Iqtisodiy demokratiya - Economic democracy

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Iqtisodiy demokratiya a ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy qaror qabul qilish kuchini o'zgartirishni taklif qiladigan falsafa korporativ menejerlar va korporativ aktsiyadorlar ning katta guruhiga jamoat manfaatdor tomonlari ishchilar, mijozlar, etkazib beruvchilar, qo'shnilar va keng jamoatchilikni o'z ichiga oladi. Hech qanday aniq ta'rif yoki yondashuv iqtisodiy demokratiyani qamrab olmaydi, ammo aksariyat tarafdorlar zamonaviy mulk munosabatlari deb da'vo qiladilar tashqi holatga keltirish xarajatlar, umumiy farovonlikni xususiy foydaga bo'ysundirish va iqtisodiy siyosat qarorlarida demokratiyaning ovozini inkor etish.[1] Ushbu axloqiy tashvishlardan tashqari, iqtisodiy demokratiya uning o'rnini qoplashi mumkinligi kabi amaliy da'volarni ilgari surmoqda kapitalizm tabiiydir samarali talab bo'shliq.[2]

Iqtisodiy demokratiya tarafdorlari odatda zamonaviy kapitalizm vaqti-vaqti bilan iqtisodiy inqirozni keltirib chiqaradi, chunki samarali talab etishmasligi bilan tavsiflanadi, chunki jamiyat o'z mahsulotini sotib olish uchun etarli daromad ololmaydi. Korporativ monopoliya ning umumiy manbalar odatda yaratadi sun'iy tanqislik Natijada, ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy muvozanat buziladi, bu ishchilarni iqtisodiy imkoniyatlardan foydalanishni cheklaydi va iste'molchini kamaytiradi sotib olish qobiliyati.[3] Iqtisodiy demokratiya yirik ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy mafkuralarning tarkibiy qismi sifatida, mustaqil nazariya va turli xil islohot dasturlari sifatida taklif qilingan. Masalan, to'liq ta'minlash vositasi sifatida iqtisodiy huquqlar, bu to'liqlikka yo'l ochadi siyosiy huquqlar, avvalgisini o'z ichiga olgan deb belgilangan.[1] Iqtisodiy demokratiyaning ham bozor, ham bozordan tashqari nazariyalari taklif qilingan. Islohot kun tartibi sifatida, qo'llab-quvvatlovchi nazariyalar va real hayotiy misollar markazsizlashtirish va iqtisodiy erkinlashtirish ga demokratik kooperativlar, davlat banki, o'zaro foydali savdo-sotiq va mintaqalashtirish ning oziq-ovqat ishlab chiqarish va valyuta.

Samarali talabning etishmasligi

Ko'pgina tahlilchilarning fikriga ko'ra, samarali talabning etishmasligi eng asosiy iqtisodiy muammo hisoblanadi. Ya'ni, zamonaviy jamiyat o'z mahsulotini sotib olish uchun etarli daromad olmaydi. Masalan, iqtisodiy geograf Devid Xarvi da'volar, "Ishchilarning ish haqini sarflashi samarali talabning bir manbasidir, ammo ish haqi jami har doim muomaladagi jami kapitaldan kam bo'ladi (aks holda foyda bo'lmaydi), shuning uchun ish haqi tovarlarini sotib olish kundalik hayotni (hatto shahar atrofidagi turmush tarzi) mahsulotning umumiy hajmini foydali sotish uchun hech qachon etarli bo'lmaydi ".[2]

In Georgiy har qanday ko'rinishi iqtisodiy tizim, "boylik" inson xohish-istaklarini qondirish uchun mehnat orqali ishlab chiqarilgan barcha moddiy narsalarni o'z ichiga oladi ayirboshlash qiymati. Er, mehnat va kapital odatda boylik ishlab chiqarishning muhim omillari hisoblanadi. Er barcha tabiiy imkoniyatlar va kuchlarni o'z ichiga oladi. Mehnat insonning barcha mashaqqatlarini o'z ichiga oladi. Poytaxt ko'proq boylik ishlab chiqarishga mo'ljallangan boylikning bir qismini o'z ichiga oladi. Garchi har qanday shaxsning daromadi ushbu uch manbaning har qanday kombinatsiyasidan olinadigan mablag'ni o'z ichiga olishi mumkin bo'lsa - er, ishchi kuchi va kapital odatda boylikni ishlab chiqarish va taqsimlashning iqtisodiy modellarida bir-birini istisno etuvchi omillar hisoblanadi. Ga binoan Genri Jorj: "Odamlar o'zlarining xohish-istaklarini eng kam harakat bilan qondirishga intilishadi".[3] Odamlar tabiat bilan o'zaro aloqada bo'lib, boshqa odamlar uchun zarur bo'lgan yoki xohlagan tovar va xizmatlarni ishlab chiqarishadi. Qonunlar va Bojxona ushbu sub'ektlar o'rtasidagi munosabatlarni tartibga soluvchi jamiyatning iqtisodiy tuzilishini tashkil etadi.

Shu bilan bir qatorda, Devid Shvikart uning kitobida ta'kidlaydi, Kapitalizmdan keyin: "Kapitalistik jamiyat tuzilishi uchta asosiy tarkibiy qismdan iborat:

  • "Asosiy qism ishlab chiqarish vositalari to'g'ridan-to'g'ri jismoniy shaxslar yoki o'zlari xususiy shaxslarga tegishli bo'lgan korporatsiyalar tomonidan xususiy mulkdir.
  • "Mahsulotlar bozorda ayirboshlanadi, ya'ni tovarlar va xizmatlar narxlarni baholash bo'yicha ba'zi davlat idoralari tomonidan emas, balki raqobat tomonidan belgilanadigan narxlarda sotib olinadi va sotiladi. Shaxsiy korxonalar tovar va xizmatlarni taqdim etishda bir-biri bilan raqobatlashadi. har bir korxona foyda olishga harakat qilayotgan iste'molchilar.Bu raqobat narxlarning asosiy hal qiluvchi omilidir.
  • "Ushbu jamiyatda ish haqi bilan ishlaydigan odamlarning aksariyati ishlab chiqarish vositalariga ega bo'lgan boshqa odamlar uchun ishlaydi. Ishlayotganlarning ko'pi"ish haqi bilan ishlaydigan ishchilar '".[4]

Talab va talab tashkil etish uchun bozor funktsiyalari sifatida odatda qabul qilinadi narxlar. Tashkilotlar odatda 1) minimallashtirishga intilishadi mahsulot tannarxi; 2) sotishni ko'paytirish; 3) foydani maksimal darajaga ko'tarish maqsadida. Ammo Devid Shvaykartning fikriga ko'ra, agar "jamiyatning tovarlari va xizmatlarini ishlab chiqaruvchilarga ularning ishlab chiqarish hissasidan kamroq maosh to'lanadigan bo'lsa", demak iste'molchilar sifatida ular ishlab chiqarilgan barcha tovarlarni sotib ololmaydilar va investorlarning ishonchi pasayib, ishlab chiqarishning pasayishiga olib keladi. ish bilan ta'minlash. Bunday iqtisodiy beqarorlik markaziy qarama-qarshilikdan kelib chiqadi: ish haqi ham ishlab chiqarish tannarxi, ham manbai hisoblanadi samarali talab (xarid qobiliyati bilan ta'minlangan ehtiyojlar yoki istaklar), [5] natijada samarali talabning etishmasligi va iqtisodiy demokratiyaga bo'lgan qiziqishning ortishi.

Kitobining 3-bobida "Jamoatchilikni tashkil qilish: nazariya va amaliyot", Duglas P. Biklen "Ijtimoiy muammolarni yaratish" bo'yicha turli xil qarashlarni muhokama qiladi. Ushbu qarashlardan biri "ijtimoiy muammolarni ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy demokratiya nuqtai nazaridan belgilaydigan yozuvchilar va tashkilotchilar muammolarni kambag'al odamlarning tajribasi sifatida emas, balki qashshoqlikning boylik va ekspluatatsiya bilan aloqasi sifatida ko'rishadi" degan fikrni bildiradi. Biklenning ta'kidlashicha, ushbu nuqtai nazardan:

[C] orporat hokimiyat, yuqori toifadagi hokimiyat, boylikning notekis taqsimlanishi va xurofot ijtimoiy muammolarni keltirib chiqaradi ... [T] u muammo qashshoqlik emas, balki ulkan boylik bilan bog'liq. Muammo boshqa yaxshi tizimdagi bo'shliqlar yoki yoriqlar emas, balki irq, jins, yosh va nogironlik to'g'risidagi xurujli qarashlarni davom ettiradigan tizimda. Muammo qobiliyatsizlikda emas, balki ta'lim, ish joylari va hokimiyat uchun to'siqlardir. Shunga ko'ra, boylik, kuch va dunyoqarash nuqtai nazaridan ijtimoiy tabaqalar o'rtasida chuqur jarlik mavjud ekan, an'anaviy ijtimoiy dasturlar shunchaki zulmni engillashtiruvchi vosita sifatida ishlaydi, ammo odamlarning keng miqyosdagi qashshoqligini to'xtatish usuli sifatida emas. Ushbu istiqbol, avvalambor, eklektikdir. Bu Marksning ijtimoiy sinflar tengsizligini tanqid qilishini qamrab oladi, ammo bu nafaqat ijtimoiy sinflar tahlili. Bu irqchilikka qarshi, ammo bu nafaqat irqiy tenglik nazariyasi. Bu hokimiyatning demokratik taqsimlanishini qo'llab-quvvatlaydi, ammo iqtisodiy nazariya hamdir. Buni ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy demokratiya istiqboli deb atash mumkin.[6]

Jamg'arma, sarmoyalar va ishsizlik

Uning 1879 kitobida Taraqqiyot va qashshoqlik, Genri Jorj "erkin bozor" iqtisodiyotida yaratilgan boyliklarning aksariyati er egalari tomonidan o'zlashtirilgan va monopolistlar orqali iqtisodiy ijara va shunga o'xshash kontsentratsiya topilmagan boylik qashshoqlikning asosiy sababi bo'lgan.[7] "" Bozor "deb nomlanuvchi mavhumlik ortida dunyodagi eng imtiyozli odamlar guruhi - birinchi dunyodagi kreditor-rentaer sinfining va uchinchisidagi kichik sheriklarning boyligi va qudratini maksimal darajaga ko'tarish uchun mo'ljallangan bir qator institutlar yashiringan" .[8] Shvikart xususiy jamg'armalar nafaqat iqtisodiy o'sish uchun keraksiz, balki ko'pincha umumiy iqtisodiyot uchun zararli deb da'vo qildi.[9]

Rivojlangan sanoat jamiyatida biznes krediti sog'lom iqtisodiyot uchun zarurdir. Ishlab chiqarishni kengaytirmoqchi bo'lgan biznes boshqalarning mehnatiga buyruq berishi kerak va pul bu vakolatni amalga oshirishning sukut mexanizmi.[10] Odatda naqd pul yig'ishdan ko'ra, bank uchun kapitalni qarzga olish biznes uchun arzonroq bo'ladi.

Agar xususiy jamg'armalar ularni xomashyo sotib olish va ishchilarni yollash uchun ishlatadigan tadbirkorlarga qarzga berilsa, unda yalpi talab kamaymaydi.[10] Biroq, xususiy jamg'armalar qayta sarmoyalanmaganida, butun iqtisodiyot retsessiya, ishsizlik va jamg'armalarning yo'q bo'lib ketishiga olib keladi [11] samarali talab etishmasligini tavsiflovchi.

Shu nuqtai nazardan, ishsizlik har qanday tizimli nosozlikni ko'rsatuvchi aberatsiya emas. Aksincha, ishsizlik kapitalizmning zaruriy tarkibiy xususiyati bo'lib, u ishchi kuchini tartibga solishga qaratilgan. Agar ishsizlik juda past bo'lsa, ishchilar ish haqiga talablarni qo'yadilar yoki foyda kelgusidagi investitsiyalarni xavf ostiga qo'yadigan darajada kamaytiradilar yoki iste'molchilarga etkazadilar, shu bilan inflyatsion beqarorlikni keltirib chiqaradilar. Shvaykart shunday degan: "Kapitalizm to'liq ish bilan ta'minlanadigan iqtisodiyot bo'lishi mumkin emas, faqat juda qisqa muddat bundan mustasno. Chunki ishsizlik bu"ko'rinmas qo'l "- tayoq ko'tarish - bu ishchi kuchini safda ushlab turish."[12] Shu nuqtai nazardan, Adam Smitnikidir "ko'rinmas qo'l" iqtisodiy kuchlarni keng miqyosda boshqarish uchun ishonchli ko'rinmaydi.[13]

Shveytskart va boshqa tahlilchilar biznes krediti xususiy omonatchilar tomonidan emas, balki davlat manbalaridan olinishi mumkin deb hisoblasalar, xususiy omonatchilarga foizlarni to'lashni iqtisodiy o'sish uchun keraksiz va keraksiz deb hisoblashadi. Bundan tashqari, iste'mol qilish o'rniga tejash to'g'risidagi shaxsiy qaror yalpi talabni pasaytiradi, ishsizlik ehtimolini oshiradi va iqtisodiy turg'unlik tendentsiyasini kuchaytiradi. Boy odamlar kambag'allarga qaraganda ko'proq tejashga moyil bo'lgani uchun, ortiqcha tejamkorlik tufayli iqtisodiyotning pasayishga moyilligi jamiyat yanada boyib borishi bilan yanada keskinlashib boradi.[10] Richard Uilkinson va Keyt Pikett tengsiz boy davlatlarda sog'liqni saqlash va ijtimoiy muammolar sezilarli darajada yomonroq ekanligini ta'kidladilar.[14] Ularning ta'kidlashicha, "jamiyatda tengsizlikning zararli ta'siri bor: ishonchni yo'qotish, xavotir va kasallikning ko'payishi, (va) ortiqcha iste'molni rag'batlantirish").[15]

Monopol hokimiyat va sotib olish qobiliyatiga nisbatan

Duglas P. Biklen ijtimoiy muammolarga nisbatan ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy demokratiya nuqtai nazaridan:

Foyda mavzusi individual farovonlikni yo'qqa chiqaradi, bu ijtimoiy muammolarni monopoliyaga qarshi nuqtai nazaridan kelib chiqadi. Bir tomondan, kambag'al va o'rta daromadli odamlar tovar va xizmatlar uchun to'lovlarni to'lashning kam yoki mavjud bo'lmagan qobiliyatlari tufayli hayotlarini buzadi. Boy odamlar esa ularning nisbiy mavqei, boylik va qudrat jihatidan, ijtimoiy tabaqalar orasidagi jarlikni saqlab qolish qobiliyati bilan o'sib borishini aniqlaydilar. Shunday qilib, ijtimoiy muammolarni yaratishda monopoliyalar yoki jamlangan boylik katta rol o'ynaydi. Darhaqiqat, aytish mumkinki, monopoliyalar va boylikning konsentratsiyasini targ'ib qiluvchi siyosat muammo hisoblanadi.[16]

Iqtisodiyot fani asosan o'rganishdir tanqislik boshqaruv; "inson xulq-atvorini muqobil foydalanish imkoniyatlari mavjud bo'lgan maqsadlar va kam vositalar o'rtasidagi munosabatlar sifatida o'rganadigan fan".[17] Yo'qligi va mavjud resurslardan muqobil foydalanish, ko'plab tahlilchilarning ta'kidlashicha, yo'q iqtisodiy muammo ".U ushbu funktsiyalarni ommaviy noto'g'ri deb hisoblar ekan, Kellogg shuningdek, chora topib, amalga oshirish uchun jamoatchilikning javobgarligini ta'kidladi. Umuman olganda monopol hokimiyat, ba'zilari bu "ommaviy noto'g'ri" ni eng ta'sirchan omil deb bilishadi sun'iy tanqislik. Masalan, Genri Jorj qo'shimcha ravishda quyidagilarni taklif qildi:

Haqiqatda mehnat va kapital o'rtasida ziddiyat yo'q; haqiqiy mojaro mehnat va monopoliya o'rtasida ... Erkaklar o'zlarini ishlashini taqiqlaydigan monopoliyani bekor qiling va kapital, ehtimol, mehnatga zulm qilolmaydi ... [R] mehnatkashni poytaxtdan mahrum qiladigan adolatsizligi sababini yaratdi va uning mehnatini yaratdi va kapitalistik va ishchi o'rtasidagi keskin farq, aslida, o'z hayotini to'xtatadi.[18]

Masalan, ko'plab tahlilchilar o'ylashadi kashfiyot "monopol kapital tomonidan qo'lga kiritilgan va uni maxfiy va" kamyob mahsulot "qilish maqsadida himoyalangan, ozmi-ko'pmi xarajatsiz bilimlar do'koni, monopol narxlarda sotish uchun. ixtiroga kelsak, ularga narx qo'yiladi ular kam bo'lgani uchun emas, balki ulardan foydalanishni istaganlar uchun ularni kam qilish uchun. "[19][20][21] Patent monopoliyalari aktsiyalar narxlarini moddiy ish haqi qiymatidan yuqoriga ko'taradi. Mehnat qiymati va monopol qiymat o'rtasidagi farq tovarlarning narxlarini ko'taradi va uni olish uchun hech qanday hissa qo'shmagan vositachilar tomonidan "foyda" sifatida yig'iladi.[21]

Tahlilchilar odatda bunday shartlar odatda samarali talab etishmasligiga olib keladi degan fikrga qo'shilishadi. Mehnat korxonalari ishlab chiqaradigan narsalarni sotib olish uchun etarli darajada pul topolmaydi. Ga binoan Jek Rasmus, muallifi Trillion dollarlik daromad o'zgarishi, 2006 yil iyun oyida Goldman Sachs investitsiya banki shunday xabar berdi: "So'nggi besh yil ichida foyda marjasining yuqorilashishiga eng muhim hissa - bu Leyboristlarning milliy daromaddagi ulushining pasayishi bo'ldi". [22]

Umumiy muhofaza

Sun'iy ravishda cheklangan ish kuchining umumiy resurslardan foydalanish odatda monopol yoki umumiy binolarni muhofaza qilish. Tabiatan o'rnatilgan iqtisodiy muvozanat tufayli, bunday monopol tuzilmalar markaziy ravishda qonun bilan belgilanadi va ularni harbiy kuch, savdo bitimlari yoki har ikkisi ham ta'minlashi kerak.[7]

1911 yilda amerikalik jurnalist Ambrose Bierce "er" quyidagicha ta'riflangan:

Mulk sifatida qaraladigan er yuzining bir qismi. Yer xususiy mulkchilik va boshqaruvga bo'ysunadigan mulkdir degan nazariya zamonaviy jamiyatning asosidir .... O'zining mantiqiy xulosasiga kelganda, bu ba'zilar boshqalarning yashashiga to'sqinlik qilish huquqiga ega ekanligini anglatadi; chunki egalik huquqi faqat egallash huquqini nazarda tutadi; va aslida buzilish qonunlari erdagi mulk tan olinadigan joyda qabul qilinadi. Bundan kelib chiqadiki, agar terra firmasining butun maydoni A, B va C ga tegishli bo'lsa, D, E, F va G ning tug'ilishi yoki buzg'unchilar sifatida tug'ilishi uchun joy bo'lmaydi.[23]

Yilda Servil davlat (1912), Hilaire Belloc ga tegishli Muhafazalar harakati u: «Angliya allaqachon boylar tomonidan qo'lga kiritilgan edi oligarxiya buyuklar seriyasidan oldin sanoat kashfiyotlar boshlandi ". Agar siz yangi sanoatni boshlash uchun to'plangan boylikni qidirsangiz", siz Angliyada ishlab chiqarish vositalarining asosiy qismini allaqachon monopollashtirgan sinfga murojaat qilishingiz kerak edi. Sizga boylarni yolg'iz o'zi etkazib berishi mumkin ".[24]

Ga binoan Piter Barns, muallifi Kapitalizm 3.0, Adam Smit yozganida Xalqlar boyligi 1776 yilda biznesning dominant shakli sheriklik bo'lib, unda mintaqaviy hamkasblar guruhlari birgalikda biznes yuritgan. Shu nuqtai nazardan qaraganda, ko'pchilik firibgarlikka moyil bo'lgan korporativ model - begonalarga sotilgan aktsiyalarni ko'rib chiqdilar. Tarixiy jihatdan ko'plab janjallar korporativ siyosatning ushbu xira ko'rinishini qo'llab-quvvatlasa-da, kichik sherikliklar, ehtimol, korporativ ishlab chiqarilgan jami kapital bilan raqobatlasha olmaydi. o'lchov iqtisodiyoti. Korporatsiyalarning boshqa har qanday biznes modeliga nisbatan eng katta ustunligi bu ularning begonalardan mablag 'yig'ish qobiliyatidir. Korporativ model aktsiyadorlarning javobgarligini ular kiritgan mablag'lar bilan cheklaydigan qonunlardan foydalanadi.[25]

Yilda Iqtisodiy demokratiyaning muqaddimasi, Robert A. Dahl buni taklif qiladi agrar erta Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarida iqtisodiyot va jamiyat "a inqilobiy avtomatik ravishda ulkan hosil qilgan tijorat va sanoat kapitalizmining yangi tizimiga o'tish tengsizlik boylik, daromad, holat va kuch "Dahl bunday tengsizliklar"ozodlik cheksiz to'plash iqtisodiy resurslar va iqtisodiy faoliyatni tashkil etish ierarxik jihatdan boshqariladigan korxonalar. "[26]

Korporatsiyalarning kuchayishi va ishchi kuchi etishmovchiligining tugashi

Muallif Greg MacLeodning so'zlariga ko'ra, korporatsiya tushunchasi Rim davrida paydo bo'lgan. Biroq, "zamonaviy biznes korporatsiyasi qadimgi ildizlaridan tubdan rivojlanib, huquq tarixchilari tushunadigan maqsadga unchalik bog'liq bo'lmagan shaklga aylandi". Yuridik tarixchi Jon Devis ta'kidlashicha, biznes korporatsiyasining kashshofi birinchi bo'lgan monastir maqsadi jamiyatga xizmat qilish bo'lgan oltinchi asrda tashkil etilgan. 1900 yilgacha bo'lgan aksariyat biznes korporatsiyalar Buyuk Britaniyada rivojlanib, ular tomonidan tashkil etilgan qirol nizomi, jamiyatga hissa qo'shishni kutish bilan. Birlashish toj yoki millat uchun xizmat evaziga berilgan imtiyoz edi. MacLeod davom etadi:

Korporatsiya qonun bilan yuridik shaxs sifatida mavjud deb hisoblanadi. In O'rta yosh bu "persona ficta" deb nomlangan. Bu biznes korporatsiyasiga qarashning juda foydali usuli, chunki u to'g'ri ekanligini ko'rsatadi korporativ shaxs ma'lum bir xususiyatga ega. Unga uni qo'llab-quvvatlagan qonuniy hukumat yoki jamiyat tomonidan berilgan vazifalar va mas'uliyatlar mavjud. Korporativ shaxs jamiyatdan katta foyda oladi - va buning evaziga u katta mas'uliyatni o'z zimmasiga olishi kerak. Eng asosiy vazifalardan biri bu har qanday jamiyat uchun zarur bo'lgan ish joylarini yaratishdir.[27]

XIX asrning o'rtalariga kelib, korporatsiyalar abadiy yashashi, har qanday yuridik faoliyat bilan shug'ullanishi va boshqa korporatsiyalar bilan birlashishi yoki sotib olinishi mumkin edi. 1886 yilda AQSh Oliy sudi ostida huquqqa ega bo'lgan "shaxslar" sifatida qonuniy ravishda tan olingan korporatsiyalar O'n to'rtinchi o'zgartirish yashash bilan bir xil himoyaga fuqarolar. O'rtacha fuqarolardan farqli o'laroq, yirik korporatsiyalar ixtiyorida katta miqdordagi pul oqimlari mavjud edi. Ushbu pulga ular yollashlari mumkin lobbistlar, siyosatchilarga mo'l-ko'l xayriya qiling va tebraning jamoatchilik fikri.

Ammo, shunga qaramay Oliy sud qarorlar, zamonaviy korporatsiya haqiqiy shaxs emas. Aksincha, Barnes so'zlariga ko'ra, ommaviy aktsiyadorlik korporatsiyasi "avtomat ", o'z egalariga qaytishni maksimal darajaga ko'tarish uchun aniq ishlab chiqilgan. Korporatsiya hech qachon uxlamaydi yoki sekinlashmaydi. U iloji boricha ko'proq xarajatlarni tashqariga chiqaradi va hech qachon rentabellikning yuqori chegarasiga chiqmaydi, chunki bunday chegara hali o'rnatilmagan. Natijada, korporatsiyalar 1955 yilda sotuvlar Fortune 500 AQSh yalpi ichki mahsulotining uchdan bir qismini tashkil etdi. 2004 yilga kelib ular uchdan ikki qismga qo'mondonlik qildilar. Boshqacha qilib aytganda, ushbu bir necha yuz korporatsiya sheriklik shaklida tashkil etilgan kichik firmalar o'rnini egalladi yoki mulkchilik. Korporatsiyalar bir hil global o'yin maydonini yaratdilar, ular atrofida xom ashyo, ishchi kuchi, kapital, tayyor mahsulotlar, soliq to'lash majburiyatlari va foydasini erkin ravishda harakatga keltira oladilar. Shunday qilib, korporativ franchayzing doimiy grantga aylandi suverenitet, shu jumladan o'lmaslik, o'zini o'zi boshqarish va cheklangan javobgarlik. Yigirmanchi asrning oxiriga kelib korporativ hokimiyat - ham iqtisodiy, ham siyosiy - butun dunyoga tarqaldi. Xalqaro shartnomalar nafaqat pasaytirildi tariflar lekin kengaytirilgan korporativ mulk huquqi va suveren davlatlarning korporatsiyalarni tartibga solish qobiliyatini pasaytirdi.[25]

Devid Shvikkartning ta'kidlashicha, bunday "kapitalning gipermobilligi" iqtisodiy va siyosiy xavfsizlikni keltirib chiqaradi.[10] "Agar kam ish haqini qidirish kapital harakatida hukmronlik qiladigan bo'lsa, natijada nafaqat butun dunyo bo'ylab ish haqi nomutanosibliklari (ba'zi iqtisodchilar ta'kidlaydigan yaxshilik) pasayishi, balki umumiy global daromadning pasayishi (to'g'ridan-to'g'ri utilitariya) bo'ladi. yomon). "[28] Jek Rasmus, muallifi Uydagi urush va Trillion dollarlik daromad o'zgarishi, korporativ hokimiyatning tobora ortib borayotgan kontsentratsiyasi iqtisodiy qarzdorlik, ishsizlik va qashshoqlikning sababi deb ta'kidlaydi turg'unlik va depressiya. Rasmusning so'zlariga ko'ra, zamonaviy Amerikada daromadlar tengsizligi korporatsiyalar daromadlarining nisbiy ulushi va uy xo'jaliklarining eng badavlat ulushi bir foizga oshgani sayin o'sib boradi, daromadlar ulushi esa Qo'shma Shtatlardagi ishchilar sonining 80 foiziga kamayadi. Ikkinchi Jahon urushidan keyin o'ttiz yil davomida barqaror o'sishdan so'ng, aksariyat amerikalik ishchilarning turmush darajasi 1970 yillarning o'rtalaridan hozirgi kungacha keskin pasayib ketdi. Rasmus zamonaviy Amerika jamiyatidagi daromadlar farqining tobora ortib borayotganini o'n yillikka taqqoslaydi Katta depressiya "Taxminan har yili 1 trillion dollardan ziyod daromad Amerikadagi 90 millionga yaqin ishchi oilalaridan korporatsiyalarga va eng badavlat ishchi bo'lmagan oilalarga o'tkaziladi. 2001 yildan buyon yuzlab yangi milliarderlar tashkil topgan bo'lsa-da, haqiqiy haftalik daromad 2007 yilda 100 million ishchi 1980 yilga nisbatan kamroq Ronald Reygan lavozimga kirishdi ".

Iqtisodchining fikriga ko'ra Richard D. Volf, 1970-yillarda ishchi kuchi etishmovchiligiga chek qo'yildi, bu esa bir asrdan ko'proq vaqt davomida o'rtacha ko'tarilishni osonlashtirdi real ish haqi Qo'shma Shtatlarda.[29] Vulffning aytishicha, amerikaliklar samarali talabning etishmasligiga ko'proq soatlab ishlash va ortiqcha qarz olish bilan javob berishgan; ikkinchisi uchun yo'l ochmoqda 2007–08 yillardagi moliyaviy inqiroz.[30]

Imperializm

Devid Xarvining so'zlariga ko'ra, "kapitalni eksport qilish va dunyo bo'ylab yangi bozorlarni rivojlantirish" samarali talab etishmasligi uchun "kapitalizmning o'zi kabi eski" echimdir.[31] Imperializm, tomonidan belgilab qo'yilgan Inson geografiyasining lug'ati, "hukmronlik va bo'ysunishga asoslangan, odatda davlatlar o'rtasida va ko'pincha imperiya shaklida teng bo'lmagan iqtisodiy, madaniy va hududiy munosabatlarni yaratish va / yoki ta'minlash" dir.[32] "Ushbu geografik siljishlar", Devid Xarvining so'zlariga ko'ra, "notekis geografik rivojlanishning yuragi".[33]

Vladimir Lenin imperializmni kapitalizmning eng yuqori bosqichi sifatida qaragan. Uning ta'kidlashicha, banklar va sanoat kartellarining birlashishi moliya kapitalini keltirib chiqardi va keyinchalik ichki bozor taklif qila oladigan miqdordan ko'proq foyda olish maqsadida eksport qilindi (tovar o'rniga). Siyosiy va moliyaviy hokimiyat xalqaro monopolist firmalar va Evropa davlatlari o'rtasida bo'linib, o'z bizneslarini qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun dunyoning katta qismlarini mustamlaka qildi.[34] Tahlilchi Maykl Parentining so'zlariga ko'ra, imperializm "bu bir millatning hukmron siyosiy-iqtisodiy manfaatlari, o'zlarining boyligi uchun boshqa xalqning erini, ishchi kuchini, xom ashyolarini va bozorlarini ekspluatatsiya qilish jarayonidir".[35] Parentining aytishicha, imperializm kapitalizmdan qadimgi. Kengayish xususiyatini hisobga olgan holda, kapitalizm uyda qolishga unchalik moyil emas. U imperializmni odatda Qo'shma Shtatlar haqidagi qonuniy da'vo deb tan olmasa ham, Parenti ta'kidladi:

Imperatorlar va konkistadorlar asosan talon-taroj va o'lpon, oltin va ulug'vorlikka qiziqishgan. Kapitalistik imperializm mehnatni uyushgan ekspluatatsiya qilish va chet el bozorlariga kirib borish orqali kapitalni muntazam ravishda to'plashi bilan ushbu oldingi shakllardan farq qiladi. Kapitalistik imperializm boshqa mamlakatlarga sarmoya kiritadi, ularning iqtisodiyotini, madaniyatini va siyosiy hayotini o'zgartiradi va hukmronlik qiladi, ularning moliyaviy va ishlab chiqarish tuzilmalarini xalqaro kapital to'plash tizimiga qo'shadi.[35]

Uning kitobida, XXI asr uchun siyosiy kurash, J.W. Smit imperatorlik tsivilizatsiyasi tarixining iqtisodiy asoslarini tekshiradi. Jahon miqyosida, uning so'zlariga ko'ra, rivojlangan davlatlar zaif rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlarning harbiy kuchi, harbiy holati va savdo-sotiqning adolatsiz amaliyoti orqali iqtisodiy va texnologik rivojlanishiga to'sqinlik qilish yoki taqiqlashga moyil. mustamlakachilik. Ritorik tarzda "eng yaxshi odamning omon qolishi ", yoki"qudrat to'g'ri qiladi ", bunday iqtisodiy inqirozlar tomonidan o'rnatilgan nomutanosibliklardan kelib chiqadi korporativ imperializm. Xuddi shaharlardagi kabi O'rta yosh monopollashtirildi ishlab chiqarish vositalari Xom ashyo manbalari va qishloq bozorlarini zabt etish va nazorat qilish orqali Smit zamonaviy kapital markazlari hozirgi dunyomizni ba'zan "umumiy" deb nomlanuvchi davlat resurslarining xususiy monopoliyasi orqali boshqarishini da'vo qilmoqda. Savdo-sotiqning tengsizligi tufayli rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlar ishlab chiqarilgan tovarlarning importi uchun ortiqcha haq oladilar va xom ashyo eksporti uchun kam haq to'laydilar, chunki boylik imperiyaning chekkasidan olinadi va kapital-imperiya markazlarida to'planadi:

Sakkiz yuz yil muqaddam Evropaning qudratli davlatlari boshqalarning ibtidoiy sanoat kapitalini bosqinchilik qilish va yo'q qilish orqali qishloqning resurslari va bozorlarini boshqarishni o'rgandilar, shu bilan bu kapitalni ochiqdan-ochiq monopollashtirdilar va ish haqining o'ta tengsizligini o'rnatdilar va saqlab qoldilar. Ushbu kam ish haqi imperatorlik-kapital markazlariga qishloq boyligini yutib yubordi. Qudratli odamlar savdo-sotiqni talon-taroj qilishni o'rgandilar va shu vaqtdan beri ushbu qobiliyatlarni takomillashtirmoqdalar.[1]

Smit, tarixdagi boshqa moliyaviy imperiyalar singari, zamonaviy model boyliklarni rivojlantirish va boshqarish uchun zarur bo'lgan ittifoqlarni tuzib, chekka davlatlarni imperatorlik kapital markazlari uchun arzon resurslarni etkazib beruvchilarni ushlab turishini aytdi. Bellokning ta'kidlashicha, Angliya qamoqxonalarida «butun aholining yarmi ehtimol edi proletar "Boshqa yarmi" ishlab chiqarish vositalariga egalik qilgan va ularni boshqargan. Zamonaviy kapitalizm sharoitida JW Smit 500 dan kam odam Yer aholisining yarmidan ko'prog'iga ega deb da'vo qilmoqda. Boyliklarning 1/2 qismining 1/2 qismi Qo'shma Shtatlar aholisi taxminan 90 foizga teng. [13]

Muqobil modellar

"Kapitalizmning tuzilish nuqsonlaridan xoli bo'lgan muqobil iqtisodiy tizim" ni himoya qilish,[36] iqtisodchi Richard D. Vulfning aytishicha, mavjud tizimning hukmron institutlari bo'lgan kapitalistik korporatsiyalar, har qanday islohot siyosatini bekor qilish uchun rag'batlantiruvchi vositalar va resurslarni saqlab qolganligini hisobga olsak, islohotlarning kun tartiblari asosan etarli emas. Masalan, Volf quyidagicha davom etadi:

The Yangi bitim - biznes va boylarga soliqlar va qoidalar ning korxona xatti-harakatlar zaif va barqaror emasligini isbotladi. Yangi bitimning dushmanlari rag'batlantirgan (foyda maksimallashtirish ) va ko'plab islohotlarni bekor qilish uchun mablag'lar (ularning sarmoyalardagi daromadlari) Ikkinchi jahon urushi, 1970-yillardan buyon davom etayotgan samaralar. Ular Yangi Bitimning soliqlari va qoidalaridan muntazam ravishda qochib qutulishdi, keyin zaiflashdi va oxir-oqibat, siyosiy iloji bo'lsa, ularni butunlay yo'q qildi. Tijorat foydalari partiyalarni, siyosatchilarni, jamoatchilik bilan aloqalar kampaniyalarini va professional iqtisodiy markazlarni moliyalashtirdi, ular birgalikda hukumat iqtisodiy tartibga solishning haqiqiy ijtimoiy ta'sirini va tarixiy tanazzulini shakllantirdi. Masalan, ning yo'q qilinishini o'z ichiga oladi Shisha-Shtagal to'g'risidagi qonun, hozirgi hujum Ijtimoiy Havfsizlik, federal soliq yukining biznesdan jismoniy shaxslarga va yuqori daromaddan o'rta daromadli shaxslarga o'tishi va boshqalar.[37]

Devid Shvaykartning fikriga ko'ra, har qanday muammoni jiddiy tanqid qilish, mavjud bo'lgan salbiy xususiyatlarni qayd etish bilan kifoyalana olmaydi. model. Buning o'rniga, biz alternativaning tarkibiy xususiyatlarini aniq belgilashimiz kerak: "Ammo agar biz kapitalizmning yomonliklarini qoralashdan ko'proq narsani qilishni istasak," alternativa yo'q "degan da'voga qarshi turishimiz kerak.[38] Shvikart AQSh iqtisodiy tizimining cheklovlari asosida to'liq ish bilan ta'minlash va kafolatlangan asosiy daromadni ikkita asosiy sababga ko'ra imkonsiz deb ta'kidladi: a) ishsizlik kapitalizmning muhim xususiyati bo'lib, tizimli muvaffaqiyatsizlik belgisi emas;[12] va b) kapitalizm ostida rivojlanayotgan paytda polyarxiya, bu haqiqiy demokratiyaga mos kelmaydi.[39] Ushbu "demokratik tanqisliklar" ish joyini va yangi investitsiyalarni boshqarishga sezilarli ta'sir ko'rsatishini taxmin qilib,[40] iqtisodiy demokratiyaning ko'plab tarafdorlari mavjud iqtisodiy islohotlardan ko'ra yangi iqtisodiy modelni yaratish va amalga oshirishni ma'qul ko'rishadi.

Masalan, Doktor Martin Lyuter King kichik da'vo qilgan "Kommunizm hayot individual ekanligini unutadi. Kapitalizm hayot ijtimoiy ekanligini unutadi va birodarlik Shohligi na Kommunizm tezisida, na Kapitalizm antitezida, balki yuqori sintezda uchraydi. U yuqori darajadagi sintezda ikkalasining haqiqatlari ".[41] Doktor King mahsuldorlik va xarid qobiliyati o'rtasidagi farq haqida quyidagilarni ta'kidladi:

Muammo shuni ko'rsatadiki, bizning diqqatimiz ikki baravar bo'lishi kerak. Biz to'liq ish bilan ta'minlashimiz yoki daromadlarni yaratishimiz kerak. Odamlarni u yoki bu usul bilan iste'molchi qilish kerak. Ular ushbu lavozimga joylashtirilgandan so'ng, biz shaxsning potentsiali sarf qilinmasligidan tashvishlanishimiz kerak. An'anaviy ish joylari mavjud bo'lmaganlar uchun ijtimoiy yaxshilikni yaxshilaydigan yangi ish shakllarini ishlab chiqish kerak bo'ladi.[42]

Tarixchi va siyosiy iqtisodchining so'zlariga ko'ra, Gar Alperovits: "Qirolning yakuniy qarori uning tizimli muammolarning mohiyatini anglashining ibratli dalilidir, shuningdek, an'anaviy sotsializm va korporativ kapitalizmdagi muvaffaqiyatsizliklarni hisobga olgan holda, nafaqat strategiya masalasini, balki aniqlik kiritishga jiddiy kirishish vaqti keldi "Lekin aslida, tizimni haqiqatan ham demokratik yo'nalishda o'zgartirish ma'nosi nimaga olib kelishi mumkin?"[43]

Kasaba uyushma arbobi va ijtimoiy faol Allan Engler iqtisodiy demokratiya ishchilar sinfining kapitalizmga alternativasi ekanligini ilgari surdi. Engler o'zining "Iqtisodiy demokratiya" kitobida:

Iqtisodiy demokratiya - insoniyat tengligi, demokratiya va hamkorlik dunyosi muqobil bo'lsa, kapitalizm endi unchalik katta bo'lmagan yovuzlik sifatida qaralmaydi. Inqilobiy partiya emas, balki ishchi sinf ijtimoiy o'zgarishlarning agentligi bo'lganida, o'zgarishlar ish joyini tashkil etish, jamoatchilikni safarbar qilish va demokratik siyosiy harakatlar asosida amalga oshiriladi. Maqsad, boylik egalarining huquqini inson huquqi bilan, kapitalistik mulkni jamoat mulki bilan va xo'jayin-xizmatkor munosabatlarini ish joyidagi demokratiya bilan almashtirish bilan birga hayot sharoitlarini yaxshilaydigan yutuqlar va islohotlar orqali kapitalizmni iqtisodiy demokratiyaga aylantirishdan iborat bo'ladi.[44]

"Demokratiya shunchaki siyosiy qadriyat emas, balki uning mohiyati chuqur iqtisodiy ahamiyatga ega" deb faraz qilsak, muammo bir-birini tanlashda emas reja va bozor, ammo ushbu institutlarni demokratik asosga qo'shish ".[45] Kapitalizm singari, iqtisodiy demokratiyani ham uchta asosiy xususiyatlar bilan aniqlash mumkin:

  • Ishchilarning o'zini o'zi boshqarish: har bir ishlab chiqaruvchi korxona ishchilari tomonidan demokratik yo'l bilan boshqariladi.
  • Investitsiyalarning ijtimoiy nazorati: yangi investitsiyalar uchun mablag'lar davlat investitsiya banklari tarmog'i orqali iqtisodiyotga qaytariladi.[10]
  • Bozor: korxonalar bir-birlari bilan va iste'molchilar bilan o'zaro munosabatlarni asosan davlat tomonidan nazorat qilinmaydigan muhitda amalga oshiradilar. Xom ashyolar, ishlab chiqarish asboblari va iste'mol tovarlari asosan talab va taklif kuchlari bilan belgilanadigan narxlarda sotib olinadi va sotiladi.

Haqiqiy dunyo amaliyotida Shvikart iqtisodiy demokratiyani uning modeliga qaraganda ancha murakkab va kamroq "toza" bo'lishini tan oldi. Biroq, tizimning mohiyatini tushunish va uning muhim dinamikasini tushunish uchun asosiy tuzilish haqida aniq tasavvurga ega bo'lish muhimdir. Kapitalizm ishlab chiqarish resurslari, bozor va ish haqi mehnatiga xususiy mulkchilik bilan tavsiflanadi. Sovet iqtisodiy modeli ishlab chiqarish resurslariga xususiy mulkchilikni xo'jaliklar va fabrikalarni kollektivlashtirish yo'li bilan jamoat mulkiga bo'ysundirdi. Bozorni markaziy rejalashtirishga bo'ysundirdi, ammo ish haqi institutini saqlab qoldi.[46]

Iqtisodiy demokratiyaning aksariyat taklif etilayotgan modellari odatda ish joyini va kapitalga egalik huquqini demokratlashtirishdan boshlanadi. Boshqa takliflar bozorni rejalashtirishning biron bir shakli bilan almashtirishni qo'llab-quvvatlaydi.

Ishchining o'zini o'zi boshqarish

Asosiy maqola: Ishchining o'zini o'zi boshqarish

Ishchilarning o'zini o'zi boshqarishida har bir ishlab chiqarish korxonasi u erda ishlaydiganlar tomonidan nazorat qilinadi. Ishchilar ob'ektning ishlashi, shu jumladan tashkilot, intizom, ishlab chiqarish texnikasi va mahsulotlarning tabiati, narxi va taqsimlanishi uchun javobgardirlar. Tarqatish bilan bog'liq qarorlar demokratik yo'l bilan qabul qilinadi. Hokimiyat vakillarining muammolari demokratik vakillik bilan hal qilinadi. Boshqaruv ishchi tomonidan tanlanadi, davlat tomonidan tayinlanmaydi, umuman jamoat tomonidan tanlanmaydi va direktorlar kengashi tomonidan tanlanmaydi. aktsiyadorlar. Bitta odam bitta ovoz berish tamoyiliga binoan yakuniy vakolat korxona ishchilariga tegishli.[47]

Veteranning so'zlariga ko'ra Jahon banki iqtisodiy maslahatchi Devid P. Ellerman bu mehnat shartnomasi bu bekor qilinishi kerak, xususiy mulk emas. Boshqacha qilib aytganda, "firma ijtimoiylashishi va shu bilan birga hukumatga tegishli bo'lmagan ma'noda" xususiy "bo'lib qolishi mumkin".[48] Ellerman o'zining "Demokratik firma" kitobida:

Bugungi kunda dunyoda tadbirkorlikning asosiy shakli odamlarni ijaraga berishga asoslangan (xususiy ravishda yoki ommaviy ravishda ). Bizning vazifamiz alternativani yaratishdir. Muqobil firma turida firma tomonidan ishga qabul qilish firma a'zoligi bilan almashtiriladi. Iqtisodiy demokratiya ish munosabatlarini bekor qilishni emas, balki bekor qilishni talab qiladi xususiy mulk. Demokratiya ish joyida xususiy mulk bilan turmush qurishi mumkin; kasaba uyushma natijasi demokratik ishchilarga tegishli firma.[49]

Shu bilan bir qatorda, Shvikartning modelida ishchilar ish joyini boshqaradilar, ammo ular ishlab chiqarish vositalariga "egalik qilishmaydi". Ishlab chiqarish resurslari jamiyatning kollektiv mulki sifatida qaraladi. Ishchilar korxonani boshqaradilar, uning kapital mablag'larini o'zlari bilganicha ishlatishadi va o'zaro foydalarni taqsimlaydilar. Bu erda korxonaga ijtimoiy "egalik qilish" ikki jihatdan namoyon bo'ladi: 1) barcha firmalar ularga soliq to'laydilar kapital aktivlari, bu jamiyatning investitsiya fondiga tushadi. Aslida, ishchilar jamiyatdan kapital aktivlarini ijaraga olishadi. 2) firmalardan qiymatini saqlab qolish talab qilinadi kapital zaxirasi ularga ishonib topshirilgan. Bu shuni anglatadiki, a amortizatsiya mavjud kapitalni ta'mirlash yoki almashtirish uchun mablag 'saqlanishi kerak. Ushbu pul kapitalni almashtirish yoki yaxshilashga sarflanishi mumkin, ammo ishchilar daromadlarini to'ldirish uchun emas. [50]

Italiyaning Legacoop va Ispaniyaning Mondragon ko'p tarmoqli ishchilar kooperativlari ham muhim miqyosga erisha oldilar va uzoq muddatli barqarorlikni namoyish etdilar. Tomonidan o'tkazilgan tadqiqotga ko'ra Massachusets texnologiya instituti, ushbu Evropa tajribalaridan olinadigan eng katta saboq bu bitta kooperativ emas, balki iqtisodiy jihatdan yaxlit kooperativlar tarmog'ini rivojlantirishning ahamiyati.[51] The report goes on to say:

In a market based economy the cooperative business form suffers from several strategic challenges when operating independently. One worker cooperative on its own is most likely doomed to fail in a highly competitive global economy. However, an ecosystem of several worker cooperatives and support organizations can create an infrastructure that leads to sustained growth and expansion. In Mondragon the cooperative network expanded from a single cooperative polytechnic school to a network of 256 industrial, retail, finance, educational, and research and development firms.

Social control of investment

While there is no single approach or 'blueprint' for social control of investment, many strategies have been proposed. Masalan, Gar Alperovits claims many real-world strategies have already emerged to democratize and decentralize the ownership of wealth and capital. In addition to worker cooperatives, Alperovitz highlights ESOPs, kredit uyushmalari and other cooperative forms, ijtimoiy korxonalar, municipally owned utilities and davlat banklari as starting points for what he has termed a "Pluralist Commonwealth ".[52]

Alternately, David Schweickart proposes a bir martalik soliq on capital assets to replace all other business taxes. This "capital assets tax" is collected and invested by the central government. Funds are dispersed throughout society, first to regions and communities on a per capita basis, then to public banks in accordance with past performance, then to those firms with profitable loyiha takliflar. Profitable projects that promise increased employment are favored over those that do not. At each level, national, regional and local, legislatures decide what portion of their funds is to be used for public capital expenditures, then send the remainder to the next lower level. Associated with most banks are entrepreneurial divisions, which promote firm expansion and new firm creation. For large (regional or national) enterprises, local investment banks are complemented by regional and national investment banks. These too would be public institutions that receive their funds from the national investment fund.

Banks are public, not private, institutions that make grantlar, not loans, to business enterprises. According to Schweickart, these grants do not represent "free money", since an investment grant counts as an addition to the capital assets of the enterprise, upon which the capital-asset tax must be paid. Thus the capital assets tax functions as an interest rate. A bank grant is essentially a loan requiring qiziqish payments but no repayment of asosiy.[53]

While an economy of worker-self-managed enterprises might tend toward lower unemployment than under capitalism - because banks are mandated to consistently prioritize investment projects that would increase employment - Schweickart notes that it does not guarantee to'liq ish bilan ta'minlash. Social control of investment serves to increase employment. If the market provides insufficient employment, the public sector becomes the oxirgi kurort ish beruvchisi. The original formulation of the U.S. Humphrey-Hawkins Act of 1978 assumed that only in this way could full employment be assured in a market economy. Economic Democracy adopts this approach. Social control of investment then blocks the cyclical unemployment typical of capitalism.[54]

Bozor

Vengriya tarixchisi Karl Polanyi suggested that market economies should subordinate themselves to larger societal needs. He states that human-beings, the source of mehnat, do not reproduce for the sole purpose of providing the market with workers. Yilda Buyuk o'zgarish, Polanyi says that while modern states and market economies tend to grow under capitalism, both are mutually interdependent for functional development. In order for market economies to be truly prosperous, he claims social constructs must play an essential role. Polanyi claimed that er, labor, and money are all tovar under capitalism, though the inherent purpose of these items was never intended "for sale"—what he labels "uydirma tovarlar." He says Tabiiy boyliklar are "God-given", money is a bookkeeping entry validated by law, and labor is a human prerogative, not a personal obligation to market economies.

Schweickart's economic democracy is a form of bozor iqtisodiyoti, at least insofar as the allocation of iste'molchi va asosiy vositalar xavotirda. Firmalar sotib olish xom ashyolar and machinery from other firms and sell their products to other enterprises or consumers. "Prices are largely tartibga solinmagan except by supply and demand, although in some cases price controls or price supports might be in order – as they are deemed in order in most real-world forms of capitalism."[10]

A holda narx mexanizmi sensitive to supply and demand, it is extremely difficult for a producer or planner to know what and how much to produce, and which production and marketing methods are the most efficient. Otherwise, it is difficult to motivate producers to be both efficient and innovatsion. Bozor raqobati resolves these problems, to a significant if incomplete degree, in a non-authoritarian, non-bureaucratic moda.

Enterprises still strive to make a profit. However, "profit" in a worker-run firm is calculated differently than under capitalism. For a capitalist firm, labor is counted as a cost. For a worker-run enterprise it is not. Labor is not another "factor of production" on par with land and capital. Labor is the residual claimant. Workers get all that remains, once other costs, including depreciation set asides and the capital assets tax, have been paid.[55]

Because of the way workplaces and the investment mechanism are structured, Schweickart's model aims to facilitate o'zaro foydali savdo-sotiq, emas erkin savdo, between nations. Under Economic Democracy, there would be virtually no cross-border capital flows. Enterprises themselves would not relocate abroad, since they are democratically controlled by their own workers. Moliya kapitali stays mostly at home, since funds for investment are publicly generated and are mandated by law to be reinvested domestically. "Capital doesn't flow into the country, either, since there are no aktsiyalar na korporativ obligatsiyalar nor businesses to buy. The capital assets of the country are collectively owned – and hence not for sale."[56]

According to Michael Howard, "in preserving commodity exchange, a bozor sotsializmi has greater continuity with the society it displaces than does nonmarket socialism, and thus it is more likely to emerge from capitalism as a result of tendencies generated within it." But Howard also suggested, "one argument against the market in socialist society has been that it blocks progress toward full communism or even leads back to capitalism".[57] From this perspective, nonmarket models of economic democracy have also been proposed.

Economic democracy as part of an inclusive democracy

Asosiy maqola: Inklyuziv demokratiya

Economic democracy is described as an integral component of an qamrab oluvchi demokratiya in Takis Fotopoulos' Towards An Inclusive Democracy as a stateless, moneyless and marketless economy that precludes private accumulation of wealth and the institutionalization of privileges for some sections of society, without relying on a mythical post-scarcity state of abundance, or sacrificing freedom of choice.

The proposed system aims to meet the basic needs of all citizens (makroiqtisodiy decisions), and secure freedom of choice (mikroiqtisodiy decisions). Therefore, the system consists of two basic elements: (1) democratic planning, which involves a feedback process between workplace assemblies, demotic assemblies and a confederal assembly, and (2) an artificial market using personal vouchers, bu esa ta'minlaydi tanlov erkinligi but avoids the adverse effects of real markets. Although David Pepper called this system "a form of money based on the labour theory of value",[58] it is not a money model since vouchers cannot be used as a general medium of exchange and store of wealth.[iqtibos kerak ]

Another distinguishing feature of inclusive democracy is its distinction between basic and non-basic needs. Remuneration is determined separately according to the cost of basic needs, and according to degree of effort for non-basic needs. Inclusive democracy is based on the principle that meeting basic needs is a fundamental human right which is guaranteed to all who are in a physical condition to offer a minimal amount of work. Aksincha, ishtirok etish iqtisodiyoti guarantees that basic needs are satisfied only for public goods or are covered by compassion and by a guaranteed basic income for the unemployed and those who cannot work.[59] Many advocates of participatory economics and Ishtirok etish have contested this.[iqtibos kerak ]

As part of inclusive democracy, economic democracy is the authority of demos (community) in the economic sphere—which requires equal distribution of economic power. Therefore, all macroeconomic decisions (overall level of production, consumption and investment, amounts of work and leisure implied, technologies to be used and so on) are made collectively and without representation. However, microeconomic decisions are made by the individual production or consumption unit through a proposed system of vouchers.[iqtibos kerak ]

As with the case of direct democracy, economic democracy is only feasible if the participants can easily cooperate.

Reform agendas

Esa reform agendas tend to critique the existing system and recommend corrective measures, they do not necessarily suggest alternative models to replace the fundamental structures of capitalism; private ownership of productive resources, the market and wage labor.

Ijtimoiy kredit

Asosiy maqola: Ijtimoiy kredit

Rather than an economic shortfall, many analysts[JSSV? ] consider the gap between production and purchasing power a social dividend. In this view, credit is a kommunal xizmat rather than debt to financial centers. Once reinvested in human productive potential, the ortiqcha of societal output could actually increase Gross Domestic Product rather than throttling it, resulting in a more efficient economy, overall.[60] Ijtimoiy kredit is an economic reform movement that originates from theories developed by Scottish engineer Major C. Duglas. His aim to make societal improvement the goal of economic systems is reflected in the term "Social Credit", and published in his book, entitled Iqtisodiy demokratiya. In this view, the term "economic democracy" does not mean worker control of industry.[61]

A national dividend and a compensated price mechanism are the two most essential components of the Social Credit program. While these measures have never been implemented in their purest form, they have provided a foundation for Social Credit political parties in many countries and for reform agendas that retain the title, "economic democracy".

National dividend

Uning kitobida, Kapitalizm 3.0, Peter Barnes likens a "National Dividend" to the game of Monopoliya, where all players start with a fair distribution of financial opportunity to succeed, and try to privatize as much as they can as they move around "the commons". Distinguishing the board game from real-world business, Barnes claims that "the top 5 percent of the population owns more mulk than the remaining 95 percent", providing the smaller minority with an unfair advantage of approximately "$5-trillion" annually, at the beginning of the game. Contrasting "redistribution" of income (or property) with "predistribution", Barnes argues for "propertizing" (without corporately privatizing) "the commons" to spread ownership universally, without taking wealth from some and giving it to others. His suggested mechanism to this end is the establishment of a "Commons Sector", ensuring payment from the Corporate Sector for "the commons" they utilize, and equitably distributing the proceeds for the benefit of contemporary and future generations of society.

One real-world example of such reform is in the U.S. State of Alyaska, where each citizen receives an annual share of the part of the state's oil revenues via the "Alyaska doimiy fondining dividendlari ". Barnes suggests this model could extend to other states and nations because "we jointly own many valuable assets". As corporate pollution of common assets increased, the permits for such pollution would become more scarce, driving prices for those permits up. "Less pollution would equal more revenue", and over time, "trillions of dollars could flow into an American Permanent Fund".[62]

However, none of these proposals aspire to the mandates recommended by Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.:

Two conditions are indispensable if we are to ensure that the guaranteed income operates as a consistently progressive measure. First, it must be pegged to the median income of society, not the lowest levels of income. To guarantee an income at the floor would simply perpetuate welfare standards and freeze into the society poverty conditions. Second, the guaranteed income must be dynamic; it must automatically increase as the total social income grows. Were it permitted to remain static under growth conditions, the recipients would suffer a relative decline. If periodic reviews disclose that the whole national income has risen, then the guaranteed income would have to be adjusted upward by the same percentage. Without these safeguards a creeping retrogression would occur, nullifying the gains of security and stability.[63]

Barnes deemed any such reform unlikely. Thomas Paine originally recommended a National Dividend to compensate for the brutality of British Enclosures, but his idea was never adopted.[62]

Monopoly power versus public utility

Asosiy maqola: J. V. Smit

Rather than superficially compensating for legalized inequities, Smith recommends abolishing or redefining property rights laws with particular respect for "the commons".[13] Smitning so'zlariga ko'ra exclusive title to natural resources and technologies should be converted to inclusive conditional titles—the condition being that society should collect rental values on all natural resources.[64] Smith suggests the basic principles of monopolization under feudalism were never abandoned, and residues of exclusive feudal property rights restrict the potential efficiency of capitalism in G'arb madaniyati.[21] He estimated that roughly 60 percent of American capital is little more than capitalized values of unearned wealth. He proposed that elimination of these monopoly values would double iqtisodiy samaradorlik, saqlash hayot sifati va kamaytiring ish vaqti yarmiga Wasteful monetary flows could be stopped only by eliminating all methods of monopolization typical in Western economies.[65]

Smith divided "primary (feudal) monopoly" into four general categories: banking; er; texnologiya va aloqa. He listed three general categories of "secondary (modern) monopoly"; insurance, law, health care.[66] Smith further claimed that converting these exclusive entitlements to inclusive human rights would minimize battles for bozor ulushi, thereby eliminating most offices and staff needed to maintain monopoly structures, and stop the wars generated to protect them. Dissolving roughly half the economic activity of a monopoly system would reduce the costs of common resources by roughly half, and significantly minimize the most influential factors of poverty.[21]

In Smith's view, most taxes should be eliminated, and productive enterprise should be privately owned and managed.[67] Inventors should be paid well and all technology placed in the public domain. Crucial services currently monopolized through litsenziyalash should be legislated as human rights.[68]

Smith envisioned a balanced economy under a socially owned banking commons within an inclusive society with full and teng huquqlar Barcha uchun.[69] Federated regions collect resource rents on land and technology to a social fund to operate governments and care for social needs.[70] Socially owned banks provide finance capital by creating debt-free money for social infrastructure and industry.[71] Rental values return to society through expenditure on public infrastructures. Local labor is trained and employed to build and maintain water systems, sewers, roads, communication systems, railroads, ports, airports, post offices, and education systems.[72] Purchasing power circulates regionally, as labor spends wages in consumption and governments spend resource rent and banking profits to maintain essential services.[73]

According to Smith, all monetary systems, including pul bozorlari, should function within kasr-zaxira bank faoliyati.[74] Financial capital should be the total savings of all citizens, balanced by primary-created money to fill any shortfall, or its destruction through increased reserve requirements to eliminate any surplus.[75] Adjustments of required reserves should facilitate the balance between building with socially created money or savings. Any shortage of savings within a socially owned banking system should be alleviated by simply printing it.[76]

Kooperativlar

Asosiy maqola: Kooperativ

A kooperativ is an autonomous association of persons united voluntarily to meet their common economic, social, and cultural needs and aspirations through a jointly owned and democratically controlled enterprise. By various names, cooperatives play an essential role in all forms of Economic Democracy. Classified as either iste'mol kooperativlari yoki ishchilar kooperativlari, the cooperative business model is fundamental to the interests of economic democracy.

Ga ko'ra Xalqaro kooperativ alyansi "s Statement on the Cooperative Identity, "cooperatives are democratic organizations controlled by their members, who actively participate in setting policies and making decisions. Men and women serving as elected representatives are accountable to the membership. In primary cooperatives members have equal voting rights (one member, one vote) and cooperatives at other levels are also organized in a democratic manner."

Ishchilar kooperativlari

Asosiy maqola: Ishchilar kooperativi

Ga ko'ra Qo'shma Shtatlar ishchilar kooperativlari federatsiyasi: "Worker cooperatives are business entities that are owned and controlled by their members, the people who work in them. The two central characteristics of worker cooperatives are: 1) workers invest in and own the business and (2) decision-making is democratic, generally adhering to the principle of one worker-one vote." Worker cooperatives occupy multiple sectors and industries in the United States, mostly in the Northeast, the West Coast and the Upper Midwest, totaling 300 democratic workplaces in the United States, employing over 3,500 people and generating over $400 million in annual revenues. While a few are larger enterprises, most are small. Growing steadily between 1990 and 2010, technology and home health care experienced most of the recent increase.[77]

Worker cooperatives generally employ an industrial model called ish joyidagi demokratiya, which rejects the "master-servant relationship" implicit in the traditional employment contract.[78] According to Wilkinson and Pickett, neither ownership or participation alone are sufficient to establish democracy in the workplace. "[M]any share-ownership schemes amount to little more than incentive schemes, intended to make employees more compliant with management and sometimes to provide a nest-egg for retirement... To make a reliable difference to company performance, share-ownership has to be combined with more participative management methods." [79] Dahl further argued that self-governing enterprises should not be confused with other systems they might resemble:

Self-governing enterprises only remotely resemble pseudodemocratic schemes of employee consultation by management; schemes of limited employee participation that leave all critical decisions with a management elected by stockholders; or Employee Stock Ownership Plans (ESOPs) that are created only or primarily to provide corporations with low-interest loans, lower corporate income taxes, greater cash flow, employee pension plans, or a market for their stock, without, however, any significant changes in control.[80]

In worker cooperatives, sof daromad deyiladi ortiqcha o'rniga foyda and is distributed among the members based on hours worked, seniority, or other criteria. In a worker cooperative, workers own their jobs, and therefore have a direct stake in the local environment and the power to conduct business in ways that benefit the community rather than destroying it. Some worker cooperatives maintain what is known as a “multiple bottom line”, evaluating success not merely in terms of net income, but also by factors like their sustainability as a business, their contribution to the community, and the happiness and longevity of their workers.[81]

Worker-control can take many forms depending on the size and type of the business. Approaches to decision-making include: an elected board of directors, elected managers, management job roles, no management at all, consensus, majority vote, or combinations of the above.[81] Participation in decision-making becomes the responsibility and privilege of each member.[82] In one variation, workers usually invest money when they begin working.[81] Each member owns one share, which provides its owner with one vote in company decision-making. While membership is not a requirement of employment, only employees can become members.[83]

According to Kenneth W. Stikkers, the Mondragon kooperativlari ichida Bask mintaqasi ning Ispaniya have achieved a previously unknown level of economic democracy. Established in 1956, Mondragon has since become an economic model that transcends the capitalist-socialist dichotomy and thereby helps us to imagine creative solutions to current economic problems.[84] Iqtisodchi Richard D. Volf argues that Mondragon is an example of "a stunningly successful alternative to the capitalist organization of production."[85] The idea of economic democracy through worker ownership on a national scale has been argued by economist Tom Winters, who states that "building a cooperative economy is one small step on the journey to reclaiming the wealth we all collectively create."[86]

Iste'molchilar kooperativlari

Asosiy maqola: Iste'molchilar kooperatsiyasi

A iste'molchilar kooperatsiyasi is owned by its customers for their o'zaro manfaat. Oriented towards service rather than profit, consumers often provide capital to launch or purchase the enterprise. In practice, consumer cooperatives price goods and services at competitive market rates. The co-op returns profits to the consumer/owner according to a formula instead of paying a separate investor group.

Uning kitobida, From Mondragon To America, Greg MacLeod argues that "in consumer cooperatives where the customer-members own the capital and the employees are subject to capital, the normal dynamic is the adversarial relationship of labor to capital. Sometimes the result is strikes of labor against management." In some cooperatives, however, consumer/owners are workers as well. For example, Mondragon has developed a large "hybrid" cooperative which sells groceries and furniture in Spain.

Consumer cooperatives vary in organization and operations, but typically follow the Rochdale printsiplari. Consumer cooperatives may also form Kooperativ federatsiyalar. These may take the form of kooperativ ulgurji jamiyatlar, through which they collectively purchase goods at ulgurji savdo prices and, in some cases, cooperatively own factories. Alternatively, they may be members of Co-operative unions.

Consumer cooperatives are very different from "discount clubs," which charge annual fees in exchange for a discount on purchases. The club is not owned or governed by the members and profits go to investors, not to members.[87]

Oziq-ovqat kooperativlari
Asosiy maqola: Oziq-ovqat kooperativi

Most food co-ops are consumer cooperatives that specialize in grocery products. Members patronize the store and vote in elections. The members elect a board of directors to make high-level decisions and recruit managers.[87] Oziq-ovqat kooperativlari were originally established to provide fresh, organik mahsulotlar as a viable alternative to packaged imports. The ideas of local and sekin ovqat production can help local farmers prosper, in addition to providing consumers with fresher products. But the growing ubiquity of organic food products in corporate stores testifies to broadening consumer awareness, and to the dynamics of global marketing.[82]

For example, associated with national and international cooperative communities, Portland Oregon cooperatives manage to survive market competition with corporate franchise. As Lee Lancaster, financial manager for Food Front, states, "cooperatives are potentially one democratic economic model that could help guide business decisions toward meeting human needs while honoring the needs of society and nature". He admits, however, it is difficult to maintain collaboration among cooperatives while also avoiding integration that typically results in centralized authority.[82]

Regional trading currencies

Ga binoan Tomas X. Greko, kichik, author of New Money for Healthy Communities "The pinnacle of power in today's world is the power to issue money. If that power can be democratized and focused in a direction which gives social and ecological concerns top priority, then there may yet be hope for saving the world". In this regard, he recommended the regionalization of currencies.

According to Smith, "Currency is only the representation of wealth produced by combining land (resources), labor, and industrial capital". He claimed that no country was free when another country has such leverage over its entire economy. But by combining their resources, Smith claimed that developing nations have all three of these foundations of wealth:

By peripheral nations using the currency of an imperial center as its trading currency, the imperial center can actually print money to own industry within those periphery countries. By forming regional trading blocs and printing their own trading currency, the developing world has all four requirements for production, resources, labor, industrial capital, and finance capital. The wealth produced provides the value to back the created and circulating money.[iqtibos kerak ]

Smith further explained that developed countries need resources from the developing world as much as developing countries need finance capital and technology from the developed world. Aside from the superior military power of the imperial centers, the undeveloped world actually has superior bargaining leverage. With independent trading currencies, developing countries could barter their resources to the developed world for the latest industrial technologies. Barter avoids "hard money monopolization"[tushuntirish kerak ] and the unequal trade between weak and strong nations that result. Smith suggested that barter was how Germany resolved many financial difficulties "put in place to strangle her", and that "World Wars I and II settled that trade dispute". He claimed that their intentions of exclusive entitlement were clearly exposed when the imperial centers resorted to military force to prevent such barter and maintain monopoly control of others' resources.[13]

Democratizing workplaces and distributing productive assets

The Workplace as a political entity to be democratized

Workplace democracy has been cited as a possible solution to the problems that arise from excluding employees from decision-making such as low-employee morale, employee alienation, and low employee engagement.[88]

Political theorist Isabelle Ferreras argues that there exists “a great contradiction between the democratic nature of our times and the reality of the work experience.”[89] She argues that the modern corporation's two basic inputs, capital and labor, are treated in radically different ways. Capital owners of a firm wield power within a system of shareholder democracy that allocates voice democratically according to how much capital investment they place in the firm. Labor, on the other hand, rarely benefits from a system to voice their concerns within the firm. She argues that firms are more than just economic organizations especially given the power that they wield over people's livelihoods, environment, and rights. Rather, Ferreras holds that firms are best understood as political entities. And as political entities “it is crucial that firms be made compatible with the democratic commitments of our nations.”[89]

Germany and to a lesser extent the broader European Union have experimented with a way of workplace democracy known as Co-determination, a system that allows workers to elect representatives that sit on the board of directors of a company. Common criticisms of workplace democracy include that democratic workplaces are less efficient than hierarchical workplace, that managers are best equipped to make company decisions since they are better educated and aware of the broader business context.

Creating a widespread distribution of productive assets

One of the biggest criticisms against capitalism is that it concentrates economic and, as a result, political power in few hands. Theorists of economic democracy have argued that one solution to this unequal concentration of power is to create mechanism that distribute ownership of productive assets across the entire population. Yilda Adolat adolat sifatida: Qayta tiklash, John Rawls argues that only two systems could embody the main features of his principles of justice: liberal socialism or a property-owning democracy.[90] Within property-owning democracy Rawls envisions widespread use of worker-owned cooperatives, partial-employee ownership of firms, systems to redistribute one's asset after death to prevent the accumulation of wealth, as well as a strong system of asset-based redistribution that encourages workers to own productive assets.[91]

Operating under the idea that making ownership more widespread leads to more equitable outcomes various proposals of asset-based welfare and asset-redistribution have been conceived. Individualistic and liberal asset-based welfare strategies such as the United Kingdom's Child Trust Fund of the United States Individual Development Account aimed to help people save money so that it could be invested on education, home-ownership, or entrepreneurship. More expirmental and left-leaning proposals include worker owned cooperatives, ESOPS, or Roemers coupon socialism.

Tanqidlar

Lyudvig fon Mises argued that ownership and control over the ishlab chiqarish vositalari belongs to private firms and can only be sustained by means of consumer choice, exercised daily in the marketplace.[92] "The capitalistic social order", he claimed, therefore "is an economic democracy in the strictest sense of the word".[93] Critics of Von Mises claim that consumers only vote on the value of the product when they make a purchase—they are not participating in the management of firms, or voting on how the profits are to be used.

Shuningdek qarang

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Adabiyotlar

Kitoblar
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