokain ishlab chiqaradi.[332] Koka ishlab chiqaruvchilar kasaba uyushmalari go'yoki xalqaro bozor uchun asosiy dori etkazib beruvchilardir.[333]
2003 yildan 2011 yilgacha noqonuniy ravishda koka etishtirish uchun foydalaniladigan maydon yil sayin ko'paygan, ammo 2015 yilda 20,400 gektar maydonda 12 yillik ko'rsatkichga erishishdan bosh tortgan. Keyingi yillarda, ammo noqonuniy koka ishlab chiqarilishi 2017 yilda 24,500 gektargacha o'sishda davom etdi.[334][335][336][337] 2017 yilda Morales Boliviyada koka etishtirish uchun belgilangan erlarning qonuniy miqdorini 12000 gektardan 22000 gektargacha oshiradigan qonunga imzo chekdi, shundan beri bu ko'rsatkich oshib ketdi.[338] Evropa Ittifoqi tomonidan 2014 yilda o'tkazilgan bir tadqiqotda 14,700 gektar maydonda faqat chaynash va choy damlash uchun foydalanilgan.[339] 2018 yildan 2019 yilgacha koka etishtirish uchun foydalaniladigan maydon 23100 gektardan 25.500 gacha o'sdi va 10.39% ga o'sdi, bu Evropa Ittifoqini tashvishga solmoqda.[340][341] Tijorat maqsadlarida ishlab chiqarilgan kokaning taxminiy tonnasi 2008 yildagi 19,334 tonnadan 2018 yilda 24,178 tonnaga o'sdi va umuman 31,85% ga o'sdi.[342] BMTning 2019 yilgi hisobotida aytilishicha, koka ishlab chiqarishning 94% Chapare, Boliviyaning eng yirik koka mintaqasi, belgilangan qonuniy bozor orqali o'tmadi Sakaba. Boliviya uchun umuman koka savdosining 65% hujjatsiz bo'lgan, bu 55000 tonna quruq koka barglarini tashkil etgan.[343] UNODC tomonidan 2019 yilgi hisobotda shuningdek, koka etishtirish uchun foydalaniladigan maydonning beshta qo'riqlanadigan hududda 171 foizgacha o'sishi haqida xabar berilgan.[344]
Kuzatuvchilar siyosiy arboblar orasida korruptsiya va giyohvand moddalar savdosi bilan bog'liq bo'lgan past darajadagi jinoiy harakatlar Boliviya davlatining kuch tuzilishini giyohvand moddalar karteliga o'xshashligini hisobga olgan holda Visente Pazos Kanki fondi tadqiqotchisi Diego Ayo bilan odatiy hol deb taxmin qilishdi.[345][346] 2012 yilda Braziliya jurnali Veja Evo Morales va uning o'sha paytdagi vaziri Xuan Ramon Kintanani Braziliyaga mo'ljallangan dorilarni ishlab chiqarish uchun xom ashyo bilan ta'minlashda aybladi.[347][348][349] O'sha yili senator Rojer Pinto shaxsiy xavfsizligiga hujum qilishdan qo'rqib, "korruptsiya dalillari va Prezident Evo Morales hukumatining eng yuqori darajalarida giyohvand moddalar savdosi bilan bog'liqligi" uchun Braziliyadan siyosiy boshpana so'ragan.[349] 2020 yil oktyabr oyida FELCN (Boliviya narkotiklarga qarshi kurash politsiyasi) va muvaqqat hukumat o'tgan yili 12 tonnadan ortiq kokain va 436 tonna marixuana musodara qilinganligini e'lon qilishdi. Shuningdek, FELCN 806 ta zavod va 26 ta kokain laboratoriyasini yo'q qildi va 453 ta transport vositasini, 111 ta bino va 20 ta engil samolyotni va naqd pullarni musodara qildi.[350]
Qonunda zo'rlash bo'yicha tergov
2020 yil 7 avgustda sobiq prezident Evo Moralesning voyaga etmagan bilan tushgan bir nechta fotosuratlari paydo bo'ldi va ijtimoiy tarmoqlarda tarqalishni boshladi. Jurnalist Alejandro Entreambasaguas va Boliviya rasmiylari Morales voyaga etmagan bilan 14 yoshdan beri munosabatda bo'lganligini aytdi.[351][352] Bir nechta yangiliklar tashkilotlari hozirgi ayblovlarni Morales ilgari ikki marta a bilan nafaqaga chiqqanligi haqidagi sharhlar bilan bog'laydi quinceañera (15 yosh) u endi prezident bo'lmaganida.[353][354][355][356][357] 2018 yilda Boliviyalik feminist va jurnalist, Mariya Galindo, o'sha paytdagi prezidentni tanqid qilib, "Prezident (Morales) o'zining jamoat harakatlaridan foydalanib, o'sha harakatlarga tashrif buyurgan voyaga etmaganlarni jinsiy aloqa qilish uchun ishlatganini tan oladi. Ammo siz o'zingizdan so'rashingiz kerak, nega u buni ochiqchasiga, televizion kanalda aytmasdan aytmoqda? har qanday bosim? ".[358]
Keyinchalik hukumat vazirligi Ispaniya gazetasini xabardor qildi Okdiario Boliviya prezidenti bo'lganida, yosh ayol va Morales o'rtasida romantik va jinsiy munosabatlar mavjudligini aniqlash uchun qonun bilan zo'rlash bo'yicha tergovni ochganligi. Morales Ispaniya gazetasiga telefon orqali bergan intervyusida ushbu holat yuzasidan izoh berishdan bosh tortdi.[359][360] 2020 yil 19 avgustda Boliviya prokuraturasi rasmiy tergovni boshladi.[361]
Keyinroq ayol 19 yoshli Noemi Meneses ekanligi aniqlanib, politsiyaga bayonot tarqatildi. Bayonotda u Morales bilan 2020 yil may oyidan beri ishqiy munosabatda bo'lganligi va u bilan ilgari hech qanday aloqasi bo'lmaganligini aytdi. Keyin Boliviya politsiyasi uni uy qamog'iga oldi va u qochib, ota-onasi bilan Argentinaga qochib ketdi.[362] Argentinaga kelganidan so'ng, Meneses Boliviya Ombudsmaniga xat yozib, politsiya uni ikki kun ovqat eyishdan saqlaganini va agar u Morales bilan aloqada bo'lganimni aytmasa, uni fitna va terrorizm uchun javobgarlikka tortish bilan tahdid qilganini aytdi. Uning yozishicha, politsiya "bosim ostida, advokatsiz guvohlik berishga majbur qilgan".[363][364][365] Morales va Meneses o'rtasidagi uzoq muddatli ishqiy munosabatlarni tasdiqlovchi da'volar qo'lga kiritildi va keyinchalik Boliviya va Ispaniya matbuoti tomonidan nashr etildi, shu jumladan ikkalasi o'rtasida 101 ta matnli suhbatlar va telefon yozuvlaridan parchalar, er-xotinning turli joylardagi 90 ta fotosuratlari (shu jumladan) prezident saroyi, prezident samolyoti va Buenos-Ayresda) va Morales surgun qilinganidan beri Menesesning Meksika va Argentinaga qilgan uchta safari to'g'risidagi kvitansiyalari.[366][367][368] Bir nechta manbalarda ta'kidlanishicha, Washington Post gazetasi jurnalisti Jon Li Anderson Evoning kompaniyasida Meneses deb taxmin qilingan yosh qizni eslaydi. Evo va qiz bir-birlariga qarashdi va Anderson ta'kidlashicha, "qachondir Morales mening fotosuratchimga ayolning fotosuratlarini olmasliklarini aytib, suhbatimizni to'xtatdi". Keyinchalik Anderson qizni Meneses deb tasdiqladi va uning maqolasida uning tashqi qiyofasini kiritishni juda ehtiyotkorlik bilan tanlaganligini aytdi.[369][370] 2020 MAS prezidentligiga nomzod Luis Arce Kakatora, Buales-Ayresdagi Morales surgun paytida Meneses bilan suratga tushganini tasdiqlaydi, ammo uning shaxsini bilishini rad etadi.[371] Menesesning aytishicha, u Evo Morales bilan 2015 yilgi karnaval mavsumida 16 yoshida tanishgan. Deklaratsiya ma'lumotlariga ko'ra, u 2001 yilda tug'ilgan bo'lib, Morales bilan uchrashganida 14 yoshda bo'lganligini anglatadi.[372] Uning hibsga olinishi holatlari, shuningdek o'g'irlangan hukumat transport vositasidan foydalanish to'g'risida bahslashmoqda.[362]
2020 yil 21-avgustda Moralesga nisbatan qonuniy zo'rlash bo'yicha ikkinchi ish bo'yicha aloqasiz shikoyat berildi.[373] Ushbu shikoyatda, Moralesning 15 yoshga to'lgan farzandi borligi va uning tug'ilganlik to'g'risidagi guvohnomada otasi sifatida ko'rsatilganligi da'vo qilingan.[374]
Siyosiy mafkura
- Evo Morales[375]
Morales hukumatidagi raqamlar Prezidentning siyosatga yondoshishini "evoizm" deb ta'riflagan (Ispaniya: Evismo).[376] 2009 yildan boshlab Morales himoya qildi "kommunistik sotsializm ",[229] siyosatshunos Sven Xarten Morales mafkurasini "eklektik" deb ta'riflagan bo'lsa, "turli mafkuraviy oqimlar" dan g'oyalar chiqargan.[377] Xartenning ta'kidlashicha, Morales qattiq anti-imperialistik va chapparast ritorika ishlatar ekan, u ham "qattiq odam" emas. anti-globalist na a Marksistik, "kapitalizmning zo'ravonlik bilan va mutlaqo ag'darilishi yoki AQShning Lotin Amerikasidagi ishtiroki to'g'risida bahslashmagan.[378]
Iqtisodiy jihatdan Moralesning siyosati ba'zan "Evonomika" deb nomlangan va a yaratishga qaratilgan aralash iqtisodiyot.[379] Moralesning prezidentlik nutqi o'zini "vakil" deb biladi, u o'zini vakil deb biladi va zolim ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy elita va asrlar davomida "xalq" bilan yomon munosabatda bo'lgan deb hisoblagan eski siyosiy sinf.[380] Morales Boliviyani egallashga intildi vakillik demokratiyasi Ko'proq to'g'ridan-to'g'ri va kommunistik, referendumlar va fuqarolar rahbarligidagi qonunchilik tashabbusini joriy etish orqali.[381] Jorj Filipp va Fransisko Panitsaning yozishicha, uning ittifoqchilari Korrea va Chaves singari Morales ham populistlar toifasiga kirishi kerak,[382] chunki u "to'g'ridan-to'g'ri odamlarga o'z mamlakatlarining siyosiy va iqtisodiy tartiblariga qarshi murojaat qildi, ijtimoiy sohani antagonistik lagerlarga ajratdi va yangi tashkil etilgan siyosiy tartibda qayta taqsimlash va tan olinishini va'da qildi".[383]
Turli xil chap sharhlovchilar Morales ma'muriyatini sotsialistik deb tasniflashga qarshi chiqishdi. Boliviyaning marksistik vitse-prezidenti Alvaro García Linera Boliviyada etarlicha yirik sanoatlashgan ishchilar sinfining etishmasligi yoki proletariat, uni o'zgartirishni yoqish uchun sotsialistik jamiyat so'zni marksistik tushunishda. Buning o'rniga u hukumatning yondashuvini "And va Amazon kapitalizmi" deb ataydi.[384] Marksist amerikalik sotsiolog Jeyms Petras Morales hukumati na sotsialistik, na antiimperialistik emasligini, buning o'rniga Moralesni "radikal konservativ "xorijiy investitsiyalarni va Boliviya kapitalistik sinfining iqtisodiy holatini qo'llab-quvvatlashni davom ettirishda sotsialistik ritorikadan foydalanganligi uchun"[385] britaniyalik trotskiychi akademik Jeferi R. Uebber Morales sotsialist emasligini va uning hukumati "neoliberalizmni qayta tiklamoqda" deb yozgan va shu bilan "neoliberal pravoslavlikni" rad etgan, ammo "o'sish va sanoatlashtirishning asosiy dvigateli sifatida kapitalistik bozorga bo'lgan asosiy ishonchni" saqlab qolgan.[386] Xuddi shunday, Aymara faoli Felipe Quispe Morales hukumatini "hindu [ya'ni mahalliy] yuz bilan neoliberalizm" deb ta'rifladi.[387]
Shaxsiyat va shaxsiy hayot
Morales etnik jihatdan Aymara va Boliviyaning tub ko'pchilikdan demokratik yo'l bilan saylangan birinchi prezidenti sifatida keng ta'riflangan.[9][6] Garchi Morales ba'zan Lotin Amerikasida demokratik tarzda saylangan birinchi mahalliy prezident sifatida ta'riflansa ham, Benito Xuares, Meksikalik Zapotek etnik guruh, 1858 yilda Meksika prezidenti etib saylangan.[7] Biograf Martin Sivak Moralesni "buzilmas, xarizmatik va jangovar" deb ta'riflagan,[388] shuningdek, u "do'stona uslub" ga ega ekanligini va jurnalistlar va fotosuratchilar bilan yaxshi aloqalarni o'rnatishi mumkinligini ta'kidladi, chunki qisman u "o'z fikrlarini soddaligi bilan bayon qilishi" mumkin edi.[47] U ishonchga katta ahamiyat beradi,[389] va ba'zan uning tushida alomatlar deb hisoblagan narsalarga amal qilib, uning intuitivligiga tayanadi.[390] Xartenning so'zlariga ko'ra, Morales "kuchli hurmat va ba'zida boshqalarga unga qarshi chiqishni istamaslikni kuchaytiradigan, ammo u boshqa odamlardan tinglashni va o'rganishni o'rgangan kuchli rahbar bo'lishi mumkin".[391] Farthing va Koh Moralesni "xarizmatik populist "Lotin Amerikasi tarixida keng tarqalgan, aholi va rahbar o'rtasida" to'g'ridan-to'g'ri munosabatlar "ni birinchi o'ringa qo'ygan.[392]
Morales turmushga chiqmagan va prezident bo'lganidan keyin uning singlisi tanlangan, Ester Morales Ayma rolini qabul qilish Boliviyaning birinchi xonimi. Turli xil onalardan ikki farzandi bor. Ular uning qizi Eva Liz Morales Alvarado va o'g'li Alvaro Morales Paredes.[393][394][395] Siyosatchi Xuan del Granado Eva Lizning cho'qintirgan otasi.[393] Uning bolalari Boliviyani tark etishdi va sayohat qilishdi Buenos-Ayres 2019 yil noyabr oyi oxirida.[396] Ester Morales shartnoma tuzgandan so'ng, 2020 yil 16-avgustda vafot etdi Yangi koronavirus.[397]
Morales u faqat a ekanligini izohladi Rim katolik "to'ylarga borish" maqsadida va u ishonadimi degan savolga Xudo, "Men erga ishonaman. Otam va onamga. Va" deb javob berdi kuchi-kuchi (jinsiy faoliyat). "[398] Ba'zilarning fikriga ko'ra, Evo an yashaydi astsetik moddiy narsalarga ozgina qiziqish bilan hayot.[399] Morales - bu futbol assotsiatsiyasi g'ayratli va tez-tez, ko'pincha mahalliy jamoalar bilan o'yin o'ynaydi.[400][401]
Moralesning g'ayritabiiy xatti-harakatlari Lotin Amerikasidagi taniqli shaxslar va boshqa siyosiy rahbarlarning odatdagi odatlariga ziddir. Nutq paytida u shaxsiy hikoyalar va latifalardan foydalangan,[402] va ishlatilgan koka siyosiy ramz sifatida, ko'plab tarafdorlari bilan gaplashayotganda bo'yniga koka barglari gulchambarini va koka barglari bilan shlyapasini kiyib olgan.[403] Saylanganidan so'ng, u emas, balki chiziqli jumpers kiyib olgan kostyumlar odatda siyosatchilar tomonidan kiyiladi. Bu Moralesning ramziga aylandi, uning nusxalari Boliviyada keng sotildi.[404][405]
2018 yil 4-iyul kuni Morales a-ni olib tashlash maqsadida La-Pasdagi xususiy klinikada shoshilinch operatsiya qilindi o'sma.[406]
Ta'sir va meros
Morales "hozirgi kunga qadar eng mashhur Boliviya" deb ta'riflangan,[5] uning shaxsi "global tasavvurga" aylangan.[407] Morales hukumati uning bir qismi sifatida ko'rilgan pushti oqim Lotin Amerikasi chap qanotli hukumatlari, ayniqsa Venesuela va Kubaning qattiq chap oqimi bilan bog'liq.[408] Xalqaro chap tarafdagi sotsialistik pozitsiyasi uchun maqtovga sazovor bo'ldi,[232] uning rahbarligida Boliviyaga "siyosiy laboratoriya" sifatida qiziqish bildirganlar[409] yoki kapitalizmga alternativani ishlab chiqish uchun "jonli ustaxona".[410] Ichkarida Moralesni qo'llab-quvvatlash bazasi Boliviyaning kambag'al va tub aholisi orasida bo'lgan.[6] Boliviya siyosatida o'nlab yillar davomida o'zini chetda qoldirgan deb hisoblagan ushbu jamoalar uchun Morales boshqa hech bir zamonaviy siyosatchi qilmagan tarzda "qadr-qimmat va taqdir tuyg'usini chaqiradi".[411] U ko'pchilikni qo'llab-quvvatladi demokratik sotsialistlar va sotsial-demokratlar, shuningdek Boliviya liberal harakatining Moralesni tanqid qilgan, ammo uni o'ng qanot muxolifatdan ustun qo'ygan sektorlari.[412]
Boliviyaliklar o'rtasida 2012 yilda o'tkazilgan intervyularga asoslanib, Jon Krabtri va Ann Chaplin Morales hukmronligining o'tgan yillarini quyidagicha kuzatishgan: "Boliviyaliklar ko'pchilik uchun - ehtimol ko'pchilik uchun bu oddiy odamlar siyosatning afzalliklarini his qilgan davr edi. bir necha o'n yillar davomida bunday holat bo'lmagan edi ".[413] Krabtri va Chaplinning ta'kidlashicha, Morales ma'muriyati "muhim o'zgarishlarni amalga oshirgan ... ehtimol uni qaytarish qiyin bo'ladi", jumladan qashshoqlikni kamaytirish, ba'zi mintaqaviy tengsizliklarni olib tashlash va ilgari hukmron bo'lgan siyosiy aktyorlarning yon tomonlarini boshqalar foydasiga. uning hukumati tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlangan va qo'llab-quvvatlangan edi.[413]
Tanqidchilar, xususan AQSh hukumatida, uni "chap qanot radikal, giyohvand moddalar savdosi sherigi va terrorchi" deb atashadi.[414] Morales boshqaruviga qarshi chiqishlar asosan Santa Cruzning badavlat sharqiy past provinsiyasida joylashgan.[6] Uning siyosati ko'pincha o'rta sinf Boliviyaliklarni ziddiyatga keltirar edi, ular ularni o'ta radikal deb hisoblashgan va ular xususiy mulkka tahdid qilishgan deb ta'kidlashgan.[6] Uning eng shov-shuvli tanqidchilari Boliviyaning konservativ harakatidan bo'lganlar, garchi u o'zining islohotchilar siyosati etarlicha radikal yoki sotsialistik edi, deb hisoblagan mamlakatning chap qanotlari tomonidan ham tanqidlar oldi.[412] Ushbu chap tanqidchilarning aksariyati Morales hukumati global kapitalizm bilan umuman tanaffus qilmaganidan norozi bo'lishdi.[413] Shuningdek, uning hukumati Boliviyaning avvalgi ma'muriyatlariga qaratilgan bir xil shikoyatlarga duch keldi, masalan, "hokimiyatning kontsentratsiyasi, korruptsiya, vakolatsiz idoralar va fuqarolarning erkinliklariga hurmatsizlik" kabi masalalar atrofida.[415]
Krabtri va Chaplinning tadqiqotlari natijasida, Moralesning dastlabki saylanishi ko'plab Boliviyaliklardan, ayniqsa, ijtimoiy harakatlardan "katta umidlar" keltirib chiqargan bo'lsa-da, uning ma'muriyati ular umid qilgan narsalarini bajara olmasligidan "muqarrar ko'ngilsizliklar" bo'lgan degan xulosaga kelishdi.[416] Ular Moralesning birinchi prezidentlik muddatiga xos bo'lgan "katta optimizm" o'z o'rnini "hukumat va uning siyosatini so'roq qilish va tobora kuchayib borayotgan tanqid muhitiga" yo'l qo'ydi deb o'ylashdi.[413] Boliviya iqtisodiyoti o'sgan bo'lsa-da, moddiy foyda Boliviyaliklarning ko'plari kutganidek yuqori bo'lmagan.[413] Krabtri va Chaplin uning ma'muriyati tajribalari "Lotin Amerikasining eng qashshoq va tengsiz davlatlaridan birida rivojlanish qonuniyatlarini o'zgartirishdagi qiyinchiliklarga e'tiborni qaratganini" ta'kidladilar.[417] Xuddi shunday, Xarten Moralesning ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy elitalarga qarshi "xalq" haqidagi nutqi Boliviyada chuqur ijtimoiy qutblanishga e'tibor qaratdi deb o'ylardi.[418]
Shuningdek qarang
Adabiyotlar
Izohlar
- ^ Morales Boliviyaning o'zining prezidentligi davridagi akademik tadqiqotlaridagi birinchi mahalliy prezident sifatida tavsiflanadi Muñoz-Pogossian,[2] Uebber,[3] Filipp va Panizza,[4] va Farthing va Kohl,[5] kabi matbuot xabarlarida, masalan BBC yangiliklari,[6] Ushbu da'vo, Moralesning ehtimol Evropaning nasabiga ega ekanligini va shuning uchun genetik asosda texnik jihatdan ekanligini aytuvchilar tomonidan e'tiroz bildirilgan. metizo faqat mahalliy emas.[7] Bundan tashqari, sobiq prezident Enrike Peñaranda tubdan kelib chiqishi bo'lgan. Xartenning ta'kidlashicha, bu dalil «noto'g'ri [,] noto'g'ri [... va] avvalo ahamiyatsiz», chunki uning genetik tarkibidan qat'i nazar, Boliviyaliklarning aksariyati Moralesni birinchi mahalliy prezident deb qabul qilishadi.[7] Boliviya jamiyatida mahalliylik madaniy o'ziga xoslikdan kelib chiqqan suyuq tushunchadir;[7] Masalan, shaharlarga joylashib, an'anaviy qishloq urf-odatlaridan voz kechgan ko'plab mahalliy odamlar metizo.[8]
Izohlar
- ^ "El MAS reconoce la sucesión por renuncia y tark etish funktsiyalari Evo y Alvaro". Pagina Siete. 20 Noyabr 2019. Olingan 20 noyabr 2019.
- ^ Muñoz-Pogossian 2008 yil, p. 180.
- ^ Veb-2011, p. 1.
- ^ Philip & Panizza 2011 yil, p. 57.
- ^ a b Farthing & Kohl 2014 yil, p. 1.
- ^ a b v d e f "Profil: Boliviya Prezidenti Evo Morales". BBC yangiliklari. 2014 yil 13 oktyabr. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2018 yil 12 oktyabrda. Olingan 21 iyun 2018.
- ^ a b v d Xarten 2011 yil, p. 7.
- ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 yil, p. 22.
- ^ a b "Evo Morales: Boliviya rahbari yana besh yil hokimiyatda qolishni istaydi". BBC yangiliklari. 17 oktyabr 2019 yil. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2019 yil 14 oktyabrda. Olingan 25 oktyabr 2019.
- ^ Xarten 2011 yil, p. 35; Veb-2011, p. 62.
- ^ "Evo entrega modulo educativo" Mariya Ayma "y zar zarba que nunca influyó en nombramiento de obras - Diario Pagina Siete". Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2018 yil 4 sentyabrda. Olingan 26 yanvar 2018.
- ^ Gutsch 2006 yil; Sivak 2010 yil, p. 32; Xarten 2011 yil, p. 35.
- ^ a b v Xarten 2011 yil, p. 35.
- ^ Sivak 2010 yil, p. 33.
- ^ Sivak 2010 yil, p. 33; Xarten 2011 yil, p. 7; Veb-2011, p. 63.
- ^ Sivak 2010 yil, p. 32; Xarten 2011 yil, p. 35.
- ^ Sivak 2010 yil, 33-34 betlar; Xarten 2011 yil, p. 36.
- ^ Sivak 2010 yil, p. 34; Xarten 2011 yil, p. 36; Veb-2011, 62-63 betlar.
- ^ Sivak 2010 yil, p. 33; Xarten 2011 yil, 36-37 betlar.
- ^ Sivak 2010 yil, p. 34; Xarten 2011 yil, p. 40.
- ^ a b Xarten 2011 yil, p. 37.
- ^ Sivak 2010 yil, 34-35 betlar; Xarten 2011 yil, p. 37; Veb-2011, p. 63.
- ^ Sivak 2010 yil, p. 35; Xarten 2011 yil, p. 37.
- ^ Blekuell 2002 yil; Sivak 2010 yil, p. 35; Xarten 2011 yil, p. 37.
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Mamlakat saylov tribunali rahbari Salvador Romeroning jurnalistlarga aytishicha, Morales hozirda saylov uchastkalarida etakchilik qilayotgan o'zining Sotsializm uchun Harakati (MAS) partiyasidan Senatga nomzod bo'lish talablariga javob bermagan.
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| veb-sayt =(Yordam bering) - ^ "UNODC 2017 yilda Boliviyada koka etishtirish ko'payganligi to'g'risida xabar beradi" (ispan tilida). 2018 yil 22-avgust.
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- ^ a b "Boliviya narko savdosi bilan kurashish uchun kurashmoqda". Olingan 26 oktyabr 2020.
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- ^ a b "Seis contricciones opacan la тергеlovi del caso estupro". Pagina Siete (ispan tilida). 27 avgust 2020.
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- ^ https://www.la-razon.com/nacional/2020/08/21/joven-implicada-en-acusacion-a-morales-por-estupro-revela-que-declaro-presionada/
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- ^ ""Ñustitas ", Evo Moralesning" o'ljasi ". Diario Los Americas. 5 sentyabr 2020 yil.
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- ^ https://www.paginasiete.bo/nacional/2020/8/21/gobierno-acusa-evo-de-estupro-cuando-era-presidente-noemi-dice-que-vivio-con-el-265235.html% 7Clanguage = es% 7C
- ^ "Justicia denuncia a Evo por relación con otra menor, embarazada a los 15 years". paginasiete.bo (ispan tilida). 24 avgust 2020.
- ^ "Difunden imágenes de la supuesta hija de Evo con una menor". El Deber (ispan tilida). 29 sentyabr 2020 yil.
- ^ Kozloff 2008 yil, p. 12.
- ^ Sivak 2010 yil, p. 210; Veb-2011, p. 65.
- ^ Xarten 2011 yil, p. 40.
- ^ Xarten 2011 yil, p. 5.
- ^ Xarten 2011 yil, 222, 232-betlar.
- ^ Xarten 2011 yil, 154-165-betlar.
- ^ Xarten 2011 yil, p. 217.
- ^ Philip & Panizza 2011 yil, p. 68.
- ^ Philip & Panizza 2011 yil, p. 73.
- ^ Dunkerley 2007 yil, 159–161 betlar; Veb-2011, p. 64; Farthing & Kohl 2014 yil, p. 87.
- ^ Petras 2007 yil.
- ^ Veb-2011, p. 232.
- ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 yil, p. 148.
- ^ Sivak 2010 yil, p. 95.
- ^ Sivak 2010 yil, p. 216.
- ^ Sivak 2010 yil, p. 215; Xarten 2011 yil, p. 167.
- ^ Xarten 2011 yil, p. 147.
- ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 yil, p. 16.
- ^ a b "Hermana de Evo Morales sera primera dama". Es Más (ispan tilida). 5 Fevral 2007. Arxivlangan asl nusxasi 2008 yil 27 sentyabrda. Olingan 18 iyul 2008.
- ^ "Oposición pide investigar denuncia de periodista Valverde". Los Tiempos. Cochabamba. 4 Fevral 2016. Arxivlangan asl nusxasi 2016 yil 6 fevralda. Olingan 6 fevral 2016.
- ^ Layme, Beatriz (6 February 2016). "Evo afirma que tuvo un hijo con Zapata y que murió en 2007". La Razon. La-Pas, Boliviya. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2016 yil 7 fevralda. Olingan 6 fevral 2016.
- ^ "Buenos Aires Times | Evo Morales' children arrive in Buenos Aires". batimes.com.ar. Olingan 30 noyabr 2019.
- ^ "Bolivia: Esther, sister of former President Evo Morales, dies of coronavirus - BURGERON REPORT".
- ^ Sivak 2010, p. 66.
- ^ Sivak 2010, p. 218; Harten 2011, p. 179.
- ^ "Footballing president breaks nose". BBC yangiliklari. 2006 yil 31-iyul. Arxivlandi from the original on 16 August 2006. Olingan 31 iyul 2006.
- ^ "La fiesta de gala de los 15 años de Eva Liz Morales". El-Diya (ispan tilida). 2009 yil 27-noyabr. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2011 yil 6 iyulda. Olingan 25 sentyabr 2010.
- ^ Sivak 2010, p. 111.
- ^ Kozloff 2008 yil, p. 119.
- ^ Harten 2011, p. 169.
- ^ "'Evo Fashion' arrives in Bolivia". BBC yangiliklari. 20 Yanvar 2006. Arxivlangan asl nusxasi 2008 yil 15 martda. 2007 yil 1 fevralda olingan.
- ^ Laing, Aislinn; Ramos, Daniel. Adler, Lesli (tahrir). "Bolivian President Morales has emergency surgery for tumor". Reuters. Arxivlandi asl nusxasidan 2018 yil 8-iyulda. Olingan 8 iyul 2018.
- ^ Pearce 2011, p. xv.
- ^ Pearce 2011, p. xv; Veb-2011, p. 1.
- ^ Muñoz-Pogossian 2008 yil, p. 1.
- ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 yil, p. 5.
- ^ Harten 2011, p. 227.
- ^ a b Veb-2011, 157-58 betlar.
- ^ a b v d e Crabtree & Chaplin 2013, p. ix.
- ^ Sivak 2011, p. 173.
- ^ Farthing & Kohl 2014 yil, p. 144.
- ^ Crabtree & Chaplin 2013, p. vii.
- ^ Crabtree & Chaplin 2013, p. vi.
- ^ Harten 2011, p. 229.
Bibliografiya
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- Kerol, Rori (7 December 2009). "Evo Morales wins landslide victory in Bolivian presidential elections". Guardian. London, Buyuk Britaniya.
- Crabtree, John; Chaplin, Ann (2013). Bolivia: Processes of Change. London and New York: Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-78032-377-0.
- Dunkerley, James (2007). "Evo Morales, the 'Two Bolivias' and the Third Bolivian Revolution". Lotin Amerikasi tadqiqotlari jurnali. 39: 133–66. doi:10.1017/s0022216x06002069.
- Farthing, Linda C.; Kohl, Benjamin H. (2014). Evo's Bolivia: Continuity and Change. Ostin: Texas universiteti matbuoti. ISBN 978-0292758681.
- Friedman-Rudovsky, Jean (7 December 2009). "Morales' Big Win: Voters Ratify His Remaking of Bolivia". Vaqt. Nyu-York shahri.
- Gutsch, Jochen-Martin (5 February 2006). "Indian, Coca Farmer, Bolivian President". Der Spiegel. Germany: SPIEGEL-Verlag.
- Harten, Sven (2011). The Rise of Evo Morales and the MAS. London and New York: Zed Books. ISBN 978-1-84813-523-9.
- Kozloff, Nikolay (2008). Inqilob !: Janubiy Amerika va yangi chapning ko'tarilishi. Nyu-York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-61754-4.
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- Pearce, Adrian J. (2011). "Kirish". Evo Morales and the Movimiento Al Socialismo in Bolivia: The First Term in Context, 2005–2009. Adrian J. Pearce (ed.). London, UK: Institute for the Study of the Americas. pp. xv–xxv. ISBN 978-1-900039-99-4.
- Petras, James (9–15 June 2007). "Evo Morales' Pursuit of 'Normal Capitalism'". Iqtisodiy va siyosiy haftalik. 42 (23): 2155–58.
- Philip, George; Panizza, Francisco (2011). The Triumph of Politics: The Return of the Left in Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador. Kembrij: Polity Press. ISBN 978-0745647494.
- Rochlin, James (2007). "Latin America's Left Turn and the New Strategic Landscape: The Case of Bolivia". Uchinchi dunyo chorakligi. 28 (7): 1327–42. doi:10.1080/01436590701591838. S2CID 154831650.
- Sivak, Martín (2010). Evo Morales: The Extraordinary Rise of the First Indigenous President of Bolivia. Nyu-York: Palgrave MacMillan. ISBN 978-0-230-62305-7.
- Sivak, Martín (2011). "The Bolivianisation of Washington-La Paz Relations: Evo Morales' Foreign Policy Agenda in Historical Context". Evo Morales and the Movimiento Al Socialismo in Bolivia: The First Term in Context, 2005–2009. Adrian J. Pearce (ed.). London, UK: Institute for the Study of the Americas. pp. 143–74. ISBN 978-1-900039-99-4.
- Webber, Jeffrey R. (2011). From Rebellion to Reform in Bolivia: Class Struggle, Indigenous Liberation, and the Politics of Evo Morales. Haymarket Books. ISBN 978-1608461066.
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- "Bolivia and US 'to restore diplomatic relations'". BBC yangiliklari. London, Buyuk Britaniya. 2011 yil 8-noyabr.
- "Bolivia's Morales insists no return for US drug agency". BBC yangiliklari. London, Buyuk Britaniya. 2011 yil 9-noyabr.
Tashqi havolalar
| Kutubxona resurslari haqida Evo Morales |
- Prezidentlik vazirligi (ispan tilida)
- Evo Morales profili BBC yangiliklari
- Extended biography and tenure by CIDOB
- "Evo Morales collected news and commentary". The New York Times.
| Siyosiy idoralar | ||
|---|---|---|
| Oldingi Eduardo Rodriges Vaqtinchalik | Boliviya Prezidenti 2006–2019 | Muvaffaqiyatli Janin Anez Vaqtinchalik |
| Saylovlar |  | |
|---|---|---|
| Siyosat | ||
| Faollik va tortishuvlar | ||
| Shaxsiy hayot |
| |
| Nomzodlar 2005 yil Boliviyada prezident saylovi | |
|---|---|
