Xyu Gaytskell - Hugh Gaitskell

To'g'ri hurmatli

Xyu Gaytskell

CBE
Xyu Gaitskell 1958.jpg
Gaitskell 1958 yilda
Muxolifat lideri
Ofisda
1955 yil 14-dekabr - 1963 yil 18-yanvar
MonarxYelizaveta II
Bosh VazirEntoni Eden
Garold Makmillan
OldingiHerbert Morrison
MuvaffaqiyatliJorj Braun
Mehnat partiyasining etakchisi
Ofisda
1955 yil 14-dekabr - 1963 yil 18-yanvar
O'rinbosarJim Griffits
Aneurin Bevan
Jorj Braun
OldingiKlement Attlei
MuvaffaqiyatliGarold Uilson
G'aznachining soya kansleri
Ofisda
1951 yil 26 oktyabr - 1955 yil 14 dekabr
RahbarKlement Attlei
OldingiRab Butler
MuvaffaqiyatliGarold Uilson
Bosh vazirning kansleri
Ofisda
1950 yil 19 oktyabr - 1951 yil 26 oktyabr
Bosh VazirKlement Attlei
OldingiStafford Cripps
MuvaffaqiyatliRab Butler
Yoqilg'i va elektr energiyasi vaziri
Ofisda
1947 yil 24 oktyabr - 1950 yil 15 fevral
Bosh VazirKlement Attlei
OldingiMenni Shinvel
MuvaffaqiyatliFilipp Noel-Beyker
Parlament a'zosi
uchun Lids janubi
Ofisda
1945 yil 5-iyul - 1963 yil 18-yanvar
OldingiGenri Charleton
MuvaffaqiyatliMerlin Ris
Ko'pchilik17,431 (65.4%)
Shaxsiy ma'lumotlar
Tug'ilgan
Xyu Todd Naylor Gaitskell

(1906-04-09)9-aprel, 1906 yil
Kensington, London, Angliya
O'ldi1963 yil 18-yanvar(1963-01-18) (56 yoshda)
London, Angliya
Dam olish joyiSent-Jon-Xempstid, Xempstid, London, Angliya
MillatiInglizlar
Siyosiy partiyaMehnat
Turmush o'rtoqlar
​
(m. 1937)​
Olma materOksforddagi yangi kollej

Xyu Todd Naylor Gaitskell CBE (1906 yil 9 aprel - 1963 yil 18 yanvar) bo'lib xizmat qilgan ingliz siyosatchisi Mehnat partiyasining etakchisi 1955 yildan 1963 yilda vafotigacha. Iqtisodiyot o'qituvchi va urush davri rasmiy xizmatdagi kishi, yilda parlamentga saylangan 1945 va o'z lavozimini egallagan Klement Attlei hukumatlar, xususan Yoqilg'i va elektr energiyasi vaziri keyin 1946–47 yillardagi qahraton qish va oxir-oqibat Kabinet kabi Bosh vazirning kansleri. 1951 yilda u harbiy xarajatlarni ko'paytirish zarurati bilan duch keldi Milliy sog'liqni saqlash xizmati protezlar va ko'zoynaklar uchun to'lovlar, etakchini talab qiladi chap qanot Aneurin Bevan Vazirlar Mahkamasidan iste'foga chiqish.

Uning dunyoqarashidagi o'xshashlik sezilgan Konservativ partiya hamkasb Rab Butler dastlab "Butskellism" deb nomlangan, dastlab ularning nomlarini aralashtirgan satirik atama va bu urushdan keyingi kelishuv bu orqali asosiy partiyalar asosan 70-yillarga qadar ichki va tashqi siyosatning asosiy bandlari to'g'risida kelishib oldilar.[1][2] Qarama-qarshi bo'lgan Leyboristlar bilan 1951, Gaitskell Bevan va uning tarafdorlari bilan achchiq etakchilik urushlarida g'alaba qozondi Mehnat partiyasining etakchisi va Muxolifat lideri 1955 yilda. 1956 yilda u Eden hukumati tomonidan harbiy kuch ishlatilishiga qarshi chiqdi Suvaysh. Rivojlanayotgan iqtisodiyot fonida u Leyboristlarni ketma-ket uchinchi mag'lubiyatiga olib keldi 1959 yilgi umumiy saylov.

1950-yillarning oxirlarida, mayorning oppozitsiyasi tishlariga kasaba uyushmalari, u bekor qilishga urinib ko'rdi IV modda ning Mehnat partiyasi Konstitutsiyasi, mehnatni majbur qilgan milliylashtirish barcha ishlab chiqarish vositalarining. U jamoat mulkini umuman rad qilmadi, shuningdek, erkinlik, ijtimoiy farovonlik va eng avvalo tenglik kabi axloqiy maqsadlarni ta'kidladi va ularga moliyaviy va ijtimoiy siyosat orqali erishish mumkinligini ta'kidladi. aralash iqtisodiyot. Uning revizionist qarashlari o'ng qanot leyboristlar partiyasi, ba'zan chaqirilgan Gaitskelizm.

Ushbu muvaffaqiyatsizlikka qaramay, Gaitskell uni qabul qilishga urinishni bekor qildi bir tomonlama yadroviy qurolsizlanish Leyboristlar partiyasining siyosati sifatida va qarshi chiqdi Bosh Vazir Garold Makmillan Buyuk Britaniyani etakchilik qilishga urinish Evropaning umumiy bozori. U qarama-qarshi bo'lgan etakchisi va shafqatsiz samimiyligi uchun sevilgan va nafratlangan. U 1963 yilda Leyboristlarni hokimiyatga qaytarish va keyingi Bosh vazir bo'lish arafasida turganida to'satdan vafot etdi.

Hayotning boshlang'ich davri

Xyu Gaytskell tug'ilgan Kensington, London, Artur Gaytskellning (1869-1915) uchinchi va eng kichik farzandi Hindiston davlat xizmati va Adelaida Meri, nee Jeymison (1956 yilda vafot etgan), uning otasi Jorj Jeymison edi bosh konsul yilda Shanxay va undan oldin sudya bo'lgan Buyuk Britaniyaning Xitoy va Yaponiya Oliy sudi.[3] U bolaligidanoq "Sem" nomi bilan tanilgan.[3] Gaitskelllar Hindiston armiyasi bilan uzoq vaqtdan beri oilaviy aloqada bo'lgan va u bolaligini shu erda o'tkazgan Birma. Otasi vafotidan keyin onasi tez orada boshqa turmushga chiqdi va uni qoldirib, Birmaga qaytib keldi internat maktab.[4]

Gaitskell o'qigan Dragon maktabi 1912 yildan 1919 yilgacha u kelajakdagi shoirning do'sti edi Jon Betjeman.[5] Keyin u ishtirok etdi Vinchester kolleji 1919 yildan 1924 yilgacha.[3]

U ishtirok etdi Oksforddagi yangi kollej, 1924 yildan 1927 yilgacha. ostida o'qish G. D. H. Koul, Gaitskell a bo'ldi sotsialistik va haqida uzun insho yozdi Xartizm, deb bahslashib ishchilar sinfi kerak o'rta sinf etakchilik. Gaitskellning birinchi siyosiy ishtiroki natijada yuzaga keldi 1926 yilgi umumiy ish tashlash.[3] Talabalarning aksariyati hukumatni qo'llab-quvvatladilar va ko'pchilik fuqarolar mudofaasi vazifalarini bajarishga ko'ngillilar yoki muhim xizmatlarni ko'rsatishda yordam berishdi. Gaytskell g'ayrioddiy tarzda hujumchilarni qo'llab-quvvatladi va uning Oksforddagi zamondoshi kabi odamlar uchun haydovchi bo'lib xizmat qildi Evan Durbin va Koulning rafiqasi Margaret, kim ma'ruza qildi va kasaba uyushma gazetasini etkazib berdi Britaniyalik ishchi. General Strike qulaganidan so'ng, Gaitskell yana olti oy davomida konchilar uchun mablag 'yig'ish uchun sarf qildi, ularning bahslari (texnik jihatdan lokavt ish tashlash o'rniga) noyabrgacha tugamadi.[6] U bitirgan birinchi darajali daraja yilda Falsafa, siyosat va iqtisod 1927 yilda.[3]

Ilmiy va dastlabki siyosiy martaba

1927-28 yillarda Gaitskell iqtisod uchun ma'ruza qildi Ishchilar ta'lim birlashmasi konchilarga Nottingemshir. Chartizm haqidagi esselari 1928 yilda WEA risolasi sifatida nashr etilgan.[3] Bu uning ishchi sinf bilan o'zaro munosabatlarning birinchi tajribasi edi.[7] Oxir oqibat Gaitskell ikkalasiga ham qarshi chiqdi Gildiya sotsializmi va Sindikalizm va "General Strike" strategiyasining so'nggi muvaffaqiyatsiz spazmasi - to'g'ridan-to'g'ri kasaba uyushma harakati orqali hokimiyatni egallab olishga urinish - bu abortda allaqachon sinab ko'rilganligini his qilish. 1921 yildagi uch karra alyans ish tashlashi. Gaitskell hech qachon unga xayrixoh bo'lganmi yoki yo'qmi, aniq emas Osvald Mozli, keyinchalik Leyboristlar partiyasining kelajakdagi rahbari sifatida ko'rilgan. Keyinchalik Gitskellning rafiqasi u hech qachon bo'lmaganligini ta'kidladi, ammo Margaret Koul, Evan Durbinning rafiqasi va Noel Xoll u o'zini fraktsion bo'linishlarning raqibi sifatida Mosleynikiga qo'shilishga moyil bo'lmaganiga qaramay, ishongan Yangi partiya 1931 yilda.[8]

Gaitskell "Yangi" ni boshqarishda yordam berdi Fabian 1931 yil mart oyida G. D. H. Koul tomonidan tashkil etilgan tadqiqot byurosi.[3] U sifatida tanlangan Mehnat nomzod Chatham 1932 yil kuzida.[3] Gaitskell ko'chib o'tdi London universiteti kolleji 30-yillarning boshlarida Noel Xollning taklifiga binoan.[9] 1934 yilda u XYZ klubiga, Leyboristlarning moliyaviy ekspertlari klubiga (masalan: Xyu Dalton, u kimning himoyachisiga aylandi, Duglas Jey va Evan Durbin ) va iqtisodchi Nikolas Davenport kabi shahar aholisi.[3] Keyingi o'n besh yil ichida Dalton va Geytskell ko'pincha "Katta Xyu va Kichik Xyu" deb nomlangan.[10]

1934 yilda Gaitskell edi Vena Rokfeller stipendiyasi bo'yicha.[3] U biriktirilgan Vena universiteti 1933–34 o'quv yili uchun va siyosiy bostirishning bevosita guvohi bo'lgan sotsial-demokratik tomonidan ishchilar harakati konservativ Engelbert Dollfuss 1934 yil fevralda hukumat.[9] Ushbu hodisa uzoq taassurot qoldirdi, uni konservatizmga qattiq dushman qildi, shuningdek uni ko'plab Evropa sotsial-demokratlarining marksistik dunyoqarashini rad etdi. Bu uni sotsialistik joylashtirdi revizionist lager.

Da 1935 yilgi umumiy saylov, u Leyboristlar partiyasidan nomzod sifatida muvaffaqiyatsiz turdi Chatham. 1937 yilda Geytskell "Mehnatning tezkor dasturi" ni tayyorlashda yordam berdi. Bu rejalashtirishga katta ahamiyat berdi, garchi uning ustozi Dalton xohlaganidek bo'lmasada, banklarni yoki po'lat sanoatini davlatlashtirishni rejalashtirmagan. Shuningdek, u 1939–40 yillarda bo'lib o'tadigan saylovlarda ishlatilishi mumkin bo'lgan hujjatlarni tayyorladi.[3] Dalton unga 1937 yilda Saut Lidsga nomzod sifatida tanlanishiga yordam berdi va agar urush bo'lmaganida, u 1940 yilga kelib deputat bo'lib qolar edi.[7]

Xayt direktor etib tayinlangach, Gaitskell UCL siyosiy iqtisod kafedrasi mudiri bo'ldi Milliy iqtisodiy va ijtimoiy tadqiqotlar instituti 1938 yilda,[11] bilan birgalikda Pol Rozenshteyn-Rodan.[12] Shuningdek, u Universitet o'quvchisi bo'ldi.[3] U qarshi chiqdi tinchlantirish ning Natsistlar Germaniyasi[3] va qayta qurollanishni qo'llab-quvvatladi.[7]

Nikoh va shaxsiy hayot

1920-yillarning oxirlarida WEA ma'ruzachisi Gaitskell bir muncha vaqt Nottingemshirdagi mahalliy ayol bilan yashagan. Bu uning birinchi kattalar bilan aloqasi bo'lgan deb o'ylashadi.[3] 30-yillarning boshlariga qadar u nikohni "burjua konvensiyasi" deb rad etdi.[13]

1930-yillarning o'rtalariga kelib Gaitskell turmush qurgan ayol bilan yaqin munosabatlarni o'rnatdi, Dora Frost xonim (qarzdor kreditor), u Venada u erda bo'lishining oxirgi qismida unga qo'shilish uchun chiqdi. Zino hanuzgacha shunday tamg'alarni bosib yurar ediki, 1935 yilda Chatamdagi parlament kampaniyasida unga yordam bermaslikni ma'qul ko'rdi. Ajrashganidan so'ng, ajrashishdan oldin uni olish qiyin edi. Nikoh sabablari to'g'risidagi qonun 1937 yil, ular oxir-oqibat 1937 yil 9-aprelda, Gaitskellning o'ttiz birinchi tug'ilgan kunida, Evan Durbin eng yaxshi odam sifatida turmushga chiqdilar.[14] Doraning birinchi turmushidan Raymond Frost (1925 yilda tug'ilgan) o'g'li bor edi.[15] Gaitskelllarning ikki qizi bor edi: 1939 yilda tug'ilgan Julia va 1942 yilda tug'ilgan Kressida. Dora Gaitskell leyboristga aylandi. hayot tengdoshi eri vafotidan bir yil o'tib va ​​1989 yilda vafot etdi.[16]

Gaitskell 1950-yillarda sotsialist bilan uzoq muddatli munosabatda bo'lgan Ann Fleming, xotini Jeyms Bond yaratuvchi Yan Fleming.[17] Shaxsiy hayotda u kulgili va kulgili bo'lib, bal zalida raqsga tushishni yaxshi ko'rardi. Bu uning qattiq jamoat obro'siga zid edi. U Boshqaruv qo'mitasining a'zosi edi Bilderberg guruhi.[18]

Urush davridagi davlat xizmatchisi va parlamentga saylanish

Davomida Ikkinchi jahon urushi, 1940 yil may oyida Cherchill koalitsiya hukumati tuzilishidan Gaitskell Noel Xoll va Xyu Dalton uchun katta davlat xizmatchisi sifatida Iqtisodiy urush vazirligi unga hukumat tajribasini berish.[9] Daltonning shaxsiy kotibi Gaitskell ko'proq bo'lgan Bosh oshpaz va ishonchli maslahatchi. Kuzatuvchilar Gaitskellning gullashini tomosha qilishdi va kuch ishlatishdan zavqlanishdi. Dalton bo'ysunuvchilariga baqirishni yoqtirardi; Gaitskell ba'zida baqirib yubordi.[19] Dalton Gaitskell bilan birga Savdo kengashi 1942 yil fevralda, u birinchi marta konchilar kasaba uyushmalari rahbarlari bilan aloqa o'rnatdi, ular keyinchalik unga qarshi kurashda uni qo'llab-quvvatladilar Aneurin Bevan 1950-yillarda.[20] Uning xizmati uchun u tayinlandi Britaniya imperiyasi ordeni qo'mondoni 1945 yilda.

1945 yil mart oyida Gaitskell azob chekdi koronar tromboz ortiqcha ish tufayli keltirildi. Dam olishni maslahat berib, u deputatlik nomzodidan voz kechishni o'ylab ko'rdi Lids, lekin u o'z okrugi ishchilari bilan mashhur edi va ular buni amalga oshirolmasa ham, uning uchun tashviqot qilishni taklif qilishdi.[21] Urushdan keyin unga UCLga professor sifatida qaytish uchun murojaat qilishdi, ammo u akademik iqtisodiyotning doimiy oqimini va o'zi bilmagan matematikaga e'tiborni kuchayishini yoqtirmasdi. Hozirga kelib u o'zini ijtimoiy hayotga ko'proq jalb qildi.[22]

Gaitskell Leyboristlar partiyasiga saylandi Parlament a'zosi (MP) uchun Lids janubi ning Leyboristlarning katta g'alabasida 1945.[20] Kasal bo'lishiga qaramay, Daltonning himoyachisi sifatida uni zudlik bilan kichik vazir, Parlament kotibi o'rinbosari lavozimiga tayinlash to'g'risida jiddiy o'ylashdi. Savdo kengashi (ostida Stafford Cripps ).[23] Bu juda kamdan-kam sharaf bo'lar edi, chunki 1945 yilda 393 leyborist deputatdan 263 nafari yangi saylangan, ammo bu amalga oshmadi.[24]

Backbencher sifatida u Daltonnikini qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun debatlarda gapirdi milliylashtirish ning Angliya banki oxir-oqibat 1946 yil 14-fevralda Royal Assent-ni qabul qildi. Dalton u ustidan siyosiy nazoratni qayta o'rnatgan deb da'vo qilib partiya ballarini yig'ishga harakat qilar edi. London shahri, Bank allaqachon siyosiy nazorat ostida bo'lganligi sababli, uzoqqa cho'zilgan da'vo. Garchi ba'zi konservativ deputatlar bu choraga qarshi chiqishgan bo'lsalar ham, Cherchill qarshi chiqmagan edi, ammo oppozitsiya etakchisi, 1920-yillarda kantsler lavozimida ishlagan paytdan boshlab Bankka nisbatan ikkilangan qarashga ega edi.[25]

Yoqilg'i va energetika vazirligi

1946 yil may oyida Gaitskellga vazirlik lavozimiga yoqilg'i va elektr energiyasi bo'yicha parlament kotibining o'rinbosari etib tayinlangan. Emmanuel "Menni" Shinvell. Dastlab bu ish uchun mo'ljallangan edi Garold Uilson Gaitskell qalam bilan Uilsonni parlament kotibi o'rinbosari lavozimiga egallashga muvaffaq bo'ldi Ishlar vazirligi. Gaitskell O'rta sinf intellektual sotsialistlaridan shubhali bo'lgan Shinvell uni Uilsondan ustun qo'ygan bo'lishi mumkin, deb ishongan, chunki ikkinchisi allaqachon tog'-kon sanoati bo'yicha mutaxassis bo'lgan.[26]

Gaitskell boshqarishda muhim rol o'ynadi Ko'mirni milliylashtirish to'g'risidagi qonun loyihasi jamoat palatasi orqali, qo'mita bosqichining og'irligini ko'tarib, so'nggi bahsni davom ettirmoqda. In 1947 yil fevraldagi yoqilg'i inqirozi Gaitskellning ogohlantirishlarini e'tiborsiz qoldirgan Shinvell kabinetdan elektr stantsiyalarini o'chirishga ruxsat so'rashi kerak edi; Gaitskell kiyib olib, ko'mirni qaerga yuborish kerakligi to'g'risida qaror qabul qilgan asosiy qo'mitani boshqargan. 1947 yilda u yana bir bor muhim rol o'ynadi elektrni milliylashtirish jamoat palatasi orqali munozarani davom ettirmoqda ikkinchi o'qish.[20]

1947 yil 7 oktyabrda Gaitskell lavozimiga ko'tarildi Yoqilg'i va elektr energiyasi vaziri Shinvelning o'rnida. U Vazirlar Mahkamasining a'zosi emas edi,[20] garchi u tez-tez uning fikri zarur bo'lganda Vazirlar Mahkamasi majlislarida qatnashgan.[27] U o'sha yil boshida Xastingsdagi munitsipal saylov kampaniyasida odamlarga kamroq hammom olib yoqilg'ini tejashni tavsiya qilganida, u hech qachon bu qadar ko'p narsalarni qabul qilmaganligini aytib, gaffe qilgan edi; Oktyabr oyi oxirida Jamoalar palatasida Cherchill hazillashib, hukumat "yomon hidga" ega ekanligi va spikerdan unga mehnat vazirlarini "lousey", odatda parlamentdan tashqari ibora, deb ta'riflashga ruxsat berilishini so'radi. haqiqatning oddiy bayonoti bo'ling.[28] Gaitskell xususiy avtoulovchilar uchun benzinning asosiy ratsionini bekor qilish orqali o'zini juda mashhur qildi, ammo neftni qayta ishlash zavodlarini qurishni rag'batlantirdi, bu o'sha paytda bu kelajak uchun muhim oqibatlarga olib kelishi mumkin edi.[20]

G'aznachilik masalalari

Devalvatsiya

1949 yil iyul oyining boshlarida Gaitskell o'rtoqlashdi Bosh vazirning kansleri Stafford Cripps G'aznachilik mulozimlari juda "liberal" va sotsialistik tadbirlarni amalga oshirishni istamaganliklaridan xavotirda.[29] Krips va Dalton singari, Gaitskell ham arzon pulga sodiq bo'lgan. Nafaqat yuqori foiz stavkalari bilan bog'liq deb qaraldi Oltin standart va 20-yillarning deflyatsion siyosati, ammo 1940-yillarda siyosatning afzalligi miqdoriy nazoratga tegishli edi (masalan: valyuta nazorati moliya sohasida yoki jismoniy tovarlarni me'yorlashda) narx mexanizmiga emas. 1930-yillarda eng past darajaga tushirilgan foiz stavkalari 1952 yilda konservatorlar hokimiyat tepasiga qaytgandan keyingina yana siyosat vositasi sifatida foydalanishni boshlamadilar.[30]

Krips jiddiy yomon ahvolda edi va unga borishga majbur bo'ldi Shveytsariya 18 iyulda sog'ayish; Attle Krippning vazifalarini uchta yosh, moliyaviy imkoniyatga ega vazirlar bilan maslahat berish uchun o'z zimmasiga olayotganini e'lon qildi.[29] Tez orada Gaitskell guruhning etakchisi bo'lib chiqdi, boshqalari esa Garold Uilson, Savdo kengashi prezidenti va Duglas Jey, G'aznachilikning iqtisodiy kotibi. Uchalasi ham urush davridagi davlat xizmatchilari bo'lgan.[20]

Yosh vazirlar endi devalvatsiya tarafdori edilar Funt sterling, hozirda $ 4.03. Jey 1949 yil 20-iyulda Gaitskell bilan tushlik qildi va ular bu kapitalning Buyuk Britaniyadan chiqib ketishini qaytarishga yordam berishiga, AQShning bundan keyin ham yordam berishi ehtimoldan yiroq emasligiga kelishib oldilar. kreditlar yoki sovg'alar dollarni, Hamdo'stlik davlatlarini dollar narxida tovarlarni emas, balki ingliz tovarlarini sotib olishni rag'batlantirish zarurligini, dollarlik hududlarga eksportni ko'paytirish imkoniyatlari borligini va agar hech narsa qilinmasa, zaxiralar kamayib, qulab tushish xavfi borligini aytdi. Buyuk Britaniyani AQSh rahm-shafqatiga topshirgan sterling. 21-iyul kuni Geytskell, Jey va Uilsonlar Bosh vazir bilan uchrashib, devalvatsiya muqarrarligini aytishdi, chunki zaxiralar hali ham kamayib bormoqda. 29 iyulda Vazirlar Mahkamasi devalvatsiya qilishga printsipial ravishda rozi bo'ldi, shuningdek, boshqa davlat xizmatchilarining boshqa eslatmasida xuddi shunday maslahat berildi, Ser Edvard Bridjes (G'aznachilikning doimiy kotibi ) va ikkita G'aznachilikning ikkinchi kotiblari (Robert Xoll va Ser Edvin Plouden ).[29]

Krips 18 avgustda Londonga qaytib kelib, Gaytskellning ikkita memorandumi bilan kutib olindi. Ulardan biri devalvatsiyadan keyin kuzda o'tkaziladigan umumiy saylovlarga maslahat beradigan qisqa qog'oz edi. Cripps haqiqatan ham Attlega ushbu tavsiyanomani bergan, ammo u rad etilgan. Ikkinchi qog'oz devalvatsiya bo'yicha o'n sahifadan iborat bo'lib, unda Edmund Dell Uning fikricha, u haqiqatan ham o'qimagan. Gaitskell ish bilan ta'minlanganlik darajasi yuqori, to'lov balansi yaxshi shaklda va inflyatsiya bilan bog'liq muammolar mavjudligini ta'kidladi faqat muammo dollarning etishmasligi edi, chunki AQSh fikri Buyuk Britaniyaga yordam berishni juda istamaydi. U inflyatsiyani nazorat ostida ushlab turish uchun xarajatlarni qisqartirishni tavsiya qildi - ammo qancha ekanligini aytmadi. Shuningdek, u sterlingni dastlab 2,80-2,60 dollar oralig'ida suzishni tavsiya qildi, bu taklif Hall va Plouden bilan muhokama qilindi. U 4-sentabrgacha devalvatsiyani tavsiya qildi, ammo valyutalar to'liq konvertatsiya qilinishi mumkin degan fikrni rad etdi Jon Maynard Keyns da da'vat qilgan edi Bretton-Vuds konferentsiyasi - chunki bu hukumatning to'liq ish bilan ta'minlanishiga to'sqinlik qilishi mumkin. Dellning ta'kidlashicha, Gaitskellning eslatmasi yoshi ulug 'odamning lavozimga yopishib olishida sabrsizligi bilan to'lgan, ammo boshqa tomondan u o'zi devalvatsiya zarurligini anglamagan.[31] Gaitskell va Uilson Attle bilan uchrashdilar, Ernest Bevin va Kripplar Shashka 19 avgustda Bevin va Krips devalvatsiyani istamaslik bilan rozi bo'lishdi. Qaror nihoyat 9 avgustda Vazirlar Mahkamasi tomonidan tasdiqlandi, garchi Cripps Gaitskellning suzuvchi guruh uchun rejasini rad etdi.[32] Devalvatsiya (4.03 dollardan 2.80 dollargacha) 18 sentyabr yakshanba kuni bir kun oldin Vazirlar Mahkamasining maxfiy yig'ilishidan so'ng e'lon qilindi. Ko'pgina boshqa mamlakatlar ham shunga ergashdilar, shuning uchun asosan Buyuk Britaniyaning dollar ishlatadigan mamlakatlar bilan savdosi ta'sir ko'rsatdi.[33]

Gaitskell dastlab devalvatsiyani shubha ostiga qo'ygan edi, chunki bu narx mexanizmi edi, ammo bu inqiroz tufayli Robert Xollning hayratiga sazovor bo'ldi.[34] U devalvatsiya ishini olib borish va amerikaliklarni xursand qilish uchun yordam berish uchun xarajatlarni qisqartirish zarurligini qabul qildi va sobiq kantsler Daltonni Iqtisodiy siyosat qo'mitasida qisqartirish shart emas deb bahslashgani uchun "ancha insofsiz" deb hisobladi. Devalvatsiya translyasiyasida devalvatsiya an ekanligini nazarda tutgan Krips muqobil qisqartirishga, 300 million funt sterlingni qisqartirishga kelishilmasa, iste'foga chiqishga tahdid qilgan; Aneurin Bevan (Sog'liqni saqlash vaziri) o'z navbatida iste'foga chiqish bilan tahdid qildi A.V. Aleksandr (Mudofaa vaziri ). Agar Bevanning uy-joy byudjeti bundan mustasno, xarajatlarning ko'pi kelajakdagi xarajatlar rejalariga to'g'ri keldi.[35]

Iqtisodiy ishlar vaziri

1950 yil yanvar oyida Gaitskell Iqtisodiy siyosat qo'mitasiga "Nazorat va liberallashtirish" nomli maqolani taqdim etdi, uni ba'zan u qatnashishga taklif qilishdi. Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, "liberallashtirish to'g'risida" biz etarlicha harakat qildik. Ammo buni siyosiy sabablarga ko'ra amalga oshirdik - AQSh va Evropa ". U valyutalarning konvertatsiyasiga va savdo sheriklari o'rtasida kamsitilmaslikka qarshi edi, har ikkala AQSh ham ma'qul ko'rdi. Buyuk Britaniya hali ham Hamdo'stlik ichida funt sterling bilan savdoni rag'batlantirishni afzal ko'rdi va Gaytskell Buyuk Britaniyaning 1948–99 yillardagi tanazzuli kabi tanazzullardan saqlanish uchun Britaniyaning qobiliyatini saqlab qolishni xohladi, chunki Britaniya asosan devalvatsiya tufayli qutulib qoldi.[36]

In 1950 yil fevral. Umumiy saylovlar ozgina ko'pchilik bilan Hukumat qayta saylandi. Keyingi o'zgarishlarda Gaitskell tayinlandi Iqtisodiy ishlar vaziri, samarali kansler o'rinbosari, ammo hali ham kabinetdan tashqarida.[20] U Iqtisodiy siyosat qo'mitasining haqiqiy a'zosi bo'ldi.[37] O'z lavozimidan ko'tarilgandan ko'p o'tmay, u tez-tez hamkasblari bilan muzokaralarda juda ko'p yon berishlarga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun jamoat obro'si taklif qiladigan darajada qattiq bo'lmagan Kripsni qattiqqo'l qilib qo'yishi kerakligini yozdi.[38]

Yangisini sarflash darajasi NHS allaqachon bashorat qilishdan ancha yugurib ketgan edi.[39] 1949 yil noyabrda, davlat xarajatlarining yuqori darajasi allaqachon muammoga duch kelgan va Kripplar bosimi ostida, Bevan hukumat tomonidan retsept bo'yicha ayblovlarni tayinlash vakolatini bergan parlament orqali aktni qo'zg'atgan edi, ammo ular hanuzgacha olib kelinmagan (Kriplar 1ni xohlagan) retsept bo'yicha shilling, lekin Bevan bunga rozi bo'lmagan). 1949–50 moliya yilida Cripps sog'liqni saqlash xizmatiga qo'shimcha xarajatlar ("qo'shimcha") 90 million funt sterlingga ruxsat berdi. 1950-yil boshlarida Kripps Bevan iste'foga chiqishni qo'rqitgandan so'ng, bu safar soxta tishlarga va ko'zoynaklarga qo'shimcha ayblovlarni kiritish rejasidan qaytdi, ammo Gaitskell Bevanning NHS xarajatlari bo'yicha shiftga kelishuvini kuzatish uchun qo'mitaga kiritildi. G'aznachilik sog'liqni saqlash xarajatlari yiliga 350 million funt sterling miqdorida bo'lishini xohladi, garchi u 1950-1999 yillarda 392 million funt sterlingni qabul qilishga tayyor edi.[40]

Gaitskell va Bevan o'rtasida allaqachon ishqalanish bo'lgan. Bir uchrashuvda, ehtimol 1950 yil 28-iyun, Bevan xonadan chiqib ketmoqchi bo'lgan edi, shunda Attle uni chaqirdi. Bevan Crippsning payshanba kuni kechqurun iqtisodiyot vazirlari uchun kechki ovqatlarda qatnashishni to'xtatdi.[41] O'sha ovqatlardan biridan keyin Bevanning eski ittifoqchisi John Strachey, endi Oziq-ovqat vaziri uni "Hukumatning juda muhim odamlaridan biri" deb o'ylagan Gaitskellga hujum qilgani uchun tanbeh berdi, bu taklifga Bevan masxara bilan javob berib, uni "hech narsa, hech narsa, hech narsa" deb nomlamoqda.[42]

Qurilish va Evropa to'lovlar ittifoqi

1950 yilning ikkinchi yarmiga kelib g'arbiy davlatlar katta qayta qurollanish harakatiga tushib qolishdi. Ning tarqalishi Koreya urushi 1950 yil iyun oyida dastlab AQShning Janubiy Koreyani yo'qotish bilan tahdid qildi (bu Yaponiya mudofaasi uchun juda muhim deb hisoblandi) va kuzda AQSh va Kommunistik Xitoy o'rtasida umumiy urushga aylanish xavfini tug'dirdi. Shuningdek, Sovetlar g'arbiy Evropani bosib olishlari mumkin (bu qurolsiz edi, ko'plab mamlakatlarda kuchli kommunistik ta'sirga ega edi) va agar u o'zi yordam bermasa, AQSh Britaniyaga yordam bermaydi degan juda xavotirlar mavjud edi. Chexoslovakiyada demokratiyani yiqitish 1948 yildayoq sodir bo'lgan edi. 1950 yil avgustda Buyuk Britaniyaning mudofaa byudjeti 2,3 milliard funtdan 3,6 milliard funt sterlinggacha (jami uch yillik davrda) oshirildi; Ushbu bosqichda AQSh qonun loyihasini amalga oshirishda yordam berishga tayyor ekanligi ko'rinib qoldi.[43]

1950 yil sentyabr oyida inflyatsiya bosimi kuchaygan paytda TUC mavjud bo'lgan ikki yillik ish haqining muzlashini to'xtatish uchun ovoz berdi, ammo ish haqi portlashi hali sodir bo'lmadi. G'aznachilik uchun hukumatning oz sonli ko'pchiligini va tez orada yana bir saylov o'tkazilishi ehtimolini hisobga olgan holda qattiq choralar ko'rish qiyin edi.[39]

Gaitskellning fikricha, to'lov balansi muammolarini valyutalarning qayta yo'nalishi bilan emas, balki AQSh kabi ortiqcha mamlakatlardan so'rab, Belgiya ularning iqtisodiyotini ko'tarish uchun (ular ko'proq import qilishlari uchun). Buning uchun unga AQSh moliya vaziri va Kamil Gut (sobiq Belgiya moliya vaziri va hozirda Boshqaruvchi direktor XVF ). Dellning ta'kidlashicha, Gaitskell boshqa mamlakatlarning o'zlarining ichki muammolari borligini anglamagan.[44] 1950 yil sentyabr oyida, Buyuk Britaniyaning to'lov balansi endi profitsitga ega bo'lganligi sababli, Gaitskell Britaniyaning a'zo bo'lish to'g'risida muzokaralar olib bordi Evropa to'lovlar ittifoqi Ya'ni Evropa valyutalari ikki tomonlama kliring o'rniga AQSh dollariga nisbatan bo'lmasa ham, bir-biriga nisbatan konvertatsiya qilinishi kerak edi. Ilgari Evropa ichidagi savdo uchun dollar kerak edi. O'sha vaqtgacha Gaitskell ba'zi mamlakatlar doimiy defitsitda qolishi va shu tariqa qo'shnilaridan bepul qarz olish uchun samarali foydalanishi yoki aksincha Belgiyaning ortiqcha qismi unga Britaniyadan oltin va dollarlarni so'rib olishiga imkon berishidan xavotirda edi. EPU 1958 yilda sterling konvertatsiya qilinguncha davom etdi.[45][46]

Garchi Gaitskell yaqin vaqtgacha Bevanni Leyboristlar partiyasining muqarrar etakchisi deb o'ylagan bo'lsa-da, 1950 yilgi partiya konferentsiyasida (2 oktyabr) "Daily Telegraph " siyosiy muxbir u va Gaitskell kelajakda etakchilik uchun allaqachon ishonchli vakillar uchun kurash olib borayotganini to'g'ri taxmin qildi.[42]

Kansler lavozimiga ko'tarilish

Sog'lig'i hali ham yomon bo'lgan Krips, Atlini iste'foga chiqish niyati haqida xabar bergan edi Bosh vazirning kansleri 1950 yil 26 aprelda. U yozda iste'foga chiqishga uringan, ammo Koreys urushi boshlanganligi sababli Gaytskell va Plouden uni rad etishgan. Buning o'rniga u uzoq ta'tilga chiqdi va Gaitskellni javobgar qoldirdi.[47]

AQSh Kongressi Britaniyaga qayta qurollanish xarajatlarini qoplashda yordam berishni istamasligi endi aniq bo'lib qoldi. Gaitskell Vashingtonga 1950 yil oktyabr oyida tashrif buyurgan, bu erda birinchi tashrifi, kansler bo'lishidan oldin. U ogohlantirdi savdo shartlari Buyuk Britaniyaga va qayta qurollanish xarajatlariga qarshi harakat qilayotgan edilar.[48]

1950 yil oktyabrda Krips nihoyat kassler lavozimidan iste'foga chiqdi. Dalton Gaitskellni vakansiyaga taklif qildi. Ser Edvard Bridjes xohlamoqda Herbert Morrison, siyosiy og'ir vazn; Morrison qadrsizlanishning dastlabki himoyachisi bo'lgan, ammo o'zini malakali deb hisoblamagan.[49] Gaitskell 44 yoshida tayinlangan, ayniqsa g'ayrioddiy, chunki Atlining kabinetining aksariyati oltmish yoshdan katta bo'lgan. O'shandan beri u eng qisqa muddat parlamentda shogird bo'lgan kansler bo'ldi Kichik Pitt 1782 yilda.[50] Kassler sifatida u Krips boshqargan iqtisodiy rejalashtirish ustidan nazoratni saqlab qoldi. Cripps va Gaitskell ikkalasi ham Gaitskellni Atleti, Bevin va Morrisondan keyin rasmiy kabinetni tortib olish tartibida ro'yxatga olishni talab qilishdi.[37]

Bevan Gaitskellni uning lavozimidan ko'tarilishidan g'azablandi, garchi Gaitskell o'zining kundaligida to'g'ri taxmin qilgan bo'lsa-da, ehtimol u bu ishni o'zi xohlamagan.[51] Gaitskellning yozishicha, Bevan tez-tez Krips unga mablag 'va'da qilganini ta'kidlagan.[12]

AQSh shtab-kvartirasi boshliqlari Britaniyaning qurol-yarog 'byudjetini uch yil ichida 6 milliard funt sterlinggacha oshirishni xohlashdi, bu reja Britaniya shtab-kvartirasi boshlig'i tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanib, 1950 yil dekabrida AQShga tashrif buyurgan Bosh vazir Atlini talab qildi. Vashingtondan Attlei 1951 yil 29-yanvarda jamoalar palatasida mudofaa byudjeti kelgusi uch yil ichida 4.7 mlrd funt sterlinggacha ko'tarilishi kerakligi, shu jumladan o'q-dorilar ishlab chiqarishning to'rt baravar ko'payishini aytdi. Mudofaa byudjeti yalpi ichki mahsulotning 8 foizidan 14 foizigacha ko'tarilishi kerak edi, bu ulush faqat NATO a'zolari orasida AQSh tomonidan oshib ketdi. Eng yuqori cho'qqisida, ishchilar sonining 11% 2,5 million kishi mudofaa ishlari bilan shug'ullanadi.[43]

Nazoratchi kansler, 1950–51

Iqtisodiy falsafa

Uning tayinlanishida Gaitskell aytdi Uilyam Armstrong, uning asosiy xususiy kotibi, kelgusi bir necha yil ichida asosiy ish boylikni qayta taqsimlash bo'lishini aytdi.[52]

Rab Butler va Samuel Brittan Ikkalasi ham 1970-yillarning boshlarida yozgan Gaitskell shu kungacha 20-asrning texnik jihatdan eng malakali kansleri bo'lgan.[34] Biroq, Dell tez-tez haddan tashqari tafsilotlarga, shu jumladan iqtisodiy prognozlarni shaxsan kuzatib borishga va haddan ziyod uzoq uchrashuvlar o'tkazganiga izoh berdi. Bu mikro-menejmentga bo'lgan muhabbatdan yoki nazorat va rejalashtirish tarafdori sifatida u erkin bozor mexanizmlariga haddan tashqari moyil deb hisoblagan xazina idoralari xodimlaridan shubhalanganligi sababli bo'lishi mumkin.[53]

1950 yil dekabrda Gaitskell bu maslahatni rad etdi Kim Kobbold (Angliya bankining hokimi ) va Hall bunday siyosatni "butunlay eskirgan" deb atab, foiz stavkalari ko'tarilishini talab qilmoqda.[44]

Qayta qurollanish qiymati

Marshall yordami O'tgan uch yil davomida 3,1 milliard dollarni tashkil etgan, amalda u olti hafta oldin tugagan bo'lsa-da, 1951 yil 1-yanvarda rasmiy ravishda tugadi. To'lov balansi endi kerak bo'lmasligi uchun etarlicha kuchli ekanligi aniqlandi.[48] Garold Uilson (Savdo kengashi prezidenti ) va Jorj Strauss (Ta'minot vaziri ) Gaitskellni qayta qurollanish og'irligi xomashyo va ishlab chiqarish quvvati etishmasligi uchun juda katta ekanligi haqida ogohlantirdi, ammo Gaitskell ularni Bevanning do'stlari bo'lgani uchun e'tiborsiz qoldirdi. 1951 yil 27-yanvarda Bevan sog'liqni saqlash bilan Mehnat vazirligiga o'zgartirildi Xilari Markand, Vazirlar Mahkamasidan tashqari uchrashuvga o'tkazildi.[54] Gaitskell bu o'zgarishlarni sog'liqni saqlashga sarflanadigan mablag'lar iqtisodiyotiga to'siqni kamaytirish sifatida qabul qildi.[55]

Gaitskell hanuzgacha sterling savdosi bo'yicha diskriminatsiyani ma'qul ko'rgan va sterling konvertatsiyasiga qarshi bo'lgan, ammo endi 1950 yil oktyabr oyida Vashingtonga qilgan tashrifidan beri amerika tarafdori edi. 1951 yil fevralga kelib u kabinetdagi anti-amerikaizmni qattiq tanqid qildi.[56]

1951 yil 15 fevralda Bevanning jamoatchilik nutqida qurollanish uchun qo'shimcha 4,7 milliard funt sterling himoya qilindi, garchi uning nutqining aksariyati juda tez qurollanmaslik haqida ogohlantirish bo'lsa va kommunizm qurol bilan emas, demokratik sotsializm orqali mag'lub bo'ladi. Ertasi kuni Gaytskell Bevanning notiqlik san'atidagi yorqinligi uchun u "jamoaning qiyin ishchisi, ba'zilari esa bundan ham yomoni - puxta ishonchsiz va sadoqatsiz hamkasb" bo'lishidan afsusda ekanligini qayd etdi.[57]

Byudjet

Gaitskell retsept bo'yicha ko'zoynak va protez protezlari uchun to'lovlarni joriy qilish to'g'risida bahsli qaror qabul qildi Milliy sog'liqni saqlash xizmati uning 1951 yil bahorida.[58] Vazirlar Mahkamasi 1951 yil fevral oyida tish va ko'zoynak uchun to'lovlarga printsipial ravishda kelishib olgan edi.[20] 1951-2 yillar davomida Bevan sog'liqni saqlash uchun 422 million funt sterling talab qilar edi, Gaitskell esa 400 million funt sterlingga ruxsat berishga tayyor edi.[52] Gaitskell soxta tishlar va ko'zoynaklar narxining yarmini o'tkazib, 1951-2 yillarda 13 million funt va butun yil davomida 23 million funt olib kelmoqchi edi. Bolalar, kambag'allar va kasallar ozod qilinishi kerak edi.[59] 9 mart kuni Ernest Bevin bir oydan keyin vafot etib, Tashqi ishlar vazirligidan ko'chirildi. Uning o'rnini egallashga umidvor bo'lgan Bevan olti oy ichida ikkinchi marta katta ishga ko'tarilish uchun topshirildi. Shu paytgacha boshqa vazirlar Bevan iste'foga chiqadigan masalani qidirayotganini va u noo'rin bo'lib tuyulishi kerakligi sababli juda ko'p yon berishlar befoyda deb o'ylashdi.[60]

Bunga qo'chimcha, sotib olish uchun soliq avtomobillar, televizorlar va maishiy texnika kabi hashamatli buyumlarga nisbatan 33 foizdan 66 foizgacha, kinoteatrlar uchun ko'ngilochar soliq esa oshirildi.[61] Shu bilan birga, shu bilan birga, nafaqaxo'rlarga yashash narxining ko'tarilishini qoplash uchun foydadan soliq undirildi va pensiyalar ko'paytirildi,[62] qaramog'idagi bolalarga beva ayollarga to'lanadigan nafaqalar, ishsizlar va kasallarga, shuningdek, nikoh va bolalar uchun nafaqalar ko'paytirildi.[63] Bundan tashqari, bir qator kichik narsalar sotib olish soliqlaridan olib tashlandi,[61] pensiya ta'sir qilmasdan ruxsat etilgan daromad miqdori esa haftasiga 20 shilindan (1 funt) 40 shilinga (2 funt) oshirildi.[64] Yaxshi soliqqa tortish va pensiyalarni himoya qilishdan tashqari, Gaitskell aslida NHS xarajatlarini ko'paytirdi.[65] Byudjet 1951–2 yillarda mudofaa xarajatlarini 500 million funt sterlingga 1,5 milliard funt sterlingga oshirdi, bu esa Cripps-dan meros bo'lib qolgan profitsit va o'sishning optimistik prognozlari bilan ta'minlandi. Kapitaldan olinadigan soliqni joriy etish rejalari 1952 yilga qoldirildi.[66]

Bosh vazir Attleining byudjet loyihasiga dastlabki munosabati shundaki, unda ko'p ovozlar bo'lmasligi mumkin edi - Gaytskell javob berishicha, u qayta qurollanish yilida ovozlarni kutish mumkin emas.[20] Ernest Bevin sog'liqni saqlash uchun ayblovlarni yoqtirmadi va murosaga kelishish uchun behuda harakat qildi. Ta'lim vaziri Jorj Tomlinson o'tgan yilgi formulani takrorlashni, 400 million funt sterling miqdorida mablag 'sarflashni taklif qildi. Gaitskell ayblovlarni kiritishni kechiktirishga tayyor edi, ammo Atlining talablariga qaramay, Tomlinson formulasini rad etdi, chunki to'lovlarsiz shiftga erishib bo'lmaydi. 21 mart kuni Attil o'n ikki barmoqli ichak yarasi bilan davolanish uchun kasalxonaga yotqizildi. U kasal yotgan joyidan nima yozdi Kennet O. Morgan "ko'rib chiqilayotgan biron bir mazmunli masalani ko'rib chiqmagan" "juda bo'sh" xatni chaqiradi.[67] 22 mart kuni bo'lib o'tgan Vazirlar Mahkamasining majlisida Gaitskell retsept bo'yicha ayblovlarni talab qilishni asl niyatidan qaytardi, chunki ular chinakam kasallarga og'ir tushishi mumkin.[68]

Bevanning iste'fosi

Gaitskell va Attle qurollanish dasturi to'liq amalga oshirilmasligi mumkinligi xavfi haqida ogohlantirdilar. Gaitskell Iqtisodiy siyosat qo'mitasini (1951 yil 3-aprel) dastgohlar etishmasligi haqida ogohlantirdi va ularning bir qismini AQShdan olib kirish mumkin, ammo bu to'lov balansini susaytiradi, deb ta'kidladi.[69]

Juda g'azablangan Bevan ayblovlarni bepul tibbiy xizmat printsipiga zarba sifatida ko'rdi, u xeklerga nutq so'zlar ekan. Bermondsi (1951 yil 3-aprel) sog'liq uchun ayblovlarni qabul qilish o'rniga iste'foga chiqishini aytdi. Gaitskell, o'z vakolatlarini tasdiqlash uchun yangi kantslerga bo'lgan aniq ehtiyojdan tashqari, buni Bevanning "ta'siri juda abartılı" ekanligini va u Leyboristlar partiyasini ikkiga bo'linishi mumkinligi haqida Daltonga aytib, Vazirlar Mahkamasini ochiqdan-ochiq ko'tarishga urinish sifatida ko'rdi. Lloyd Jorj liberallarga ega edi.[68]

9 aprel kuni bo'lib o'tgan Vazirlar Mahkamasining ikki uzoq yig'ilishlarida Bevan o'zini faqat Garold Uilson qo'llab-quvvatladi.[70] Herbert Morrison Attle kasalxonada davolanayotganda Vazirlar Mahkamasining raisi bo'lgan, yana davlat xarajatlari bo'yicha kelishilgan chegara bo'lishi kerakligi haqida kelishuvni taklif qildi, ammo NHS uchun ayblovlar yo'q.[71] Gaitskell iqtisodiy sarmoyalar yoki qayta qurollanish hisobidan ijtimoiy xarajatlar to'g'risida ochiq majburiyat bo'lmaydi, deb qat'iy qaror qildi va Morrisonning taklifini rad etdi.[71] Ikkinchi yig'ilishda Gaitskell iste'foga chiqishga tahdid qildi, ammo agar u kabinet tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanmasa, jimgina va ommaviy shov-shuvsiz; byudjet arafasida kantslerning iste'foga chiqishi siyosiy inqirozni keltirib chiqarishi mumkin edi. Duglas Jey va boshqalar Gaytskellni murosaga keltirishga behuda urinishgan, ammo u vazirlar mahkamasining ikki a'zosiga o'n sakkizga diktant yozishga yo'l qo'yilmasligi kerakligi haqida bahs yuritib, rad javobini bergan bo'lsa-da, ayblovlar kelib chiqadigan kunni aniq aytmaslikka rozi bo'lgan. effekt.[70] Atlining kasal yotog'idan murosaga kelish bo'yicha muzokaralarni olib borishga bo'lgan so'nggi urinishi (10 aprel) natija bermadi.[67] Bu ish Gaitskellni jismoniy va hissiy qulashga yaqinlashtirdi.[71]

Gaitskell o'zining pozitsiyasi uchun G'aznachilik xodimlarining hayratiga sazovor bo'ldi: byudjet kuni ertalab ser Eduard Bridjz unga bo'limda qilgan hurmatini aytib berish uchun keldi va bu "o'n yil davomida G'aznachilikda bo'lgan eng yaxshi kun edi". ". Gaytskell yozishicha, Bridjes, Plouden, Lesli (Axborot boshlig'i) va Armstrong uni qat'iy turishga undashgan va Armstrongning so'zlaridan u "hissiyotlarga duchor bo'lgan".[72]

O'sha paytda Gaitskellning byudjeti maqtalgan edi. Uning salafi Stafford Kripps unga "siyosiy maqsadga muvofiqlik" ga berilmagani uchun maqtab yozgan, keyinchalik uni ikki yosh deputat jamoat oldida ishonchli ittifoqchilar sifatida qo'llab-quvvatlagan bo'lsa-da, Roy Jenkins va Entoni Krosland.[73] Byudjetdan keyin Toni Benn o'sha paytda Leyboristlar partiyasining o'ng tomonida bo'lgan, 11 aprelda bo'lib o'tgan partiya yig'ilishidagi (ya'ni leyboristlar deputatlarining yig'ilishi) atmosferani bundan ham yomon bo'lmaganini "juda yengillik" sifatida qayd etgan; Parlament Mehnat partiyasi (PLP) byudjetni qat'iy qo'llab-quvvatladi. Biroq, Bevan tez orada Gaitskellning sog'liqni saqlash ayblovlari "bromid" sifatida doimiy emasligi to'g'risida e'lon qilgan kelishuvini rad etdi. Bevanning ittifoqchisi Maykl Foot da tahririyat yozdi Tribuna Gaitskell bilan taqqoslash Filipp Snouden (1931 yilda qisqartirilgan kantsler pastga tushgan Ikkinchi Mehnat hukumati shundan so'ng u va Vazirlar Mahkamasining boshqa etakchi a'zolari Tori-hukmronlik qilishdi Milliy hukumat ). Bevan 21 aprelda iste'foga chiqdi, xuddi Garold Uilson va Jon Freeman.[74]

24 aprel kuni bo'lib o'tgan partiya yig'ilishida Gaitskell byudjetini himoya qildi. Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, qayta qurollanish dasturi haqiqatan ham amalga oshirilishini aytish uchun hali erta.[69] Benn commented after the meeting on how Gaitskell's greatness arose from his combination of "intellectual ability and political forcefulness". Bevan then made an angry speech which did not impress many of the PLP.[75]

Tahlil

Edmund Dell argues that neither Bevan nor Gaitskell emerge with much credit from the affair. "Gaitskell was obsessed by Bevan and by the need to establish his authority over him". Charges on false teeth and spectacles were "insignificant" in the context of the greater budget and "financially were neither here nor there" ... but Bevan was "impatient and arrogant and noisy and apparently intent on exhausting the tolerance of his cabinet colleagues". Gaitskell agreed to limit health charges to three years (subject to Parliament voting to extend them), made concessions on pensions to the Trade Union Group of MPs, and a diary entry suggests he was not happy about dividend constraints – yet he was not prepared to make significant concessions to Bevan. However, Dell argues that all chancellors have to make sticking points or they would have to give in to everybody. Gaitskell saw himself as defending the country and wanted to prove Labour a "responsible party of government", but the public were not yet aware of the looming inflation problem. Gaitskell told Jorj Braun in 1960: "It was a battle between us for power – he knew it and so did I".[76]

John Campbell agrees that Bevan may have been partly right that Gaitskell, abetted by Morrison, was deliberately trying to drive him out of the Cabinet. Gaitskell believed that Labour had to be seen to govern with fiscal responsibility, telling Dalton on 4 May 1951 that he and Bevan were engaged in a battle for the soul of the Labour Party, and that if Bevan won Labour would be out for many years (although, ironically, Gaitskell won but they were out of power for many years anyway). Had Attlee not been sick, he might have been able to patch up a compromise.[77]

Tarixchi Brayan Brivati believes that the importance of the charges was "irrelevant" to the huge cost of rearmament, which damaged Britain's recovery in the years which followed by absorbing earnings from exports.[78]

Natijada

A £300m surplus in the British balance of payments in 1950 turned into a £400m deficit in 1951, the most sudden reversal on record up until that time. This was caused partly by businesses switching to rearmament rather than generating exports. The other reason was a deterioration in the savdo shartlari: higher oil prices after the Iranian oil crisis caused an outflow of dollars, whilst prices of wool, tin and rubber fell so the rest of the sterling area was not earning so many dollars from exports. By the second half of 1951 the overseas sterling area was importing from North America at double the 1950 rate. By 1951 inflation was beginning to increase, the government budget surplus had disappeared, and in another sign of an overheating economy unemployment was down to 1945 levels. By the second half of 1951 Gaitskell was worried about the political effect of the higher cost of living, but the Financial Times va Iqtisodchi accused him of using higher prices to choke off consumption and free up resources for rearmament instead of consumer goods production.[79]

Gaitskell again rejected Treasury advice to raise interest rates to cool the economy in June, July and August 1951. He argued that higher interest rates would be perceived as generating profits for the banks, which would not sit well with trade unions, and he was only prepared to consider demanding that the banks restrict credit.[44] Gaitskell (diary 10 August 1951) stated that he and Morrison thought that Attlee had been too weak in dealing with Bevan.[80] By August–September 1951 the Treasury were taken by surprise by a full-on sterling crisis, which they passed on to the incoming Conservative Government. Sterling was trading unofficially at $2.40, below the official rate of $2.80.[81]

Gaitskell visited Washington in the autumn of 1951, where he thought AQSh moliya vaziri Jon V. Snayder "a pretty small-minded, small town, semi-isolationist". A committee was formed, containing Plowden and Averell Harriman, to investigate the way in which US rearmament was absorbing and pushing up the prices of world raw materials.[69] Gaitskell was horrified by Attlee's calling an election (19 September 1951) when he and Morrison were in North America. If Attlee had held on for another six or nine months Labour might have won.[82] Mehnat yo'qotdi October 1951 General Election despite getting more votes than the Conservatives. Whilst the Bevanites blamed defeat on Morrison's policy of "consolidation", the right blamed Bevan for causing a split. Nobody imagined Labour would be out of power for more than a few years, and Attlee expected to be Prime Minister again by 1953.[20][83]

When the Conservatives returned to power, the new chancellor Rab Butler would get the balance of payments back into surplus in 1952 by cutting overseas spending, a measure which Dell suggests Gaitskell had not wanted to irritate the Americans by taking. Uning xotiralarida (Art of the Possible, p. 163) Butler later called him "a political mouse who, confronted with a gigantic deterioration in the balance of payments, responded by cutting a sliver off the cheese ration".[84] After the Conservatives cut the armament plans in 1952 Crosland told people that Gaitskell had made him look like "a complete idiot" for supporting the budget in public. However, even by the end of 1951 there was less likelihood of the Korean War turning into a general war (the front line had stabilised, with the US administration being clear that they did not wish to escalate hostilities against China), so any government might have pared back defence spending in 1952.[85]

Opposition: the Bevanite split 1951–55

1951–52

In opposition, Gaitskell's house at Qurbaqa Bog'lar, Xempstid, became a centre for political intrigue. At first Herbert Morrison still seemed likely to succeed Attlee as leader. This period was characterised by factional infighting between the 'Bevanit ' left of the Labour party led by Aneurin Bevan, whose strength lay mainly in the constituency Labour Parties ("CLP"s) and the 'Gaitskellit ' right who had the upper hand in the Parliamentary Party (Labour MPs – known collectively as the "PLP").[71]

In February 1952 Bevan led a rebellion of 56 other Labour MPs to vote against the Conservatives’ defence spending plans (the official Labour position was to abstain). Dalton recorded (11 March) that Gaitskell was, behind the scenes, keen for a showdown with Bevan. At the party meeting Bevan refused to agree to toe the party line, but the issue was defused by a conciliatory motion by the centrist "Keep Calm" group, passed against the wishes of the platform.[86] Bevan at this time thought that Gaitskell should be reduced to "a junior clerk" in the next Labour Government. On 1 August 1952, when Gaitskell had succeeded in putting Churchill (Prime Minister at the time) on the ropes in a House of Commons debate, Bevan intervened to attack Gaitskell, an event greeted with Tory relief and according to Krossman "icy silence" on the Labour benches.[87]

Dalton (30 September 1952) thought the Morekamb Party Conference "the worst … for bad temper and general hatred, since 1926" whilst Michael Foot thought it "rowdy, convulsive, vulgar, splenetic". A series of left-wing motions were passed. Bevanites took over the constituency section of Labour's National Executive Committee (the "NEC"): Bevan, Barbara qal'asi, Tom Driberg, Yan Mikardo and Harold Wilson took the top five places with Crossman seventh. Veteran right-wingers such as Herbert Morrison and Hugh Dalton were voted off, with Jim Griffits in sixth place the only member of the Old Guard to survive; Shinwell, who as Minister of Defence was seen as responsible for the rearmament programme, had been voted off the previous year.[88]

Da nutqida Stalibrij (5 October 1952) Gaitskell alleged that "about one-sixth" of the constituency delegates "appeared to be Communist or Communist-inspired" and attacked "the stream of grossly misleading propaganda with poisonous innuendos and malicious attacks on Attlee, Morrison and the rest of us" published in Tribuna. He claimed that Labour was threatened by "mob rule" got up by "frustrated journalists" (a number of Bevanites, including Maykl Foot va Tom Driberg, were journalists).[71][88] He received strong backing from the TGWU whose block vote was of immense importance at the Labour Conference and which was able to exert pressure on its sponsored MPs to toe the party line.[71]

Attlee then gave a speech at the newly built Qirollik festivali zali demanding an end to groups within the party. After the PLP voted 188–51 to ban such groups Bevan insisted, over the wishes of Foot and Crossman, that the Bevanite group be disbanded. The Shadow Cabinet elections (elected by Labour MPs when the party was in opposition) were topped by Jim Griffiths and Chuter Ede. Gaitskell was in third place with 179 votes. Bevan, who had just challenged Morrison unsuccessfully for the Deputy Leadership, scraped on in twelfth and last place with 108 votes.[88]

1953–54

Tony Benn wrote of Gaitskell (24 September 1953) "he is intellectually arrogant, obstinate and patronising. I respect – but cannot quite admire – him".[89]

Relations between Bevan and Gaitskell continued to be acrimonious. On one occasion in 1953, when Gaitskell called for unity at a Shadow Cabinet meeting, Bevan was observed to give him "a glare of concentrated hatred" and declared: "You’re too young in the movement to know what you’re talking about".[90] Bevan resigned from the Shadow Cabinet in April 1954 over Labour's support for the setting-up of SEATO.[89]

Bevan stood against Gaitskell for Party Treasurer, knowing he would likely lose but hoping to discredit union bosses Artur Deakin va Tom Uilyamson in the eyes of rank-and-file trade union members. In the event even Sem Uotson, leader of Bevan's own miners' union, supported Gaitskell. Gaitskell won by 4.3 million votes to 2 million. Bevan gave a speech to the Tribuna party at the conference, declaring that the Labour Leader needed to be a "desiccated calculating machine". He was widely and probably wrongly thought to be referring to Gaitskell, to whom the label stuck. In fact it may well have been aimed at Attlee who had the previous day warned against "emotionalism" whilst privately Bevan thought that Gaitskell was highly emotional and, as he had shown in 1951, "couldn’t count".[91]

1955

In March 1955 Bevan, who had given no hint of disagreement with party policy at the party meeting a few days earlier, now challenged Attlee in a House of Commons debate to demand terms for use of the new H-bomba in return for Labour's support for the weapon. He and 62 other abstained in the vote, leading to demands from loyalists that the party whip be withdrawn from him as a preliminary to him being formally expelled from the Labour Party by the NEC.[92]

Writing a few days later, Gaitskell claimed to have felt that "sooner or later [Bevan] would have to go, but I was not sure whether this was the right moment" (19 March). However, Gaitskell told an audience at Donkaster that Bevan had made "a direct challenge to the elected Leader of our Party" and accused him of not being a team player. At a party meeting a few days later (16 March) Bevan accused Gaitskell of having told a direct lie against him and declared that it was "those hatchet-faced men sitting on the platform" who were undermining the leadership. After a lukewarm summing up by Attlee the PLP voted by 114–112 to withdraw the whip from Bevan.[93]

Gaitskell felt he had to follow the lead of the unions and pushed for Bevan's expulsion, telling Crossman (24 March) that Ian Mikardo was running a Bevanite organisation in the constituency parties to make Bevan leader. When Crossman interjected that Bevan "was only half wanting" to be leader, had not made any conspiracy against Attlee and was mainly concerned at voicing protests against Morrison and Gaitskell, the latter replied that "there are extraordinary parallels between Nye and Adolf Hitler. They are demagogues of exactly the same sort … There are minor differences but what is striking is the resemblance". Summoned to appear before an NEC sub-committee, Bevan refused to be "cornered by Gaitskell". In the event Gaitskell intervened only once at the meeting, asking Bevan to give a pledge that he would not attack the leader – Bevan refused as it was "a trap". Bevan's apology for his rebellion over the H-Bomb was accepted. Gaitskell described the result (2 April) as "a stalemate … my own position is no doubt weaker".[93] Gaitskell thought the need to move against Bevan "dirty work" (April 1955).[71]

The May 1955 General Election was the first since 1931 in which Labour's vote had not increased. Yilda Tribuna on 21 June 1955 Gaitskell poured scorn on the idea that more left-wing policies (or, as he put it, policies more similar to those of the Communist Party) would have won Labour more votes. Campbell argues that "history overwhelmingly supports" Gaitskell's argument that elections are won by appealing to the centre ground rather than to a party's core base, tempting as the latter strategy often is to parties in opposition.[94]

Da Margate conference that autumn Gaitskell gave a stirring and well-received speech including an apparently unscripted passage stressing his own socialist credentials and arguing that nationalisation was still a "vital means" to achieving that end. Bevan was observed to be watching the speech "red-faced and furious" and complaining of Gaitskell's "sheer demagogy".[95] In October 1955 Gaitskell was re-elected Party Treasurer by a wider margin over Bevan than the previous year.[71]

The apparent congruence between Gaitskell's economic policies and those of his Conservative successor as chancellor Rab Butler, who had retained and extended NHS charges, was sometimes labelled "Butskellism" by the press. This view was not shared by Gaitskell himself, and after Butler's emergency "Pots and Pans" budget in October 1955, in which he reversed tax cuts made prior to the Conservatives' re-election at the General Election earlier that year, he attacked him strongly for allegedly having misled the electorate.[71] Gaitskell won further praise for his attacks on Butler.[95]

Partiya rahbari

After the retirement of Attlee as leader in December 1955, Gaitskell stood for party leader against Bevan and the ageing Herbert Morrison. At that time (and until 1981) the Labour Party leader was elected solely by MPs. In a final effort to stave off an inevitable Gaitskell victory, Bevan proposed that he and Gaitskell both withdraw in Morrison's favour, but Gaitskell rejected the offer.[96] Gaitskell comfortably defeated Bevan (Morrison came a poor third) in the partiya rahbariyati tanlovi.[71] Chuter Ede described the leadership election as "the political funeral of two of the greatest publicity mongers I’ve ever known," adding that Gaitskell had never actively sought publicity.[97]

Gaitskell told a friend that "The leadership came to me so early because Bevan threw it at me by his behaviour", a view shared by Attlee and Harold Wilson. Gaitskell was very inexperienced for a party leader by the standards of the time. He offered Bevan a public olive branch at the party meeting after the result, promising that he would "not be outdone in generosity" if Bevan accepted the vote. Bevan agreed to do so, wishing Gaitskell "higher office".[98]

Brivati writes that Gaitskell's 1951–55 "political performance … has not received the credit it deserves, for energy, for strategy and for sheer nerve".[71]

Leader of the Opposition, 1955–1963

Suvaysh

1956 yilda Misrlik ruler Colonel Gamal Abdel Noser milliylashtirildi Suvaysh kanali kompaniyasi, boshlanishi Suvaysh inqirozi. Gaitskell initially told the Prime Minister, Sir Entoni Eden, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer Garold Makmillan at a dinner with King Faysal II ning Iroq on 26 July 1956, that they would have the support of public opinion for the use of military action against Nasser, but warned Eden that he must act quickly and would have to keep the Americans closely informed.[99][100] Gaitskell denounced Nasser's action at 11am on 27 July in the House of Commons debate.[101]

Gaitskell's position became more cautious during the summer, and he suggested the dispute with Egypt should be referred to the Birlashgan Millatlar. His first speech on Suez (2 August 1956) attacked Nasser and was welcomed by many Conservatives, and implied that he would support the use of force, but in Brivati's view did not give enough emphasis to his stipulation that it be done through the United Nations.[71] He had believed Eden's assurances that he had no intention of using force.[102] In two letters to Eden sent on 3 and 10 August Gaitskell condemned Nasser, but warned that he would not support any action that violated the United Nations charter.[99] In his letter of 10 August, Gaitskell wrote: "Lest there should be any doubt in your mind about my personal attitude, let me say that I could not regard an armed attack on Egypt by ourselves and the French as justified by anything which Nasser has done so far or as consistent with the Charter of the United Nations. Nor, in my opinion, would such an attack be justified in order to impose a system of international control over the canal – desirable though this is. If, of course, the whole matter were to be taken to the United Nations and if Egypt were to be condemned by them as aggressors, then, of course, the position would be different. And if further action which amounted to obvious aggression by Egypt were taken by Nasser, then again it would be different. So far what Nasser has done amounts to a threat, a grave threat to us and to others, which certainly cannot be ignored; but it is only a threat, not in my opinion justifying retaliation by war."[99]

Gaitskell passionately condemned the eventual Anglo-French military intervention to secure the Suez Canal, supposedly launched to enforce international law and to separate the Egyptian and Isroil combatants; the Israeli attack had in fact been launched in collusion with the British and French to supply a pretext for the invasion.[99] On 31 October he publicly called the invasion "an act of disastrous folly" which threatened the Atlantic Alliance, the United Nations and Commonwealth solidarity.[71] On 4 November 1956 Gaitskell gave a powerful broadcast, attacking the Prime Minister now it was clear Eden had been lying to him in private. Gaitskell was accused by the Conservatives of trying to appeal to the Labour Left, and of betrayal.[71][103]

Gaitskell's stance on Suez attracted some Liberal support. The pollster Mark Abrams convinced him of the need to broaden Labour's appeal by picking up anti-colonialist votes, but this would be a development of longer-term importance to the Labour Party. At the time Gaitskell was much-criticised in the press, especially for his ill-judged and unsuccessful plea for Tory dissidents to remove Eden from power.[5] The Conservatives not only attacked Gaitskell as unpatriotic for failing to support British troops in action, but also tried to exploit perceived differences between Gaitskell and Bevan, who had rejoined the Shadow Cabinet earlier in the year and who had now been promoted to Shadow Foreign Secretary. Crossman noted that this forced Bevan to be loyal to Gaitskell (15 December 1956), making the two men allies of a kind.[104]

Nationalisation and political philosophy

Gaitskell was a consensual leader in 1955–59, in contrast to his earlier and later image. Labour was widely expected to win the next General Election and in Campbell's view he arguably did not give a clear enough lead or attack the Conservatives aggressively enough.[105]

Gaitskell had initially believed nationalisation to be both morally right and economically efficient, and hoped in vain that manager-worker relations would be transformed.[20] But in 1956 he published a Fabian pamphlet "Socialism and Nationalisation" (actually written three years earlier), arguing that there was no need for greater public ownership, and that his goals were full employment, industrial democracy and a greater spread of economic power. Gaitskell still supported physical controls and his views were a little to the left of those expressed by Entoni Krosland yilda "Sotsializmning kelajagi" (1956).[106]

Gaitskell's political philosophy became known as Gaitskelizm, and from the late 1950s brought him into increasing conflict with the trade unions over nationalisation.[107] Besides repudiating the unquestioned commitment to public ownership of the means of production, now seen as merely one of numerous useful devices, he emphasised the goals of personal liberty, social welfare and above all social equality. Gaitskellism tended to downplay loyalty to the Labour movement as a central ethical goal, and argued that the new goals could be achieved if the government used appropriate fiscal and social policy measures within the context of a market-oriented mixed economy.[1] Gaitskell's cadre of supporters included Entoni Krosland, Roy Jenkins, Duglas Jey, Patrik Gordon Uoker va Jeyms Kallagan.[108]

Frank amakivachchalari became General Secretary of the TGWU in 1956, beginning the process whereby the unions began to shift left. The 1957 Conference endorsed the document "Industry and Society", which called for more flexibility, including state purchase of shares in small private firms. This was loudly condemned by Bevan's wife Jenni Li va tomonidan Maykl Foot, muharriri Tribuna but out of Parliament at the time.[5]

1959 yilgi umumiy saylovlar

In the summer of 1959 Bevan supported Gaitskell on the NEC against Frank Cousins over unilateralism, which Bevan had opposed at the 1957 Conference, and nuclear tests (24 June 1959). Crossman believed Bevan could have overthrown Gaitskell (17 July 1959) and that both Bevan and Gaitskell thought Wilson an unprincipled careerist (13 August 1959).[109] In the summer of 1959 Hugh and Dora Gaitskell, accompanied by Bevan, went to the SSSR to copy Macmillan's recent successful trip.[110]

Da Nyukasl, with a General Election clearly imminent, Gaitskell pledged that Labour's spending plans would not require him to raise income tax, for which he was attacked by the Tories for supposed irresponsibility.[5]

During the 1959 election campaign Crossman thought Gaitskell had become "a television star" with Bevan "a rather faded elder statesman behind him" (22 September 1959).[111] The Labour Party had been widely expected to win the 1959 yilgi umumiy saylov, lekin bunday qilmadi.[112] The Conservatives increased their majority, a fact partly attributable to the post-war prosperity that Britain was now experiencing.[5] Gaitskell was undermined by public doubts about the credibility of proposals to raise pensions and by a highly effective Conservative campaign run by Garold Makmillan under the slogan "Life is better with the Conservatives, don't let Labour ruin it."[113] This election defeat led to questions being asked as to whether Labour could ever win a general election again, but Gaitskell remained as leader.[113]

IV modda

Following the election defeat, bitter internecine disputes resumed. Gaitskell blamed the Left for the defeat and attempted unsuccessfully to amend Labour's IV modda —which its adherents believed committed the party to further milliylashtirish of industry, while Gaitskell and his followers believed it had become either superfluous or a political liability.[106]

On the Tuesday after the election Gaitskell lunched "bibulously" with Bevan at Asheridj ichida Chilterlar to discuss his plans for party reform. At this time he had no plans to revise Clause IV. He told Crossman (19 October) that Bevan simply wanted to succeed Jim Griffiths as deputy leader and had shown no inclination to resist moderate policies. After initially expressing surprise, Gaitskell accepted Crossman's advice that Bevan be allowed a veto over any change to nationalisation policy.[114]

The November 1959 Conference, postponed because of the election, was already divided by rumours that Gaitskell was planning action over Clause IV. Ignoring advice from his allies, and partly motivated by detailed polling by Mark Abrams which showed that younger voters regarded Labour as old-fashioned, Gaitskell pushed for reform. Brivati writes that Clause IV was irrelevant in practice but Gaitskell had made "a frontal assault on … a Labour equivalent of the O'ttiz to'qqiz maqola ning Angliya cherkovi ".[106]

Bevan saw Gaitskell's speech in advance and made no objection to it at the time. Gaitskell did not rule out further nationalisation, but saw it as a means to an end, pouring scorn on the idea that Labour should be committed to nationalising "the whole of light industry, the whole of agriculture, all the shops, every little pub and garage". Bevan now claimed he had "misunderstood or misheard" what Gaitskell planned and was reported to be "absolutely livid" and "wondering whether to blow the whole thing wide open". In the end he made a conciliatory speech, mentioning that Barbara Castle (who had attacked Gaitskell's proposal) and Gaitskell had both quoted his own dictum that Socialism was about controlling the "commanding heights" of the economy. He argued that according to the principles of Evklid if two things are equal to a third thing they must both be equal to one another, and so there could not be any real difference between Castle and Gaitskell.[115]

Benn wrote (28 November 1959): "Nye’s speech this afternoon was witty, scintillating, positive, conciliatory – the model of what a Leader should do. He didn’t knock Hugh out but he gently elbowed him aside". The cartoonist "Viki " showed Gaitskell pedalling to "Blekpul" a tandem with Bevan behind him – then pedalling back again but this time with Bevan in the front saddle (30 November 1959).[116]

There was much talk that Bevan might now seize the party leadership, but it seems unlikely that he had the stomach for this anymore, not least as he had never wanted to be leader solely for its own sake. Gaitskell could no longer afford to quarrel with his deputy, and he enjoyed a position of great influence as keeper of the party's conscience, similar to, but much more powerful than, the position of Jon Preskott ga bog'liq Toni Bler qirq yildan keyin. Moreover, by the end of 1959 Bevan was seriously unwell; he withdrew from the public eye and died in July 1960.[117]

In March 1960 the NEC agreed a new statement of Labour's aims as an addition to Clause IV rather than a replacement. Throughout the summer of 1960 union conferences, many of whose rule books had their own equivalent to Clause IV, were hostile to the new proposal, and in the end four of the six largest unions opposed Gaitskell's plans. The new proposal was demoted to a "valuable expression".[106]

Bir tomonlama qurolsizlanish

Bir tomonlama yadroviy qurolsizlanish was increasingly popular amongst union activists and was also debated in several union conferences in the spring and summer of 1960. The great majority of the PLP supported NATO and multilateral disarmament.[106]

Gaitskell took on Frank Cousins and wanted to show that Labour were a party of government, not just of opposition. At the October 1960 Skarboro Conference two resolutions in favour of unilateral disarmament – proposed by the TGWU and the Engineers’ Union – were carried, whilst the official policy document on defence was rejected. Gaitskell roused his supporters by promising to "Fight and Fight and Fight Again" to reverse the decision. Labour doctrine was that the Parliamentary Party had discretion over the timing of implementation of conference policy. In practice, in the 1940s and '50s, the unions, whose block votes dominated conference, had been broadly supportive of the PLP, but this was now beginning to change.[118] Gaitskell was challenged unsuccessfully for the leadership by Harold Wilson in November 1960.[119]

The "Blekpul" Conference of October 1961 saw a narrow conference vote in favour of ko'plateral disarmament.[118] Winning the unilateralism vote in 1961 restored Gaitskell's authority in the party and his reputation in the country.[120] Unilateral nuclear disarmament remained a divisive issue, and many on the Left continued to call for a change of leadership. Gaitskell was again challenged unsuccessfully for the Labour leadership in November 1961, bu safar Entoni Grinvud.[121]

The Demokratik sotsializm uchun kampaniya was founded to promote the Gaitskellite cause – it never acquired much influence in the ranks of the trades unions, but achieved some success in promoting the selection of friendly Parliamentary candidates.[118] Many of the younger CDS members would later be among the founding members of the breakaway Social Democratic Party (SDP) 1981 yilda.[122]

EEC entry

Gaitskell in 1961

Gaitskell alienated some of his supporters by his opposition to British membership of the Evropa iqtisodiy hamjamiyati, which Conservative Prime Minister Makmillan had been seeking since July 1961. Although not entirely opposed in principle to British entry, he believed that the EEC was resistant to reform and that membership would hurt Britain's relations with the Commonwealth.[118][123][124]

In a speech to the party conference in October 1962, Gaitskell claimed that Britain's participation in a Federal Europe would mean "the end of Britain as an independent European state, the end of a thousand years of history!" He added: "You may say, all right! Let it end! But, my goodness, it's a decision that needs a little care and thought."[122]

In the speech Gaitskell summoned up the memory of Vimi Ridj va Gallipoli, qayerda Kanadalik va ANZAK troops had fought alongside British, mixing his defence of national identity with the tradition of the Commonwealth. The speech dismayed many of Gaitskell's natural supporters but was applauded by many on the Left, causing his wife Dora to observe "all the wrong people are cheering".[118]

O'lim

In mid-December 1962, Gaitskell fell ill with gripp, but he was declared well enough by his doctor to travel to the Sovet Ittifoqi, where he met the Soviet leader Nikita Xrushchev muzokaralar uchun. Upon his return to Britain his condition deteriorated after he contracted another virus. On 4 January he was admitted to Midlseks kasalxonasi yilda Marylebone, where, despite enormous efforts by doctors to save his life, he died on 18 January, with his wife at his bedside. He had died from complications following a sudden flare-up of lupus, an otoimmun kasallik which had affected his heart and kidneys. He was 56.[125][58][126] The shock of his death was comparable to that of the sudden death of the later Labour Party leader Jon Smit, in May 1994, when he too seemed to be on the threshold of Dauning ko'chasi, 10-uy.[120]

Gaitskell had inherited £14,000 (around £800,000 at 2015 prices) from an aunt in April 1938, which was invested for him and multiplied several times (at a time of relatively high inflation) by a friend in the City. Gaitskell appears to have largely ignored this sum of capital, and his wife had no idea of his wealth.[127] His estate was valued for probate at £80,013-10s-0d on 23 April 1963 (around £1.5m at 2015 prices).[128][129] U cherkov hovlisida dafn etilgan Sent-Jon-Xempstid cherkovi, shimoliy London. His wife died in 1989 and was buried alongside him.[130]

Beginning with his time as a minister under Attlee, Gaitskell kept a diary until 1956. The diary is an important primary source for the politics of the era.[131]

Fitna nazariyalari

Gaitskell's death left an opening for Garold Uilson in the party leadership; Wilson narrowly won the next umumiy saylov for Labour 21 months later. The abrupt and unexpected nature of his death led to some speculation that yomon o'yin ishtirok etgan bo'lishi mumkin. Eng mashhur fitna nazariyasi involved a supposed Soviet KGB plot to ensure that Wilson (alleged by the supporters of these theories to be a KGB agent himself) became Prime Minister. This claim was given new life by Piter Rayt 's controversial 1987 book Spytatcher, but the only evidence that ever came to light was the testimony of a Soviet defektor, Anatoliy Golitsin. MI5 repeatedly investigated Wilson over the course of several years before conclusively deciding that he had no relationship with the KGB.[132]

Meros

Gaitskellites and after

Gaitskell was adored by followers like Roy Jenkins, who thought him a beacon of hope, decency and integrity, especially as Wilson's government came more and more to seem one of shabby compromises. Left-wingers like Barbara qal'asi loathed him for his intransigence. Ko'pchilik, shu jumladan Toni Benn – a Labour centrist at the time – simply thought him a divisive figure and initially welcomed Wilson as a fresh start who could unite the party. In the event Wilson's closest allies as Prime Minister – Crossman and Castle – were former Bevanites.[133]

However, many of the Gaitskellites held leading positions in Harold Wilson's Cabinet of 1964–70. Many of them – e.g. Roy Jenkins va Bill Rojers lekin emas Entoni Krosland yoki Duglas Jey – became supporters of British membership of the EEC, an issue on which Labour was split in the 1970s and which helped to precipitate the SDP split of 1981.[128]

John Campbell writes that "the echoes of the Gaitskell-Bevan rivalry continued to divide the party right up to the 1980s".[134] Nil Kinnok (Labour Leader 1983–92) grew up in Janubiy Uels and was brought up as an admirer of Bevan, but although he disliked the comparison his battle with the hard-left Jangarilarga moyillik in the mid-1980s had echoes of Gaitskellism; John Smith (Labour Leader 1992-4) had been a Gaitskellite as a young man in the early 1960s; Tony Blair's first act as leader in 1994 was finally to abolish Clause IV – for this and other acts he was supported by the elderly Roy Jenkins, who had become a Liberal Democrat by then. Like Gaitskell before him, Blair was often seen by many of his enemies in the Labour Party as a public-school educated, middle-class interloper.[133]

Toni Benn contrasted Gaitskell's stand on the Suvaysh inqirozi to that of the former British Prime Minister Toni Bler kuni Iroqdagi urush. Margaret Tetcher compared Blair with Gaitskell in a different manner, warning her party when Blair came to power that he was the most formidable Labour leader since Hugh Gaitskell.[135]

Baholash

Gaitskell's socialism was, in Campbell's view, that of a public servant wanting to see the world more rationally governed.[7] Gaitskell very likely might have become Prime Minister had he lived; however, he left no lasting monument other than "the fading memory of promise unfulfilled". Gaitskell, although no Marxist, was a sincere socialist but nonetheless was in some respects the first "moderniser" who saw how Labour would have to adapt to survive.[136]

His longtime close friend Roy Jenkins concluded a decade afterwards, in an article which he later quoted in his memoirs:

All his struggles illustrated some blemishes as well as exceptional strength. He would not have been a perfect Prime Minister. He was stubborn, rash, and could in a paradoxical way become too emotionally committed to an over-rational position which, once he had thought it rigorously through, he believed must be the final answer. He was only a moderately good judge of people. But when these faults are put in the scales and weighed against his qualities they shrivel away. He had purpose and direction, courage and humanity. He was a man for raising the sights of politics. He clashed on great issues. He avoided the petty bitterness of personal jealousy. You could raise a banner which men were proud to follow, but he never perverted his leadership ability; it was infused by sense and humour, and by a desire to change the world, not for his own satisfaction, but so that people might more enjoy living in it.... He was that very rare phenomenon, a great politician was also an unusually agreeable man.[137]

Because he never became Prime Minister, and because of the great capacity many considered that he had for the post, Hugh Gaitskell is remembered largely with respect from people both within and outside of the Labour Party. Gaitskell is regarded by some as "the best Prime Minister we never had".[138]

Brivati acknowledged that he had "an almost reckless honesty and courage"[128] which could turn into stubbornness.[20] "His leadership was a heroic failure" and "The defining moment of the post-war history of the Labour Party".[128] Although by 1963 Gaitskell appeared to be on the verge of leading Labour back into power, it still took what Brivati describes as "the greatest performance by a leader of the opposition [last] century" for Harold Wilson to lead Labour back by a narrow majority.[118]

Brivati writes that for Gaitskell "socialism was not an end state … but the reform of institutions and practices for the more effective realisation of preferred values". Evan Durbin's Politics of Democratic Socialism (1940) was a seminal text.[106] Gaitskell was not, in Brivati's view, a "progressive" in any modern sense. He favoured equality and thought the free market wasteful. He wanted to incorporate Liberal opinion within the Labour vote. However, the modernising leaders of subsequent generations, Nil Kinnok va Toni Bler, were to a certain extent continuing Gaitskell's tradition.[128]

Yodgorliklar

His name appears in popular culture from time to time. For example, 'Hugh Gaitskell House' is the building Nikolas Lindxurst 's character Garry Sparrow is looking for in Xayrli tun when he first stumbles into Ikkinchi jahon urushi London. A tower block of that name can be found opposite Stok Newington temir yo'l stantsiyasi Shimoliy Londonda.

Hugh Gaitskell Primary School is situated in Beeston, part of his former Leeds South constituency.[139][140] The area is now in the Leeds Central constituency, represented by Xilari Benn.

In 1978, some 15 years after his death, a new housing development by Sandwell council in the Tivideyl maydoni G'arbiy Midlend was named Gaitskell Terrace.

Gaitskell was buried in Hampstead, and a memorial plaque to his name is prominently placed in the cloisters of Oksforddagi yangi kollej.[141]

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Bibliografiya

Tashqi havolalar

Buyuk Britaniya parlamenti
Oldingi
Genri Charleton		 Parlament a'zosi uchun Lids janubi
1945 –1963		Muvaffaqiyatli
Merlin Ris
Siyosiy idoralar
Oldingi
Uilyam Foster		 Yoqilg'i va elektr energiyasi vazirining parlament kotibi
1946–1947		Muvaffaqiyatli
Alfred Robens
Oldingi
Menni Shinvel		 Yoqilg'i va elektr energiyasi vaziri
1947–1950		Muvaffaqiyatli
Filipp Noel-Beyker
Oldingi
Ser Stafford Cripps		 Iqtisodiy ishlar vaziri
19501		Bo'sh
Ofis bekor qilindi
Sarlavha keyingi tomonidan o'tkaziladi
Ser Artur Salter
Bosh vazirning kansleri
1950–1951		Muvaffaqiyatli
Rab Butler
Oldingi
Artur Grinvud		 Mehnat partiyasining xazinachisi
1954–1956		Muvaffaqiyatli
Aneurin Bevan
Oldingi
Klement Attlei		 Mehnat partiyasining etakchisi
1955–1963		Muvaffaqiyatli
Garold Uilson
Muxolifat lideri
1955–1963
Izohlar va ma'lumotnomalar
1. Vazirlar ro'yxati http://www.nationalarchives.gov.uk/releases/2006/march/ministers.htm