Margaret Tetcherning premerligi - Premiership of Margaret Thatcher

Margaret Tetcherning premerligi

1979 yil 4-may (1979-05-04) - 1990 yil 28-noyabr (1990-11-28)
Shu jumladan	Birinchi Tetcher xizmati Tetcherning ikkinchi xizmati Uchinchi Tetcher xizmati
Bosh Vazir	Margaret Tetcher
Ish muddati	11 yil, 209 kun
Oldingi	Jeyms Kallagan
Dan so'ng	Jon Major
Monarx (lar)	Yelizaveta II
Hukmdor partiya	Konservativ
Mandatlar	1979 yilgi umumiy saylov 1983 yilgi umumiy saylov 1987 yilgi umumiy saylov

Ushbu maqola qismidir haqida bir qator Margaret Tetcher
Saylov tarixi Bibliografiya Finchli uchun deputat Hurmat Davlat organlari (yig'ilishlarga kirish) to'g'risidagi qonun Ta'lim va fan bo'yicha davlat kotibi Dairesel 10/70 Maktab sutini olib tashlash Muxolifat lideri 1975 yil rahbariyat saylovi Soya shkafi Buyuk Britaniyaning Bosh vaziri Premer-liga Siyosatlar Tetcherizm ichki iqtisodiy boshqa Uchrashuvlar Vazirlar ho'llaydi va quriydi Vazirlik va muddatli maqolalar: 1979–1983 Vazirlik (1979 yilgi saylov ) 1981 yilgi byudjet Folklend urushi Sotib olish huquqi "TINA" "Xonim burilish uchun emas" 1983–1987 Vazirlik (1983 yil qayta saylanish ) Angliya-Irlandiya kelishuvi Katta portlash Braytonni bombardimon qilish Qo'shma deklaratsiya Konchilarning ish tashlashi Buyuk Britaniyaning chegirmasi Westland ishi 1987–1990 Uchinchi Tetcher xizmati (1987 yil qayta saylanish ) 1989 yil rahbariyat saylovi 1990 yil rahbariyat saylovi va iste'fosi Ovoz berish solig'i Tog'dagi va'z Bosh vazirdan keyin Tantanali dafn marosimi Meros Nashrlar Dauning ko'chasi yillari (1993) Quvvat yo'li (1995) Davlat ishlari (2003)

Margaret Tetcher sifatida xizmat qilgan Buyuk Britaniyaning Bosh vaziri 1979 yildan 1990 yilgacha. U shunday edi saylangan holatiga 1979, boshqargan Konservativ partiya 1975 yildan buyon bo'lib o'tdi va qayta saylovlarda g'olib chiqdi 1983 va 1987. U Britaniyaning birinchi ayol bosh vaziri sifatida ommaviy axborot vositalarining katta e'tiboriga sazovor bo'ldi, ammo u buni amalga oshirmadi ayollar muammolari ustuvor vazifa.^[1]

Ichki siyosatda Tetcher keng qamrovli islohotlarni amalga oshirdi iqtisodiyot ishlari, oxir-oqibat aksariyat milliylashtirilgan tarmoqlarni xususiylashtirish,^[2] shuningdek, kasaba uyushmalarining zaiflashishi.^[3] U hukumatning rolini kamaytirishni va bozor sharoitida qaror qilishiga imkon berishini ta'kidladi neoliberal tomonidan ilgari surilgan g'oyalar Milton Fridman va Fridrix Xayek, uning maslahatchisi tomonidan targ'ib qilingan Keyt Jozef va ommaviy axborot vositalari tomonidan e'lon qilingan Tetcherizm.^[4]

Tashqi siyosatda Tetcher Argentinani qat'iy ravishda mag'lub etdi Folklend urushi 1982 yilda. U uzoq muddatli istiqbolda u bilan ishlagan Ronald Reygan to'lash ikkinchi Sovuq urush kommunizmga qarshi eskalatsiya. Shu bilan birga u Sovet rahbari bilan hamkorlikni rivojlantirdi Mixail Gorbachyov yilda sovuq urushni tugatish.^[5]

Birinchi yillarida u chuqur bo'linib ketgan kabinetga ega edi. Rahbari sifatida "quruq" fraksiya u ko'pini tozaladi Bitta millat "ho'l" konservatorlar va to'liq nazoratni o'z qo'liga oldi.^[6] 1980-yillarning oxiriga kelib, u o'zining katta iqtisodiy integratsiyasiga qarshi chiqishi bilan o'z kabinetining bir necha yuqori lavozimli a'zolarini chetlashtirdi Evropa iqtisodiy hamjamiyati. Shuningdek, u ko'plab konservativ saylovchilarni va parlament a'zolarini "a" ni qo'llash bilan chetlashtirdi mahalliy saylov solig'i. Uning qo'llab-quvvatlashi yo'qolganda, u edi uning etakchiligiga da'vo qildi va Vazirlar Mahkamasi tomonidan ovoz berishning ikkinchi bosqichidan chiqishga ko'ndirildi - o'n bir yillik bosh vazirlik muddati tugadi.

Ichkarida, Tetcher juda ziddiyatli va qutblanuvchi shaxs bo'lib qolmoqda;^[7] Shunga qaramay, odatda tarixchilar va siyosatshunoslar daraja u o'rtacha darajadan yuqori bosh vazir sifatida.^[8][9]

Birinchi davr (1979–1983)

Tetcher Britaniyaning birinchi ayol bosh vaziri va haqiqatan ham yirik mamlakatda birinchi ayol edi.^[10] Tetcher kam sonli ayollarni yuqori lavozimga tayinlagan va ayollar masalasini ustuvor vazifaga aylantirmagan.^[1] Shunga qaramay, uning kashshoflik roli umuman ayollarning yutug'i sifatida baholandi.^[11]

Tetcher ommaviy axborot vositalarining diqqat markazida bo'lishishi kerak edi Qirolicha Yelizaveta II va Malika Diana. Qirolicha deyarli ikki media yulduzi o'rtasida fonga tushib qoldi.^[12] Tetcher tobora ko'proq Falkland urushidan keyin g'alaba paradida salomlashish va chet el tashriflari uchun diqqat markaziga aylanish kabi shohlik pozlarini o'z zimmasiga oldi. Qirolicha ko'proq dowdy uy bekasi sifatida paydo bo'ldi.^[13] Ikkala o'rtasidagi ziddiyat 1986 yilgacha yashirin saqlanib turdi Sunday Times qirolichaning Tetcherning siyosatini, ayniqsa Hamdo'stlik xalqiga nisbatan "beparvolik, qarama-qarshilik va ijtimoiy jihatdan bo'linish" sifatida ochiq tanqid qilinishi haqida xabar berdi. Bosh vazir ko'pincha qirolicha juda hurmat qilgan Hamdo'stlikni masxara qildi.^[14]

Iqtisodiy ishlar

Buyuk Britaniyaning yillik yalpi ichki mahsulotining o'sishi, Tetcherning iqtisodiy o'zgarishi bilan och yashil rangda ta'kidlangan

Biograf Jon Kempbell 1978 yil iyul oyida Leyboristlar partiyasidan Umumjamiyat sotsializm deganda nimani nazarda tutganini so'rashganda:

u javob berishdan mahrum bo'ldi. Aslida u nimani nazarda tutganligi samarasiz ishlab chiqarishni davlat tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlash, jazolanadigan soliqqa tortish, mehnat bozorini tartibga solish, narxlarni nazorat qilish - erkin iqtisodiyotning faoliyatiga xalaqit beradigan barcha narsalarni anglatadi.^[15]

Deflyatsiya strategiyasi

Ostida Margaret Tetcher hukumat, uyg'otish inflyatsiya ko'chirilgan baland ish bilan ta'minlash asosiy siyosat maqsadi sifatida.^[16]:630

Kabi monetarist, Tetcher o'zining iqtisodiy siyosatida pul taklifining o'sishini sekinlashtirish va shu bilan inflyatsiyani pasaytirish uchun foiz stavkalarini oshirishdan boshladi. Uning afzalligi bor edi bilvosita soliqqa tortish daromad solig'i ustidan va qo'shilgan qiymat solig'i (QQS) inflyatsiya o'sishi natijasida qisqa muddatli 15 foizga keskin ko'tarildi.^[17] Fiskal va pul kompressiyasi, bilan birga Shimoliy dengiz moyi ta'siri, qadrladi real kurs.^[16]:630 Ushbu harakatlar korxonalarga, xususan, ishlab chiqarish sohasiga va - ta'sir ko'rsatmoqda ishsizlik 1980 yil kuzida Tetcherning davridagi 1,5 milliondan 2 milliondan oshdi saylov sal oldin bir yil oldin.

Siyosiy sharhlovchilar yana Xit hukumati "U burilish" va Tetcher bu yo'lni tutadi deb taxmin qilgan, ammo u 1980 yildagi Konservatorlar partiyasining konferentsiyasida ushbu uslubni rad etib, partiyaga shunday dedi: "O'sha sevimli ommaviy axborot vositasi," burilish "uchun nafas olish bilan kutayotganlarga, men faqat bitta narsa bor: agar xohlasangiz o'girasiz. Xonim burilish uchun emas ".^[18] Bu degani, u 364 ta etakchi iqtisodchilarning ochiq xatida bildirilgan xavotirlarga qaramay, 1981 yilgi byudjetda tasdiqlanganini aytdi.^[19] turg'unlik davrida soliqlar oshirildi, bu gazetaning ertasi kuni ertalab "Xau u xursand qiladi" sarlavhasiga olib keldi, bu kantslerga ishora. Jefri Xou.

Ishsizlik

1981 yilda ishsizlik ko'tarilib (yozda 2,5 milliondan oshib, Rojdestvo oldidan 3 millionga yaqinlashdi) va hukumatning obro'si tushib ketdi, partiya raisi, Lord Torneykroft va ikkita vazirlar vazirlari, Lord Karrington va Xemfri Atkins, Bosh vazir bilan to'qnashdi va iste'foga chiqishini taklif qildi; uning maslahatchisining so'zlariga ko'ra, Tim Bell, "Margaret shunchaki ularni ketishini aytdi".^[20] Partiyada Tetcherning asosiy ittifoqchisi bo'lgan Uy kotibi va keyinroq Bosh vazir o'rinbosari, Uilyam Whitelaw. Uning axloqiy hokimiyat va qo'llab-quvvatlash unga ichki tahdidga qarshi turishga imkon berdi Heatit ho'l.^[21]:85

Keyin Brikston g'alayoni 1981 yil aprel oyida G'arbiy Londonda, Ish bilan ta'minlash kotibi Norman Tebbit, tartibsizliklar ishsizlik tufayli kelib chiqqan degan taklifga javoban, 30-yillardagi ishsizlik 1980-yillarga qaraganda ancha yomon bo'lganini va otasining avlodi hech qachon tartibsizliklar bilan munosabat bildirmaganligini kuzatdi. "Men 1930 yillarda ishsiz otaning yonida o'sganman", dedi Tebbit. "U qo'zg'olon qilmadi. U velosipediga o'tirdi va ish qidirdi va topguncha qidirishda davom etdi."^[22]

1979-81 yillardagi turg'unlik natijasida ikki milliondan ortiq ishlab chiqarish ish joylari yo'qoldi.^[16]:630 Ushbu mehnatni to'kish firmalarga uzoq yillik muammolarni hal qilishga yordam berdi X samaradorligi ortiqcha ishdan,^[16]:630 Britaniya iqtisodiyotiga boshqa rivojlangan kapitalistik davlatlarning mahsuldorlik darajasiga etishish imkoniyatini berish.^[16]:630

Pul massasi va inflyatsiya o'rtasidagi bog'liqlik aniq isbotlandi va 1982 yil yanvariga kelib inflyatsiya darajasi avvalgi 18% dan 8,6% gacha pasayib ketdi.^[16]:630 Foiz stavkalari keyin yiqilishiga ruxsat berildi. Ishsizlik o'sishda davom etdi, 1982 yil yanvariga kelib 3 milliondan oshdi va 1987 yil boshigacha bu darajada yuqori darajada qoldi. Ammo keyinchalik Tebbit, ish paytida ishsizlik nafaqasini talab qilayotganlarning ko'pligi sababli, ishsizlik hech qachon uch millionga etmasligini taklif qildi.

1983 yilga kelib, ishlab chiqarish hajmi 1978 yilga nisbatan 30 foizga kamaydi, garchi o'tgan yili iqtisodiy o'sish qayta tiklangan bo'lsa ham. Mehnatni tejashga qaratilgan samaradorlikning o'zgarishi bir martalik bo'lib chiqdi va ishlab chiqarish hajmining o'sishi bilan mos kelmadi.^[16]:628 Sanoat bazasi shunchalik qisqartirildiki, keyinchalik ishlab chiqarilgan tovarlarning to'lov balansi kamomadga uchradi.^[16]:630 Kantsler Nayjel Louson Lordlarga aytdi Xorijiy savdo bo'yicha qo'mitani tanlang: "Biz ishlab chiqarish yo'lida iste'mol qilishimiz kerak bo'lgan miqdorda ishlab chiqarishimiz kerak degan qat'iy qonun yo'q. Agar biz xizmatlar ko'rsatishda dunyo miqyosida mahsulot ishlab chiqarishga qaraganda ancha samarali ekanligimiz ayon bo'lsa, demak bizning milliy manfaatimiz xizmatlar profitsiti va tovarlarning taqchilligida yotadi ».^[23]

Mudofaa xarajatlari

Bosh vazir bo'lgan dastlabki olti oyda Tetcher mudofaa xarajatlarini iqtisodiy siyosat va moliyaviy nazoratdan ustun qo'ygan. Biroq, 1980 yilda u ushbu ustuvorlikni o'zgartirib, mudofaa byudjetini qisqartirishga harakat qildi. 1981 yildagi Mudofaa sharhi Jon Nott, mudofaa vaziri, qirollik dengiz flotining dengiz flotining imkoniyatlarini keskin qisqartirdi. U o'rnini egalladi Frensis Pym Mudofaa vaziri sifatida, chunki u ko'proq mablag 'olishni xohladi. Qisqartirish uchun mo'ljallangan kemalar Folklendlar urushida muhim ahamiyatga ega bo'lganida bekor qilingan.^{[24][25][26]:660–61}

Uy-joy va shahar korxonasi

Tetcherning eng katta va eng muvaffaqiyatli siyosatlaridan biri kengash ijarachilariga uylarni arzon narxlarda sotib olishga yordam berdi. "Sotib olish huquqi" 1940-yillarning oxirlarida paydo bo'lgan, ammo bu juda katta qiyinchilik edi urushdan keyingi kelishuv Konservativ ma'qullashni yutish. Tetcher siyosatdagi dastlabki kunlaridanoq bu g'oyani ma'qulladi, chunki bu "mulk egasi bo'lgan demokratiya" ga olib keladi. Konservatorlar tomonidan boshqariladigan ba'zi mahalliy kengashlar daromad keltirdi^{[tushuntirish kerak ][kimdan? ]} 1960 yillarning oxiridagi mahalliy savdo sxemalari. 1970-yillarga kelib, ko'plab ishchi odamlar uyga egalik qilish uchun katta daromadga ega bo'lishdi va Tetcherning uylarini katta chegirma bilan sotib olish taklifini chin dildan qabul qilishdi. Tetcher umid qilganidek, yangi egalar ko'proq konservativ partiyalarga ovoz berishdi.^[27][28]

Ichki shaharlarda iqtisodiy turg'unlik bilan shug'ullanish uchun Hukumat 1981 yildan boshlab "korxona zonalari" ni joriy qildi; g'oya Britaniyada boshlangan va tomonidan qabul qilingan Qo'shma Shtatlar va ba'zi Evropa Ittifoqi mamlakatlari. U belgilangan, iqtisodiy jihatdan tushkunlikka tushib qolgan mahallalarni maqsad qilib qo'ygan va ularni ba'zi qoidalar va soliqlardan ozod qilgan. Maqsad ish joylari va taraqqiyotni pasayib borayotgan hududlarga olib keladigan xususiy kapital va yangi ishbilarmonlik faoliyatini jalb qilish edi. Muhim loyihalar tarkibiga kiritilganlar London doklendlari, Salford va Geytshed.^[29][30]

Tashqi aloqalar

Rodeziya, 1979 yil

1979 yilgi saylovlardan oldin Tetcher butun oq tanli hukumatni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi sifatida qayd etilgan edi Yan Smit Rodeziyada.^[31][32], Jahonning qattiq bosimi ostida ba'zi qora tanli saylovchilarni o'z ichiga olgan saylovlar bo'lib o'tdi. Ulardan biri, metodist episkop Abel Muzoreva, 1979 yil iyun oyida Smitning ko'magi bilan "Zimbabve-Rodeziya" bosh vaziri bo'ldi. Dauning-strit 10-da yangi bo'lgan Tetcher episkopni maqtadi. Oq Rodeziyaliklar Britaniyaning Muzoreva rejimini tan olishini va mayib sanktsiyalarni tugatishini kutishgan. Biroq, Tetcher orqaga qaytdi. U tan olishni rad etdi va Muzoreva hukumatiga yangi saylovlarni qabul qilish uchun manevr qildi. Ular kiritishi kerak edi Joshua Nkomo va uning Zimbabve Afrika xalqlari ittifoqi shu qatorda; shu bilan birga Robert Mugabe va uning Zimbabve Afrika milliy ittifoqi. Bular Rodeziya xavfsizlik kuchlari yillar davomida bostirishga urinib ko'rgan inqilobiy harakatlar edi. Uning rahbarligi ostida tashqi ishlar vaziri Lord Karrington vositachilik qildi Lancaster House shartnomasi 1979 yil dekabrda. Britaniyaning Rodeziya ustidan nazorati qayta tiklandi; sulh e'lon qildi; tugatilgan partizan harakati; va tezda yaratilishiga olib keldi Zimbabve Respublikasi. Shunday qilib, Tetcherning Muzoreva hukumatini tan olishdan bosh tortishi, oxir-oqibat Mugabening hokimiyatni egallashiga imkon berdi, natijada Rodeziyada oq tanlilar g'azabga keldi, ammo bu inglizlarning fikrini qondirdi va xalqaro miqyosda olqishlandi. Ugo Yangning ta'kidlashicha, "U boshqa Uchinchi dunyo mamlakatini yaratishda muhim rol o'ynagan".^{[33][34][35][36]}Robert Metyusning so'zlariga ko'ra, Lancaster House muzokaralarining muvaffaqiyati to'rt omil bilan izohlanishi mumkin:

Urush maydonida aniq millatchilarga ma'qul bo'lgan kuchlar muvozanati; xalqaro sanktsiyalar va ularning Rodeziya iqtisodiyotiga va Solsberining urush olib borish qobiliyatiga salbiy ta'siri; uchinchi tomon manfaatlarining o'ziga xos namunasi; Va nihoyat, lord Karrington vositachi sifatida mahorat va resurslarni stolga keltirdi.^[37]

Eron elchixonasini qamal qilish, 1980 yil

Tetcherning Londonda Eron qamaliga qarshi qat'iyatli munosabati Britaniya iqtisodiyoti uchun qiyin davrda uning keng maqtoviga sazovor bo'ldi.

Tetcher siyosiy zo'ravonliklarga qarshi turishga qat'iy qaror qilgani birinchi marta 1980 yilda Eron elchixonasining qamal qilinishi paytida namoyon bo'ldi Knyazlar darvozasi London, 70 yil ichida birinchi marta qurolli kuchlarga Britaniya materikida o'ldiruvchi kuch ishlatishga vakolat berilgan edi. May oyida olti kun davomida oltita qurolli shaxs 26 garovni ushlab turdi; tomonidan muvaffaqiyatli reyd bilan qamal keskin yakunlandi SAS komandalar. O'sha kuni Tetcher ishtirok etgan SAS odamlarini tabriklash uchun bordi va ular orasida hujumning takrorlanishini tomosha qilib o'tirdi.^[38]:40 Keyinchalik SAS tomonidan qamalning buzilishi jamoatchilik tomonidan televizorning eng yaxshi daqiqalaridan biri sifatida baholandi.^[39]

Uning qat'iyatliligi - Bosh vazirning o'zi "qat'iyatli yondashuv" ni tasdiqladi - Tetcherning savdo belgisi va mashhurligining manbai bo'ldi.^[40] Bir tarixchining so'zlari bilan aytganda: "Kayfiyat Tetcher xonimning temir xonimning pozitsiyasini aks ettirdi, uning e'lon qilish niyati e'lon qilindi"Suvaysh sindromi "Buyuk Britaniyani buyuk qudratga aylantirish uchun yana bir bor takrorlash. SASni nishonlash 1980-yillardagi xalqaro militarizmning muhim tarkibiy qismi bo'lib, xalqaro miqyosda davom etayotgan" urush "tomonidan quvvatlandi. terrorizm va tomonidan Folkland mojarosi va Ko'rfaz urushi. Eron elchixonasining bostirib kirishi Buyuk Britaniyaning terrorizmga qarshi kurash bilan qarshi turishi mumkinligini ko'rsatdi: Tetcher xonimning qora kiyimdagi "terminatorlari" bizni himoya qiladi ".^[38]:40

Ijtimoiy xizmatlar kotibi SAS harakatini sharhlar ekan Norman Fowler "Tetcher xonim jamoatchilik tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlandi, chunki u aksariyat jamoat to'g'ri deb o'ylagan, ammo hech qanday hukumat amalga oshiradigan kuchga ega emas deb o'ylagan choralarni ko'rayotgan edi".^[21]:88–89

Afg'oniston va Polsha

Qachon Sovet Ittifoqi qo'shinlari 1979 yil dekabrda Afg'onistonga kirib kelgan, Tetcher buni tinimsiz kommunistik imperializmning o'ziga xos namunasi deb bildi. Tashqi ishlar vazirligining ta'kidlashicha, Kreml u erda omadsiz ittifoqdoshini qutqarishga astoydil harakat qilmoqda. Tetcher, shuningdek, parlament kabi, Moskva Olimpiadasini boykot qilish bo'yicha Amerika rejasini qo'llab-quvvatladi. Ammo sportchilar bunga rozi bo'lmadilar va baribir ular Moskvaga jo'nab ketishdi.^{[26]:560–63[41]}

Tetcher Uaytxollni ma'qullashiga imkon berdi MI6 (va SAS) Afg'onistonda "buzg'unchi harakatlarni" amalga oshirish.^[42] Qo'llab-quvvatlash Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi (Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi) Siklon operatsiyasi, shuningdek, ular qurol-yarog ', o'quv va razvedka bilan ta'minladilar mujaeddin. Tetcher 1981 yil oktyabr oyida Pokistonga tashrif buyurib, Pokiston rahbari general bilan uchrashdi Muhammad Ziyo-ul-Haq. U qochqinlar lagerlarida to'plangan yuz minglab afg'onlarning bir qismiga tashrif buyurib, "erkin dunyo yuragi ular bilan" degan nutq so'zladi. Besh yildan so'ng ikki mujohid lashkarboshisi Gulbuddin Hekmatyor va Abdul Haq Downing-stritda Tetcher bilan uchrashdi.^[43]

1980 va 1981 yillardagi Polsha inqirozi Sovet nazorati ostidagi Sharqiy Evropaning markazida antikommunistik keng ko'lamli norozilik namoyishlari ishtirok etdi. Tetcher Sovet gegemoniyasi Polshada zaif ekanligini tan oldi va jamoat tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlandi Lex Valesa va uning Birdamlik kasaba uyushmasi, Qo'shma Shtatlar bilan yaqin hamkorlikda va Papa Ioann Pavel II (Polsha katolikligining uzoq yillik rahbari). Tetcher Polshani Sovet zaifligining asosiy markazi deb bildi. AQSh bilan hamjihatlikka cheklangan yordam ko'rsatdi. Muvaffaqiyat super kuchlar munosabatlaridagi muzdan tushish, tetcherizmning uyda konsolidatsiyasi va xalqaro miqyosda neo-liberal g'oyalarning yurishi bilan ta'minlandi.^{[44][26]:574–76}

Folklend urushi, 1982 yil

1982 yil 2 aprelda hukmron Argentina harbiy xunta Folklend orollarini bosib oldi va 3 aprel kuni Janubiy Jorjiyani bosib oldi, Inglizlar Crown mustamlakalari Angliya har doim hukmronlik qilgan, ammo Argentina boshqargan da'vo qilingan.^[45] Tetcher ilgari orollarga nisbatan tashvish bildirmagan va uni yirik miqyosda qisqartirishni taklif qilgan edi uning dengiz kuchlari. Tetcher birinchi navbatda Admiralni tingladi Genri Lich, Birinchi dengiz lord; va Admiralga Ser Terens Leyn, Mudofaa shtabining boshlig'i. U zudlik bilan bosqinchilarni haydab chiqarishga qaror qildi.^{[26]:656–758 (667, 670)} U tashqi ishlar vazirini almashtirdi Piter Karrington Frensis Pym bilan va diplomatik yordamni kengaytirdi. The Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Xavfsizlik Kengashi Argentina agressiyasini qoraladi, Frantsiya va boshqa ittifoqchilar esa diplomatik va harbiy yordam ko'rsatdilar. Qo'shma Shtatlarda Reygan qo'llab-quvvatladi, ammo u inqirozni urushsiz hal qilish bo'yicha diplomatik tashabbuslarni ham boshladi. Uch kun ichida Tetcher yig'ilib, a yubordi dengiz harbiy guruhi nazoratni qaytarib olish.

Ushbu xaritada argentinalikdan oldin orollar atrofida argentinalik va britaniyalik dengiz kuchlarining joylashuvi sarhisob qilingan ARABelgrano cho'kib ketgan.

Kelish uchun olti hafta ichida u AQSh davlat kotibi tomonidan boshqariladigan diplomatik harakatlar bilan shug'ullangan Aleksandr Xeyg, ammo Argentina barcha murosa takliflarini rad etdi. Jamoatchilik fikri va ikkala yirik partiyalar Tetcherning agressiv javobini qo'llab-quvvatladilar.^[46] Tezkor guruh an Argentina kreyseri, majburlash Argentina dengiz floti o'z uyidagi portlariga qaytib. Biroq, u yaqin atrofdagi quruqlik bilan shug'ullanishi kerak edi Argentina havo kuchlari, birinchi navbatda, yerdan havoga issiqlik qidiradigan raketalardan foydalangan holda, Harrierlar va Port bombali uchish-qo'nish yo'lagining krateri bo'lgan V bombardimonchilar. Folklenddagi Argentina kuchlari 14 iyun kuni taslim bo'ldi; operatsiya buyuk g'alaba sifatida olqishlandi, faqat 258 inglizlar halok bo'ldi.^[47] G'alaba vatanparvarlik g'ayratini to'lqinlantirdi va Tetcherning qayta saylanishiga hissa qo'shdi, bitta so'rov natijalariga ko'ra saylovchilarning 84 foizi Bosh vazirning inqirozni ko'rib chiqishini ma'qulladi.^[48][49]

Shimoliy Irlandiya

1980 yil may oyida, Tetcher bir kun oldin irlandlar bilan uchrashishi kerak edi Taoiseach, Charlz Xaghey, muhokama qilish Shimoliy Irlandiya, u parlamentda "Shimoliy Irlandiyaning konstitutsiyaviy ishlarining kelajagi Shimoliy Irlandiya xalqi, bu hukumat, ushbu parlament, va boshqa hech kim".^{[50][26]:595–603}

1981 yilda bir qator Muvaqqat Irlandiya respublika armiyasi (IRA) va Irlandiya milliy ozodlik armiyasi mahbuslar Shimoliy Irlandiya "s Labirint qamoqxonasi (shuningdek, Shimoliy Irlandiyada ham tanilgan Long Kesh, uning oldingi rasmiy nomi) davom etdi ochlik e'lon qilish maqomini qaytarish siyosiy mahbuslar oldingi mehnat hukumati davrida besh yil oldin bekor qilingan. Bobbi Sands, ish tashlashchilarning birinchisi, okrugi bo'yicha parlament a'zosi etib saylandi Fermanag va Janubiy Tyron ochlikdan vafot etishidan bir necha hafta oldin. Tetcher respublika mahbuslari uchun siyosiy maqomga qaytishni rad etishdan bosh tortdi va mashhur "Jinoyatchilik jinoyat jinoyatdir; u siyosiy emas" deb e'lon qildi.^[51] Yana to'qqiz kishi vafot etganidan so'ng, harbiylashtirilgan mahbuslarga ko'p huquqlar tiklandi, ammo ularning siyosiy maqomini rasmiy tan olish imkoniyati berilmadi.^[52] Keyinchalik Tetcher: "Natijada AIR uchun muhim mag'lubiyat bo'ldi", deb ta'kidladi.^[53]:393

Tetcher ham "Ulsterisation "oldingi ishchi hukumatining siyosati va uning Shimoliy Irlandiya bo'yicha davlat kotibi, Roy Meyson, deb ishonib Ittifoqchilar Shimoliy Irlandiyaga qarshi kurashda birinchi o'rinda turishi kerak Irlandiya respublikachiligi. Bu asosiy oqimdagi yukni engillashtirishni anglatardi Britaniya armiyasi va rolini oshirish Ulster mudofaa polki va Qirollik Ulster konstitutsiyasi.

1983 yilgi umumiy saylov

1983 yilgi saylov natijalari

"Folklendlar omili "1982 yil oxiriga kelib iqtisodiy o'sishni tiklash bilan birga, hukumatning mashhurligini kuchaytirdi va Tetcherning g'alaba qozonishiga olib keldi. 1945 yilgi umumiy saylovlar.^[54]

Bu vaqtda Leyboristlar partiyasi bo'linib ketgan va bu erda yangi muammo yuzaga kelgan SDP - Liberal alyans o'rtasida saylov paktida shakllangan Sotsial-demokratik partiya va Liberal partiya. Biroq, ushbu guruhlash, qisqa vaqt ichida o'tkazilgan so'rovnomada etakchi mavqega ega bo'lishiga qaramay, kutilgan yutuqqa erisha olmadi.^[55]

1983 yil iyun oyida bo'lib o'tgan umumiy saylovlarda konservatorlar 42,4%, Leyboristlar partiyasi 27,6% va Ittifoq 25,4% ovozlarni qo'lga kiritishdi. Ovozlar bo'yicha Leyboristlar va Ittifoq o'rtasidagi farq juda oz bo'lsa-da, Ittifoqning ovozlari tarqalib ketdi va ular Leyboristlar kontsentratsiyali bazasi bilan egallagan o'rindiqlarning atigi bir qismini egallashdi. 1979 yildan beri konservatorlarning ovozidagi ulushi biroz pasaygan (1,5%). Mehnatkashlar ovozi ancha ko'p (9,3%) kamaydi va hozirda konservatorlar 144 deputatdan iborat ko'pchilik ovozga ega bo'lishdi.

Ikkinchi davr (1983-1987)

Ikkinchi davr Tetcherni to'liq zimmasiga oldi.^[56]

Ichki ishlar

Kontaminatsiyalangan qon bilan bog'liq janjal

Tetcher nima paytida Bosh vazir bo'lgan Guardian "NHS tarixidagi eng yomon davolash falokati" deb ta'riflangan.^[57][58] Minglab gemofiliya yuqtirgan OIV, Gepatit C yoki ikkalasi ham pıhtılaşma agenti orqali VIII omil.^[59] Angliya VIII omilni yuqtirgan materiallarini xorijdagi xavfli tijorat manbalaridan import qilgan;^[60] Odatda Tetcher hukumati NHS uchun o'z mablag'larini yaratishda davlat tomonidan moliyalashtirishni etarli darajada ta'minlamaganligi sababli, deb o'ylashadi.^[61][62]

Ta'kidlanishicha, Tetcher kabineti janjal voqealarini "yashirishga" urindi.^[63] 2017 yilda Yuqtirilgan qonni tekshirish janjalda e'lon qilindi va Oliy sudda bir guruh sud jarayoni (Jeyson Evans & Ors) chiqarildi.^[64]

Ish tashlashlar; konchilar va gazetalar

1880 yildan buyon Buyuk Britaniyada yillik ko'mir qazib olish bo'yicha bandlik. 1990 yilga kelib ish bilan bandlik 100 mingdan oshdi.

Tetcher kuchini kamaytirishga sodiq edi kasaba uyushmalari ammo, Xit hukumatidan farqli o'laroq, bitta Qonundan ko'ra bosqichma-bosqich o'zgartirish strategiyasini qabul qildi. Bir nechta kasaba uyushmalari ishga tushirildi ish tashlashlar javoban, lekin bu harakatlar oxir-oqibat qulab tushdi. Asta-sekin Tetcherning islohotlari kasaba uyushmalarining kuchi va ta'sirini pasaytirdi. O'zgarishlar asosan 1970-yillardagi yirik sanoat harakatlarining takrorlanishining oldini olishga qaratilgan edi, ammo kelajakda qandaydir choralar ko'rilsa, ishtirokchilar uchun jiddiy oqibatlarga olib kelishini ta'minlashga qaratilgan edi. Tetcher ta'kidlaganidek, islohotlar kasaba uyushmalarini demokratlashtirish va hokimiyatni a'zolarga qaytarishga qaratilgan edi. Eng muhim choralar ikkinchi darajali bo'lish edi sanoat harakati noqonuniy, kasaba uyushma rahbariyatini ish tashlashni e'lon qilishdan oldin kasaba uyushma a'zoligi byulletenini yutib olishga majbur qilish va bekor qilishni bekor qilish yopiq do'kon. Keyinchalik qonunlar ish joyidagi saylov byulletenlarini taqiqlab qo'ygan va pochta byulletenlarini joriy qilgan.

Ko'mir qazib oluvchilar yuqori darajada uyushgan va Bosh vazir Xitni mag'lub etishgan. Tetcher katta to'qnashuvni kutgan, oldindan rejalashtirilgan va u tayyor bo'lishidan oldin muammolardan qochgan. Oxir oqibatda konchilarning 1984–85 yildagi ish tashlashi uning g'alaba qozonganligini isbotladi - kasaba uyushma ishchilarini doimiy ravishda tushkunlikka tushirdi.^[65] The Milliy ko'mir kengashi har qanday millatlashtirilgan sanoatga ketadigan eng katta miqdordagi davlat subsidiyalarini oldi: 1984 yilga kelib iqtisodiy bo'lmagan chuqurlarning soliq to'lovchilariga yillik xarajatlar 1 milliard funt sterlingga etdi.^[66] 1984 yil aprelidan boshlab ish tashlashlar bo'yicha bir yil davom etgan qarama-qarshilik Milliy konchilar ishchilar ittifoqi (NUM) ko'p miqdordagi zararli konlarni yopish to'g'risidagi takliflarga qarshi bo'lib, Tetcherning hal qiluvchi g'alabasini isbotladi. Hukumat ko'mir zaxiralarini ko'paytirish, ko'plab konchilarni ish joylarida ushlab turish va ommaviy piketlarni to'xtatish uchun politsiya harakatlarini muvofiqlashtirish orqali NUMning ish tashlashiga qarshi oldindan tayyorgarlik ko'rgan edi. Uning siyosati elektr energiyasini keskin qisqartirishga olib keladigan NUM strategiyasini mag'lubiyatga uchratdi - 1972 yilgi sanoat mojarolari merosi takrorlanmaydi.^[67][68]

Boshqa konchilarning ishlashiga to'sqinlik qilmoqchi bo'lgan jangari konchilar olomonining tasvirlari, hatto ish tashlashlarning ba'zi tarafdorlari uchun ham hayratga tushdi. NUM hech qachon ish tashlash ovozini o'tkazmagan, bu ko'plab konchilarga ishlashni davom ettirishga imkon bergan va boshqa kasaba uyushmalarining ish tashlashni qo'llab-quvvatlashiga to'sqinlik qilgan. Ish tashlashgan oilalarning umidsizligi va qashshoqligi mintaqaviy NUM filiallarida bo'linishlarga olib keldi va ajralib chiqqan kasaba uyushmasi - Demokratik konchilar ishchilar ittifoqi (UDM), tez orada shakllandi. Ish tashlashning yaqinlashib kelayotgan muvaffaqiyatsizligidan iste'foga chiqqan va bir necha oylik noroziliklardan charchagan tobora ko'proq xafsalasi pir bo'lgan konchilar kasaba uyushmasining qarorlarini inkor eta boshladilar, bo'linib ketgan guruhlarni boshladilar va ishchilarga ishlashga qaytib borishni yagona muhim variant deb maslahat berdilar.^[69]:ch. 7

Konchilarning ish tashlashi to'liq bir yil davom etdi, NUM rahbariyati kelishuvsiz tan olishdan oldin. Konservativ hukumatlar mamlakatdagi 15 ta kondan boshqasini yopishga kirishdilar, qolgan 15 tasi 1994 yilda sotilib, xususiylashtirildi. O'shandan beri xususiy kompaniyalar yangi konlarni ochish uchun litsenziyalar oldilar va asl konlarning aksariyati yo'q qilindi. va er obodonlashtirildi.

Konchilar ish tashlashining mag'lubiyati butun kasaba uyushma harakatida uzoq vaqt ruhiy tushkunlikka olib keldi.^[70]

1984-85 yillardagi 51 haftalik konchilarning ish tashlashi, bir yil o'tib, 54 haftasi bilan davom etdi Wapping nizosi Londonda gazeta printerlari tomonidan ishga tushirildi.^[71] Bu kasaba uyushmalarining ikkinchi katta mag'lubiyatiga va Tetcherning kasaba uyushma siyosatining yana bir g'alabasiga olib keldi, ayniqsa uning politsiya o'simliklarni yopishga urinayotgan piketlardan himoya qilishiga ishonchi komil.^[72] Maqsad Britaniyaning eng yirik xususiy gazeta imperiyasi edi, Xalqaro yangiliklar (ota-ona The Times va Dunyo yangiliklari va boshqalarga tegishli Rupert Merdok ). U eskirgan terish mashinalarining 90 foizini ishdan bo'shatadigan texnologik yangiliklarni joriy qilmoqchi edi. Kompaniya eski ish joylarini tark etishlari uchun har bir printerga 2000-30000 funt sterling miqdorida ishdan bo'shatish to'lovlarini taklif qildi. Kasaba uyushmasi bu taklifni rad etdi va 1986 yil 24 yanvarda Merdokning hujjatlaridagi uning 6000 a'zosi ish tashlashdi. Ayni paytda News International London tumanida yangi bosmaxona qurib, yashirin ravishda jihozladi Wapping. Asosiy bosma kasaba uyushmalari - Milliy Grafika Uyushmasi (NGA), Grafika va ittifoqchilik savdolari jamiyati (SOGAT 82) va Birgalikda muhandislik ishchilari uyushmasi (AUEW) - yopiq do'konlar: eski Fleot Street zavodlariga faqat kasaba uyushma a'zolari yollanishi mumkin edi; ko'pchilik a'zolarning o'g'illari edi. Ammo Wappingdagi yangi zavod bilan yopiq do'kon shartnomasi yo'q edi. Kompaniya o'zining yangi zavodini boshqa kasaba uyushma yordamida faollashtirdi Elektr, elektron, telekommunikatsiya va santexnika birlashmasi (EETPU). Aksariyat jurnalistlar (a'zolari Jurnalistlar milliy uyushmasi ) Wapping-ga o'tdi va NUJ Chapels o'z faoliyatini davom ettirdi. Ammo NUJ ularni u erda ishlamaslikka chaqirdi; "refuseniklar "Wapping-ga borishni rad etdi. Oldingi do'konda 6800 kishi bosib chiqarishi kerak bo'lgan bir xil miqdordagi qog'ozlarni ishlab chiqarish uchun yetarlicha printerlar keldi - jami 670 kishi. Ushbu samaradorlik aniq edi va kasaba uyushmasini butun yilni cho'chitib yubordi. Minglab kasaba uyushmalarining piketlari zavoddan olib o'tilgan mahsulotlarni to'sib qo'yishga urinishdi, ular 574 politsiyachini jarohatladilar, 1500 hibsga olishlar bo'ldi, piketlar muvaffaqiyatsiz tugadi, kasaba uyushmasi noqonuniy ikkinchi darajali boykotni o'tkazdi va sudda jarimaga tortildi, pensiya uchun ishlatilgan barcha aktivlarini yo'qotdi. Keyingi ikki yil ichida Britaniyaning milliy gazetalarida yangi zavodlar ochildi va Fleet Street-dan voz kechib, juda kam sonli ishchilar bilan yangi texnologiyani o'zlashtirdilar va ular tetcherizmni qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun ko'proq sabablarga ega edilar.^{[73]:676[74][75]}

Xususiylashtirish

Tetcherning siyosiy va iqtisodiy falsafasida davlat aralashuvi kamayganligi ta'kidlangan, erkin bozorlar va tadbirkorlik. Kuchga ega bo'lganidan beri, u kichkintoyni sotish bo'yicha tajriba o'tkazdi milliylashtirilgan kompaniyasi, Milliy yuk tashish kompaniyasi o'z ishchilariga hayratlanarli darajada ijobiy javob bilan. Chap tarafdagi bir tanqidchi xususiylashtirishni "tarixdagi eng katta saylov pora" deb rad etdi.^[21]:88 1983 yilgi saylovlardan so'ng, hukumat jasoratli bo'ldi va boshlandi British Telecom, 1940-yillarning oxiridan buyon jamoat mulki bo'lgan yirik kommunal xizmatlarning ko'pini sotdi. Ko'p odamlar foyda olishdi ulush takliflar, garchi ko'pchilik o'zlarining aktsiyalarini tezda foyda olish uchun darhol sotishgan bo'lsa-da, shuning uchun muassasalarga emas, balki jismoniy shaxslarga tegishli bo'lgan aktsiyalarning ulushi oshmadi. Siyosati xususiylashtirish, chap tomonda ko'pchilikka anatema bo'lsa-da, Tetcherizm bilan sinonimga aylandi va undan keyin ham ergashdi Toni Bler hukumat. Aktsiyalarga egalik qilish va kengashlarni sotish kengroq bo'lib, o'z tarafdorlariga "ommabop" kapitalizm sifatida tanildi (tavsif tomonidan ishlab chiqilgan Jon Redvud ).^[76][77]

Jeykob Uordning so'zlariga ko'ra, British Telecom kompaniyasining xususiylashtirilishi "neoliberalizm uchun muhim voqea" bo'lgan. Bu o'zlarining kommunal xizmatlarini sotadigan boshqa mamlakatlar uchun namuna bo'ldi. Uzoq masofani rejalashtirish bo'limi rejalashtiruvchilari telekommunikatsiyalarning o'tishini va umuman olganda sotsial demokratiyadan neoliberalizmga, monopoliyadan bozorga keskin o'tishni qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun yangi kompyuter modellarini qo'lladilar. Telekommunikatsiya tarmog'i iqtisodiyotni raqamlashtirishni rejalashtirish uchun juda zarur edi. Neoliberalizmni erkin bozorlarni simulyatsiya qila oladigan boshqaruv vositasi sifatida hamda xususiy sektorda hukumatning rolini qisqartirishga imkon beradigan texnologiya sifatida kompyuter simulyatsiyalari zarur edi. ^[78]

Tashkilotni tanqid qilish

1985 yil fevral oyida, odatda Britaniya muassasa markazining muhim shafqatsizligi deb qaraladigan narsada,^[79] The Oksford universiteti Tetcherning oliy ta'limni moliyalashtirishni qisqartirishiga qarshi norozilik sifatida faxriy unvonni rad etishga ovoz berdi.^[80] Ushbu mukofot ilgari barcha bosh vazirlarga beri berilgandi Ikkinchi jahon urushi.^[81] Garchi hukumat xarajatlarni ko'paytirish to'g'risidagi qarshi da'volariga qarshi chiqsa ham,^[82] Oksford donlarining qarori "mayda" va "qasoskor" sifatida keng qoralangan.^[83] Universitet kantsleri, sobiq bosh vazir Garold Makmillan (hozirda lord Stokton), ushbu qaror an'analar bilan uzilishni anglatishini ta'kidladi va snub universitetda qayta tiklanishini bashorat qildi.^[84]

1985 yil dekabrda Tetcher boshqasining tanqidiga uchradi Tori bastion qachon Angliya cherkovi hisobot Shaharga bo'lgan ishonch parchalanishini aybladi ichki shaharlar hukumatning moliyaviy qat'iyligi to'g'risida va boylikni qayta taqsimlashga chaqirdi. Biroq, Hukumat ish bilan ta'minlash va o'qitish bo'yicha maxsus choralarni allaqachon kiritgan edi,^[85] va vazirlar hisobotni "boshi aylantirilgan" deb e'lon qilishdi va yozuvsiz qoldirishdi.^[86][87] Cherkov va uning liberal yepiskoplari bilan buzilish shu paytgacha davolanmagan Uilyam Xeyg 1998 yilda yangitdan hamkorlik qilishga chaqirdi.^[87]

Ko'p o'tmay, Tetcher hukumatning jamoalar palatasidagi yagona mag'lubiyatiga uchradi va muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi Do'konlar to'g'risidagi qonun 1986 yil. Qonuniylashtirilgan qonun loyihasi Yakshanba kuni xarid qilish, a tomonidan mag'lub bo'ldi Xristianlarning huquqi backbench isyoni, 72 konservatorlar hukumat qonuniga qarshi ovoz berishdi.^[88] Tetcherning yagona mag'lubiyati bilan bir qatorda, bu hukumat qonun loyihasi tushgan so'nggi holat edi ikkinchi o'qish.^[89] Mag'lubiyat AQShning Liviyadagi aralashuvi bilan darhol soyada qoldi.^[88]

Westland ishi

Tetcher Qo'shma Shtatlar bilan mudofaa aloqalarini afzal ko'rganligi G'arbiy G'arbiy ishda, go'yo neytral pozitsiyani saqlab qolganiga qaramay, u va Savdo va sanoat kotibi Leon Brittan vertolyot ishlab chiqaruvchisiga ruxsat berdi Westland bilan bog'lanish uchun muhim mudofaa pudratchisi Sikorsky Aircraft Corporation Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari. Mudofaa vaziri Maykl Heseltin Evropa va Angliya firmalarining konsortsiumini, shu jumladan Italiya firmasini tashkil qilgan edi Agusta, raqib taklif qilish. Uning so'zlariga ko'ra, Tetcher 1985 yil dekabr oyi boshida Vazirlar Mahkamasining Iqtisodiy ishlar bo'yicha qo'mitasining va'da qilingan yig'ilishini bekor qilib, tegishli muhokamalarga to'sqinlik qildi. Vazirlar Mahkamasi (1985 yil 19 dekabr) har qanday vazirga faol ravishda saylovoldi tashviqotini o'tkazishni taqiqladi.^{[73]:449–96}

Tetcher Heseltineni ishdan bo'shatish uchun juda qudratli va mashhur odam deb o'ylardi. 1986 yil yanvar oyi boshlarida Heseltine va Tetcher / Brittan lagerlari bir-birlarining ishlariga zarar etkazadigan materiallarni matbuotga tarqatganidan so'ng, Vazirlar Mahkamasi (9 yanvar) bu masala bo'yicha barcha bayonotlar, shu jumladan qilinganlarning takrorlanishi tozalanishi kerakligi to'g'risida kelishib oldi. kabinet idorasi orqali. Xeseltine iste'foga chiqdi va Tetcher Vazirlar Mahkamasi konventsiyalarini buzgan deb da'vo qilib yig'ilishdan chiqib ketdi. U nufuzli tanqidchi va potentsial etakchilik raqibi bo'lib qoldi va oxir-oqibat 1990 yilda Tetcherning qulashida muhim rol o'ynaydi. Brittan o'sha oyning boshida va Tetcherning matbuot maslahatchisi bilan kelishgan holda iste'foga chiqishga majbur bo'ldi. Bernard Ingham, Heseltine-ni tanqid qilgan maxfiy qonuniy xatni oshkor qilishni buyurdi. Bir muncha vaqt Tetcherning Bosh vazir lavozimida omon qolishi shubhali tuyuldi, ammo uning oshkor etilishidagi shaxsiy ishtiroki isbotlanmagan bo'lib qoldi va u oppozitsiya etakchisining jamoatdagi (27 yanvar) munozarali chiqishidan so'ng omon qoldi. Nil Kinnok.^{[73]:449–96}

Mahalliy hokimiyat

1986 yil aprel oyida Tetcher partiyasining 1983 yilgi manifestida belgilangan siyosatni amalga oshirib,^[90] bekor qilindi Buyuk London kengashi (GLC) va oltita yuqori darajali Metropolitan tuman kengashlari (MCC):^{[73]:371–72}

Bilan bog'liq bo'lgan kengashlarni ko'rsatadigan xarita stavkani cheklovchi isyon 1985 yil

GLC eng yirik kengash edi Evropa; boshchiligida Mehnat sotsialistik Ken Livingstone u uch yil ichida sarf-xarajatlarni ikki baravarga oshirdi va Tetcher katta qurilish, muhandislik va texnik xizmat ko'rsatish loyihalariga veto huquqi berilib, ko'pchilik vazifalarni tumanlarga o'tkazib, samaradorlik o'lchovi sifatida uni bekor qilishni talab qildi. atrof-muhit kotibi.^[91] Hukumat shuningdek, hokimiyatning mahalliy kengashlarga o'tkazilishi saylovlar uchun javobgarlikni kuchaytiradi, deb ta'kidladi.^[92] Tanqidchilar bir necha kishining "haddan tashqari ko'pligi" ni da'vo qilishdi "loony chap "kengashlar Tetcher xonimga partiyaviy-siyosiy hujumni boshlashda yordam berishdi"^[93] chunki yo'q qilingan barcha kengashlar Leyboristlar partiyasi tomonidan nazorat qilinib, mahalliy ma'muriyat soliqlari va davlat xarajatlarining yuqori bo'lishini ma'qul ko'rgan va uning hukumatiga qarshi bo'lgan kuchli markaz bo'lgan. GLC shuningdek, tuman kengashlarining tarqalishi "cheksiz qo'shma qo'mitalar va 60 dan ortiq kvangalar" ning paydo bo'lishiga olib kelishi haqida ogohlantirdi.^[94] GLC, shu jumladan bir qator kengashlar kamdan-kam davlat mablag'larini munozarali sabablarga, masalan, Bomba qarshi bolalar, Antiracist yil va o'z farzandlarini asrab olmoqchi bo'lgan lezbiyan onalar kabi sabablarga ko'ra o'zlarini zaif holga keltirdilar. GLC-ni saqlash kampaniyasining o'zi to'lovchilarga 10 million funt sterlingga tushgan deb taxmin qilingan,^[91] tantanali marosimning so'nggi haftasida eng yuqori cho'qqiga ko'tarilganlar, bu to'lovchilarga 500000 funt sterlingga tushgan.^[95]

1984-1988 yillardagi iqtisodiy o'sish

1980 yillar davomida Buyuk Britaniyaning boshqa rivojlangan kapitalistik mamlakatlarga nisbatan mahsuldorligi o'sishida katta o'zgarishlar yuz berdi.^[16]:628 Nayjel Louson, Bosh vazir, inflyatsiyani "hukumatning sudyasi va hakamlar hay'ati" deb aniqladi,^[16]:630 lekin mamlakat ham yaxshilandi OECD inflyatsiya darajasi 1979 yildagi o'n beshinchi darajadan o'ninchi o'ringa Lawson Boom year of 1987, when inflation had fallen to 4.2%, in the decade as a whole the country still had the second highest inflation rate of the G7 mamlakatlar.^[16]:631 Unemployment had peaked at nearly 3,300,000 in 1984,^[96] but had fallen below 3,000,000 by June 1987,^[97] in early 1989 it fell below 2,000,000 and by December 1989 it stood at just over 1,600,000.^[98]

The United Kingdom's growth rate was more impressive, ranking first in the OECD-16 in 1987, a statistical achievement that Thatcher and her government exploited to the full in the general election campaign of that year.^[16]:631 However, the balance of payments record had deteriorated, faring even worse than those of non-oil-exporting countries, and there was a decline in the country's relative standing in terms of unemployment.^[16]:631 The resulting welfare payments meant that, even though Thatcher and her ministers in 1979 had taken the view that "public expenditure is at the heart of Britain's present economic difficulties", it was not until the boom year of 1987 that the expenditure ratio fell below the 1979 level,^[16]:635 and for most of the 1980s the average tax take was actually higher than in 1979.^[16]:636

Ireland and Northern Ireland issues

Brighton bombing

The Brighton Grand Hotel after the IRA bomb. Thatcher's response to the attempt on her life helped to bolster her popularity halfway through the year-long konchilarning ish tashlashi.

Anti-Thatcher graffiti in Belfast, 1984

On the early morning of 12 October 1984, the day before her 59th birthday, Thatcher escaped injury in the Brayton mehmonxonasini portlatish during the Conservative Party Conference when the hotel was bombed by the Muvaqqat Irlandiya respublika armiyasi. Five people died in the attack, including Roberta Wakeham, wife of the Government's Chief Whip Jon Uekxem va konservativ deputat Ser Entoni Berri. A prominent member of the Cabinet, Norman Tebbit, was injured, and his wife Margaret was left paralysed. Thatcher herself escaped assassination by sheer luck. She insisted that the conference open on time the next day and made her speech as planned in defiance of the bombers, a gesture which won widespread approval across the political spectrum.^{[99][73]:309–16}

Angliya-Irlandiya kelishuvi

On 15 November 1985, Thatcher signed the Hillsborough Angliya-Irlandiya kelishuvi with Irish Taoiseach Garret FitsJerald, the first time a British government gave the Republic of Ireland a say (albeit advisory) in the governance of Northern Ireland. The agreement was greeted with fury by Northern Irish unionists. The Ulster ittifoqchilari va Democratic Unionists made an electoral pact and on 23 January 1986, staged an ad hoc referendum by resigning their seats and contesting the subsequent by-elections, losing only one, to the nationalist Sotsial-demokratik va ishchi partiyasi (SDLP). Ammo, farqli o'laroq Sunningdeyl shartnomasi of 1974, they found they could not bring the agreement down by a general strike. This was another effect of the changed balance of power in ishlab chiqarish munosabatlari.

Tashqi ishlar

Sovuq urush

In Sovuq urush, Thatcher supported US President Ronald Reygan ning siyosati orqaga qaytish against the Soviets, which envisioned the end of Communism in Europe (which happened in 1989–91). Bu siyosat bilan qarama-qarshi bo'lgan détente (or "live and let live") which the West had pursued during the 1970s. In a decision that came under heavy attack from the Labour Party, American forces were permitted by Thatcher to station nuclear qanotli raketalar Britaniya bazalarida, tomonidan ommaviy norozilik uyg'otdi Yadro qurolsizlanish uchun kampaniya. A critical factor was Thatcher's idea that Mixail Gorbachyov was the key to the solution. She convinced Reagan that he was "a man we can do business with. " This was a start of a move by the West to force a dismantling of Soviet control over Eastern Europe, which Gorbachev realised was necessary if he was to reform the decrepit Soviet economy.^[100] Those who share her views on it credit her with a part in the West's victory, by both the deterrence and détente duruşlar. The West won the Cold War "without firing a shot" according to Thatcher, because the Kremlin would not risk confrontation with NATO's superior forces.^[101]

Thatcher played a major role as a broker between Reagan and Gorbachev in 1985–87, with the successful negotiation of the O'rta masofadagi yadroviy kuchlar to'g'risidagi shartnoma (INF). The INF Treaty of December 1987, signed by Reagan and Gorbachev, eliminated all nuclear and conventional missiles, as well as their launchers, with ranges of 500–1,000 kilometres (310–620 mi) (short-range) and 1,000–5,500 kilometres (620–3,420 mi) (intermediate-range). The treaty did not cover sea-launched missiles of the sort Britain possessed. By May 1991, after on-site investigations by both sides, 2700 missiles had been destroyed.^{[102][73]:23–26, 594–5[103]}

United States bombing of Libya

Thatcher allowed American aircraft to take off from RAF Lakenheath in April 1986 to participate in an air strike against Libya.

In the aftermath of a series of terrorist attacks on US military personnel in Europe, which were believed to have been executed at Polkovnik Qaddafiy 's command, President Reagan decided to carry out a bombing raid on Libya. Both France and Spain refused to allow US aircraft to fly over their territory for the raid. Thatcher herself had earlier expressed opposition to "retaliatory strikes that are against international law" and had not followed the US in an embargo of Libyan oil. However Thatcher felt that as the US had given support to Britain during the Falklands and that America was a major ally against a possible Soviet attack in Western Europe, she felt obliged to allow US aircraft to use bases situated in Britain.^{[104]:279–80}

Later that year in America, President Reagan persuaded Congress to approve of an extradition treaty which closed a legal loophole by which IRA members and Ko'ngillilar escaped extradition by claiming their killings were political acts. This had been previously opposed by Irish-Americans for years but was passed after Reagan used Thatcher's support in the Libyan raid as a reason to pass it.^{[104]:282[73]:513–20}

Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarining Grenadaga bosqini

Grenada was a former colony and current independent Commonwealth nation under the Queen. The British government exercised no authority there and did not object when Moris Bishop took control in a coup in 1979.^[105] The small Caribbean island had been ruled by Bishop, a radical Marxist with close ties to Cuba. In October 1983 he was overthrown by dissident Marxists, and killed. This alarmed other small countries in the region who had a regional defence organisation, the Sharqiy Karib davlatlari tashkiloti (OECS) which formally asked the United States for help in removing the new regime. Reagan promptly agreed, and almost overnight ordered a major invasion of Grenada. He notified Thatcher a few hours before the invasion, but he did not ask her consent. She was privately highly annoyed, but in cabinet and in Parliament she announced that Britain supported the Americans, saying "We stand by the United States".^{[73]:117–35, quote page 130} When it became clear that the American rollback of the upstart Communist regime had been a striking success, Thatcher "came to feel that she had been wrong to oppose it".^[104]:279

Janubiy Afrikadagi aparteid

Thatcher resisted international pressure to impose iqtisodiy sanktsiyalar kuni Janubiy Afrika, where the United Kingdom was the biggest foreign investor and principal trading partner. This meant that the status quo remained, and British companies continued to operate in South Africa, although other European countries continued trading to a lesser degree. Ga binoan Jefri Xou, one of her closest allies, Thatcher regarded the ANC, which fought to end apartheid, as a "typical terrorist organisation", as late as 1987.^[106]

At the end of March 1984, four South Africans were arrested in Coventry, remanded in custody, and charged with contravening the BMTning qurol embargosi, which prohibited exports to South Africa of military equipment. Thatcher took a personal interest in the Koventri to'rtinchi va Dauning ko'chasi, 10-uy requested daily summaries of the case from the prosecuting authority, HM bojxona va aktsiz.^[107] Within a month, the Coventry Four had been freed from jail and allowed to travel to South Africa, on condition that they return to England for their trial later that year. However, in August 1984, South African foreign minister Pik Botha decided not to allow the Coventry Four to return to stand trial, forfeiting £200,000 bail money put up by the South African embassy in London.

In April 1984, Thatcher sent senior British diplomat, Ser Jon Laxi, to negotiate the release of 16 Britons who had been taken hostage by the Angola rebel leader, Jonas Savimbi. At the time, Savimbi's UNITA guerrilla movement was financed and supported militarily by the aparteid Janubiy Afrikaning rejimi. On 26 April 1984 Leahy succeeded in securing the release of the British hostages at the UNITA base in Jamba, Kuando Kubango, Angola.^[108]

In June 1984, Thatcher received a visit from P. W. Botha, the first South African premier to come to Britain since his nation had left the Hamdo'stlik 1961 yilda.^[109] Nil Kinnok, Muxolifat lideri condemned the visit as a "diplomatic coup" for the South African government,^[110] and Labour MEP Barbara qal'asi rallied European Socialists in an unsuccessful attempt to stop it.^[111] Muzokaralarida Shashka, Thatcher told Botha the policy of racial separation was "unacceptable".^[112] She urged him to free jailed black leader Nelson Mandela; to halt the harassment of black dissidents; to stop the bombing of Afrika milliy kongressi (ANC) guerrilla bases in front-line states; and to comply with UN Security Council resolutions and withdraw from Namibiya.^[104]:324

Thatcher defended Botha's visit as an encouragement to reform,^[112] but he ignored her concern over Mandela's continued detainment,^[110] and although a new constitution brought coloured people of mixed race and Hindular into a tricameral assembly, 22 million blacks continued to be excluded from the representation.^[109] After the outbreak of violence in September 1984, Thatcher granted temporary sanctuary to six African anti-apartheid leaders in the British consulate in Durban.^[113]

Thatcher with Malawian President Xastings Banda in 1985, who was then the only African leader maintaining relations with South Africa.^[114]

In July 1985, Thatcher, citing the support of Xelen Suzman, a South African anti-apartheid MP, reaffirmed her belief that economic sanctions against Pretoriya would be immoral because they would make thousands of black workers unemployed; instead she characterised industry as the instrument that was breaking down apartheid.^[115][106] She also believed sanctions would disproportionately injure Britain^[116] and neighbouring African countries,^[117] and argued that political and military measures were more effective.^[118]

Thatcher's opposition to economic sanctions was challenged by visiting anti-apartheid activists, including South African bishop Desmond Tutu, u Londonda uchrashgan va Oliver Tambo, noqonuniy ANC partizan harakati surgun etakchisi,^[119] whose links to the Soviet bloc she viewed with suspicion,^[120] u kimni ko'rishni rad etdi, chunki u zo'ravonlikni qo'llab-quvvatladi va qora tanli politsiyachilar, mahalliy amaldorlar va ularning oilalari tomonidan qilingan partizan hujumlari va to'dalarini o'ldirishni rad etdi.^[117]

Hamdo'stlik sammitida Nassau 1985 yil oktyabr oyida Tetcher cheklangan sanktsiyalarni qo'llashga va Pretoriya bilan muloqotni rivojlantirish uchun aloqa guruhini tuzishga rozi bo'ldi,^[121] u tomonidan ogohlantirilgandan keyin Uchinchi dunyo leaders, including Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandi va Malayziya Bosh vaziri Maxathir Mohamad, that her opposition threatened to break up the 49-nation Commonwealth.^[122] Buning evaziga umumiy embargoga chaqiruvlardan voz kechildi va a'zo davlatlar tomonidan Janubiy Afrikaga qarshi qabul qilingan mavjud cheklovlar bekor qilindi.^[118] ANC prezidenti Tambo ushbu katta murosadan umidsizlikni bildirdi.^[123]

Xitoy va Gonkong

Gonkong was ceded to the British Empire following the Birinchi afyun urushi and in 1898 Britain obtained a 99-year lease on the Yangi hududlar. In 1984 Thatcher visited China with a view to resolve the difficulties that would inevitably be encountered as the New Territories were due to be returned to the Chinese in 1997.^[124] She signed an agreement with Den Syaoping to hand back not simply the New Territories, but the whole colony, in exchange for China awarding the colony the special status within China of a "Special Administrative Region". Under the terms of the agreement, China was obliged to leave Hong Kong's economic status unchanged after the handover on 1 July 1997, for a period of at least fifty years.^[125]

European rebate

At the Dublin European Council in November 1979, Thatcher argued that the United Kingdom paid far more to the Evropa iqtisodiy hamjamiyati (EEC) than it received in spending. She famously declared at the summit: "We are not asking the Community or anyone else for money. We are simply asking to have our own money back". Her arguments were successful and at the June 1984 Fontainbleau Summit, the EEC agreed on an annual rebate for the United Kingdom, amounting to 66% of the difference between Britain's EU contributions and receipts. This still remains in effect, although Toni Bler later agreed to significantly reduce the size of the rebate. It periodically causes political controversy among the members of the Yevropa Ittifoqi.^[126]

Kanal tunnel

Thatcher, like many Britons, had long been fascinated by the idea of a tunnel under the Ingliz kanali linking to France.^{[104]:312–14} The idea had been tossed around for over a century, but was always vetoed, usually by insularity-minded Englishmen.^{[iqtibos kerak ]} Opposition to the tunnel over the decades reflected the high value the British placed on their insularity, and their preference for imperial links that they controlled directly. By the 1960s circumstances had changed radically. The British Empire collapsed and the Suvaysh inqirozi made clear that Britain was no longer a superpower, and had to depend on its military allies on the continent.^[127] The Conservatives could more carefully consider the long-term economic value to business and strategic value, and also the new sense of a European identity. Labour was worried that a tunnel would bring new workers and lower wage rates. Britain's prestige, security and wealth now seemed safest when tied closely to the continent.^[128]

Thatcher and Mitterrand agreed on the project and set up study groups. Mitterrand as a socialist said the French government would pay its share. Thatcher insisted on private financing for the British share, and the City assured her that private enterprise was eager to fund it. Final decisions were announced in January 1986.^[129][130]

Third term (1987–1990)

The third term started well but the economic boom faltered. Her mistakes multiplied and her enemies in her party and in the general public multiplied.^[131]

1987 yilgi umumiy saylov

1987 election results

Thatcher led her party to a landslide victory in the 1987 general election with a 102-seat majority.^[132] Her resolute personality played a key role in overcoming the well-organised, media-wise Labour campaign led by Nil Kinnok. He was weakened by his party's commitment to unilateral yadroviy qurolsizlanish at a time Thatcher was helping to end the Cold War. Fleet Street (the national newspapers) mostly supported her and were rewarded with regular press briefings by her press secretary, Bernard Ingham.^[133] Polls showed that Thatcher's leadership style was more important for voters than party identification, economic concerns, and indeed all other issues.^[134] She entered the record books, becoming the longest continuously serving Prime Minister since Lord Liverpool (1812–27), and the first to win three successive elections since Lord Palmerston 1865 yilda.

Despite her third straight victory she remained a polarising figure. Hatred from the far left motivated scores of songs that "expressed anger, amusement, defiance and ridicule" towards her.^[135] A common chant among protestors was "Maggi Out!"^[136]

Ichki siyosat

Economics and welfare reforms

In 1988, Chancellor of the Exchequer Nayjel Louson reacted to a market fall with a reflationary budget, stoking inflation and precipitating a slide in the Government's fortunes. By the time of Thatcher's resignation in 1990, inflation had again hit 10%, the same level she had found it in 1979.

Overall, the economic record of Thatcher's government is disputed. In relative terms, it could be held there was a modest revival of British fortunes. Haqiqiy yalpi ichki mahsulot had grown by 26.8% over 1979–89 in the United Kingdom as against 24.3% for the EC -12 average.^[16]:627 O'lchagan jami omil samaradorligi, labour, and capital, British productivity growth between 1979 and 1993 compared favourably with the OECD average.^[16]:628

However under Thatcherite management the macro-economy was unstable, even by the standards of the Keynscha era of stop-go. The amplitude of fluctuations in yalpi ichki mahsulot and real gross private non-residential fixed capital formation was greater in the United Kingdom than for the OECD.^{[16]:631–34}

In the Thatcher years the top 10% of earners received almost 50% of the tax remissions,^[16]:636 but there proved to be no simple trade-off between equality and efficiency.^[16]:636 The receipts ratio^{[tushuntirish kerak ]} did not fall below the 1979 level until 1992.^[16]:636 The expenditure ratio rose again after Thatcher's resignation in 1990, even climbing for a time above the 1979 figure.^{[16]:635–36} The cause was the heavy budget charge of the recessions of 1979–81 and 1990–92 and the extra funding required to meet the higher level of unemployment.^[16]:636

Welfare reforms in Thatcher's third term created an adult Employment Training system that included full-time work done for the dole plus a £10 top-up, on the ish haqi model from the Qo'shma Shtatlar.

28-bo'lim

Though an early backer of decriminalisation of male homosexuality, at the 1987 Conservative Party conference Thatcher's speech read: "Children who need to be taught to respect traditional moral values are being taught that they have an inalienable right to be gomoseksual ". Backbench Conservative MPs and peers had already begun a backlash against the "promotion" of homosexuality and, in December 1987, the controversial "28-bo'lim " was added as an amendment to what became the Mahalliy hokimiyat to'g'risidagi qonun 1988 yil.^[137] This legislation was eventually repealed by Toni Bler 's government between 2000 and 2003.

Atrof muhit

Thatcher, a trained chemist, became publicly concerned with environmental issues in the late 1980s.^[138] In 1988, she made a major speech^[139] accepting the problems of Global isish, ozon qatlami va kislotali yomg'ir. 1990 yilda u ochdi Hadley iqlimni bashorat qilish va tadqiq qilish markazi.^[140] Uning kitobida Davlat ishlari (2002), she described her later regret in supporting the concept of human-induced global warming, outlining the negative effects she perceived it had upon the policy-making process. "Whatever international action we agree upon to deal with environmental problems, we must enable our economies to grow and develop, because without growth you cannot generate the wealth required to pay for the protection of the environment".^[141][142]

Tashqi ishlar

Evropa integratsiyasi

The 1987 meeting of the Evropa Kengashi. (Thatcher stands in front, sixth from left.)

Da Bryugge, Belgiya, in 1988, Thatcher made a speech in which she outlined her opposition to proposals from the Evropa hamjamiyati federal tuzilma va qarorlarni qabul qilishning kuchayib borishi uchun. Although she had supported British membership, Thatcher believed that the role of the EC should be limited to ensuring free trade and effective competition, and feared that new EC regulations would reverse the changes she was making in the UK, stating that she had "not successfully rolled back the frontiers of the state in Britain" only to see her reforms undermined by "a European super-state exercising a new dominance from Brussels".^[143] She was specifically against Iqtisodiy va valyuta ittifoqi, bu orqali a single currency would replace national currencies, and for which the EC was making preparations.^[a] Ushbu nutq boshqa Evropa rahbarlarining noroziligiga sabab bo'ldi va birinchi marta uning konservativ partiyasi ichidagi Evropa siyosati bo'yicha yuzaga kelgan chuqur bo'linishni ochib berdi.^{[69]:230–48}

In 1987–88 Chancellor Nayjel Louson had been following a policy of "shadowing the deutschmark", i.e. cutting interest rates and selling pounds to try to prevent the pound rising above DM 3.00 (as a substitute for joining the European Valyuta kursi mexanizmi which Thatcher had vetoed in 1985); uchun bergan intervyusida Financial Times, in November 1987, Thatcher claimed not to have been told of this and did not approve.^[144] By 1989 the economy was suffering from high interest rates (they peaked at 15% in autumn 1989) imposed to temper a potentially unsustainable boom, which she believed had been exacerbated by Lawson's policies. Thatcher's popularity once again declined.

At a meeting before the European Community summit in Madrid in June 1989, Lawson and Foreign Secretary Geoffrey Howe forced Thatcher to agree to the circumstances under which she would join the Valyuta kursi mexanizmi. At the meeting, they both threatened they would resign if their demands were not met.^[53]:712 Thatcher responded by moving Howe to Jamoalar palatasi rahbari (despite giving him the title Deputy Prime Minister he was now effectively removed from decision-making over Europe) and by listening more to her adviser Sir Alan Walters iqtisodiy masalalar bo'yicha. Latson o'sha oktabrda Tetcher unga putur etkazganini his qilib, iste'foga chiqdi.

South Africa and release of Mandela

Thatcher continued to be the leading international advocate of a policy of contact with apartheid Janubiy Afrika,^[145] and the most forthright opponent of economic sanctions against the country, which was ruled by a white minority government.^[146] Her stand had divided the Hamdo'stlik 48–1 at three conferences since 1985, but had brought her influence in South Africa's white community. Rejecting the US policy of disinvestment as a mistake, she argued a prosperous society would be more receptive to change.^[145]

In October 1988, Thatcher said she would be unlikely to visit South Africa unless black nationalist leader Nelson Mandela was released from prison,^[147] and in March 1989 she stressed the need to release him in order for multi-party talks to take place,^[148] urging that the Afrika milliy kongressi 's promise to suspend violence should be enough to permit his release, and that the "renunciation of violence" should not be an absolute condition for negotiations for a settlement.^[149] At the end of March 1989, Thatcher's six-day, 10,000-mile tour through janubiy Afrika —a follow-up to her "look and learn" exercise in Keniya va Nigeriya in 1988—did not include South Africa because Mandela had not yet been released.^[150]

An Aparteidga qarshi harakat da norozilik Janubiy Afrika uyi in London, 1989

Thatcher met reformist F. V. de Klerk in London in June 1989 and stressed that Mandela must be freed and reforms put in place before she would visit the country.^[151] In July 1989 she called for the release not only of Mandela, but also Valter Sisulu and Oscar Mpetha, before all-group talks could continue.^[152][153]

Thatcher, therefore, welcomed de Klerk's decision in February 1990 to release Mandela and lift the ban on the ANC, and said the change vindicated her positive policy: "We believe in carrots as well as sticks".^{[145][154][146]} However Thatcher had also set the freeing of Mandela as a condition of friendship with the white government.^[155]

Thatcher said the European Community's voluntary ban on new investment should be lifted when Mandela was released.^[156] However her call to the world to reward reforms was countered by Mandela himself, who while still in jail argued sanctions must be maintained until the end of white rule,^[146] and criticised her decision to lift a ban on new investment unilaterally.^[157] Mandela declared: "We regard the attitude of the British Government on the question of sanctions as of primary importance ... My release from prison was the direct result of the people inside and outside South Africa. It was also the result of the immense pressure exerted on the South African Government by the international community, in particular from the people of the UK."^[158]

However, Foreign Secretary Duglas Xerd was adamant: "We needed to make a practical response to a man, President F. W. de Klerk, who has taken his political life into his hands".^[159] Nevertheless, as a gesture of goodwill Thatcher agreed to begin aid to the ANC, which until its suspension of violence she had criticised as "a typical terrorist organisation",^[160] her disapproval reinforced by her anti-socialism.^[161]

Thatcher's opposition to sanctions left her isolated within the Commonwealth and the European Community, and Mandela did not take up an early offer to meet her,^[162] opposing her proposed visit to his country as premature.^[163] Mandela rejected all concessions to the South African government,^[164] which he accused of seeking the easing of sanctions before it had offered "profound and irreversible change".^[165]

Mandela delayed meeting Thatcher until he had gathered support for sanctions from other world leaders in the course of a four-week, 14-nation tour of Evropa va Qo'shma Shtatlar.^[166][167] Their first meeting failed to resolve differences over her unilateral lifting of sanctions and his refusal to renounce armed struggle until existing conditions for the black majority in South Africa changed.^[168] In their economic discussions, Mandela initially favoured nationalisation as a preferred method for redistributing wealth between blacks and whites, but with British investment in South Africa in 1989 accounting for half of the total, and with bilateral trade worth just over $3.2 billion,^[168] Thatcher successfully urged him to adopt free-market solutions, arguing they were necessary to maintain the kind of o'sish that would sustain a liberal demokratiya.^[169]

German reunification and the Gulf War

Thatcher accompanying President Bush on the day of the Quvaytga bostirib kirish, 2 August 1990

The NATO nations or in general agreement on delicately handling the collapse of communism in Sharqiy Evropa in 1989, the reunification of Germany in 1990–91, and the end of communism and the Soviet Union in 1991. There was no gloating or effort to humiliate Gorbachev. While US President Jorj H. V. Bush wanted to make NATO more of a political than a military alliance, Thatcher, spoke out for the importance of the military role. Yoqdi Mitteran in France, she was nervous about the Germaniyani birlashtirish, repeating the quip from Lord Ismay, NATO's first secretary general: "The purpose of NATO is to keep the Americans in, the Russians out, and the Germans down."^[170] Thatcher and Mitterrand had a more specific worry. Bush said: "Margaret still feared the worst from reunification and, like Mitterrand, worried that the Germans might "go neutral" and refuse to permit stationing nuclear weapons on their soil." That is, Chancellor Kohl might trade neutralisation of united Germany as part of the price the Kremlin wanted to approve unification. In the event, Germany was reunited and there was no neutralisation.^[171]

Thatcher pushed President Bush to take strong military action in reversing Iraq's Quvaytga bostirib kirish in 1990, to which she sent over 45,000 troops. In the following year, they saw combat under her successor Jon Major yilda Granby operatsiyasi.^{[104]:670–71}

Rad etish va tushish

1989 leadership challenge

In November 1989 Thatcher was challenged for the leadership of the Conservative Party by Sir Anthony Meyer. As Meyer was a virtually unknown backbench MP, he was viewed as a "ta'qib qilayotgan ot " candidate for more prominent members of the party. Thatcher easily defeated Meyer's challenge, but there were sixty ballot papers either cast for Meyer or abstaining, a surprisingly large number for a sitting Prime Minister. Her supporters in the Party, however, viewed the results as a success, claiming that after ten years as Prime Minister and with approximately 370 Conservative MPs voting, the opposition was surprisingly small.^[172]

Ovoz berish solig'i

Thatcher was fiercely committed to a new tax—commonly called the "poll tax"—that would apply in equal amounts to rich and poor alike, despite intense public opposition. Her inability to compromise undermined her leadership in the Conservative Party, which turned decisively against her. Thatcher sought to relieve what she considered the unfair burden of mol-mulk solig'i on the property owning section of the population, and outlined a fundamental solution as her flagship policy in the Conservative manifesto for the 1987 election. Mahalliy hokimiyat stavkalar (taxes) were replaced by the community charge, popularly known as the "poll tax", which levied a flat rate on all adult residents.^[173]:297 Almost every adult, irrespective of income or wealth, paid the same, which would heavily redistribute the tax burden onto the less well-off.^[174]

She defended the poll tax, firstly, on the principle of marginality, that all voters should bear the burden of extra spending by local councils, and, secondly, on the benefit principle, that burdens should be proportional to benefits received.^[173]:298 Ministers disregarded political research which showed potential massive losses for marginal Conservative-voting households.^[175]

The poll tax was introduced in Scotland in 1989 and in England and Wales in 1990. This highly visible redistribution of the tax burden onto the less well-off proved to be one of the most contentious policies of Thatcher's premiership. Additional problems emerged when many of the tax rates set by local councils proved to be much higher than earlier predicted. Opponents organised to resist bailiffs and disrupt court hearings of community charge debtors. Bitta leyborist deputat, Terri Maydonlar, was jailed for 60 days for refusing to pay.

The unpopularity of the poll tax culminated in riots—most notably in Trafalgar maydoni 1990 yil 31 martda.

An indication of the unpopularity of the policy was given by a Gallup so'rovi in March 1990 that put Labour 18.5 points ahead.^[176] As the crisis deepened and the Prime Minister stood her ground, opponents claimed that up to 18 million people were refusing to pay.^[177] Enforcement measures became increasingly draconian. Unrest mounted and culminated in a number of riots. The most serious of these happened on 31 March 1990, during a protest at Trafalgar maydoni, London. More than 100,000 protesters attended and more than 400 people were arrested.^[178]

Constitutional commentators concluded from the tax fiasco that "the British state [became] dangerously centralised, to an extent that important policy developments can now no longer be properly debated".^[173]:299 The unpopularity of the poll tax came to be seen as an important factor in Thatcher's downfall,^[179] by convincing many Conservative backbenchers to vote against her when she was later challenged for the leadership by Maykl Heseltin.^[175]

Following Thatcher's departure, her former chancellor Nayjel Louson labelled the poll tax as "the one great blunder of the Thatcher years". Muvaffaqiyatli Asosiy hukumat announced the abolition of the tax in spring 1991 and in 1993 replaced it with Kengash Soliq, a banded property tax similar in many respects to the older system of rates.^[179] Former Trade and Industry Secretary Nikolas Ridli agreed that Thatcher had suffered a massive defeat over the poll tax, but he argued that Major's repeal "vindicated the rioters and those who had refused to pay. Lawlessness seemed to have paid off".^[21]:91–92

1990 leadership challenge and resignation

Thatcher's political "assassination" was, according to witnesses such as Alan Klark, one of the most dramatic episodes in British political history.^{[69]:249–73[104]:709–47, 410} The idea of a long-serving Prime Minister—undefeated at the polls—being ousted by an internal party ballot might at first sight seem bizarre. Biroq, 1990 yilga kelib, Tetcherning mahalliy hokimiyatni soliqqa tortish bo'yicha siyosatiga qarshi bo'lgan, uning hukumati iqtisodiyotni noto'g'ri tutganligi (xususan, uy egalari va ishbilarmonlar orasida uning qo'llab-quvvatlanishiga putur etkazgan yuqori foiz stavkalari 15%) va konservatoriyada ochilgan bo'linishlar. Ziyofat tugadi Evropa integratsiyasi uni tobora siyosiy jihatdan zaif bo'lib ko'rindi va partiyasi tobora bo'linib ketdi. 1990 yil oktyabr oyida bo'lib o'tgan "Gallup" so'rovi shuni ko'rsatdiki, Tetcher shaxsan o'zini hurmat qilgan holda, uning so'nggi tashabbuslariga qarshi juda katta qarshilik mavjud edi - 83% Hukumatning hukumat rahbariyatidan norozi Milliy sog'liqni saqlash xizmati, 83% qarshi bo'lgan suvni xususiylashtirish, va 64% qarshi bo'lgan Jamiyat to'lovi, turli xil so'rovnomalar partiyasi Leyboristlarni 6 dan 11 ballgacha ortda qoldirganligini ko'rsatdi. Bundan tashqari, Bosh vazirning "konsensusli siyosat" dan nafratlanishi va hamkasblari, shu jumladan, uning kabinetining fikrlarini bekor qilishga tayyorligi, yuzaga kelganida unga qarshi reaktsiyani kuchaytirdi.^[180]

1990 yil 1-noyabrda, Ser Jefri Xou, Tetcherning eng qadimgi ittifoqchilaridan biri va eng uzoq vaqt ishlagan Vazirlar Mahkamasining a'zosi, Tetcherning Evropa federalizmiga o'tishga qarshi o'zining dushmanligiga va o'z hukumatining "qattiq eku" ni, ya'ni yangi Evropani qo'llab-quvvatlash siyosatiga norozilik sifatida Bosh vazir o'rinbosari lavozimidan iste'foga chiqdi. mavjud milliy valyutalar bilan raqobatlashadigan valyuta. Ikki hafta o'tgach, jamoat palatasida iste'foga chiqish nutqida u o'zining ritorikasining "fon shovqini" deb atagan narsaga qarshi muzokaralar olib borishni, jamoa sardori o'z jamoasining yarasalarini sindirib tashlaganiga qaramay, kriket o'ynashga urinish bilan taqqosladi. U "boshqalarning fojiali sadoqat to'qnashuviga o'zlarining munosabatlarini ko'rib chiqish vaqti keldi", deb aytdi, u "u juda uzoq vaqt kurashgan" deb aytdi.

Tetcherning sobiq vazirlar hamkasbi Maykl Heseltin keyin uni partiya rahbarligi uchun da'vo qildi; u konservatorlar deputatlarining birinchi turini (20-noyabr) 55 foizdan ozroq ovoz bilan olib bordi, ammo aniq g'alaba qozonish uchun zarur bo'lgan 15 foizli marjdan to'rtta ovozga kam qoldi. Dastlab u ikkinchi saylov byulletenida qatnashmoqchi ekanligini aytgan bo'lsa-da, Tetcherning vazirlar mahkamasidagi aksariyat hamkasblari unga eng yaxshi iliq yordamni taklif qilishdi va ko'pchilik uning ikkinchi saylov byulletenini Heseltinega yutqazishi mumkinligi haqida ogohlantirdi. 22 noyabr kuni, ertalab soat 9.30 dan keyin u Vazirlar Mahkamasiga ikkinchi ovoz berishda nomzod bo'lmasligini e'lon qildi. Qisqa vaqtdan so'ng, uning xodimlari iste'foga chiqish to'g'risidagi ariza nima bo'lganini, agar u o'rnidan tursa, "partiyaning birligi va Umumiy saylovlarda g'alaba qozonish istiqbollari yaxshiroq xizmat qiladi" degan xulosani e'lon qildi. Bosh vazir sifatida.

Nil Kinnok, Muxolifat lideri, Hukumatga ishonchsizlik bildirishni taklif qildi va Margaret Tetcher iste'foga chiqqan kuni taqdim etgan imkoniyatdan foydalanib, o'zining esda qolarli chiqishlaridan birini namoyish etdi. Boshqa takliflar qatorida u juda mashhur ta'kidlagan: "yagona valyuta Evropaning siyosati bilan bog'liq, bu orqa eshikdagi federal Evropaga tegishli. Shuning uchun men ushbu taklifni ko'rib chiqaman" Bolsover uchun hurmatli a'zo [u yangi Evropa Markaziy bankining birinchi hokimi bo'lishi]. Endi biz qayerda edik? Men bundan zavqlanaman ".

U qo'llab-quvvatladi Jon Major uning vorisi sifatida va u etakchilik tanlovida g'olib bo'lganidan so'ng, u 28-noyabr kuni rasmiy ravishda Bosh vazir lavozimidan iste'foga chiqdi. Kelgusi yillarda uning mayorning roziligi yo'qoladi. Uning iste'fosidan keyin a MORI So'rov natijalariga ko'ra, 52% u "muvozanatda u mamlakat uchun foydalidir" degan taklifga qo'shilgan, 48% esa o'zini yomon deb o'ylagan.^[181] 1991 yilda partiyaning yillik konferentsiyasida unga uzoq va misli ko'rilmagan qarsak chalishdi, garchi u nutq so'zlash uchun delegatlarning chaqiriqlarini xushmuomalalik bilan rad etgan bo'lsa. U hokimiyatni yo'qotganidan keyin Jamoalar palatasidan "hamma qochgan" va kelajakdagi rejalari haqida hech qanday ma'lumot bermagan.^[182] U uydagi nafaqaga chiqqan 1992 yilgi umumiy saylov, 66 yoshida.

Perspektivda yozib oling

Umuman olganda, uning uch yillik prezidentligining o'n bir yillik davomiyligi uch yildan so'ng boshidan oxirigacha o'n yil davom etgan. Robert Walpole 1730-yillarda va Uilyam Pitt 1790-yillarda. Uning Buyuk Britaniya bo'ylab o'n millionlab ovozlarni to'plashdagi saylovdagi muvaffaqiyatiga qaramay, faqat Janubiy Angliya va Midlands u hech qachon ommaviy ovozlarning ko'pchiligini yutganmi.^{[183][184][185]} The qashshoqlik indeksi - inflyatsiya darajasiga ishsizlik darajasining qo'shilishi - Buyuk Britaniyada 1990 yil noyabr oyida "13.92",^[186][187] 1979 yil aprelidagi "15,57" stavkasidan 11,8% ga pasayish.^[186][188]

Tashqi siyosat haqida umumiy ma'lumot

Prezident Reygan Bosh vazir Margaret Tetcher bilan Oval ofisda telefon orqali suhbatlashish, 1987 y

Partiya etakchisi bo'lganida Tetcher tashqi siyosatga bo'lgan qiziqishini kengaytirgan va beshta xorijiy kotib bilan ish olib borgan.Piter Karington (1979–82), Frensis Pym (1982–83), Jefri Xou (1983–89), Jon Major (1989) va nihoyat Duglas Xerd (1989-90). Bosh vazir sifatida u ehtiyotkorlik bilan Evropa hamjamiyatiga yaqinlashdi va Janubiy Afrikaning dunyo tomonidan qoralanishini sekinlashtirishga harakat qildi.^{[sekvestor bo'lmagan ]} U Gonkongni Xitoyga qaytarishga rozi bo'ldi. Sovet kommunizmini uzoq vaqt qoralab, u Afg'onistonga bostirib kirganda hujumlarini yanada kuchaytirdi.^{[189][sahifa kerak ]} Biroq, u izlar edi détente bilan Mixail Gorbachyov va keyinchalik 1989 yilda Sharqiy Evropada kommunistik rejimlarning qulashini kutib oldi.^{[189][sahifa kerak ]} U bordi Argentinaga qarshi urush Folklend orollarini tiklash uchun va Kuvaytning Iroq tomonidan bosib olinishiga qarshi bo'lgan koalitsiyada etakchi bo'lgan. U AQSh prezidenti Ronald Reygan bilan samarali va faol munosabatlarni rivojlantirdi.^[189]

Ma'lumot e'lon qilindi

Ushbu bo'lim bo'lishi kerak yangilangan. Iltimos, ushbu maqolani so'nggi voqealarni yoki yangi mavjud ma'lumotlarni aks ettirish uchun yangilang. (2017 yil avgust)

Milliy arxivdan

Beri 2013 yilda Margaret Tetcherning o'limi, uning bosh vazirligiga oid bir nechta hukumat hujjatlari maxfiylashtirildi va e'lon qilindi Milliy arxivlar. Bunga quyidagilar kiradi:

GCSE

2014 yil dekabr oyida chop etilgan hujjatlar Tetcherni butunlay rad etganligini ko'rsatmoqda GCSE bu, 1986 yilda, ser Keyt Jozef o'qituvchilar kasaba uyushmalarining qattiq qarama-qarshiligiga duch kelmoqchi edi. Hech bo'lmaganda u qat'iy o'quv rejalarini va o'qituvchilarning malakasini oshirishni ta'minlash uchun 2 yillik kechikishni xohladi. Biroq, 2 yil davomida ish haqi bo'yicha nizolarda qatnashgan kasaba uyushmalari o'zlarining konferentsiyalarida islohotlarni yanada ko'proq tanqid qilganda, Jozef uni o'z tomonini olmaslik uchun zudlik bilan oldinga borishga ishontirdi. Dominik Kammingsning so'zlariga ko'ra, maxsus maslahatchi Maykl Gove, bu imtihon tizimining yaxlitligini buzilishiga olib keladigan halokatli qaror edi.^[190]

Kokain ishlab chiqarish

1989 yil iyul oyida Tetcher ulardan foydalanish bo'yicha tadqiqotlar o'tkazishga chaqirdi biologik qurol qarshi kokain qo'rqqanlarning kontekstida, Perudagi ishlab chiqaruvchilar crack кокаин qora tanli inglizlar orasida epidemiya. Siyosat bo'yicha maslahatchisi Kerolin Sinkler, Tetcherga qora tanli jamoalar bilan ishlashda ehtiyotkorlik bilan harakat qilishni taklif qildi, chunki u ularning berganiga ishongan nasha chaqaloqlarga.^[191]

So'rovlardan

2020 yilda Bolalarga jinsiy zo'ravonlik bo'yicha mustaqil so'rov Margaret Tetcher bolalarga nisbatan zo'ravonlik ayblovlaridan xabardor bo'lganligini xabar qildi Chester Deputat Piter Morrison.^[192]

Shuningdek qarang

• Margaret Tetcher boshchiligidagi vazirlarning ro'yxati
• Postindustrial jamiyat
• Ronald Reyganning prezidentligi
• Tetcherizm
• Namlaydi va quriydi

Izohlar

Adabiyotlar

Qo'shimcha o'qish

Ushbu bo'lim etishmayapti ISBNlar unda keltirilgan kitoblar uchun. Iltimos tadqiqot olib borishni osonlashtiring ISBN-larni ro'yxatlash orqali. Agar {{Kitobni keltiring}} yoki {{iqtibos}} shablonlari ishlatilmoqda, ehtimol siz avtomatik ravishda ISBN-larni qo'shish, yoki ushbu masalani muhokama qiling munozara sahifasi. (Aprel 2019)

So'rovlar va siyosat

• Childs, David (2012), 1945 yildan buyon Britaniya: Siyosiy tarix (7-nashr), 213-71-betlar; darslik
• Kuper, Jeyms (2012), Margaret Tetcher va Ronald Reygan
• Dori, Piter (2015), "Tetcherizm merosi - davlat sektorini isloh qilish", Observatoire de la Société Britannique, 17 (17): 33–60, doi:10.4000 / osb.1759
• Jessop, Bob (2015), "Margaret Tetcher va Tetcherizm: O'lik, ammo ko'milmagan", Britaniya siyosati, 10 (1): 16–30, CiteSeerX  10.1.1.678.8748, doi:10.1057 / bp.2014.22, S2CID  154369425
• Kavanag, Dennis (1990), Tetcherizm va Britaniya siyosati: konsensusning oxiri?, Oksford UP
•  ———  (2015), "Tetcher va Tetcherizm. Ular baribir muhimmi?", Observatoire de la Société Britannique, 17: 211–221CS1 maint: qo'shimcha tinish belgilari (havola) CS1 maint: bir nechta ism: mualliflar ro'yxati (havola)
• Krieger, Joed (1986), Reygan, Tetcher va tanazzul siyosati, Nyu-York: Oksford universiteti matbuoti
• Leys, Kolin (2015), Britaniyadagi siyosat: Leyborizmdan Tetcherizmgacha, Toronto Press-dan U
• Savage, Stiven P. va L. J. Robins, nashr. (1990), Tetcher davridagi davlat siyosati, Nyu-York: Sent-Martin matbuoti
• Seldon, Entoni va Daniel Kollinglar (2014), Tetcher boshchiligidagi Britaniya, Routledge
• Sked, Alan va Kris Kuk (1993), Urushdan keyingi Buyuk Britaniya: siyosiy tarix (4-nashr).
• Tinvel, Angela (2013), "Tetcherizmning ommaviy madaniyatdagi ta'siri", Evropa ommaviy madaniyati jurnali, 4 (2): 123–137, doi:10.1386 / jepc.4.2.123_1
• Tyorner, Alvin (2010), Xursand bo'ling, xursand bo'ling !: 1980-yillarda Angliya
• Wapshott, Nikolay (2007), Ronald Reygan va Margaret Tetcher: siyosiy nikoh, Sentinel

Iqtisodiyot va kasaba uyushmalari

• Backhouse, Roger E. (2002), "Margaret Tetcherning makroiqtisodi", Iqtisodiy fikr tarixi jurnali, 24 (3): 313–334, doi:10.1080/104277102200004767
• Dori, Piter (2016), "Kasaba uyushmalarining zaiflashuvi, birma-bir qadam: Tetcher hukumatining kasaba uyushma qonunchiligini isloh qilish strategiyasi, 1979–1984" (PDF), Sanoat munosabatlaridagi tarixiy tadqiqotlar, 37: 169–200, doi:10.3828 / hsir.2016.37.6
• Farrall, Stiven va Kolin Xey, nashr. (2014), Tetcherizm merosi: Tetcheritning ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy siyosatini baholash va o'rganish, Oksford UP
• Xauell, Devid; va boshq. (1987), "Bularning barchasi bilan xayr??: 1984/5 yil konchilar ish tashlashida adabiyotga sharh", Ish, bandlik va jamiyat, 1 (3): 388–404, doi:10.1177/0950017087001003007, JSTOR  23745863, S2CID  154609889
• Gibbon, Piter (1988), "Britaniyalik konchilarning 1984–5 ish tashlashini tahlil qilish", Iqtisodiyot va jamiyat, 17 (2): 139–194, doi:10.1080/03085148800000008
• Marsh, Devid (1991), "Tetcher xonim davridagi xususiylashtirish: adabiyotga obzor", Davlat boshqaruvi, 69 (4): 459–480, doi:10.1111 / j.1467-9299.1991.tb00915.x
•  ——— (1991), "Buyuk Britaniyaning sanoat munosabatlari siyosati o'zgartirildi: Tetcher merosi", Davlat siyosati jurnali, 11 (3): 291–313, doi:10.1017 / S0143814X00005341CS1 maint: qo'shimcha tinish belgilari (havola) CS1 maint: bir nechta ism: mualliflar ro'yxati (havola)
• Miller, Kennet va Mayri Stil (1993), "Ish bilan ta'minlash to'g'risidagi qonunchilik: Tetcher va undan keyin", Sanoat aloqalari jurnali, 24 (3): 224–235, doi:10.1111 / j.1468-2338.1993.tb00675.x
• Norpoth, Helmut (1992), Ishonch qayta tiklandi: iqtisod, xonim Tetcher va ingliz saylovchi, Michigan shtatidagi U
• Uilyamson, Adrian (2016), Konservativ iqtisodiy siyosat ishlab chiqish va tetcherizmning tug'ilishi, 1964–1979 yy, Springer
• Uilsher, Piter; Donald Makintayr; va Maykl CE Jones, nashrlar. (1985), Strike: Tetcher, Skargill va konchilar, A. Deutsch

Biografiyalar

• Beyl, Tim. tahrir. Margaret Tetcher (4 jild, Routledge, 2015) 1624 pp ko'p yozuvchilar tomonidan qayta nashr etilgan parchalar; Robert Saundersning sharhi, "Margaret Tetcherning ko'p hayoti" Ingliz tarixiy sharhi132 # 556 (2017), 638-658 betlar.
• Krik, Maykl (1997), Maykl Heseltin: tarjimai holi
• Gilmour, Yan (1992), Dogma bilan raqs: Buyuk Britaniya Tetcherizm ostida
• Halcrow, Morrison (1989), Kit Jozef: yagona aql, Makmillan
• Xarris, Kennet (1988), Tetcher, Boston: Kichkina, jigarrang
• Hurd, Duglas (2009), "Xit, ser Edvard Richard Jorj (1916-2005)", Oksford milliy biografiyasining lug'ati (onlayn tahrir), Oksford universiteti matbuoti (Obuna yoki Buyuk Britaniya jamoat kutubxonasiga a'zolik talab qilinadi.)
• Leapman, Maykl (1987), Kinnok, Unvin Xeyman; Mehnat partiyasi rahbari
• Styuart, Mark (1998), Duglas Hurd: davlat xizmatchisi: vakolatli tarjimai holi
• Theakston, Kevin, ed. (2004), 1974 yildan buyon Britaniya tashqi ishlar kotiblari, Routledge
• Urban, Jorj R. (1996), Margaret Tetcher sudidagi diplomatiya va ko'ngilsizlik: insayderning fikri, teNeues

Tashqi va mudofaa siyosati

• Eshton, Nayjel J. (2011), "Sevgi mehnati yo'qolgan: Margaret Tetcher, qirol Xusseyn va Angliya-Iordaniya munosabatlari, 1979-1990", Diplomatiya & Statecraft, 22 (4): 651–677, doi:10.1080/09592296.2011.625822, S2CID  154279598
• Bennett, Garri. "Lord Carrington, 1979–82." yilda 1974 yildan buyon Britaniya tashqi ishlar kotiblari (Routledge, 2004) 131-154 betlar.

• Braun, Archi (2020), Inson omili: Gorbachyov, Reygan va Tetcher va sovuq urushning oxiri, Oksford UP
• Bruni, Domeniko Mariya. "Urushdagi etakchi: Margaret Tetcher va 1982 yildagi Folklend inqirozi." Observatoire de la société britannique 20 (2018): 135-157 onlayn.
• Bird, Piter, ed. (1988), Tetcher davridagi Britaniya tashqi siyosati, Filipp Allan
• Chiampan, Andrea (2013), "Qush bilan yugurish, ov bilan ov qilish: maxsus munosabatlar, Reyganning sovuq urushi va Folklend mojarosi", Diplomatiya & Statecraft, 24 (4): 640–660, doi:10.1080/09592296.2013.848714, S2CID  153940456
• Kuper, Jeyms (2012), Margaret Tetcher va Ronald Reygan: juda siyosiy maxsus munosabatlar, Palgrave Macmillan
•  ——— (2013), "Ikki kompaniya, uch kishi olomon: Nil Kinnok, Ronald Reygan va Margaret Tetcher, 1984-1987", Oq uyni o'rganish, 13 (1): 1–20CS1 maint: qo'shimcha tinish belgilari (havola) CS1 maint: bir nechta ism: mualliflar ro'yxati (havola)
• Korthorn, Pol (2013), "Sovuq urush va inglizlarning 1980 yilgi Olimpiya o'yinlarini boykot qilish haqidagi munozaralari", Sovuq urush tarixi, 13 (1): 43–66, doi:10.1080/14682745.2012.727799, S2CID  153726522
• Kottrel, Robert (1993), Gonkongning oxiri: imperatorning chekinishining maxfiy diplomatiyasi, Jon Murray
• Donagi, Aaron. "Margaret Tetcherning tashqi ishlar bo'yicha xususiy kotiblari, 1979–1984". yilda Bosh vazirning shaxsiy kotiblari (Routledge, 2017) 166-186 betlar.
• Dorril, Stiven (2002), MI6: Buyuk Britaniyaning yashirin razvedka xizmatining yashirin dunyosida, Simon va Shuster, ISBN  9780743217781
• Eames, Entoni M. (2014), "Margaret Tetcherning diplomatiyasi va 1982 yilgi Livan urushi", O'rta er dengizi har chorakda, 25 (4): 27–44, doi:10.1215/10474552-2830847, S2CID  153634771
• Lahey, Daniel Jeyms (2013), "Tetcher hukumatining Sovet Ittifoqining Afg'onistonga bostirib kirishiga munosabati, 1979-1980", Sovuq urush tarixi, 13 (1): 21–42, doi:10.1080/14682745.2012.721355, S2CID  153081281
• Ledjer, Robert (2016), "Hamjihatlikdan" Shok terapiyasiga ". Britaniyaning Tetcher hukumati davrida Polshaga nisbatan tashqi siyosati, 1980-1990", Zamonaviy Britaniya tarixi, 30 (1): 99–118, doi:10.1080/13619462.2015.1061940, S2CID  155643505
• Lochery, Neill (2010), "Miflarni buzish: Margaret Tetcher, Tashqi ishlar vazirligi va Isroil, 1979-1990", Diplomatiya & Statecraft, 21 (4): 690–706, doi:10.1080/09592296.2010.529356, S2CID  153995303
• Ramsbotham, Oliver va Xyu Miall (1991), "1980-yillarda Britaniyaning mudofaaga oid munozarasi", Xyu Mial va Oliver Ramsbotham (tahr.), Tutqunlikdan tashqari, Palgrave Macmillan UK, 127–143 betlar
• Stoddart, Kristan. Sovet Ittifoqi oldida: Buyuk Britaniya, AQSh, NATO va yadroviy qurol, 1976-1983 (Springer, 2014).
• Tyorner, Maykl J. (2010), Britaniyaning xalqaro roli, 1970–1991 yy, Palgrave Macmillan
• Urban, G. R. Margaret Tetcher sudidagi diplomatiya va ko'ngilsizlik: Insayderning fikri (1996)
• Uolles, Uilyam (1992), "Sovuq urushdan keyingi ingliz tashqi siyosati", Xalqaro ishlar, 68 (3): 423–442, doi:10.2307/2622964, JSTOR  2622964

Tashqi havolalar

Tashqi video
Kitoblar
"Dauning ko'chasi yillari Margaret Tetcher tomonidan " (Intervyu), intervyu bergan Brayan qo'zichoq, Vashington: C-SPAN, 1993 yil 5-dekabr
"Quvvat yo'li Margaret Tetcher tomonidan " (Intervyu), intervyu bergan Stiv Skali, Vashington: C-SPAN, 1995 yil 25-iyun

• Asosiy narsalar dan Margaret Tetcher jamg'armasi
• Margaret Tetcher va xususiylashtirish harakati dan Dekan Piter Krogh tashqi ishlar bo'yicha raqamli arxivlar