Mehnat partiyasining tarixi (Buyuk Britaniya) - History of the Labour Party (UK)
Inglizlar Mehnat partiyasi dan o'sdi kasaba uyushmasi 19-asr oxiridagi harakat va undan oshib ketdi Liberal partiya ga qarshi asosiy muxolifat sifatida Konservatorlar 1920-yillarning boshlarida. O'tgan asrning 30-40 yillarida u sanoatni milliylashtirishni qurol sifatida foydalangan holda milliy rejalashtirishni ta'kidladi IV modda "Ishlab chiqarish, taqsimlash va almashtirish vositalariga umumiy egalik qilish va har bir soha yoki xizmatni xalq boshqaruvi va nazorat qilishning eng yaxshi tizimi" ga da'vat etgan Mehnat partiyasining dastlabki konstitutsiyasi (ushbu band oxir-oqibat 1994 yilda qayta ko'rib chiqilgan) ).[1]
Leyboristlar hukumatda bir necha bor sehrgarlikni boshdan kechirganlar, birinchi navbatda ozchilik hukumatlar Ramsay Makdonald 1924 va 1929-1931 yillarda. Makdonald va uning kabinetining yarmi partiyaning asosiy oqimiga bo'linib, xoinlar deb qoralandi. Leyboristlar 1940 yildan 1945 yilgacha urush davri koalitsiyasida kichik sherik bo'lgan. Mashhurdan keyin 1945 yilgi umumiy saylov ko'chkilar ostida Klement Attlei (1945–1951) tashkil etdi ijtimoiy davlat bilan Milliy sog'liqni saqlash xizmati, iqtisodiyotning beshdan bir qismini milliylashtirdi, qo'shildi NATO va qarshi chiqdi Sovet Ittifoqi ichida Sovuq urush. Ostida Garold Uilson 1964–1970 yillarda iqtisodiy modernizatsiyani ilgari surdi. Leyboristlar 1974-1979 yillarda yana Uilson boshchiligida hukumatda edi Jeyms Kallagan. Iqtisodiy inqirozlar avj olayapti ("Noqulaylik qish ") va bilan bo'linish Devid Ouen va boshqalar Sotsial-demokratik partiya, natijada 1979 yildan 1990 yilgacha Tetcher yillarida muxolifat maqomi paydo bo'ldi.[iqtibos kerak ]
Leyboristlar 179 o'rinli ko'pchilik bilan qaytib kelishdi 1997 yilgi umumiy saylov rahbarligida Toni Bler. Partiyaning jamoalar palatasidagi katta ko'pligi biroz qisqartirilib, 167 ga etdi 2001 yilgi umumiy saylov va sezilarli darajada 66 ga tushirildi 2005 yilgi umumiy saylov. Ostida Gordon Braun, u mag'lubiyatga uchradi 2010 yilgi umumiy saylov, a-ga muxolifat bo'lish Konservativ / liberal-demokrat koalitsiyasi. Keyinchalik yo'qotishlardan so'ng 2015 yilgi umumiy saylovlar, partiya rahbari Ed Miliband a bilan qarshi partiya bilan iste'foga chiqdi Konservativ ko'pchilik hukumati ostida Devid Kemeron. Konservatorlar 2017 yilda ko'pchilikni yo'qotadi, ammo Leyboristlar a partiyasiga qarshi muxolifatda qoladilar Ikkinchi may xizmati bilan Ishonch va ta'minot kelishuv. The 2019 yil Birlashgan Qirollikning umumiy saylovlari bu kuchga olib kelganidan beri mehnatlarning beshinchi mag'lubiyati bo'ladi Jonsonning birinchi vazirligi ko'pchilik, oxiriga qadar Jeremy Corbynning Leyboristlar partiyasi rahbariyati.
Partiyaning tashkil etilishi
Fon
Leyboristlar partiyasining kelib chiqishi XIX asr oxirlarida shahar proletariatining son jihatdan ko'payishi va kengaytirilganligidan kelib chiqadi franchayzing ga ishchi sinf erkaklar, siyosiy guruhning ushbu guruhlarning manfaatlari va ehtiyojlarini himoya qilishiga ehtiyoj borligi aniqlanganda.[2] Kasaba uyushma harakatining ayrim a'zolari siyosiy maydonga o'tishni xohladilar va 1867 va 1885 yillarda franchayzing kengaytirilganidan so'ng, Liberal partiya kasaba uyushma tomonidan homiylik qilingan ba'zi nomzodlarni ma'qulladi. Bundan tashqari, bu davrda harakatni siyosiy siyosat bilan bog'lash niyatida bir necha kichik sotsialistik guruhlar tuzilgan edi. Ular orasida Mustaqil Mehnat partiyasi, intellektual va asosan o'rta sinf Fabian Jamiyati, Sotsial-demokratik federatsiya va Shotlandiya ishchilar partiyasi.
Aynan shu davrda Britaniya sotsializmi mahalliy boshqaruvda katta yutuqlarga erisha boshladi. 1889 yilda Progressive Party tarkib topgan Fabianlar va Britaniya liberallari boshqaruvni o'z qo'liga oldi London okrug kengashi u erda o'tkazilgan birinchi saylovlarda. Bu Angliyada birinchi ijtimoiy uy-joylarni qurish va o't o'chirish brigadasi kabi xizmatlarga davlat xarajatlarini ko'paytirish bilan bir qatorda sotsialistik ta'sirga ega bo'lgan va munitsipallashtirish dasturini amalga oshirgan birinchi kengash edi.[3] Bundan tashqari, parklar va jamoat hammomlari soni ko'paytirildi, Londonning kanalizatsiya tizimi yaxshilandi, yo'llar kengaytirildi va asfaltlandi va Blackwall tunnel, Itlar orolini Grinvich bilan bog'laydigan, 1897 yilda ochilgan.[4] The Ayollar mehnat ligasi, ijtimoiy siyosat sohasida faol bo'lgan Kensingtonda kasallik boshlanishidan oldin bolalarni himoya qilish klinikasini tashkil etdi Birinchi jahon urushi.[5]
1892 yilda, Fred Jowett (a'zosi Mustaqil Mehnat partiyasi ) saylangan birinchi sotsialistik bo'ldi Bredford shahar kengashi. Bir necha oydan so'ng Jowett o'sha shaharda Mustaqil Mehnat partiyasining filialini tashkil qildi. Jovett Bredford shahar kengashining a'zosi sifatida, boshqa mahalliy hokimiyat organlari tomonidan qabul qilingan bir qancha muhim islohotlarning o'tishi uchun javobgardir. Masalan, 1904 yilda Bredford Britaniyada ta'minlovchi birinchi mahalliy hokimiyat bo'ldi maktabda bepul ovqatlanish, muvaffaqiyatli kampaniya esa qarorgohlar maydonini tozalashga va uning o'rnini yangi uylarga almashtirishga olib keldi. Jowett, shuningdek, islohot tarafdori edi 1834 Yomon qonun, va ichidagi bolalarga beriladigan oziq-ovqat sifatini yaxshilashga harakat qildi Bradford Workhouse sifatida saylanganidan keyin Kambag'al qonun qo'riqchisi.
1898 yilda Vest Xem tumani birinchi ishchilar kengashiga aylandi.[6] Yangi ma'muriyat ish xavfsizligini, sharoitlarini va ishchilarga ish haqini yaxshilash maqsadida shahar ishchi kuchini kengaytirish va uni to'g'ridan-to'g'ri jamoatchilik nazorati ostiga olishni o'z ichiga olgan dasturni boshladi.[7] Minimal ish haqi va an sakkiz soatlik ish kuni kengash xodimlari uchun, har ikki haftada bir marta o'tkaziladigan ta'til bilan birgalikda taqdim etildi. Ikki yildan so'ng Leyboristlar ko'pchiligini yo'qotgan bo'lsalar-da, kengashdagi yutuqlari shahar miqyosida islohotlarni boshlashda mehnatning samaradorligini namoyish etdi.[8]
In 1895 yilgi umumiy saylovlar Mustaqil Mehnat partiyasi 28 nomzodni ilgari surdi, ammo atigi 44 325 ovozni qo'lga kiritdi. Keyr Xardi, partiya rahbari parlament saylovlarida muvaffaqiyat qozonish uchun boshqa chap qanot guruhlari bilan birlashish zarur deb hisoblagan.
Mehnat vakili qo'mitasi
1899 yilda a Donkaster a'zosi Birlashtirilgan temir yo'l xizmatchilari jamiyati, Tomas R. Stilz o'z kasaba uyushma filialida Kasaba uyushma Kongressi barcha chap qanot tashkilotlarini birlashtirish va ularni Parlament nomzodlariga homiylik qiladigan yagona organga aylantirish uchun maxsus konferentsiya chaqiring. Harakat TUC tomonidan barcha bosqichlarda qabul qilindi va taklif qilingan konferentsiya Jamoat yodgorlik zali 1900 yil 26 va 27 fevral kunlari Farringdon ko'chasida. Uchrashuvda ishchilar va chap qanot tashkilotlarining keng doiralari - kasaba uyushmalari TUC delegatlari a'zolarining qariyb uchdan bir qismini tashkil etdi.[9]
Bahsdan so'ng, 129 delegatlar Xardining "parlamentda o'z qamchilariga ega bo'ladigan va ularning siyosati bilan kelishadigan alohida mehnat guruhini tuzish to'g'risida" iltimosini qabul qildilar, ular hozircha har qanday tomon bilan hamkorlik qilishga tayyor bo'lishlari kerak. to'g'ridan-to'g'ri mehnat manfaatlari nuqtai nazaridan qonunchilikni targ'ib qilish bilan shug'ullanadi ". Bu kasaba uyushmalari tomonidan homiylik qilingan deputatlarni qo'llab-quvvatlashga va ishchi sinf aholisini ifodalashga qaratilgan Mehnat vakillik qo'mitasi (LRC) deb nomlangan uyushma yaratdi.[10] Unda yagona rahbar yo'q edi, va yo'qligida Mustaqil Mehnat partiyasi nomzodi Ramsay Makdonald kotib etib saylandi. Uning oldida LRKdagi turli xil fikrlarni birlashtirish qiyin vazifa bo'lgan. The 1900 yil oktyabr "Xaki saylovlari" yangi partiyaning saylovoldi kampaniyasini samarali olib borishi uchun juda tez orada keldi; saylov uchun umumiy xarajatlar faqat 33 funt sterlingni tashkil qildi.[11] Faqat 15 nomzod homiylik qilingan, ammo ikkitasi muvaffaqiyatli bo'lgan; Keyr Xardi yilda Merthyr Tydfil va Richard Bell yilda Derbi.[12]
LRCni qo'llab-quvvatlash 1901 yilga kelib kuchaytirildi Taff Vale ishi, ish tashlashchilar va temir yo'l kompaniyasi o'rtasidagi nizo, kasaba uyushmasi ish tashlash uchun 23000 funt sterling miqdorida tovon to'lashni buyurishi bilan yakunlandi. Sud hukmi ish tashlashlarni noqonuniy ravishda amalga oshirdi, chunki ish beruvchilar yo'qotilgan biznes xarajatlarini kasaba uyushmalaridan qoplashlari mumkin edi. Ning konservativ hukumatining aniq tan olinishi Artur Balfour sanoat va biznes manfaatlariga (an'anaviy ravishda Liberal partiyaning ittifoqchilari konservatorning quruqlik manfaatlariga qarshi) sanoat proletariati va uning muammolari haqida unchalik tashvishlanmagan ko'rinadigan hukumatga qarshi LRKni qo'llab-quvvatlashni kuchaytirdi.[13]
In 1906 yilgi saylov, LRC 29 o'ringa ega bo'ldi - yordam berdi maxfiy 1903 yilgi pakt o'rtasida Ramsay Makdonald va Liberal Bosh qamchi Herbert Gladstoun Konservatorlarni lavozimidan chetlatish uchun muxolifatdagi ovozlarni Leyboristlar va Liberal nomzodlar o'rtasida bo'linishining oldini olishga qaratilgan.[14]
Saylovdan keyingi birinchi yig'ilishida guruh a'zolari "Mehnat partiyasi" nomini rasmiy ravishda qabul qilishga qaror qildilar (1906 yil 15-fevral). Partiya tashkil etilishida etakchi rol o'ynagan Keir Xardi Parlament Mehnat partiyasining raisi (aslida Lider) etib saylandi, garchi faqat bitta ovoz bilan Devid Shaklton bir nechta byulletenlardan keyin. Partiyaning dastlabki yillarida Mustaqil Mehnat partiyasi (ILP) partiyaning 1918 yilgacha individual a'zolikka ega bo'lmaganligi, ammo birlashgan organlar konglomerati sifatida ishlaganligi sababli faollar bazasini ta'minladi. The Fabian Jamiyati partiya uchun intellektual rag'batlantirishning katta qismini ta'minladi. Yangi Liberal hukumatning birinchi harakatlaridan biri Taff Vale qarorini bekor qilish edi,[12] leyboristlar parlamentchilari esa kabi ilg'or tadbirlarni rag'batlantirdilar va qo'llab-quvvatladilar Ishchilarning kompensatsiyasi to'g'risidagi qonun 1906 yil, Minalar to'g'risidagi qonun 1908 yil,[15] The Qarilik pensiyalari to'g'risidagi qonun 1908 yil va davlat maktablarida majburiy tibbiy ko'riklar.[16] 1906 yilda Leyboristlar partiyasi yangi parlamentda Leyboristlar partiyasi a'zosi Fred Jyett tomonidan ilgari surilgan qonun loyihasini qabul qilish bilan birinchi qonunchilik muvaffaqiyatiga erishdi. Ta'lim (ovqatlanishni ta'minlash) to'g'risidagi qonun 1906 yil.[17]
O'tishdagi mehnatning ta'siri Liberal farovonlik islohotlari 1906 yilgi umumiy saylovlar arafasida tashkil etilgan norasmiy Leyborist-Liberal ittifoqining natijasi edi. Leyboristlar va Liberal partiyalar bir-birlarining nomzodlarini joylashtirish bo'yicha kelishuvga erishdilar. Konservatorlarga saylovlarda yo'qotilgan yo'qotishlarni kamaytirishga intilgan liberallar, ular "turish" kerak bo'lgan 30 ta okruglar ro'yxatiga etib kelishdi va shu bilan LRK saylov kampaniyasi taxtalarida biroz tebranish evaziga konservatorlarga qarshi erkin kurash olib borishdi. Ko'zda tutilgan 30 o'rindan 25tasini yutib, Labor yordam berdi H. H. Asquit hukumati 1908 yilda Buyuk Britaniyaning birinchi milliy pensiya qonuni qabul qildi va 1910 yilgi saylovda keng ko'lamli hamkorlikdan so'ng Milliy sug'urta qonuni 1911 sog'liqni saqlash va ishsizlik sug'urtasini ta'minlash.[18]
Dastlabki yillar va Leyboristlar partiyasining paydo bo'lishi
Leyboristlar partiyasi 1890 yildan keyin tez sur'atlar bilan o'sib borayotgan kasaba uyushma harakatidan chiqa boshladi. Liberallar partiyasi bilan ittifoq tuzdi, bu saylovlarda o'zaro qo'llab-quvvatlashga imkon berdi va parlamentda kichik ishchi kontingentining paydo bo'lishiga yo'l qo'ydi. Bu ishchilar partiyasi o'z-o'zidan harakat qilish uchun kuchli bo'lgan 20-asrning 20-yillariga qadar vaqtinchalik kelishuv edi va liberallar qaytarilmas tanazzulga yuz tutishdi. Sabablari ishchilar sinfidagi nozik ijtimoiy o'zgarishlar bo'lib, ular mustaqil harakat qilishni istagan yosh avlodni vujudga keltirdi. Maykl Childsning ta'kidlashicha, yosh avlod liberal siyosiy uslublardan ko'ra Leyboristlarni afzal ko'rishlariga asos bo'lgan. Ijtimoiy omillar sekulyarizatsiya qilingan boshlang'ich ta'limni o'z ichiga oladi (farqli protestantlik uchun kamroq rol o'ynaydi); 1890 yildan keyin "yangi ittifoqchilik" malakasiz ishchilarni ilgari malakali ishchilar ustun bo'lgan harakatga olib keldi;[19] bo'sh vaqtni o'tkazish bo'yicha yangi tadbirlar, ayniqsa musiqa zali va sport, liberal saylovchilarning keksa avlodiga qarshi kurashishda yoshlarni hayratga soldi. Childsning ta'kidlashicha, 1918 yilgi saylov islohotlari ko'plab yosh ishchi-saylovchilarni qo'shdi va 1920-yillarda liberal yo'naltirilgan yosh guruhlarining o'tishi Leyboristlarga liberallarni siqib chiqarishga imkon berdi.[20]
The 1910 yilgi saylov Jamoatchilik palatasiga 42 nafar leyborist deputat saylanganini ko'rdi, bu saylovdan bir yil oldin Lordlar palatasi o'tganidan beri muhim g'alaba. Osborne hukmi Buyuk Britaniyadagi Kasaba uyushmalari endi saylov kampaniyalari va Leyboristlar deputatlarining ish haqlarini moliyalashtirish uchun mablag 'ajratishi mumkin emasligi to'g'risida qaror. Boshqaruvchi liberallar ushbu sud qarorini birlamchi qonun hujjatlari bilan bekor qilishni xohlamadilar. Liberal kelishuvning eng balandligi shundaki, Kasaba uyushmalarini jalb qilish zaruratini yo'q qilish uchun parlament a'zolari uchun ish haqi joriy etildi. 1913 yilga kelib, eng katta kasaba uyushmalarining qarshiliklariga duch kelgan Liberal hukumat kasaba uyushmalariga Leyboristlar deputatlarini yana bir bor mablag 'bilan ta'minlashga imkon berish uchun Savdo nizolari to'g'risidagi qonunni qabul qildi.
1914 yilga kelib, har xil munitsipal Kengashlarda 420 ga yaqin leyboristlar vakili bo'lgan, shu jumladan konchilik sohasidagi bir nechta okrug maslahatchilari yoki Vasiylar Kengashlari, Parishiya Kengashlari va Tuman Kengashlarida bundan ham ko'proq. Ta'lim va maktab o'quvchilarini oziqlantirish, ularni tibbiy ko'rikdan o'tkazish va davolashdan tashqari, Leyboristlar partiyasi mahalliy hukumatda eng dolzarb bo'lgan masalalar - bu ishsizlarni ish bilan ta'minlash, sakkiz soatlik ish kuni, Yarmarkani qabul qilish va amalga oshirish. Jamoat shartnomalarida ish haqi moddasi, mahalliy hokimiyat organlari xodimlarining adolatli ish haqi va shartlari. Ba'zi hududlarda (xususan Birmingem va Glazgoda) shahar uy-joylarini qo'llab-quvvatlashda faol bosim o'tkazildi qashshoq joyni tozalash sxemalar, shu bilan birga ishsizlarni va boshqa toifadagi qashshoqlarni, xususan nogironlarni va qariyalarni davolashni yaxshilash uchun (Vasiylik kengashi bilan bog'liq) doimiy ravishda tashviqot olib borildi. Jamiyat sog'liqni saqlash xizmati va savdo korxonasi o'rtasida joylashgan uy qurilishi, Leyboristlar munitsipal platformasining asosiy taxtalaridan biriga aylandi.[17]
Birinchi jahon urushi
Birinchi Jahon urushi partiyani sindirdi, chunki liberallar keskin pasayib, Leyboristlar konservatorlardan keyin ikkinchi o'ringa chiqib olishdi. Tarixchi Endryu Torpning ta'kidlashicha, "mehnatning urush tomonidan taqdim etilgan imkoniyatlardan ko'proq foydalanishga qodirligi, asosan, mojaro paytida asosiy birdamlik tomonlari bilan bog'liq edi".[21] Urushdan oldin partiya rasmiy ravishda kapitalizm urush olib keldi degan urushga qarshi dalillarga sodiq edi. Biroq, Belgiyaning bosib olinishi va partiya a'zolari orasida urushni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi munosabatlarning kuchayishi urushni tobora ko'proq qo'llab-quvvatlashga olib keldi. Ramsay Makdonald urushga qarshi chiqishda davom etdi, ammo u tezda partiya rahbari lavozimidan ketdi va uning o'rnini egalladi Artur Xenderson, Germaniyani mag'lub etishga qat'iy qaror qilgan. 1915 yilda Leyboristlar partiyasi birinchi marotaba Xendersonni Asquitning urush davri hukumatiga taklif qilinganida vazirlar lavozimiga ega bo'ldi. Asquit kasaba uyushma harakati hamkorligi o'q-dorilar ishlab chiqarishni ancha kengaytirishini xohladi. Xenderson Ta'lim kengashining prezidenti bo'ldi va Asquithning mehnat masalalari bo'yicha maslahatchisi bo'lib xizmat qildi. Kichik lavozimlar G. H. Roberts va Uilyam Bryusga berildi. 1916 yil dekabrda, Asquit o'rniga kelganida Devid Lloyd Jorj, ko'proq ishchilar rahbarlari muhimroq lavozimlarga kiritildi.[22] Xenderson esa ichki urush kabinetiga ko'tarildi Jorj Barns muhandislarning pensiya vaziri va Jon Xodj po'lat ishchilaridan Mehnat vaziri bo'ldi. Uilyam Bryus, G. H. Roberts va Jeyms Parker (Leyboristlarning boshqa deputati) kichik lavozimlarni egallashdi.[23]
Leyboristlar partiyasining urush harakatlarini qo'llab-quvvatlashiga qaramay, Mustaqil Mehnat partiyasi Leyboristlar partiyasining sherigi bo'lsa, harbiy xizmatga chaqirilmaydigan do'stlik kabi tashkilotlar orqali chaqirilishga qarshi turishda muhim rol o'ynadi. Britaniya sotsialistik partiyasi, bir qator norasmiy ish tashlashlarni uyushtirdi. Artur Xenderson 1917 yilda Vazirlar Mahkamasidan iste'foga chiqdi, chunki partiyalar birligini o'rnini bosish kerak edi Jorj Barns. Umuman olganda, harakatning aksariyati to'qnashuvlar davomida urushni qo'llab-quvvatlashni davom ettirdi va Buyuk Britaniya Leyboristlar partiyasi, qit'adagi tengdoshlarining aksariyatidan farqli o'laroq, urush davomida bo'linmadi.[24]
Birinchi Jahon urushi davrida Leyboristlar partiyasi hukumat tarkibida ham, tashqarisida ham xizmat qilib, ijtimoiy siyosatdagi bir qator ilg'or o'zgarishlarga ta'sir o'tkaza oldi. Uy-joylarning 90 foizi xususiy ijaraga olingan paytda, uy egalari urush davri narxlarining ko'tarilishi (va ba'zi hollarda foyda olish vositasi sifatida) sharoitida ijara haqini oshirishga intilishgan. Buning natijasida 1915 yilda asosan o'z-o'zidan paydo bo'lgan norozilik namoyishlari bo'lib o'tdi, keyinchalik ko'pincha mahalliy ishchilar harakati tomonidan muvofiqlashtirildi, masalan, ILP etakchi rol o'ynagan Glazgodagi harakatlar. Bu hukumatni urush davridagi ijaralarni urushgacha bo'lgan darajada belgilaydigan qonunlarni qabul qilishga majbur qildi. Bu ishchilarning raqobatchilaridan ko'ra ko'proq uy-joy qurishda ishchilar sinfining manfaatlarini himoya qiladigan partiya bo'lishini ko'rsatib, shu bilan birga Leyboristlarga kasaba uyushmalari bilan bog'liq masalalardan ayollarga to'g'ridan-to'g'ri murojaat qiladigan sohalarga o'tishga yordam berishida muhim ahamiyatga ega edi. xususan. Bundan tashqari, Endryu Torp ta'kidlaganidek, u "ishchilar sinfini ahvolga keltirgan bozor kuchlarini boshqarish bo'yicha davlat harakatlari g'oyasiga ishonchni qo'shdi".[12]
Leyboristlar partiyasi, shuningdek, "adolatli aktsiyalar" uchun kampaniya olib bordi, foyda va cheklanmagan bozor kuchlariga hujum qildi va hukumatga bosim o'tkazish orqali ba'zi yutuqlarni ta'minladi. Leyboristlar partiyasi urushdan olinadigan foyda, ratsion va boshqa nazoratlarni yuqori darajada soliqqa tortish uchun qattiq turtki berdi va 1917 yilda JR Klinz bilan Oziq-ovqat komissiyasida va 1918 yilda nazoratchi sifatida oziq-ovqat narxlarini barqarorlashtiradigan narx nazorati joriy etildi va ratsion belgilandi. 1918 yil boshida "halol o'yin" ning haqiqiy darajasini ta'minlash. Ortiqcha foyda boji 1915 yilda ham joriy qilingan bo'lib, u 1917 yilga kelib 80 foizni tashkil qildi va mehnatning ishonch yorliqlari WECning 1916 yilda boshlangan «Boylikni majburlash» kampaniyasi bilan tasdiqlandi.[25]
"Feyr-pley" ingliz radikalizmining buyuk an'analaridan biri bo'lganligi sababli, ushbu yo'nalishda harakat qilish Leyboristlar uchun foydaliligi aniq edi va bunday siyosat amalga oshirilishi mehnatning umumiy ishonchini ancha oshirdi.
— Endryu Torp, Britaniya mehnat partiyasining tarixi[12]
Mehnat vazirlarining urush davri tajribasi ularni o'zlarining partiyalarining ijtimoiy o'zgarishlarni amalga oshirish uchun davlat mexanizmidan foydalana olish qobiliyatiga ishonchlarini yanada kuchaytirdi va mahalliy aholi tomonidan chaqirilgan "to'g'ridan-to'g'ri harakatlar" siyosatiga qarshi turishga undadi. Sovetlar va yangi paydo bo'lganlar Buyuk Britaniyaning Kommunistik partiyasi.[8] Biroq, 1918 yil ishchilar partiyasining konferentsiyasida partiya qabul qildi IV modda tomonidan ishlab chiqilgan konstitutsiyasiga Sidney Uebb avvalgi yil va "ishlab chiqarish, taqsimlash va ayirboshlash vositalariga umumiy egalik qilish" ni talab qilgan.
Leyboristlarning mahalliy faollar bazasi va tashkilotining o'sishi urushdan keyingi saylovlarda o'z aksini topdi kooperativ endi o'z resurslarini ta'minlovchi harakat Kooperativ partiya sulh bitimidan keyin. Keyinchalik Kooperativ partiya Leyboristlar partiyasi bilan saylov kelishuviga erishdi. The Buyuk Britaniyaning Kommunistik partiyasi 1921 yildan 1923 yilgacha birlashishdan bosh tortgan.[26]Ayni paytda, Liberal partiya tez pasayib ketdi va partiya halokatli bo'linishga uchradi, bu esa Leyboristlar partiyasiga liberallarning qo'llab-quvvatlashining ko'p qismini tanlab olishga imkon berdi.
Liberallar tartibsizlik bilan 142 o'rinni qo'lga kiritdi 1922, uni jamoalar palatasidagi ikkinchi yirik siyosiy guruhga aylantiradi rasmiy muxolifat konservativ hukumatga. Saylovdan so'ng hozirda qayta tiklangan Ramsay Makdonald birinchi rasmiy ovoz berildi Leyboristlar partiyasining rahbari.
Mahalliy boshqaruvda taraqqiyot davom etdi. 1919 yilda Jon Adams (keyinchalik Ennerdeyl shahridan Baron Adams) Kamberlenddagi Arlecdon va Frizington okrugining o'tirgan a'zolariga saylovda muvaffaqiyatli kurash olib bordi. Bu Angliyada saylanadigan birinchi butun ishchilar mahalliy kengashini tashkil etdi.
1931 yilda Xotin-qizlar bo'limlariga saylovlar pochta byulleteni orqali o'tkazildi. Natijada ular tayinlandi Klaris Shou, Ald. Rouz Devies, Xayd xonim va Jessi Stiven.[27]
Ramzay Makdonald boshchiligidagi birinchi ishchi hukumatlar
Birinchi leyboristlar hukumati
The 1923 yilgi umumiy saylov konservatorlar bilan kurashgan protektsionist takliflar; ular eng ko'p ovoz olgan va eng katta partiya bo'lib qolgan bo'lsalar ham, parlamentdagi ko'pchilikni yo'qotishdi va hukumat tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanishi kerak edi erkin savdo shakllanishi kerak. Shunday qilib, Asquitning Liberallarini tan olgan holda, Ramsay Makdonald 1924 yil yanvarida Bosh vazir bo'ldi va Leyboristlarning atigi 191 nafar deputatiga ega bo'lishiga qaramay (birinchi bo'lib ishchilar hukumatini tuzdi) (jamoalar palatasining uchdan bir qismidan kamrog'i).
Hukumat liberallarning qo'llab-quvvatlashiga tayanishi kerakligi sababli, jamoatlar palatasi tomonidan munozarali sotsialistik qonunlarni qabul qila olmadi. Eng muhim o'lchov bu edi Wheatley uy-joy to'g'risidagi qonun bu ishchi oilalarga ijaraga beriladigan 500 ming uydan iborat qurilish dasturini boshladi.
Liberallar tanlangan qo'mita so'roviga ovoz berganidan to'qqiz oy o'tgach, hukumat quladi Kempbell ishi, MakDonald ishonchli ovoz deb e'lon qilgan ovoz. Keyingi umumiy saylov ovoz berish kunidan to'rt kun oldin yolg'onchilar nashrini ko'rdi Zinoviev xati Buyuk Britaniyada kommunistik inqilobni uyushtirishda Leyboristlarni jalb qilgan va konservatorlar hokimiyatga qaytarilgan, garchi Leyboristlar ovozini 30,7% dan xalqning uchdan bir qismigacha oshirgan bo'lsa-da, konservatorlarning yutuqlarining aksariyati liberallarning mablag'lari. Hozir Zinovievning maktubi qalbaki bo'lganiga ishonishadi.[28]
Umumiy ish tashlash
Boshchiligidagi yangi konservativ hukumat Stenli Bolduin ni qat'iy nazoratga oldi 1926 yilgi umumiy ish tashlash, to'qqiz kun ichida uni o'rta sinf shtaybraykerlarni jalb qilish va zo'ravonlikning oldini olish bilan tugatish. Ramsay Makdonald qarshi chiqish siyosatini davom ettirdi ish tashlash harakati Ijtimoiy islohotlarga erishishning eng yaxshi usuli saylov qutilari orqali amalga oshirilganligini ta'kidlab, shu jumladan umumiy ish tashlash.[29][30] Mehnat ommaviy axborot vositalariga chuqur ishonmadi va dushman matbuot tomonidan tashkil etilgan jamoatchilik fikri sudida katta yo'qotishlarga duch keldi. Ular saboq oldilar va ommaviy axborot vositalarini qasddan jalb qilish siyosatiga o'tdilar, xususan BBC bilan, bu uzoq muddatda muvaffaqiyatli bo'ldi.[31]
Ikkinchi leyboristlar hukumati
The 1929 yil may oyida bo'lib o'tgan saylov birinchi marta Leyboristlar partiyasini 287 o'ringa ega bo'lgan jamoatchilik palatasidagi eng yirik guruh sifatida tark etdi va 37,1% xalq ovozini oldi (aslida konservatorlardan biroz kamroq). Biroq, MacDonald ozchilik hukumatini shakllantirish uchun hanuzgacha liberallarning yordamiga ishongan. Makdonald hukumati tarkibiga ilk bor ayollarning vazirlar vaziri kirdi Margaret Bondfild kim tayinlandi Mehnat vaziri.[32]
Makdonaldning ikkinchi hukumati o'zining birinchi hukumatiga qaraganda kuchliroq parlament mavqeida edi va 1930 yilda u qayta ko'rib chiqilgan "Qarilik pensiyalari to'g'risida" gi qonunni, "Ishsizlarni ko'proq sug'urta qilish to'g'risida" gi qonunni va ko'mir sanoatidagi ish haqi va sharoitlarini yaxshilash to'g'risidagi qonunni qabul qildi (ya'ni umumiy ish tashlash). Masalan, 1930 yil ko'mir konlari to'g'risidagi qonunga binoan ishlab chiqarish va narxlarni tartibga solish bo'yicha marketing sxemalari tuzilgan, birlashma sxemalarini ilgari surish uchun komissiya tayinlangan. Minimal ish haqi va yashash uchun nafaqalar bir yilga belgilandi, konchilar xavfsizligi choralari oshirildi va takomillashtirildi. 1929 yildagi Pensiya to'g'risidagi qonunda ilgari pensiya tizimidan chiqarilgan 500 mingdan ziyod bolalar, qariyalar va beva ayollarga pensiya tayinlandi.[33]
Katta depressiya va MacDonald ostida bo'linish
The 1929 yildagi Wall Street halokati va oxir-oqibat Katta depressiya hukumat hokimiyatga kelganidan ko'p o'tmay sodir bo'ldi va inqiroz Britaniyaga qattiq zarba berdi. 1930 yil oxiriga kelib ishsizlik darajasi ikki yarim milliondan oshib ketdi.[34]
Leyboristlar hukumati inqirozni engish uchun kurash olib bordi va qarama-qarshi bo'lgan ikki maqsadni yarashtirishga harakat qildi; saqlash uchun muvozanatli byudjetga erishish funt ustida Oltin standart, shuningdek, kambag'al va ishsizlarga yordam berishga harakat qilmoqda. Bularning barchasi soliq tushumlari kamayib borar edi. The Bosh vazirning kansleri, Filipp Snouden ruxsat berishdan bosh tortdi defitsit xarajatlari.[35]
Bitta kichik vazir, Osvald Mozli, 1930 yil yanvar oyida memorandumni ilgari surib, import va bank ishlarini jamoat tomonidan nazorat qilishni hamda nafaqalarni oshirishni sarflash uchun pensiyalarni oshirishni talab qildi. Bu bir necha marta rad etilganda, Mozli 1931 yil fevralda hukumatdan iste'foga chiqdi va tashkil etishni boshladi Yangi partiya, va keyinchalik Britaniya fashistlar ittifoqi u o'girgandan keyin Fashizm.[36]
1931 yilga kelib vaziyat yanada yomonlashdi. Liberal ittifoqchilari hamda byudjet muvozanatsizligidan qo'rqqan konservativ oppozitsiya bosimi ostida Leyboristlar hukumati Sir boshchiligidagi qo'mitani tayinladi. Jorj May davlat moliyasining holatini qayta ko'rib chiqish. The May hisoboti 1931 yil iyulida byudjet kamomadining oldini olish uchun davlat sektorida ish haqini kamaytirishni va davlat xarajatlarini (ayniqsa, ishsizlarga to'lanadigan to'lovlarni) katta qisqartirishni talab qildi.[37]
Ushbu taklif Leyboristlar partiyasining o't ildizlari va a'zolari orasida juda mashhur emasligini isbotladi kasaba uyushmalari, bir nechta hukumat vazirlari bilan bir qatorda, bunday choralarni qo'llab-quvvatlashdan bosh tortdi. Kabi bir necha katta vazirlar Artur Xenderson va J. R. Klinz qisqartirishga rozi bo'lish o'rniga iste'foga chiqish bilan tahdid qildi.[12] Makdonald va Filipp Snouden, byudjet kamomadiga duch kelmaslik uchun Hisobotning tavsiyalarini qabul qilish kerakligini ta'kidladilar.
Xarajatlar va ish haqini qisqartirish to'g'risidagi nizo Leyboristlar hukumatini ikkiga ajratdi; o'lim bilan yakunlandi. Vazirlar Mahkamasi xarajatlarni qisqartirish yoki tariflarni joriy etishga bir necha bor rozi bo'lmadi. Natijada yuzaga kelgan siyosiy tanglik investorlarni qo'rqitishga olib keldi va kapital va oltin parvozi iqtisodiyotni yanada barqarorlashtirdi. Bunga javoban Makdonald, qirolning da'vati bilan a tuzishga rozi bo'ldi Milliy hukumat, konservatorlar va liberallarning kichik guruhi bilan. 1931 yil 24-avgustda Makdonald vazirlarining iste'fosini topshirdi va oz sonli katta hamkasblarini, xususan Snouden va Dominionlar kotibini boshqargan. J. H. Tomas Milliy hukumatni boshqa partiyalar bilan tuzishda. Keyinchalik Makdonald va uning tarafdorlari Leyboristlar partiyasidan chiqarilib, tuzildi Milliy mehnat. Qolgan Leyboristlar partiyasi Artur Xenderson va bir nechta liberallar oppozitsiyaga o'tdilar.[38] Natijada 1931 yilgi saylov Milliy hukumatning g'alaba qozonishiga olib keldi va Leyboristlar partiyasi uchun halokat bo'ldi, u faqat 52 o'rinni egalladi, bu 1929 yilga nisbatan 225 kam.[39]
Makdonald 1935 yilgacha konservatorlar hukmronligi ostida bo'lgan Milliy hukumatning bosh vaziri sifatida davom etdi. Makdonald Leyboristlar partiyasi uni xiyonat deb bilganlari uchun "xoin" va "kalamush" sifatida qattiq qoraladi.[40]
Milliy hukumat davrida muxolifat
Artur Xenderson 1931 yilda Makdonaldning o'rnini egallash uchun Leyboristlar etakchisi etib saylangan, 1931 yilgi Umumiy saylovlarda o'z o'rnini yo'qotgan. Ko'chkidan omon qolgan yagona Leyboristlar kabinetining a'zosi pasifist edi Jorj Lansberi, shunga ko'ra kim partiya etakchisiga aylandi.
Partiya 1932 yilda yana bo'linishni boshdan kechirdi Mustaqil Mehnat partiyasi, bir necha yillar davomida Leyboristlar rahbariyati bilan tobora ziddiyatga kelgan, Leyboristlar partiyasidan nomuvofiqlikni tanladi. ILP uzoq davom etgan pasayishni boshladi. Mehnat partiyasidagi ILPning roli bir muncha vaqtgacha qabul qilindi Sotsialistik Liga Leyboristlar partiyasi ichida faoliyat yuritgan va unga rahbarlik qilgan Stafford Cripps, bu bir necha ming o'qituvchilar va ziyolilarni jalb qildi. 1937 yilda Sotsialistik Ittifoq a Xalq jabhasi kommunistlar bilan koalitsiya, Leyboristlar partiyasi uni yopdi.[41]
Iqtisodiyot
Leyboristlar partiyasi chap 30-yillarning boshlarida. 1932 yilgi konferentsiyada Somervil Xastings ning Sotsialistik tibbiyot birlashmasi davlat tibbiy xizmatini tashkil etishga chaqirgan va 1934 yilgi konferentsiyada bir ovozdan SMA a'zolari tomonidan tayyorlangan Milliy sog'liqni saqlash xizmati to'g'risidagi rasmiy hujjatni bir ovozdan qabul qildi.[42] Partiya dasturi "Sotsializm va tinchlik uchun"1934 yilda qabul qilingan, partiyani o'z zimmasiga olgan milliylashtirish yer, bank, ko'mir, temir va po'lat, transport, elektr energiyasi va suv ta'minoti, shuningdek sanoatni rivojlantirishni rejalashtirish uchun Milliy investitsiya kengashini tashkil etish.[12] Xarold Laski, juda nufuzli professor va risolachilar sotsializmga tinch, demokratik o'tish ehtimoli yo'qligi haqida bahslasha boshladilar, chunki oppozitsiya zo'ravonlikka qo'l uradi va leyboristlarni tayyorlash kerak edi.[43]
Iqtisodiy masalalar bo'yicha partiyalar fikrlashida ozgina yangilik mavjud edi. "Rejalashtirish" va "davlatlashtirish" shiorlardan boshqa narsa emas Xyu Dalton, bosh iqtisodiy vakili, iqtisodiy qiyinchiliklarni ortda qoldirgan yangi Quddusni yaratishga va'da berdi. Partiya rahbari Attlei iqtisoddan qochgan. Aksincha, omon qolgan kichik Liberal partiya o'z mutaxassislari tufayli chuqur tahlil va takliflarga ega edi Jon Maynard Keyns va Uilyam Beveridj. 1945 yilda leyboristlar hokimiyat tepasiga kelganida, millatlashtirishni qanday o'tkazish rejalari yo'qligini aniqladilar. Mutaxassislar kelishi haqida ogohlantirgan ko'mir etishmovchiligiga tayyorgarlik ko'rilmagan edi. Attle va uning boshqa hamkasblari urushdan keyingi siyosatini urush davridagi tajribalarga asosladilar.[44][45]
Tashqi siyosat
Pasifist Lansberi va partiyaning aksariyat a'zolari o'rtasida tashqi siyosat bo'yicha jamoatchilikdagi kelishmovchiliklar Lansberining Efiopiyaga (o'sha paytda Habashiston deb atalgan) tajovuzi uchun Italiyaga qarshi sanktsiyalarni qo'llashga qarshi chiqishiga qaratildi. Qarang Habashiston inqirozi[46] Lansberi iste'foga chiqishi kerak edi.[47] Uning o'rnini uning o'rinbosari egalladi, Klement Attlei, yilda Leyboristlarning omadlarida uyg'onishga erishgan 1935 yilgi umumiy saylovlar, 154 o'ringa ega bo'lish va 1929 yilda qo'lga kiritilganlarga o'xshash miqdordagi ovozni yutib olish va amalda xalq ovozining 38 foizida, Leyboristlar erishgan eng yuqori foiz. Yumshoq, kamtarin va kamtarin Attle dastlab kuchsiz vaqtinchalik rahbar sifatida qaraldi. Ammo uning pragmatizmi, ma'lumotni yaxshi bilishi va vositachilik qobiliyati uni sahna ortidagi muzokaralar va manevralarda juda samarali qildi. Attle eng uzoq vaqt xizmat qilgan va eng muvaffaqiyatli partiyalar rahbarlaridan biriga aylandi.[48]
Davomida chap kuchlar respublika kuchlarini qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun miting o'tkazdilar Ispaniya fuqarolar urushi va tahdidga qarshi Natsistlar Germaniyasi 1936 yildan 38 yilgacha bo'lgan fashistik Italiya. Ispaniya bir paytlar hukmron bo'lgan pasifist elementni obro'sizlantirdi.[49] Partiya qayta qurollanish tarafdori bo'ldi. Ushbu siljish asosan sa'y-harakatlar tufayli yuzaga keldi Ernest Bevin va Xyu Dalton 1937 yilga kelib u ham partiyani qarshi chiqishga ko'ndirdi Nevill Chemberlen siyosati tinchlantirish.[50]
Depressiya tugaganiga va ishsizlik pasayganiga qaramay, ishchi kuchi 30-yillarning keyingi qismida bir qator qo'shimcha saylovlarga ta'sir qildi. Shunga qaramay, ular parlamentda kichik kuchsiz partiya bo'lib qolishdi.
Urushlararo davrda mahalliy mehnat islohotlari
Urushlararo davrning ko'p qismida leyboristlar ishdan chetda qolgan bo'lishiga qaramay, u ko'plab mahalliy hokimiyat organlarini nazorat qilib, o'zining sotsialistik tamoyillarini kichik hajmda amalda qo'llay oldi.
Mehnat nazorati ostida bo'lgan mahalliy hokimiyat organlari, shuningdek, Leyboristlar partiyasi eng kuchli yagona partiya bo'lgan amalda, asosan, ularga milliy qonunchilikda - ayniqsa, uy-joy, ta'lim, sog'liqni saqlash sohalarida taqdim etilgan imkoniyatlardan maksimal darajada foydalanishga e'tibor qaratishlari kerak edi. xizmatlar va 1929 yildan keyin ularga xizmatlar Vasiylik Kengashlaridan o'tkazildi. Ushbu sohalarning barchasida Leyboristlar mahalliy hokimiyatning yaxshi ko'rsatkichlariga ega edilar.
— G. D. H. Koul, 1914 yildan ishchilar partiyasining tarixi[17]
Urushlararo davrda mahalliy hokimiyatdagi leyboristlar, asosan, ishchilar sinfining ishchi va yashash muhitini yaxshilash uchun shahar hokimiyatining kuchidan foydalanishga intildi. Mahalliy hokimiyatning funktsiyalari Mehnat partiyasi a'zolariga ish tajribasini taqdim etdi va ularga uy-joy va sog'liqni saqlashni yaxshilash, tug'ruqxonalarni ta'minlash, bepul sut va ovqatlanish kabi chora-tadbirlar orqali o'z saylovchilarining turmush darajasini yaxshilash imkoniyatini berdi. maktab o'quvchilari uchun.[16] Oxiridan keyin Birinchi jahon urushi, 1919 yilda qaytib kelgan leyboristlar maslahatchilari sog'liqni saqlash, uy-joylarning etarli emasligi va umuman ishonchsizlik kabi ijtimoiy muammolarni hal qilish uchun munitsipal sotsializm siyosatini (xususan, Londonning tumanlarida) qabul qildilar. Mahalliy hokimiyatdagi ishchilar, masalan, saylangan Himoyachilar Kengashlari orqali "ishsizlarga ko'proq yordam berib, klinikalar, uylar va shahar vannalari qurilishini rag'batlantirish orqali" proto-farovonlik davlati "ni tuzishga intildilar. zarur xizmatlarni taqdim etishdan, shuningdek, ish bilan ta'minlash imkoniyatlarini taqdim etadi.[5] Shuningdek, leyboristlar guruhlari ko'pincha o'zlarining kengashlarida ozchilikni tashkil qilsalar ham, ular va ularning tarafdorlari odamlarning turmush darajasini himoya qilish va kengaytirish uchun kampaniyalar o'tkazdilar. Masalan, ozchilikni tashkil etgan leyboristlar guruhlari o'z saylovchilarining manfaatlariga zid deb topilgan kengash tashabbuslarini bloklashlari mumkin.[16]
20-asrning 20-yillari davomida Leyboristlar maslahatchilari kengashlarda bo'ladimi yoki (1929 yilda bekor qilinguniga qadar) vasiylik kengashlarida mahalliy ma'muriyatdagi tezlikni majbur qildilar. Qayd etilganidek Jon Uitli, "Leyboristlar harakati o'sishining eng yorqin natijalaridan biri bu kambag'allarni boshqarish mashhur vasiylik kengashlari qo'liga o'tganligidir." Umuman olganda, leyboristlar maslahatchilari boshqalarnikiga qaraganda qonuniy vakolatlarini maksimal darajada oshirishga tayyor edilar va stavkalar narxiga nisbatan unchalik tashvishlanmadilar va 30-yillarning oxiriga qadar 60 ta mahalliy hokimiyat leyboristlar partiyasi nazorati ostida edi.[51]
Buyuk Depressiya davrida ishchilar kengashlari ishsizlarni tanazzulning eng yomon ta'siridan himoya qilish uchun katta sa'y-harakatlar qildilar,[52] va muhtojlarga jamoat yordami tizimini iloji boricha saxiy bo'lishini ta'minlashga intildi. In Durham and Glamorgan, the Labour administrations paid more than the minimum, while operating the means test more humanely than they were supposed to.[3] In Hackney, the London Labour Party secretary Herbert Morrison resorted to charitable methods to counteract the effects of unemployment.[16] In Nelson, the Labour council of the 1930s invested in essential services like education and child welfare.[53] In Glasgow, Patrick Dollan's Glasgow corporation carried out a slum-clearance programme that resulted in the construction of some 200,000 homes between 1934 and 1939. In Barnsley, the school-leaving age was raised by six months in order to promote education and keep some 500 teenagers off the unemployment figure. In addition, priority was given to housing construction and slum clearances.[16]
Labour authorities also sought to humanise the services provided by local authorities, to reduce the harshness of the way in which welfare services operated and to enable working-class people to enjoy the benefits of open space and culture. In Norwich, Labour ensured that school architecture was made bright and modern, while the Labour administration in Glasgow put an end to a controversial system in which elderly couples claiming poor relief could be split up into separate hostel units. In many Labour authorities such as Norwich and West Ham, assistance was given to poor mothers as well as the disabled.
Labour representatives on the Boards of Guardians in the 1920s and on the Public Assistance Committees of the early 1930s sought to offset the effects of unemployment and poverty as best as they could within existing structures. This often led to interventionist measures such as the provision of free school meals or ensuring that benefit claimants received the relief that was owed to them. Labour councils sought to administer the means test in the most favourable terms possible, which involved accepting a higher percentage of applications for transitional benefit than in non-Labour localities and providing the maximum rate of relief available. In Poplar, Bethnal Green, and Stepney, for instance, Labour took positive steps on behalf of its working-class supporters, providing protection, jobs, and relief at a time of economic uncertainty.[16]
Female Labour members played an active role in the policy-making of local labour councils, and the extension of accepted (or expected) municipal responsibility brought politics into areas to which women were the acknowledged experts. As recalled by Hannah Mitchell, when she sat on relief committees she "knew just how much food could be bought out of the allowance, knew the cost of children’s clothes and footwear, could tell at a glance if an applicant was in ill health." Through first-hand knowledge of such issues, women contributed to the implementation of reforms which benefited their constituents, such as the building of wash houses, maternity centres, health clinics, playgrounds, and parks. These reforms not only extended Labour's appeal, but also provided women with "a distinctive place within Labour and municipal politics."[16]
Uels
The Labour Party also enjoyed a strong following in Wales, where in the 1935 general election it won 8 out of 35 seats. In regards to social legislation (including health, housing, and education), the Labour-controlled authorities were both progressive in outlook and generous in spending. This meant that, despite extreme poverty, South Wales (where Labour was strong), had better outcomes in health, housing, and education than other parts of Wales, and this despite the poverty of the councils themselves. For instance, Glamorgan, Carmarthenshire, and parts of Monmouthshire provided free school meals, while provision of this kind was exceptional in most of North Wales, Wrexham being an exception. A move towards expanding secondary school places to be filled on merit was also far more evident in authorities controlled by the Labour Party. In the most industrialised parts of Wales, Labour-dominated councils successfully tried not only to increase the number of secondary-school places (even during the years of the Great depression), but also worked towards providing these places free, and therefore on merit, instead of on ability to pay. By 1932, over 60% of places were free, a far higher figure than in England.[54] In Rhondda, the dominant Labour council introduced progressive measures such as free milk for children from poor households which helped to counteract some of the worst effects of the Great Depression, while in Swansea, a government grant was obtained to finance a number of civic building projects, the means test was exercised relatively humanely and a nursery school was opened.[16]
London county council
The biggest breakthrough for Labour in local government came in 1934, with the capture of the most powerful local authority in Britain, the LCC. Rahbarligida Herbert Morrison, the Labour-run LCC implemented a wide range of progressive social democratic reforms[55] which transformed London into a model of responsible and progressive local Labour government.[3] A year after taking office, Morrison took steps to raise the rates of London householders to 31% (seven shillings in the pound), and had run through what was termed a "nest egg" of £2,000,000 he had found upon taking office, salted away in London County Council's treasury by Conservatives. This money was used in treating London's poor more humanely, providing more homes for the aged poor, more free education and modernising hospitals, improving patients' diets and increasing their numbers of staff.[56]
As leader of the LCC, Morrison presided over the development of London's housing, health, education and transport services, together with the unification of the transport system and creating a 'green belt' around London's suburbs. In addition, new schools were constructed,[57] measures to combat corruption and inefficiency were carried out, a major programme of slum clearance and council house construction was carried out, and a municipal health service was set up, which became a model for the NHS.[3] Led by Morrison and his prezidium of Charles Latham, Isaac Hayward and Lewis Silkin, the LCC proved to be a successful local Labour administration. An offensive was carried out against London's slums, with new homes built, repairs carried out, and rents reduced for those moving to new municipal accommodation from slum areas. Spending on welfare services, education and health care was increased from 1934 onwards, with more staff employed in hospitals and enjoying better pay and conditions. More free places in secondary education were offered, improvements made in patient care; new schools were constructed, and more amenities were provided, with the initiation of more milk, playing fields, and health visits. The LCC also made efforts to ensure that reforms were carried out to reduce the harshness of public assistance. Morrison's plans for a "yashil kamar " surrounding London also came to fruition, which provided the relevant local authorities with funds to purchase and maintain land.[16]
Services were expanded under Morrison, with the initiation of new main drainage schemes, more major highways and bridge improvements, and new headquarters and appliances for the fire brigade. The LCC parks were also developed, with Victoria Park in the East End "transformed with a wide range of facilities" and other parks got more baths, bowling greens, athletic grounds, paddling pools, playgrounds, refreshment places, gymnasia, and sun-bathing sections. Amenities were provided for children such as entertainment during school holidays in the form of story-tellers, conjurers, and comedians, specially designed saucer-shaped paddling pools were installed to help parents in spotting their children, and special children's lavatories were built to reduce the chance of indecent assault.[58]
In housing, more clearance areas and compulsory purchase orders were introduced, and new sites were found for building. Also, as noted by a biography on Morrison, the opposition attacked Morrison "for the deliberate injection of LCC housing into previous Tory strongholds". The standard of the houses was improved, with more facilities and bigger sizes, and Morrison's administration also scrapped the Municipal Reform tenement where one bathroom was shared by three families. More capital expenditure was allocated towards the LCC housing programme, new flats and houses were built more quickly, and rents were reduced for tenants coming from the slums, "who often found the increased rents difficult to bear when they were rehoused".[58]
More money was allocated towards public health and welfare services by Morrison's administration. Somervil Xastings had a great influence over health policy in London and was for many years Chairman of the Public Health Committee, which was dominated by members of the Sotsialistik tibbiyot birlashmasi.[42] Hospitals were modernised and re-equipped, and more staff were employed, with improved conditions and pay. Patients also benefited from the installation of wirelesses, improved diets, and the ending of patient contributions for the residential treatment of TB. Mental patients were allowed a fortnight long holiday by the sea, and visitors to hospital inmates could have their fares paid. Services for the blind were also improved, and midwifery services were extended.[58] In addition, LCC ambulances were made free for maternity cases.[59]
In education, new schools were built and old schools rebuilt, and more money was channelled towards their books, furniture, and apparatus. More attention was given to playing fields, and more staff were employed (at improved conditions) to reduce class sizes. More nursery schools were established, and special schools were improved, with more aids for the handicapped. More health inspections and more milk were provided for schoolchildren, and technical and commercial education establishments were further developments. Some "Tory Shylockisms", brought about by economy cuts, were abolished: more country scholarships were introduced and prizes were restored, while children in residential schools benefited from an increase in educational visits, in pocket money, and a camp holiday each year. Cadet corps for military training were banned from LCC schools, in conjunction with Morrison's belief, as put by a biography on Morrison, that it was wrong "to inculcate militaristic values into the young", and school visits to military displays like the Aldershot tattoo and the Hendon pageant were stopped.[58]
Various reforms to public assistance were also carried out under Morrison. As noted by a biography on Morrison, the "barrack-liked" mixed workhouses were broken up, and children, the blind, the sick, the old, and expectant mothers were treated separately, "instead of all together in institutions for paupers." Conditions for the receipt of relief were relaxed, and a coal allowance was restored. The administration of public assistance was also reformed, with the investigating committees of councillors and co-opted members (which applicants for relief had to appear before under the Municipal reformers) abolished, and in their place full-time adjudicating officers were to interview applicants and take the decisions. As noted by a biography on Morison, Herbert Morrison, "wanted to streamline the administration of relief and to help the applicant by having his case dealt with by a professional in privacy." During his time in office, Morrison was also responsible for the new Waterloo Bridge, the development of the south bank, and comprehensive town planning.[58]
Poplar council
One Labour council that acquired great notoriety during the inter-war period was that of Poplar, where the Labour councillors introduced a wide range of reforms including ayollar uchun teng ish haqi, the introduction of a minimum wage for municipal workers, and improved municipal services and welfare programmes.[60] Dedicated to improving the lives of poor working-class people, the Labour Poor Law Guardians paid generous scales of relief to the poor that led them to fall into debt. The Labour Guardians refused to hand over payments to London County Council that they were supposed to make, and were imprisoned in 1921.[61]
The Poplar Guardians justified the generous scales of relief they paid out, together with their abandonment of principles of less eligibility in terms of a politics of redistribution of the financial burden of unemployment, stating that
If society cannot organize its economic affairs so as to provide work for all its able-bodied members, then society as a whole should provide them with adequate maintenance from national funds, obtained under existing conditions by increased taxation upon the large and superfluous incomes of those whose social position is maintained only as a result of 'preying on the poor
— Metropolis, London: histories and representations since 1800 by David Feldman
The actions of the Labour Guardians were arguably justified on the grounds that Poplar carried a heavier burden than many other boroughs in carrying the costs of poor relief. In 1921, for instance, Poplar had a rateable value of £4m and 86,500 unemployed persons to support, while other, richer councils could call on a rateable value of £15 to support only 4,800 unemployed. George Lansbury, the new mayor of Poplar, proposed that the Council stop collecting the rates for outside, cross-London bodies. This was agreed and on 31 March 1921, Poplar Council set a rate of 4s 4d instead of 6s 10d.
Despite their imprisonment, the Labour Guardians refused to give way, and were released six weeks after they were imprisoned.[61] In addition, the actions of the Poplar councillors in demanding that the burden of the rates be shared more equitably between poorer and richer boroughs led to the passage of legislation which provided for the greater equality between boroughs that they had demanded.[5] Poplar no longer had to carry an unduly heavy burden as all London areas now shared the costs of poor relief in the future. Poplar continued to provide relatively generous scales of relief, paying £2 19s 6d to a family of seven instead of the agreed London rate of £2 14s.[61]
– Labour Inside the Gate: A History of the British Labour Party between the Wars by Matthew Worley
Labour councils also endeavoured to present themselves as model employers. By the Thirties, for instance, most Labour councils had set up municipal works departments, carrying out repair work and construction without having to use a private contractor. Labour council employees also tended to be paid at (or above) trade union wage rates and were subject to union-recognised conditions. In Poplar, the Labour council that was elected in 1919 immediately agreed to, and increased, a minimum wage for all employees. Labour councils sought to employ direct labour to embark on their municipal building schemes, such as in Wigan, where people who were employed to build the town's municipal houses were subject to trade union pay, conditions, and holidays.
Wartime coalition
The party returned to government in 1940 as part of the urush davri koalitsiyasi. Qachon Nevill Chemberlen resigned in the spring of 1940, incoming-Bosh Vazir Uinston Cherchill decided to bring the other main parties into a coalition similar to that of the First World War. Clement Attlee was appointed Lord Privy Seal and a member of the war cabinet, eventually becoming the United Kingdom's first Bosh vazir o'rinbosari.
The aggressive trade union leader Ernest Bevin, as Mehnat va milliy xizmat vaziri, directed Britain's allocation of manpower, Herbert Morrison bo'ldi Uy kotibi, Xyu Dalton edi Iqtisodiy urush vaziri va keyinroq Savdo kengashi prezidenti, esa A. V. Aleksandr resumed the role he had held in the previous Labour Government as Admirallikning birinchi lordidir. Labour also filled eight junior posts, a number which rose to seventeen by 1945.[8] Ga binoan G. D. H. Koul, the basis of the Wartime Coalition was that the labour ministers would look after the Uyning old qismi (including the maintenance of important social services and the mobilisation of manpower). Although the Exchequer remained in the hands of the Conservatives, a firm understanding was made with Labour regarding the equitable distribution of tax burdens.[17]
While serving in coalition with the Conservatives, the Labour members of Churchill's cabinet were able to put their ideals into practice, implementing a wide range of progressive social and economic reforms which did much to improve the living standards and working conditions of working-class Britons. Ga binoan Maurice Bruce, "for their influence on the shaping of events this might almost be called the third, as it was certainly the most constructive to date, of Britain's labour governments."[51]
Tomonidan kuzatilganidek Kennet O. Morgan, "Labour ministers were uniquely associated with the triumphs on the home front." Herbert Morrison at the Home Office, assisted by his friend Ellen Uilkinson, was noted for his effective involvement in home defence and presiding over the repairs carried out on major cities affected by the Blitz.[62] Artur Grinvud, in his capacity as minister without portfolio, commissioned the Beveridj haqida hisobot which would lay the foundations for the post-war British welfare state.[63] For those in rural areas, Labour in the wartime coalition government was successful in raising unemployment benefits for agricultural workers to a maximum of 41s per week and in introducing a new national minimum wage of 43s.[64]
During the war years, the Labour Party was continuously active (with some success) in pushing for better arrangements of housing and billeting both of evacuees and of workers transferred for war services to already congested industrial areas, for fair systems of food rationing and distribution, for more effective control of prices, and for improvements in service pay and allowances. Labour also pressed hard for better provisions for the victims of air warfare, for more and better civic and industrial restaurants and canteens, and for war-time nurseries for the children of female workers.[17]
In a manifesto on "The Peace", adopted by the 1941 Labour Party Annual Conference, it was claimed that Labour's participation in the Wartime coalition Government had been effective in that, a year after Labour had joined the government, the war was now being fought not only with much greater efficiency, but with a higher regard for social equity as well:
The area of the social services has been increased. Largely through the care and determination of the Trade unions, the standard of life has been well safeguarded. The health of the workers has been protected by the maintenance of the factory codes, and by the institution of factory doctors, canteens, and nurseries. Labour, national and local, has taken its share in civil defence; and in every sphere its activities have done much to improve the provision for the safety and comfort of citizens. The social protection of our people has been facilitated by the alert and continuous watch which has been kept over financial policy. Interest rates have been kept down. The Treasury has assumed powers over the Banks which assure their full co-operation in the policy upon which Parliament decides. The dangers of inflation, ever present in war-time, have been kept to a minimum.[17]
Tarixchining so'zlariga ko'ra G. D. H. Koul, Labour's claims were arguably justified: profiteering was kept down, and there was greater equity both in the allocation of supplies and in taxation. In addition, social services were not merely kept up, but also expanded to meet wartime needs.[17]
Tom Jonston used his position as Shotlandiya bo'yicha davlat kotibi to push through a range of important developmental initiatives, such as the development of hydroelectricity in the Highlands, while Hugh Dalton's regional policies directly assisted some of the Labour Party's strongest cores of support.[65] The Distribution of Industry Act 1945, pushed through by Hugh Dalton before the end of the wartime coalition, launched a vigorous policy of regenerating "depressed areas" such as industrial Scotland, the North-East of England, Cumbria, and South Wales, while diversifying the economic base of these regions. This foundation of this vigorous regional policy were actually laid during the Second World War, with the extension of the role of the trading estates and the linking of the industrial base of areas like the Welsh mining areas with the operations of government ordinance and armaments plants.[62] Jeyms Chuter Ede, a Labour politician who served as the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Education, worked together with the conservative politician Rab Butler loyihasini tuzishda 1944 yilgi ta'lim to'g'risidagi qonun,[66] while also playing a major role in its passage.[67]
Labour's influence on wartime policy was also evident in the first general statement of peace aims, the Atlantic Charter of August 1941. This included a reference to "improved labour standards, economic advancement and social security" which had been inserted by the War Cabinet into a draft prepared by Franklin Roosevelt and Winston Churchill and had actually been insisted on by Bevin.[51]
At the end of 1940, Arthur Greenwood was given the task of planning, in Churchill's words, "a number of practical steps which it is indispensable to take if our society is to move forward." In June 1941, in response to arguments by the Trades Union Congress that there existed inadequacies with the country's system of social insurance, Greenwood set up an Interdepartmental Committee on Social Insurance and Allied Services to look into the state of Britain's social welfare programmes, and see where improvements may be made. Greenwood appointed a Liberal, William Beveridge, chairman of the committee.[51]
Co-operators, in common with the trade unions and labour, pressed hard from the outset of the war for the extension of the food rationing system to cover all essential supplies, arguing that the existence of an unrationed sector would create class injustices and result in time wasted on seeking supplies from shop to shop. Labour responded to Co-operative demands on these issues in March 1941 by establishing a Food Deputation Committee to work for more effective control and rationing of food supplies, together with the creation of an effective Consumers' Council.[17]
In the field of workmen's compensation, Labour succeeded in getting what Labour saw as an unsatisfactory bill withdrawn, and a new Bill introduced "to include single persons and to give improved allowances." The new Workmen's Compensation (Supplementary Allowances) Act, which came into effect in August 1940), provided a supplementary allowance not exceeding 5s a week to all disabled workers, together with a supplementary allowance of 4s a week each for the first and second child, and 3s for each other child younger than 15. For a man with 3 children, the improvement represented 16s a week. For agricultural workers, a bill increasing the maximum unemployment benefit for agricultural workers by 3s a week was amended by Ernest Bevin, with a more generous increase of 6s a week introduced.[68]
A number of reforms were also carried out under the auspices of cabinet member Herbert Morrison. In the area of Civil Defence, rescue services were provided with new methods and new tackle, schools were established to teach rescue men new and safer ways of performing their jobs, and great emphasis was placed on increased training. As noted by a pamphlet documenting Morrison's war work, "From the local week-end school to the NN.F.S. College and the Civil Defence Staff College he insisted on the necessity of adequate training of both officers and men." Morrison is also noted to have worked hard for increases in pay and allowances for Civil Defence and War Reserve police, and in the end flat gratuities were authorised for whole-timers "who had done such a fine job in the blitz." A National Fire Service was also set up under Morrison,[69] which led to improved working conditions such as a reduced working week and higher rates of pay.[70]
In the field of penal administration, Morrison discontinued hard labour, while various measures designed to tackle child problems (such as juvenile wrongdoing) were carried out. The re-war accommodation in Remand Homes was doubled by the addition of 1,000 places, while 3,000 additional places were provided in Approved Schools. In Approved Schools, appointed Welfare Officers were introduced to maintain contact with the boys and girls as they left the schools, while the "classifying schools" reform was carried out to ensure that the Approved Schools to which boys and girls were sent to ones which were suited to their needs. A committee was also established by Morrison (in consultation with the Ministers and Education and Health) to inquire into the question of provision made for the care of children deprived of normal home life, while the inspectorate was increased in order that additional attention could be given to Remand Homes and voluntary homes. In addition, a Departmental Committee was established to review "the question of the salaries and conditions of employment of staff employed both in Approved Schools and in Remand Homes." In addition, under a decision announced by the Home Office and the Scottish Office in March 1943, the provision of the Adoption of Children (Regulation) Act of 1939 (which had been postponed due to the outbreak of the war) was brought into operation, forbidding "any body of persons, other than a local authority or registered adoption society, to make arrangements for the adoption of a child."[69]
In terms of the police and probation services, efforts were undertaken to continue the expansion (in spite of an acute shortage of experienced workers) of the Probation Service during the years of the war. Improvements were made in the salaries and conditions of service (with an aim of drawing suitable men and women on their release from the Forces and Civil Defence and industry, while the Probation Training Board was reconstituted to provide better facilities for selection, training, and experience. The Police and Firemen (War Service) Act preserved the rights of constables in the armed forces, while a Defence Regulation was introduced to preserve the constables who had left the service to go into war work. The Police (Appeals) Act of 1943 made it possible (for the first time) for policemen who had suffered reductions in pay or rank to appeal to the Home Secretary, while whole-time auxiliary police were provided with the same rights of appeal against reduction in rank or dismissal. The Auxiliary Police Association was set up to enable the Police War Reserve "to bring to the notice of the Home Secretary matters relating to welfare and efficiency," while the employment of women (both as constables and as auxiliaries) was significantly extended to tackle war-time problems.[69]
In regards to workmen's compensation, various measures were introduced by Morrison to improve provisions for injured workers, meeting the requests of the miners for the inclusion of pneumoconiosis and the cotton trade unions for the inclusion of byssinosis within the scope of the Compensation Acts. A long-standing issue was the case of long-standing injury in which a man was compensated under the old Acts, and at a very different standard of wages than had ruled in his industry since. Morrison tackled this problem by carrying an Act through Parliament in 1943 that helped such cases "by providing that pre-accident earnings were to be reviewed, if and when a change occurs, after the date of the accident, in the rate of remuneration in the class of employment in which the injured man had been employed." This applied dating as far back as 1924, and many long standing cases had thus derived "substantial benefits resulting from war-time increases the rates of pay of their trade." By this means, partial disability cases were significantly safeguarded from a reduction in compensation when rises in wage rates were given in their pre-injury employment. The Act also included a provision enabling the Court "in deciding dependency to disregard the earnings of the widow from work to which she had been directed, or which she had taken up during the war," thereby safeguarding widows whose work could end with the war, and who "might then be dependent on compensation for her late husband’s accident."[69]
In 1941, the annual limit for non-manual workers under the Compensation Acts was increased from £350 to £420, while a further Act in 1943 raised the allowances for injured men and their children, and provided (for the first time) an allowance for wives. The maximum allowances for adult dependants of workmen killed by accidents was also increased, together with the total sum payable where adults and children were left. In addition, under Morrison, the Welsh language could now be used "in any Court in Wales by any person whose natural language is Welsh," while the long-standing problem of the Welsh Church burial grounds was finally sorted out. To promote opportunities for women, a female Deputy Regional Commissioner, a Home Office Police Staff Officer, and a Stipendiary Magistrate were appointed for the first time under Morrison's recommendations.[69]
The Mehnat va milliy xizmat vaziri, Ernest Bevin did much to improve working conditions, raising the wages of the lowest paid male workers, such as miners, railwaymen, and agricultural labourers, while also persuading and forcing employers, under threat of removal of their Essential Works Order, to improve company medical and welfare provision, together with sanitary and safety provisions. This was important both for improving working conditions and for cementing worker consent to the war effort, and as a result of Bevin's efforts, doctors, nurses, and welfare officers multiplied on the shop floor while there was a threefold increase in the provision of works canteens. Almost 5,000 canteens were directly created by Bevin in controlled establishments, while a further 6,800 were set up by private employers by 1944. During the course of the war, the number of works doctors increased from 60 to about 1,000. This provision, however, was much more extensive within larger factories, with smaller employers continuing "to barely comply with the minimum provision of a first aid box." Accident rates did, however, decline after 1942.[71]
Under the Essential Work Orders, provision was made for such initiatives as guaranteed employment, the payment of proper wages, the honouring of wage agreements, and proper welfare facilities for workers. Bevin also encouraged the Minister of Food, W.S. Morrison, to develop communal feeding (especially in factories), resulting in provisions for communal feeding being extended throughout the country. As part of his Welfare Scheme, Bevin introduced various forms of entertainment in the factories, including mid-day canteen concerts. Nurseries were also set up for the children of working mothers by the Ministry of Health (under the recommendation of the Ministry of Labour). For workers who found it hard to get their shopping due to circumstances such as blackouts, special shopping facilities were set up to get around this problem. National standards were also introduced providing proper welfare and wages and conditions for the domestic staff of hospitals and institutions.[72] A scheme for training and resettling disabled persons was also launched,[73] and improvements in nurses' pay were carried out.[74]
Lay-out experts, Production Engineers, Technical Advisers, and Labour Inspectors had to be employed to advise firms on how to change-over to wartime production which, according to one source, "gave an opportunity to upgrade labour so that dilution would work, gradually bringing in the less skilled at the back and training them." Apart from the steps taken to train people at the various factories and works, many thousands of supervisors, managers, and workers received instruction in Ministry of Labour Training Centres. Steps were also taken to ensure that adequate training was provided to the fighting forces and also to repair disabled ships. For seamen, upon taking office, Bevin inaugurated the Seamen's Welfare Convention and hours of labour were introduced equal to those proposed in the convention. Various measures were also introduced to improve conditions for miners, including a Medical Service, a Guaranteed Week, a National Minimum Wage, and a National Board. Various laws were also passed under Bevin to help people return to their jobs or trades. The Re-instatement in Civil Employment Act gave the right of re-instatement to all those who had jobs "whether they had volunteered for Service, were called up as Territorials, or were conscripted," while the Interrupted Apprenticeship Scheme covered those who had been learning their trade prior to their service, which also included people who had been training for promotion and for a career.[72]
A bill was introduced by Bevin increased unemployment benefits and extended unemployment insurance coverage to non-manual workers earnings earning up to £420. National Health Insurance benefits were also increased, while the income level was increased to the same level. In addition, a further Bill raised Supplementary Old Age Pensions and Unemployment Assistance. New Orders were also made governing Industrial Diseases, "both extending and improving welfare and medical services in these fields," while in the field of industrial relations Bevin assisted in the creation of 43 new Joint Industrial Councils. A system of resettlement grants was also established to help ex-Service men and women to either start or restart a business.[72]
The Second World War also saw significant improvements in the position of trade unions, which were encouraged by Bevin. Trade unions were integrated into joint consultation at all levels of government and industry, with the TUC drawn in to represent labour on the National Joint Advisory Council (1939) and the joint Consultative Committee (1940). A similar status was bestowed upon employers' organisations, which led Middlemass to argue that capital and organised labour had become "governing institutions" within a tripartite industrial relations system "with the state at the fulcrum." The elevation of the status of organised labour to one of parity with capital in Whitehall was effectively summed up by Bevin's biographer as such:
The organised working class represented by the trade unions was for the first time brought into a position of partnership in the national enterprise of war – a partnership on equal not inferior terms, as in the First World War.[71]
Collective bargaining was further extended by Bevin, who radically extended both the Wages Boards (the renamed Trades Boards) and the Whitley Committees, 46 of the latter were formed during the Second World War, and by the end of the war 15.5 million workers were covered by the minimum wage provisions by the Wages Boards. On the shop floor, Bevin directly encouraged the formation of joint production committees to extend worker's participation in industry. By June 1944, almost 4,500 such committees were in existence, covering 3.5 million workers. By the end of the war, the joint production committees were intervening in areas once considered to be the sacrosanct domain of employers, such as health, welfare, transfers of labour, machine staffing, technology, piece rate fixing, and wage payment systems. These developments brought about significant improvements to conditions in the workplace, with a Ommaviy kuzatish survey carried out in 1942 noting that "the quick sack and the unexplained instability" of the 1930s had practically vanished. During the 1940s, significant improvements in occupational health and safety standards were brought about both by the rising bargaining power of workers within the older "staple" sectors of the economy and the rise of "the pro-active wartime and post-war state."[71]
Also in the 1940s, trade union power and authority was extended further than in British history up until that point, with labour's ability to regulate and control work significantly enhanced during this period. This was assisted by developments such as full employment, the growth of union membership, rising from 32% to 45% of the workforce from 1939 to 1950 and increasing workplace representation, as characterised by the large increase in the number of shop stewards. The progressive social changes were continued in the initial post-war period, with the creation of the Welfare State (which placed a floor under wages) and the extension of the legal rights of unions through the repeal of the Trade Disputes and Trade Unions Act (1927) in 1946, while the 1948 Industrial Injuries Act provided compensation for accidents in the workplace.[71]
The war years also witnessed a significant extension of collective bargaining, which was directly encouraged by Bevin. By 1950, between nine and ten million workers were covered by collective voluntary bargaining. Bevin also established 46 new Joint Industrial Councils and extended the coverage of the Wages Boards between 1943 and 1945. By 1950, as a result of these changes, virtually all of the poorly organised and low-paid categories of workers were subject to state sponsored wage regulation and collective bargaining. This transformation in worker's protection and bargaining power had the definitive effect of reducing long-established local and regional wage differences.[71]
Bevin was also responsible for the passage of the Determination of Needs Act in 1941, which finally abolished the long-detested household means test.[71] After the passage of the Determination of Needs Act, the Labour Movement continued to press for improvements, particularly for the extension of the principles of the new legislation to cover Public Assistance and other services as well (at that time, it only covered the Assistance Board). In 1943, this was achieved by further legislation, which also improved conditions relating to supplementary pensions. Throughout the war period, the Labour movement (both in and out of Parliament) pressed successfully for a number of changes liberalising the administration of the social services.[17]
The Catering Wages Act (1943), another initiative by Bevin, established a Catering Wages Commission to oversee wages and working conditions in restaurants and hotels. Inspectors were also appointed to ensure that employers complied with Bevin's insistence on the provision of canteens, welfare officers, and personnel officers in factories.[71] Bevin also did much to improve conditions for those with disabilities, of which little had been done for before the outbreak of the war. In 1941, Bevin introduced an interim retraining scheme, which was followed by the interdepartmental Tomlinson Committee of the Rehabilitation and Resettlement of the Disabled. Tarixchining so'zlariga ko'ra Pat Teyn, the Committee served as "a mouthpiece for Bevin's own aspirations," and its proposals for improving the lives of the disabled culminated in the Nogironlar (ish bilan ta'minlash) to'g'risidagi qonun 1944 y.[75]
Bevin and the other Labour ministers were also able to ensure that, compared with the First World War, there was greater equality of sacrifice within society. Profiteering was effectively controlled, while rent controls and food subsidies helped to keep down wartime inflation. Wartime wages were allowed to increase in line with, and earnings to surpass, the rate of price inflation, while the tax system became more progressive, with taxation becoming heavier on the very rich (this movement towards greater progressivity was maintained under the Attlee government, with the top rate of income tax reaching 98% in 1949). Ushbu siyosat boylik tengsizligining torayishiga olib keldi, 1938-1947 yillarda ish haqi daromadlarining haqiqiy qiymati 18% ga oshdi, shu davrda mulk daromadlarining haqiqiy qiymati 15% ga, ish haqi esa 21% ga kamaydi.[71]
Urushdan keyingi Klement Attlei qo'lga kiritgan g'alaba
1945 yil may oyida Evropada urush tugagach, Leyboristlar 1918 yildagi xatoni takrorlamaslikka qaror qildilar va hukumat tarkibidan chiqib, 1945 yilgi umumiy saylov (5 iyul) Cherchillning konservatorlariga qarshi. Ko'plab kuzatuvchilarni hayratga solgan Leyboristlar ovozlarning 50 foizidan ozroq qismini egallab, ko'pchilik 145 o'rinni egallab, g'alaba qozondi va g'alabaning aniq sabablari hali ham muhokama qilinmoqda. Urush paytida jamoatchilik fikri so'rovlari jamoatchilik fikri chap va tub ijtimoiy islohotlar foydasiga.[34] Konservatorlar bilan bog'liq bo'lgan urushlararo yillardagi qashshoqlik va ommaviy ishsizlikka qaytish uchun jamoat ishtahasi kam edi.
Frensis (1995) Leyboristlarning milliy ijroiya qo'mitasida ham, partiya konferentsiyalarida ham axloqiy yaxshilanish va moddiy jihatdan yaxshilanishni ta'kidlaydigan sotsializm ta'rifi bo'yicha kelishuv mavjudligini ta'kidlamoqda. Attle hukumati Buyuk Britaniya jamiyatini axloqiy hamjamiyat sifatida tiklashga, davlat mulki va nazoratidan foydalanib, haddan tashqari boylik va qashshoqlikni bekor qildi. Leyboristlarning mafkurasi zamonaviy Konservativ partiyaning individualizmni himoya qilish, meros qilib olingan imtiyozlar va daromadlar tengsizligi bilan keskin farq qildi.[76]
Attle hukumati o'zini liberal iqtisodchi iqtisodiy nazariyalarni amalga oshirgan holda, 20-asrning eng radikal ingliz hukumatlaridan biri ekanligini isbotladi Jon Maynard Keyns, yirik sanoat tarmoqlari va kommunal xizmatlarni, shu jumladan Angliya banki, ko'mir qazib olish, po'lat sanoati, elektr energiyasi, gaz, telefon va ichki transport, shu jumladan temir yo'llar, avtomobil transporti va kanallar. U "beshikdan qabrgacha" ishlab chiqdi va amalga oshirdi ijtimoiy davlat liberal iqtisodchi tomonidan o'ylab topilgan Uilyam Beveridj. Bugungi kungacha partiya 1948 yilda Buyuk Britaniyaning davlat tomonidan moliyalashtirilishini yaratishni ko'rib chiqmoqda Milliy sog'liqni saqlash xizmati sog'liqni saqlash vaziri davrida Aneurin Bevan uning g'ururli yutug'i.[77] Attle hukumati ham demontaj jarayonini boshladi Britaniya imperiyasi 1947 yilda Hindiston va Pokistonga mustaqillik berganida, undan keyin Birma (Myanma) va Seylon (Shri-Lanka) keyingi yil. 1947 yil yanvar oyida bo'lib o'tgan maxfiy yig'ilishda Attle va oltita vazirlar vaziri, shu jumladan tashqi ishlar vaziri Ernest Bevin, Britaniyaning rivojlanishi bilan davom etishga qaror qildi yadro qurollari dasturi,[34] leyboristlar partiyasi tarkibidagi katta elementning pasifistik va yadroga qarshi pozitsiyalariga qarshi.
Mehnat g'olib bo'ldi 1950 yilgi umumiy saylov ammo beshta o'rindiqning aksariyati kamaygan. 1950 yilgi saylovlardan ko'p o'tmay, Leyboristlar hukumati uchun ishlar yomon keta boshladi. Mudofaa, ayniqsa, mudofaa xarajatlari (bu 1951 yilda yalpi ichki mahsulotning 14 foizini tashkil etgan) uchun ajratuvchi masalalardan biriga aylandi Koreya urushi[78]). Ushbu xarajatlar davlat moliya-sida katta yuklarni keltirib chiqaradi va tejashni boshqa joylardan topishga majbur qiladi. The Bosh vazirning kansleri, Xyu Gaytskell tanishtirdi retsept bo'yicha to'lovlar NHS protezlari va ko'zoynaklari uchun, Bevanga sabab bo'ladi, shu bilan birga Garold Uilson (Savdo kengashi prezidenti ) bepul davolanish tamoyilini susaytirgani sababli iste'foga chiqish.
Ko'p o'tmay, yana bir saylov tayinlandi. Mehnat deyarli yo'qotdi 1951 yil oktyabr oyida bo'lib o'tgan saylov konservatorlarga, ularning ommaviy ovozdan ko'proq ulush olishiga va aslida ularning eng yuqori ovozlariga qaramay.
1945–51 yillarda ishchilar hukumati tomonidan kiritilgan o'zgarishlarning aksariyati konservatorlar tomonidan qabul qilindi va "urushdan keyingi konsensus "1970-yillarga qadar davom etdi.
"O'tkazilgan o'n uch yil"
1951 yildagi mag'lubiyatdan so'ng, partiya sotsializmning kelajakdagi yo'nalishi bo'yicha bo'linib ketdi. "Gaitskellit "boshchiligidagi partiyaning huquqi Xyu Gaytskell kabi mutafakkirlar bilan bog'langan Entoni Krosland partiyani mo''tadil qabul qilishni xohladi sotsial-demokratik pozitsiyasi, ammo "Bevanit "boshchiligidagi chap Aneurin Bevan partiyaning yanada radikal sotsialistik pozitsiyani egallashini xohladi. Bu bo'linish va 1950-yillarda o'sha davrdagi konservativ hukumatlar bilan iqtisodiy tiklanish va jamoatchilikning mamnunligini ko'rganligi, partiyani o'n uch yil davomida hokimiyatdan chetda qolishiga yordam berdi.
Da mag'lub bo'lgandan keyin 1955 yilgi umumiy saylov, Attle rahbarlikdan iste'foga chiqdi va uning o'rnini Gaitskell egalladi. Kasaba uyushmasi blokirovka qilish, odatda rahbariyat bilan ovoz bergan Bevanitlarning mag'lub bo'lishini ta'minladi.[34]
Ikkinchi jahon urushidan keyingi o'n yil ichida mojarolar tugaganidan keyin uy-joylarni qayta qurishda mehnat kengashlari muhim rol o'ynadi va uy-joylar va shahar markazlarini qayta qurishda muhim rol o'ynadi. Yilda Nyukasl, vizyoner rahbarligida, lekin buzuq T. Dan Smit, shaharni jadal "modernizatsiya qilish" amalga oshirildi, chunki bu yo'llarni qurish va jamoat binolarini qurish bo'yicha katta dastur va kambag'al teraslarni Byker "devori" kabi yangi innovatsion mulklarga almashtirish bilan tavsiflanadi.[3]
Leyboristlar partiyasini ketma-ket o'n yilliklar ichida bo'linishiga olib keladigan uchta asosiy bo'linish masalasi birinchi bo'lib shu davrda paydo bo'ldi; yadroviy qurolsizlanish, mashhur IV modda Buyuk Britaniya iqtisodiyotidagi barcha ishlab chiqarish vositalarini pirovardda milliylashtirishni va Britaniyaning tarkibiga kirishni talab qilgan partiya konstitutsiyasining Evropa iqtisodiy hamjamiyati (EEC). Ikki qarama-qarshi tomon o'rtasidagi ziddiyat Atleti 1955 yilda etakchidan iste'foga chiqqandan va Gaytskell keyingi rahbariyat saylovlarida Bevanni mag'lubiyatga uchratgandan so'ng yanada kuchaygan. Partiya qisqa vaqt ichida qayta tiklandi va birlashtirildi Suvaysh inqirozi 1956 yil. Konservativ partiya voqeadan jiddiy zarar ko'rdi, leyboristlar esa bosh vazirning siyosatiga qarshi chiqishlari tufayli yosharishdi Entoni Eden. Ammo Eden o'rnini egalladi Garold Makmillan, iqtisodiyot yaxshilanishda davom etdi.
In 1959 yilgi saylov konservatorlar "Hayot konservatorlar bilan yaxshiroq, mehnat uni buzishiga yo'l qo'ymang" shiori ostida kurash olib bordi va natijada hukumat ko'pchiligini ko'paytirdi. Saylovdan so'ng o'zaro ziddiyatlar qayta tiklandi. Gaitskell mag'lubiyatda chap tomonni aybladi va IV bandga o'zgartirish kiritishga muvaffaq bo'lmadi. 1960 yilda bo'lib o'tgan dushman partiyasining konferentsiyasida u bir tomonlama yadroviy qurolsizlanishni partiya siyosati sifatida qabul qilishda ovoz berishni oldini olmadi va bunga javoban "men sevgan partiyani saqlab qolish uchun kurashaman, kurashaman va yana kurashaman" deb e'lon qildi. Qaror keyingi yil bekor qilindi, ammo bu ikkiga bo'linadigan masala bo'lib qoldi va chap tarafdagi ko'pchilik rahbarlarni almashtirishni talab qilishda davom etishdi.
Konservativ hukumat 1962 yilda Buyuk Britaniyani Evropa Ittifoqi tarkibiga kiritmoqchi bo'lganida, Gaitskell Britaniyaning a'zo bo'lishiga qarshi chiqishi bilan ba'zi tarafdorlarini chetlashtirdi. 1962 yil oktyabr oyida partiya konferentsiyasidagi nutqida Gaitskell EECga a'zolik "Buyuk Britaniyaning mustaqil Evropa davlati sifatida tugashini anglatadi. Men buni takrorlaganim uchun uzr so'ramayman. Bu ming yillik tarixning oxiri degani", deb da'vo qildi.
Mehnat revizionizmi intellektual rizqni olib, 1950 va 1960 yillarda partiyaning kuchli mafkuraviy tendentsiyasiga aylandi. Entoni Krosland kitobi, Sotsializmning kelajagi (1956) va siyosiy rahbariyat Xyu Gaytskell. Uning muhim ziyolilari kiritilgan Duglas Jey, Roy Jenkins va hissa qo'shgan yozuvchilar Sotsialistik sharh. Maqsad eski sotsialistik printsiplarni isloh qilish va Leyboristlar partiyasining siyosatini o'zgaruvchan Britaniya jamiyati va iqtisodiyoti bilan moslashtirish edi. Revizionizm sotsializmni birinchi navbatda ishlab chiqarish vositalariga egalik bilan aniqlash kerak degan eski qarashni rad etdi. Bu shuni anglatadiki, uzluksiz milliylashtirish markaziy maqsad emas edi. Ikkinchidan, shaxsiy erkinlik, ijtimoiy farovonlik va tenglikka qaratilgan qator siyosiy qadriyatlar edi. Boy va elitani yo'q qilish yoki ularni ag'darish mavzularining ahamiyati hukumatning soliqqa tortish siyosati, keng ta'lim olish imkoniyati va ijtimoiy xizmatlarni kengaytirish foydasiga hal qilindi. Revizionistlar menga kapitalizm va tadbirkorlik uchun markaziy rol o'ynaydigan bozorga asoslangan aralash iqtisodiyot zarurligini ta'kidladilar.[79][80]
Gaitskell 1963 yil yanvar oyida kamdan-kam uchraydigan kasallikdan vafot etdi. Uning o'limi yo'l ochdi Garold Uilson partiyani boshqarish. "O'n uch sarf qilingan yil" atamasi Uilson tomonidan konservativ hukumatning o'n uch yillik behuda o'tgan davriga ishora qilib, 1964 yilgi umumiy saylovlar shiori sifatida kiritilgan.[34]
Garold Uilson boshchiligidagi Leyboristlar partiyasi
Iqtisodiyotdagi tanazzul, 1960 yillarning boshlarida bir qator mojarolar bilan birga (eng taniqli bo'lgan bu Profumo ishi ), 1963 yilgacha Konservativ hukumatni qamrab oldi. Leyboristlar partiyasi hukumatga Uilson boshchiligidagi gofretga o'xshash 4 o'rinli ko'pchilik bilan qaytdi. 1964 yilgi saylov va ularning ko'pchiligini 96 ga etdi 1966 yilgi saylov ga qadar hokimiyatda qolish 1970 yilgi saylov bu, aksiya davomida kutilganidan farqli o'laroq, yutqazdi.
Iqtisodiy siyosat
1960-yillardagi leyboristlar hukumati 1940-yillarning salafiysidan boshqacha urg'uga ega edi. Garold Uilson ishonmoq iqtisodiy rejalashtirish Britaniyaning iqtisodiy muammolarini hal qilish usuli sifatida. Uilson mashhur ravishda "sanoatning oq issiqligi" ga ishora qilib, Britaniya sanoatini modernizatsiya qilishni nazarda tutgan. Bunga hukumat tomonidan moliyalashtiriladigan infratuzilmani takomillashtirish va Texnologiyalar vazirligi tomonidan boshqariladigan yuqori texnologik davlat sektori korporatsiyalarini yaratish orqali yangi texnologiyalarni tezda o'zlashtirish orqali erishish kerak edi. Yangi orqali iqtisodiy rejalashtirish Iqtisodiy ishlar bo'limi takomillashtirish edi savdo balansi,[12] mehnat "hashamatli" tovarlar va xizmatlarga yo'naltirilgan soliqqa tortishni diqqat bilan yo'naltirar ekan.
Ammo amalda Leyboristlar "Keyns konsensusi" asosida iqtisodiyotni boshqarishda qiynaldilar va xalqaro bozorlar partiyaga qarshi to'planishdi. Voqealar dastlabki optimizmning katta qismini izdan chiqarib yubordi. Hokimiyatga kelgandan so'ng hukumatga savdo defitsiti kutilganidan ancha yomon edi.[12] Bu tez orada a valyuta inqirozi; sterling qiymatini oshirish bo'yicha ulkan sa'y-harakatlarga qaramay, 1967 yil noyabrida hukumat majbur bo'ldi devalvatsiya funtning 2,80 dan 2,40 dollargacha,[12] bu hukumatning mashhurligiga ma'lum darajada zarar etkazdi.
Qolgan Parlamentning aksariyat qismida hukumat davlat xarajatlarini qattiq nazorat qildi va zarur bo'lgan tejamkorlik choralari Partiya a'zolari va kasaba uyushmalarini hayratga soldi.
Bunday holatda, devalvatsiya va tejamkorlik choralari to'lov balansini 1969 yilga kelib profitsitga qayta tikladi. Biroq, ular 1970 yilda kutilmaganda yana kichik tanqislikka aylandi. Yomon ko'rsatkichlar 1970 yilgi umumiy saylovlarda ovoz berishdan oldin e'lon qilindi va ko'pincha Leyboristlarning mag'lubiyatining sabablaridan biri sifatida keltiriladi.[12]
Leyboristlarning chap qanot tarafdorlariga ishora sifatida, Uilson hukumati 1967 yilda po'lat sanoatini tubdan o'zgartirdi (1950 yillarda konservatorlar tomonidan davlat tasarrufidan chiqarilgan) British Steel Corporation.
Ijtimoiy va ta'lim sohasidagi islohotlar
1964-1970 yillardagi mehnat hukumati o'z lavozimida bo'lgan davrida ijtimoiy ta'minot kabi sohalarda keng ko'lamli islohotlarni amalga oshirdi.[81][82][83][84][85] fuqarolik erkinliklari,[86] uy-joy,[87][88][89][90] sog'liq,[91][92] ta'lim,[93][94][95][96] va ishchilarning huquqlari.[97][98][99][100][101][102]
Ehtimol, bu eng yaxshi esda qolishi mumkin liberal tomonidan kiritilgan yoki qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan ijtimoiy islohotlar Uy kotibi Roy Jenkins. Bular orasida erkaklarning qisman dekriminallashtirilishi muhim ahamiyatga ega edi gomoseksualizm va abort, islohot ajralish qonunlar, teatrni bekor qilish tsenzura va o'lim jazosi (kam miqdordagi huquqbuzarliklar bundan mustasno - ayniqsa xiyonat ) va turli xil qonun hujjatlari irqiy munosabatlar va irqiy kamsitish.[12]
Uilsonni himoya qilishda uning tarafdorlari ham osonlashishni ta'kidlashadi sinovni anglatadi nafaqa to'lamaydigan ijtimoiy nafaqalar uchun, pensiyalarni ish haqi bilan bog'lash va ishlab chiqarish jarohatlari bo'yicha nafaqalar berish. Uilson hukumati ham muhim islohotlarni amalga oshirdi ta'lim, ayniqsa, kengayishi har tomonlama ta'lim va yaratilishi Ochiq universitet.
Uilson hukumati duch kelgan iqtisodiy qiyinchiliklarga qaramay, u bir qator ichki siyosat sohalarida muhim yutuqlarga erishdi. 1971 yilda Garold Uilson aks ettirganidek,
Umidsizlikdan keyin ko'ngli qolgan va bu biz xohlagan tezlikda sodir bo'lgan ijtimoiy inqilobni amalga oshirish qobiliyatimizdagi iqtisodiy cheklovlardan ustun bo'lgan hukumat edi. Shunga qaramay, biz ushbu cheklovlarga va ichki xarajatlarimizdan, xususiy va davlat xarajatlarini eksport bozorlarimiz ehtiyojlariga o'tkazishimiz zarurligiga qaramay, biz tariximizda misli ko'rilmagan ijtimoiy xizmatlar, sog'liqni saqlash, farovonlik va uy-joy qurilishini kengaytirdik.[103]
Bir tarixchi ta'kidlaganidek, Uilson hukumatidagi islohotlar natijalarini sarhisob qilar ekan "Birinchi Vilson hukumati duch kelgan iqtisodiy muammolarga qaramay va o'z tarafdorlari Leyboristlarning tanqidlariga qaramay (va ma'lum darajada javoban). ishlagan davrida davlat farovonligining sezilarli darajada kengayishiga rahbarlik qildi. "[104]
"Jang o'rnida"
1969 yilda Uilson hukumati qonuniy asosda bir qator islohotlarni taklif qildi ishlab chiqarish munosabatlari da ko'rsatilgan Buyuk Britaniyada (mehnat qonuni) Oq qog'oz nomli "Jang o'rnida "kasaba uyushmalariga qonuniy huquqlarni berishni, shuningdek ularning hokimiyatini cheklashni taklif qilgan. Oq kitobni Uilson va Barbara qal'asi. Ammo takliflar qattiq qarshiliklarga duch keldi Kasaba uyushma Kongressi kabi ba'zi bir muhim vazirlar vazirlari Jeyms Kallagan.
Raqiblar g'alaba qozondi va takliflar bekor qilindi. Ushbu epizod Uilson uchun siyosiy jihatdan zararli ekanligini isbotladi, uning ma'qullash darajasi 26 foizga tushib ketdi; ovoz berish boshlanganidan beri har qanday bosh vazir uchun eng past ko'rsatkich.[12]
Orqaga nazar tashlasak, ko'pchilik kasaba uyushmalarining takliflarini qabul qilmasliklarini ta'kidladilar Jang o'rnida, ostida bo'lgan kasaba uyushma hokimiyatining yanada keskin cheklanishlariga olib keldi Margaret Tetcher 1980-yillarda.[12]
1970-yillar
In 1970 yilgi umumiy saylov, Edvard Xit Konservatorlar Garold Uilson hukumatini ozgina mag'lubiyatga uchratib, 1966 yilda Leyboristlar partiyasida ovoz berganlarning ko'pchiligida ko'ngilsizlikni aks ettirishdi. Konservatorlar tezda qiyinchiliklarga duch kelishdi. Ulster ittifoqchilari va imzolaganidan keyin o'z partiyasidagi ko'plab ittifoqchilar Sunningdeyl shartnomasi Olsterda. Xit hukumati 1974 yilda konchilarning ish tashlashiga ham duch keldi va bu hukumatni "Uch kunlik hafta ". 1970-yillar Xit, Uilson va Kallagan ma'muriyatlari uchun juda qiyin davr bo'lganligini isbotladi. Noto'g'ri neft inqirozi, butun dunyo bo'ylab iqtisodiy tanazzul va yomon ahvolga tushgan Britaniya iqtisodiyoti bilan duch keldi.
1970-yillarda Leyboristlarning chap va o'ng qanotlari o'rtasida keskinlik yana paydo bo'ldi,[12] oxir-oqibat 1980-yillarda partiyaning katastrofik bo'linishiga va shakllanishiga sabab bo'ldi Sotsial-demokratik partiya. 60-yillardagi Leyboristlar hukumatining umidlari va "revizionist" huquqning muvaffaqiyatsizliklaridan so'ng. Partiyaning chap tomoni Toni Benn va Maykl Foot 1970-yillarning boshlarida tobora ta'sirchan bo'lib qoldi[105]
Chap tomon radikal dastur tuzdi; Mehnat dasturi 1973 yil, bu "kuch va boylik muvozanatidagi ishchilar va ularning oilalari foydasiga tubdan va qaytarib bo'lmaydigan siljish" olib borishni va'da qildi. Ushbu dastur "juda uzoqqa cho'zilgan" degan ma'noni anglatadi Ijtimoiy shartnoma ishchilar va hukumat o'rtasida "bo'lib, jamoat mulkini va davlatni rejalashtirishni kengaytirishga chaqirdi. Dastur o'sha yilgi partiya konferentsiyasi tomonidan qabul qilindi. Uilson Dasturning ko'pgina siyosatini ba'zi eslatmalar bilan ochiq qabul qildi, ammo iqtisodiyotning ahvoliga yo'l qo'yildi Amalda, Leyboristlar hukumatga qaytib kelgandan so'ng, dasturning ko'plab takliflari jiddiy ravishda qondirildi.[12]
1974 yilda hokimiyatga qaytish
Leyboristlar yana bir necha hafta o'tgach, Uilson davrida yana hokimiyatga qaytishdi 1974 yil fevral oyida umumiy saylovlar, Ulster Unionist ko'magi bilan ozchilik hukumatini shakllantirish. Konservatorlar ko'proq ovoz olgan bo'lsalar-da, kam o'rinlarga ega bo'lganligi sababli hukumat tuzolmadilar. Bu 1924 yildan buyon o'tkazilgan birinchi umumiy saylov bo'lib, unda ikkala asosiy partiyalar xalq ovozining 40 foizidan kamini olgan va Leyboristlar ommaviy ovozlarning 40 foiziga erisha olmagan ketma-ket oltita umumiy saylovlardan birinchisi edi. Leyboristlar ko'pchilikni qo'lga kiritishi uchun tez orada ikkinchi saylovni o'tkazish kerak bo'ldi 1974 yil oktyabr unda Leyboristlar hali ham Garold Uilson etakchi sifatida uch kishining ko'pchiligini qirib tashlab, atigi 18 o'rinni egallab, ularning umumiy sonini 319 ga etkazishdi.
Evropa referendumi
Britaniya kirgan edi Evropa iqtisodiy hamjamiyati (EEC) 1973 yilda Edvard Xit Bosh vazir bo'lgan. Garold Uilson va Leyboristlar partiyasi bunga qarshi bo'lgan bo'lsa-da, hukumatda Uilson qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan a'zolikka o'tdi, ammo bu masala bo'yicha maxsus bir kunlik konferentsiyada mag'lub bo'ldi.[106] "ha" va "yo'q" kampaniyalari ikkala partiyaviy bo'lgan milliy referendumga olib keladi - referendum 1975 yilda Britaniyaning a'zoligini uchdan ikki qismidan uchdan bir qismigacha davom ettirishga ovoz berdi. Keyinchalik bu masala 80-yillarda Leyboristlar partiyasida halokatli bo'linishlarni keltirib chiqardi va bu shakllanishiga olib keldi Sotsial-demokratik partiya.
Xit hukumati davridagi dastlabki qonunchilikda Buyuk Britaniyaning kirishini tasdiqlovchi qonun faqat 72 leyborist deputat boshchiligidagi isyon tufayli qabul qilindi. Roy Jenkins va shu jumladan kelajakdagi rahbar Jon Smit, leyboristlar qamchisiga qarshi ovoz bergan va liberal deputatlar bilan birga konservativ qamchiga qarshi ovoz bergan konservator isyonchilarning ta'siriga qarshi turishdan ko'ra ko'proq.[107]
Garold Uilson pastga tushadi
1976 yil aprel oyida Uilson hayratlanarli tarzda Leyboristlar partiyasining etakchisi sifatida turdi. Uning o'rnini egalladi Jeyms Kallagan zudlik bilan bir qator chap qanot vakillarini olib tashladi (masalan Barbara qal'asi ) kabinetdan.
Shotlandiyadagi partiya ikki deputatning ajralishiga duch keldi Shotlandiya ishchilar partiyasi (SLP). Oxir oqibat SLP Leyboristlar partiyasining kuchli Shotlandiya saylov bazasi uchun haqiqiy tahlikani isbotlamagan bo'lsa-da, bu Shotlandiya masalasi topshirish ayniqsa kashf etilgandan so'ng tobora tortishuvlarga aylanib bormoqda Shimoliy dengiz moyi.
Iqtisodiy va siyosiy muammolar
1970-yillardagi Leyboristlar hukumati ulkan iqtisodiy muammolar va xavfli siyosiy vaziyatga duch kelishdi. Global tanazzul va spiralga duch keldi inflyatsiya. Buyuk Britaniyaning an'anaviy ishlab chiqarish sanoatining aksariyati chet el raqobati oldida qulab tushayotgan edi. Ishsizlik va sanoatdagi notinchlik kuchaymoqda.
Iqtisodiy yozuv
Leyboristlar tomonidan 1973 yilgi partiya dasturida berilgan "hokimiyat va boylik muvozanatining tubdan qaytarib bo'lmaydigan o'zgarishini, mehnatkash odamlar va ularning oilalari foydasiga" amalga oshirishni va'da qilgan edi.[108] Kengaytirilgan fiskal siyosatdan so'ng,[109] davlat xarajatlarini ko'paytirish bilan tavsiflanadi,[110] xarajatlarni qisqartirish va ish haqi miqdorini oshirish bilan cheklangan iqtisodiy siyosat qabul qilindi. Masalan, 1975 yilda tejamkorlik byudjeti joriy qilindi, bu 1977-78 yillarda davlat xarajatlarini 90000 funtga kamaytirdi, bu 200000 ga yaqin ish o'rinlari hisobiga amalga oshirildi.[111] Inflyatsiyaning yuqori darajasini pasaytirish uchun aksariyat ishchilarning real daromadlarini kamaytiradigan turli xil daromad siyosati amalga oshirildi, 1980 yilda Pol Ormerod tomonidan Fabian tomonidan o'tkazilgan tadqiqotda, inflyatsiyaning past darajasiga erishish real daromadlarning o'sishiga mos kelmaydi, chunki ikki yil davom etadi (G'aznachilik, Milliy institut va London biznes maktabining iqtisodiy modellariga muvofiq) ishchilar "vorislarning ish haqi cheklanganidan keyin narxlarning o'sish sur'atlarini pasaytirish orqali real ish haqi o'sishini amalga oshirishi mumkin". Oddiy ishchilarning turmush darajasiga ish haqini cheklashning salbiy ta'sirini anglagan holda, hukumat 1977 yil mart va oktyabr oylarida va 1978 yil aprelida yana byudjetlarni joriy qildi, ular qisman soliqlarni kamaytirish orqali uy ish haqini real ravishda olish uchun mo'ljallangan edi. 1978 yil aprel oyidagi byudjetda bolalar uchun nafaqalar miqdori sezilarli darajada oshishi bilan birga soliq stavkasining kamaytirilgan stavkasi kiritildi.[109] 1977 yilgi byudjetga "rouker-dono" deb nomlangan, ishchi kuchi orqa tomoni Jeff Ruker va Audri Uayzning nomi bilan kiritilgan tuzatish, soliq to'lovchilarni "fiskal sudralish" dan himoya qilish vositasi sifatida turmush darajasining oshishiga indeksatsiya qilingan daromad solig'i bo'yicha imtiyozlarni, inflyatsiya "daromad solig'i bo'yicha imtiyozlarning haqiqiy qiymatini pasaytirish orqali" soliq to'lovlarini ko'paytiradigan holat.[112] Biroq, bunday choralarga qaramay, aksariyat odamlar 1978 yil sentyabr oyiga kelib "1975 yil martdagiga qaraganda haqiqiy ahvolda emas edilar".[109]
1974-1977 yillarda real foydalaniladigan daromadlar taxminan 7% ga kamaydi, Oila xarajatlari bo'yicha o'tkazilgan so'rov natijalariga ko'ra to'rtta farzandi bo'lgan oilalarning bir martalik daromadlarining kamayishi 20% gacha ko'tarilgan bo'lsa-da, 1978/79 yillarda ko'pchilikning turmush darajasi 1973/74 yillarda uy xo'jaliklarining turlari deyarli tiklangan edi, bu akademik Piter Taunsend ta'kidlaganidek, "Mehnat hukumatining besh yillik faoliyati uchun tabriklash uchun deyarli sabab emas". Tovarlar va xizmatlarga davlat xarajatlarining ulushi 1973/74 yildagi 24,5% dan 1978/79 yildagi 23,5% gacha kamaydi, umumiy xarajatlar (qarz foizlarini hisobga olmaganda) 1975/76 va 1978/79 yillar oralig'ida real qiymatida kamaydi. Nogironlar va qariyalar uchun ustuvor xizmatlar ko'plab hududlarda qisqartirildi, mehnatning keyingi davrida, LEA-ning o'zboshimchalik bilan ajratilgan grantlari soni kamaydi. Maktabda bepul ovqatlanish uchun imtiyozlar yanada saxiy qilingan bo'lsa-da, 1977 yilda narxning oshishi natijasida maktabda kechki ovqat iste'mol qilayotgan bolalar soni 500 mingdan oshib ketdi va bepul ovqatlanishga yaroqli bo'lganlar soni deyarli 170 mingga oshdi, lekin aslida ularni olmaydilar. .[109]
Ta'lim sohasidagi yutuqlar
Tessa Blekston tomonidan olib borilgan tadqiqotga ko'ra, Leyboristlar ta'lim sohasida turli yutuqlarni qo'lga kiritishgan. 1974-1979 yillarda 1000 ga yaqin yangi umumta'lim maktablari tashkil etildi va mehnatning so'nggi yiliga kelib bolalarning 80% dan ortig'i bunday maktablarda tahsil oldi. Majburiy mukofotlarga ega bo'lgan qo'shimcha ta'lim kurslari soni 1976 yilda ko'paytirildi. Bundan tashqari, 1973/74 va 1976/77 yillarda maktab boshida boshiga sarflangan mablag 'sezilarli darajada o'sdi (bu ayniqsa bolalar bog'chasi, boshlang'ich va maxsus maktablarga tegishli edi) va Maktabdan keyingi bosqichda boshiga xarajatlar kamaygan bo'lsa-da, "ozchilikni tashkil etadigan tanlangan qismlarga nisbatan foydasi tegadigan tizimning universal qismiga resurslarni taqsimlashda biroz yaxshilanish bo'ldi". foyda ». Shunga qaramay, xuddi shu tadqiqotga ko'ra, hukumat xarajatlar o'sishining kamayishi "ishchilar sinfidagi bolalar yoki kattalar ta'sir ko'rsatishi mumkin bo'lgan ta'limning ayrim sohalariga ta'sir qilmadi; shuningdek, mavjud resurslarni qayta taqsimlashga katta ta'sir ko'rsatmadi". .[109] Soliq sohasida taklif qilingan boylik solig'i hech qachon amalga oshmadi,[113] 1977 yilda esa soliq stavkalarining yuqori stavkalari to'rtdan bir qismga qisqartirildi, bir yildan so'ng esa Liberal Partiya tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlangan Konservatorlar oppozitsiyasining tuzatishlaridan so'ng yana pasayish yuz berdi.[109]
Tashqi moliyaviy yordam
1976 yil kuzida Kantsler boshchiligidagi Mehnat hukumati Denis Xili so'rashga majbur bo'ldi Xalqaro valyuta fondi Iqtisodiyotni moliyaviy muammolari bilan engillashtirish uchun kredit uchun (XVF). Kreditga qo'yilgan shartlar qattiq bo'lgan tejamkorlik partiya tarafdorlariga juda yoqmagan davlat xarajatlarini keskin qisqartirish kabi choralar. Bu hukumatni 1970-yillarning boshlarida qabul qilgan radikal dasturning ko'p qismidan voz kechishga majbur qildi, masalan, chap qanotchilarning g'azabiga. Toni Benn. Keyinchalik ma'lum bo'lishicha, qarz zarur bo'lmagan. Xato noto'g'ri moliyaviy hisob-kitoblar tufayli yuzaga kelgan Xazina bu davlat qarz olish talablarini oshirib yuborgan.[12] Hukumat qarzning atigi yarmidan foydalangan va uni 1979 yilga qadar to'liq to'lashga muvaffaq bo'lgan.
1970 yillardagi Leyboristlar hukumati aralashuvchi iqtisodiyotga yondashish, tashkil etish Milliy korxona kengashi davlat investitsiyalarini sanoatga yo'naltirish va kasal bo'lgan sohalarni davlat tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlash. Bir nechta katta millatlar Ushbu davrda amalga oshirildi: Qiyin motor ishlab chiqaruvchisi Britaniya Leyland 1975 yilda qisman milliylashtirildi. 1977 yilda British Aerospace shuningdek, qolganlardan kemasozlik sanoati milliylashtirildi, shuningdek Britaniya milliy neft korporatsiyasi.[12] Hukumat shuningdek, ularni almashtirishga muvaffaq bo'ldi Oilaviy nafaqa saxiyroq bilan bolalar uchun nafaqa, 1976 yildagi Rivojlanish Yer solig'i dastlabki 160 ming funt sterlingdan keyin rivojlanish daromadiga 80% soliq kiritdi.[114]
Jamoalarda ko'pchilik yo'q
Uilson va Kallagen hukumatlariga ularning ko'pchiligida ishlaydigan ko'pchilikning etishmasligi to'sqinlik qildi. 1974 yil oktyabr oyida bo'lib o'tgan saylovlarda Leyboristlar faqat uchta o'rindagi ko'pchilik ovozni qo'lga kiritishdi. Bir nechta qo'shimcha saylovlar natijasida 1977 yilga kelib, Kallaghan ozchiliklar hukumatini boshqargan va omon qolish uchun boshqa partiyalar bilan bitimlar tuzishga majbur bo'lgan. 1977 yilda Liberallar nomi bilan tanilgan muzokaralar olib borildi Lib-laboratoriya shartnomasi, lekin bu bir yildan keyin tugadi. Shundan so'ng, bilan bitimlar tuzildi Shotlandiya milliy partiyasi va Uelscha millatchi Plaid Cymru hukumatning umrini biroz uzaytirgan.
Shotlandiya milliy partiyasi qo'llab-quvvatlashni bekor qiladi
Millatchi partiyalar talab qildilar topshirish hukumatni qo'llab-quvvatlashi evaziga o'z davlatlariga. 1979 yil mart oyida Shotlandiya va Uelsni hokimiyatdan chetlatish bo'yicha referendum o'tkazilganda Uels referendumi to'g'ridan-to'g'ri rad etildi va Shotlandiya referendumi ozgina ko'pchilikni qo'llab-quvvatlagan, ammo Leyboristlar hukumati talab qilgan 40% qo'llab-quvvatlash chegarasiga etib bormagan va natijani bekor qilgan. Bu SNP hukumatni qo'llab-quvvatlashdan voz kechishiga olib keldi va bu nihoyat uni pastga tushirdi.
"Xafagarchilik qishi" va Margaret Tetcherning mag'lubiyati
The 1973 yilgi neft inqirozi yuksak merosga sabab bo'lgan edi inflyatsiya 1975 yilda 26,9% darajaga ko'tarilgan Britaniya iqtisodiyotida. Uilson va Kallagen hukumatlari bunga qarshi kurashishga urinishdi ijtimoiy shartnoma joriy etgan kasaba uyushmalari bilan ish haqini cheklash va hukumat tomonidan belgilangan ish haqining cheklangan miqdorda ko'tarilishi. Ushbu siyosat dastlab inflyatsiyani nazorat qilishda ancha muvaffaqiyatli bo'lib, 1978 yilga kelib 7,4% gacha pasaygan edi.[12]
Kallaghan 1978 yil kuzida umumiy saylovlar o'tkazishi kutilgan edi, o'shanda ko'pchilik so'rovlar Leyboristlar partiyasi etakchi mavqega ega ekanligini ko'rsatdi.[12] Ammo buning o'rniga u 1979 yilda o'tkaziladigan saylovlar vaqtida iqtisodiyot yanada yaxshi shaklga keladi degan umidda ish haqini cheklash siyosatini yana bir yilga uzaytirishga qaror qildi. Bu katta xato ekanligi isbotlandi. Ish haqini cheklashni kengaytirish kasaba uyushmalariga yoqmadi va hukumatning ish haqini oshirish uchun "5% chegara" o'rnatishga urinishi ishchilar va munosabatlar buzilgan kasaba uyushmalarining noroziligiga sabab bo'ldi.
1978-79 yil qish paytida u erda keng tarqalgan ish tashlashlar kundalik hayotda sezilarli uzilishlar keltirib chiqaradigan ish haqining ko'tarilishi foydasiga. Ish tashlashlar yuk mashinalari haydovchilari, temir yo'l ishchilari, avtoulovlar ishchilari va mahalliy hukumat va kasalxona ishchilariga ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Bular "deb nomlanganNoqulaylik qish ".
Kallaghanning inqirozga nisbatan erkin munosabati, hukumatning mamlakatni boshqarish qobiliyatiga oid jamoatchilik fikrida yomon aks etdi. SNPning hukumatni qo'llab-quvvatlashidan voz kechgandan so'ng, konservatorlar a ishonchsizlik ovozi 1979 yil 28 martda o'tkazilgan va bitta ovoz bilan o'tgan, umumiy saylovni majbur qilgan.
In 1979 yilgi umumiy saylov, Leyboristlar saylovda mag'lubiyatga uchradi Konservatorlar boshchiligidagi Margaret Tetcher. Leyboristlarga ovoz beradigan raqamlar 1974 yil va 1979 yil fevral oylari orasida deyarli o'zgarmadi, ammo 1979 yilda Konservativ partiya Angliyaning Midlend va Janubiy qismlarida, asosan kasallangan liberallar tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanishda katta o'sishlarga erishdi va saylovchilarning faol o'sishidan foyda ko'rdi.
Kasaba uyushmalarining norozilik qishida qilgan harakatlari Margaret Tetcher hukumati tomonidan 1980-yillarda kasaba uyushmalariga qarshi qonunchilikni oqlash uchun ishlatilgan.
1970-yillardagi Uilson va Kallagan hukumatlari inflyatsiyani nazorat qilishga harakat qildilar (1975 yilda bu ko'rsatkich 23,7% ga etdi)[115]) ish haqini cheklash siyosati bilan. Bu juda muvaffaqiyatli bo'lib, inflyatsiyani 1978 yilga kelib 7,4% gacha kamaytirdi,[12][115] ammo hukumat va kasaba uyushmalari o'rtasida tobora keskinlashib borayotgan munosabatlarga olib keldi. Biroq 1970-yillardagi leyborist hukumatlari ko'plab odamlarni iqtisodiy bo'rondan himoya qilishga muvaffaq bo'lishdi, 1974-1979 yillarda pensiyalar real ravishda 20% ga oshdi, ijara haqini nazorat qilish, oziq-ovqat va transportni subsidiyalash kabi choralar boshqalarning daromadlarini oldini oldi odamlar yanada yomonlashishidan.[116]
Davlat nafaqalarini olayotganlarning turmush darajasini yaxshilash vositasi sifatida hukumat indeks bilan bog'liq bo'lgan qisqa muddatli nafaqalarni inflyatsiya darajasiga, pensiya va uzoq muddatli nafaqalar narxlari yoki daromadlarining o'sishiga bog'liq bo'lib, qaysi biri yuqori bo'lsa (ilgari nafaqalarni oshirish faqat narxlarga bog'liq edi).[117] Bundan tashqari, nogironlar va nogironlar uchun yangi imtiyozlar joriy etildi, shu bilan birga, nafaqaxo'rlar ushbu davrgacha pensiyalarning eng katta o'sishidan foydalanganlar. Ish bilan ta'minlash to'g'risidagi yangi qonun hujjatlarida teng ish haqi ta'minoti, ishchilarga qisqa muddatli va vaqtincha ishdan bo'shatilganlik uchun kafolatlangan to'lovlar kuchaytirildi va homilador ayollar uchun ish xavfsizligi va tug'ruq ta'tillari joriy etildi.[118] Uy-joylarni qayta tiklashni uy-joy qurish yo'nalishlari va yaxshilangan grantlar orqali rag'batlantirildi davlat sektoridagi uy-joylar 1974 yilda qo'lga kiritilgan 111,500 dan 40,000 gacha o'sdi, 1979 yilga kelib deyarli 95,000 ga tushdi. Bundan tashqari, jihozlangan ijarachilarga muddat xavfsizligi ta'minlandi.[119]
1976 yildagi "Qo'shimcha imtiyozlar to'g'risida" gi qonun daromadlari kam yoki umuman bo'lmaganlarni moliyaviy qo'llab-quvvatlashning yangi darajalarini joriy etdi,[120] nogironlar uchun yangi imtiyozlar joriy etildi.[121] Bolali oilalar uchun bolalar uchun naqd pul va soliq imtiyozlari tizimi 1977 yilda kamida bitta bolasi bo'lgan barcha oilalarga umumiy bolalar nafaqasi bilan almashtirildi,[122] Ish joyida bo'lganlar uchun ishchi kuchi a'zolarini pensiyaga qo'shimcha daromad bilan ta'minlash uchun qo'shimcha pensiya sxemasi joriy etildi.[123]
1974-79 yillardagi mehnat hukumatlari ayollarga nisbatan keng huquqlarni ham joriy etishdi. Onalik ta'tillari 1975 yilda joriy etilgan, 1975 yilda jinsiy kamsitish to'g'risidagi qonunda ayollarni ish joyida kamsitish taqiqlangan.[124] 1976 yilda uydagi zo'ravonlik va nikohsiz nikoh protsesslari to'g'risidagi qonun, turmush qurgan va turmush qurmagan (lekin birga yashaydigan) ayollarga zo'ravonlik qilmaslik yoki zo'ravonlik sheriklariga nisbatan chetlatish to'g'risidagi buyruq berishga murojaat qilish huquqini berdi, 1977 yildagi "Uysizlar to'g'risida" gi qonunda mahalliy hokimiyat idoralari uysiz qolgan ayollarni doimiy ravishda joylashtirishi kerak edi. oiladagi zo'ravonlik natijasida. Bundan tashqari, 1978 yilda qabul qilingan "Ichki ishlar va sudlar sudlari to'g'risida" gi qonuni shafqatsiz sheriklari bilan turmush qurgan ayollarga ko'proq suiiste'mol qilishni to'xtatish uchun magistratura sudlarining buyruqlariga murojaat qilishga imkon berdi.[125]
Ish sharoitlari yomonligi oqibatida baxtsiz hodisalarga duch kelgan yoki sog'lig'i yomon bo'lgan ko'plab ishchilarning ahvoliga javoban Sog'liqni saqlash va xavfsizlik bo'yicha ijrochi bilan birgalikda ish joylarini tekshirishning yanada samarali tizimi yaratildi (Erik Shouning so'zlariga ko'ra, ommaviy axborot vositalari tomonidan uzoq vaqtdan beri e'tiborga olinmagan). Sanoat sudlari, shuningdek, adolatsiz ishdan bo'shatilganlik uchun kompensatsiya berish orqali himoya qilishni ta'minladilar, Maslahatchi, yarashtirish va hakamlik xizmati sanoat nizolarini boshqarishda samarali vazifani bajardi.[118] Daromadlar tengsizligi, shuningdek, Uilson va Kallagan hukumatlari yillarida pasaygan. To'liq bandlik va daromad siyosati ish haqi farqlarini kamaytirishga yordam berdi, ko'mir, gaz va elektr energiyasiga bo'lgan subsidiyalar esa ijtimoiy ish haqini oshirdi.[126] Mehnat tomonidan kiritilgan boshqa islohotlarga 1976 yilda qabul qilingan Tug'ma nogironlar to'g'risidagi (fuqarolik javobgarligi to'g'risidagi) qonun kiritilgan (bu beparvolik tufayli nogiron bo'lib tug'ilgan bolalarga qonun bilan belgilangan zararni qoplashni talab qiladi)[127] va 1976 yildagi Dok ishini tartibga solish to'g'risidagi qonun (bu ro'yxatdan o'tgan dok ishini har qanday qirg'oqdan besh mil uzoqlikdagi sovuqxonalarda saqlanadigan omborlar va omborlarga qadar kengaytirdi).[128]
Uilson va Kallagan hukumatlari ko'plab sotsialistlar tomonidan Leyboristlar partiyasining sotsialistik g'oyalarini amalda tatbiq etmaslikda ayblangan bo'lsalar-da, bu Britaniya jamiyatida ijtimoiy adolatni yanada oshirish uchun juda ko'p ish qildi, chunki bu kurs davomida qashshoqlik sezilarli darajada kamaygan. 1970-yillar,[129][130] va, shubhasiz, Etti hukumati kabi katta rol o'ynagan ijtimoiy demokratiya ijtimoiy va iqtisodiy tengsizlikni kamaytirish Birlashgan Qirollik. Tarixchi Erik Shou ta'kidlaganidek: "Mehnat o'z lavozimini egallagan o'n etti yil ichida qashshoqlik va qashshoqlikni engishda, o'zlarini himoya qilishga qodir bo'lmagan guruhlarga - qariyalarga, kasallarga, nogironlarga yordam va rizq berishda ko'p ishlarni amalga oshirdi. bozor iqtisodiyoti sharoitida. "[118]
"Yovvoyi yillar"
Maykl Foot
1979 yildagi saylovlardagi mag'lubiyatdan so'ng, Leyboristlar partiyasida qattiq ichki raqobat davri bo'lib, u tobora ko'proq hukmron bo'lgan chap qanotchilar o'rtasida tobora bo'linib ketdi. Maykl Foot va Toni Benn (kimning tarafdorlari boshlang'ich darajadagi partiya tashkilotida hukmronlik qilgan) va huquq ostida Denis Xili.[iqtibos kerak ] Healey g'alaba qozonadi deb keng tarqalgan edi 1980 yil rahbariyat saylovi Ammo, u 1980 yil oxirida Kallagandan keyin partiya rahbari lavozimiga o'tgan Foot tomonidan tor-mor keltirildi.
Tetcher hukumati Xit hukumati singari kun tartibidan chetga chiqmaslikka qaror qildi. A deflyatsion 1980 yildagi byudjet ijtimoiy nafaqa xarajatlarining sezilarli darajada qisqarishiga va ishsizlikning dastlabki qisqa muddatli keskin o'sishiga olib keldi. Konservatorlar qiyin bo'lgan xususiy sanoat uchun davlat yordamini kamaytirdilar yoki bekor qildilar, bu esa mamlakatning ko'plab mintaqalarida, xususan, Leyboristlarning yuraklarida katta ishchilarni ishdan bo'shatishga olib keldi. Biroq, aholidan shtatdan kengash uylarini sotib olish huquqini kengaytiradigan konservativ qonunchilik ko'plab leyboristlar uchun juda jozibali bo'lib chiqdi. (Leyboristlar bu fikrni ilgari 1970 yilgi saylovoldi dasturida ilgari surgan, ammo hech qachon bunga amal qilmagan).
Saylov Yadro qurolsizlanish uchun kampaniya (CND) faxriysi Maykl Fud rahbariyatga ko'pchilikni bezovta qildi Atlantika partiyada. Boshqa o'zgarishlar ularning tashvishini kuchaytirdi; saylov okruglarida o'tirgan deputatlarni osongina bekor qilish imkoniyati berildi va rahbarlar saylovida ovoz berishning yangi tizimi joriy qilindi, bu partiya faollari va kasaba uyushmalariga saylov kollejining turli qismlarida ovoz berishni ta'minladi.
The party's move to the left in the early 1980s led to the decision by a number of centrist party members led by the To'rt kishilik to'da of former Labour cabinet ministers (Shirli Uilyams, Bill Rodgers, Roy Jenkins va Devid Ouen ) to form the breakaway Sotsial-demokratik partiya (SDP) on 25 January 1981. The broader aims of the party were set out in the Limehouse deklaratsiyasi ertasi kuni.[131]
In 1981 the St Ermin's group of senior trade union leaders was created, meeting secretly every month initially at the Sent-Ermin mehmonxonasi, who organised to prevent the Bennit left taking over the party. Four MPs also attended, Denis Xauell, Jon Golding, Denis Xili va Giles Radice. The group was created following the 1981 special conference decision to establish an electoral college (40% trade unions, 30% members, 30% MPs) to elect the Labour Party leader and deputy rather than the Parlament Mehnat partiyasi choosing. A major effort of the group was to use union block votes to overturn the left's majority on the Labour Milliy Ijroiya Qo'mitasi va Kasaba uyushma Kongressi general council.[132][133]
The departure of members from the centre and right further swung the party to the left, but not quite enough to allow Tony Benn to be elected as Deputy Leader when he challenged for the job at the September 1981 party conference.[132]
Under Foot's leadership, the party's agenda became increasingly dominated by the politics of the qattiq chap. Accordingly, the party went into the 1983 yilgi umumiy saylov with the most left wing manifesto that Labour ever stood upon. It was indeed dubbed by the Labour MP Jerald Kaufman kabi "tarixdagi eng uzun o'z joniga qasd qilish to'g'risidagi eslatma ".
The manifesto contained pledges for abolition of the Lordlar palatasi, unilateral nuclear disarmament, withdrawal from the Evropa iqtisodiy hamjamiyati, withdrawal from NATO and a radical and extensive extension of state control over the economy and financial institutions.[134]
This alienated many of the party's more right-wing supporters. The Bennites were in the ascendency and there was very little that the right could do to resist or water down the manifesto, many also hoped that a landslide defeat would discredit Michael Foot and the hard left of the party moving Labour away from explicit Socialism and towards weaker social-democracy.
Much of the press, particularly the sections backing the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher, attacked both the Labour Party's manifesto and its style of campaigning, which tended to rely upon public meetings and canvassing rather than media. By contrast, the Conservatives ran a professional campaign which played on the voters' fears of a repeat of the Winter of Discontent. To add to this, the Thatcher government's popularity rose sharply on a wave of patriotic feeling following victory in the Folklend urushi in June 1982, allowing it to recover from its initial unpopularity over unemployment and economic difficulty. Indeed, Margaret Thatcher felt confident to call a general election for June 1983 despite not being obliged to do so for a further 12 months.
At the 1983 election, Labour suffered a landslide defeat, winning only 27.6% of the vote and securing just 209 seats. This was their worst performance at a general election since 1918. Labour won only half a million votes more than the SDP-Liberal alyans, which had attracted the votes of many moderate Labour supporters, although the Alliance only won 23 seats. Michael Foot criticised the Alliance for "siphoning" Labour support and allowing the Tories to win more seats.
Nil Kinnok
Michael Foot resigned and was replaced as leader by Nil Kinnok who was elected on 2 October 1983 and progressively moved the party towards the centre. Labour improved its performance in the 1987 yilgi umumiy saylov, gaining 20 seats and so reducing the Conservative majority from 143 to 102. They were now firmly established as the second political party in Britain as the Alliance had once again failed to make a breakthrough with seats and it subsequently collapsed, prompting a merger of the SDP and Liberals to form the Liberal-demokratlar.
The 1970s and early 1980s were significant for Labour in the rise of left-wing Labour councils (derided by their opponents as the "loony left") which emphasised improvements in housing and amenities,[135] participation and rights for women and minorities, workers' control, decentralisation, and opposition to neoliberalism. The left regarded local councils as part of an extra-parliamentary mode of opposition, alongside community groups and town halls. David Blunkett, once a member of Labour's left-wing, described Labour town halls as "a rudimentary opposition movement against the ruling party in Westminster." The left councils greatly advanced the cause of blacks, women, and homosexuals within the political system, while also opening up council-decision making.[3]
Increasingly, some Labour councils were radicalised to act in open defiance of the Thatcher Government. Instead of cutting expenditure, they raised rates and all kinds of borrowing and lease-back arrangements were entered into with overseas banks and private financial institutions in order to sustain capital programmes. The increased radicalisation of Labour councils during this period could be attributed to the policies of the Thatcher Government, which involved reductions in government financial aid to both council housing and local authorities, together with a change in the government's allocation formula so that local authority areas of high expenditure were disproportionately affected. Qayd etilganidek Piter Shor,
Since the areas of critical housing need were invariably Labour-controlled, as were the high-spending councils where social needs of all kinds were at their greatest, it was Labour councils in inner-city areas that were targeted to take the full brunt of government expenditure cuts.[136]
The Greater London Council, under the leadership of Ken Livingstone from 1981 to 1986, carried out a number of progressive policies[137][138] such as a programme of grants to voluntary groups (which cost £47 million in 1984–85: £100 million in 1999 prices) and a "Fares Fair" policy, which cut London Transport fares by 25%. Although this policy was controversially ruled out by a House of Lords judgement, it was replaced by a more subtle cheap fares policy before London Transport was removed from GLC control by the government in 1984.[3]
In 1983, The Liverpool Labour party (then under the effective control of the Trotskiychi Jangari group) embarked upon an ambitious programme of municipal reform. Apart from promoting propaganda for class conflict, as characterised by continual protests and "days of action" in which council workers and even school pupils were encouraged to participate, the Liverpool council devoted much time and effort to improving the quality of the inner-city environment. New houses were constructed, while new parks, sports centres,[3] and other leisure facilities were created. In addition, within a short period of time, 8,000 housing units were refurbished and 4,000 units had been built.[139] Altogether, the results were an improvement on previous councils run by all parties.[3] Following the 1987 election, Kinnock resumed the expulsion of Militant's members from the party which had begun under his predecessor.
During the course of the 1980s, the GLC and several other Labour councils attempted to promote local economic recovery by setting up a network of enterprise boards and agencies. In addition, the GLC, Glasgow, Liverpool, Sheffield, and smaller London councils like Lambeth, Camden, and Islington adopted policies that challenged the Thatcher Government's insistence on budgetary cuts and privatisation.[34]
The Labour councils in old metropolitan counties of West Midlands, South Yorkshire, Greater London, and Greater Manchester led the way in developing interventionist economic policies. In these metropolitan county areas, Inward Investment Agencies, Enterprise Boards, Low Pay Units, and Co-operative Development Agencies proliferated, while parts of the country such as Salford Quays and Cardiff Bay were redeveloped. The Labour council in Birmingham in the 1980s worked to diversify the business visitor economy, as characterised by the decision to build a new, purpose-built convention centre in a decaying, inner-city district around Broad Street. By the mid-1990s, the success of this strategy was evident by the success of the International convention centre leading to wider redevelopment, as characterised by the building of a Sea Life Centre, the National Indoor Arena, bars, hotels, and thousands of newly constructed and refurbished flats and houses. This helped to revitalise the city centre and brought in people and money to both and the city and the West Midlands region as a whole.[4]
During the 1980s and 1990s, Labour councils vied to attract inward investment and build themselves up as tourist and retail centres. The relatively left-wing Labour council in Southampton was popular among property developers for its ambitious city centre plans, while the labour council in Sheffield set up a partnership with businesses in order to redevelop a large part of the city that had been abandoned by the decline of the steel industry. Some Labour councils also remedied the neglect of management and service delivery during the mid 1980s under the Thatcher Government and introduced charters and guaranteed standards of service for local residents before a similar "Citizen’s Charter" was launched by the Major Government.[3]
In November 1990, Margaret Thatcher resigned as prime minister and was succeeded by John Major. Most opinion polls had shown Labour comfortably ahead of the Tories in the 18 months leading up to Thatcher's resignation, with the fall in Tory support blamed largely on the introduction of the unpopular ovoz berish solig'i, combined with the fact that the economy was turg'unlikka siljish vaqtida. One of the reasons Thatcher gave for her resignation was that she felt the Tories would stand a better chance of re-election with a new leader at the helm.
The change of leader in the Tory government saw a turnaround in support for the Tories, who regularly topped the opinion polls throughout 1991 in spite of the continuing recession, although Labour regained the lead of the polls more than once that year. John Major resisted calls within parliament to hold a general election throughout 1991.
The "yo yo" in the opinion polls continued into 1992, though after November 1990 any Labour lead in the polls was rarely sufficient for a majority, suggesting that Labour could only rule as a ozchilik hukumati or in coalition with other parties. Major resisted Kinnock's calls for a general election throughout 1991. Kinnock campaigned on the theme "It's Time for a Change", urging voters to elect a new government after more than a decade of unbroken Conservative rule – which had seen two recessions. However, the Conservatives themselves had undergone a dramatic change in the change of leader from Margaret Thatcher to John Major, at least in terms of style if not substance, whereas Kinnock was now the longest serving leader of any of the major political parties at the time and was now the longest-serving opposition leader in British political history.
From the outset, it was clearly a well-received change, as Labour's 14-point lead in the November 1990 "Poll of Polls" was replaced by an 8% Tory lead a month later.
The 1992 yilgi umumiy saylov on 9 April was widely tipped to result in a hung parliament or a narrow Labour majority, but in the event the Conservatives were returned to power, though with a much reduced majority of 21, despite the Conservative mandate being at a record of more than 14 million votes.[140] Despite the increased number of seats and votes, it was still an incredibly disappointing result for members and supporters of the Labour party, and there was serious doubt among the public and the media as to whether Labour could ever return to government, just as there had been back in 1959, while at the same time there were doubts with the Conservative Party as to whether a fifth successive election victory was a likelihood.
Even before the country went to the polls, it seemed doubtful as to whether Labour could win a parliamentary majority as an 8% electoral swing was needed across the country for this to be achieved.[141] When Labour lost the election, there was widespread public and media debate as to whether the party could ever return to government, as had happened in 1959, not least due to the fact that it had failed to beat an incumbent Conservative government during a time of recession and high unemployment – an economic climate which would normally be expected to result in a change of government.[142]
In the party's inquiry into why it had lost, it was considered that the "Shadow Budget" announced by Jon Smit had opened the way for Conservatives to attack the party for wanting to raise taxes[iqtibos kerak ]. In addition, a triumphalist party rally held in Sheffield eight days before the election, was generally considered to have backfired. The party had also suffered from a powerfully co-ordinated campaign from the right-wing press, particularly Rupert Merdok "s Quyosh gazeta. Kinnock, who in particular had been vilified by Quyosh with headlines including "Nightmare on Kinnock Street" and the election day front-page headline "If Kinnock wins today will the last person to leave Britain please turn out the lights", resigned after the defeat, blaming the right-wing media for Labour's failure to win the election.
Jon Smit
Jon Smit was elected to succeed Kinnock in July 1992 despite his involvement with the Shadow Budget.
Smith's leadership once again saw the re-emergence of tension between those on the party's left and those identified as "modernisers", both of whom advocated radical revisions of the party's stance albeit in different ways. At the 1993 conference, Smith successfully changed the party rules and lessened the influence of the trade unions on the selection of candidates to stand for Parliament by introducing a bitta a'zo, bitta ovoz system called OMOV – but only barely, after a barnstorming speech by Jon Preskott which required Smith to compromise on other individual negotiations.
The Qora chorshanba economic disaster in September 1992, which led to Britain's exit from the Valyuta kursi mexanizmi, left the Conservative government's reputation for monetary excellence in shreds, and by the end of that year Labour had a comfortable lead over the Tories in the opinion polls. Although the recession was declared over in April 1993 and a period of strong and sustained economic growth followed, coupled with a relatively swift fall in unemployment, the Labour lead in the opinion polls remained strong.
The growing strength of the Labour Party during the 1990s was demonstrated by its success in preventing the passage of two major policy initiatives of the Major Government. Plans to privatise Royal Mail were abandoned as a result of pressure from Labour, the Aloqa xodimlari kasaba uyushmasi and voters in Conservative rural heartlands who sought to protect post office services. Another major policy abandonment came as a result of Norman Lamont 's 1993 announcement that VAT on domestic fuel and lighting would be introduced, starting at a rate of 8% in April 1994 and reaching the full rate the following April. The Labour Party launched a massive public campaign against the controversial tax, collecting 1.5 million signatures on a petition. An important House of Commons vote on introducing the second stage of the tax took place in December 1994. Concerted pressure was put on Conservative backbenchers from marginal seats to vote against the controversial tax, and in the end the Major Government was narrowly defeated, with 319 voting against the tax compared to 311 for. This not only represented a victory for the Labour party's campaign, but it further demonstrated Labour's social democratic credentials and its growing political strength.[143] During this period party membership increased dramatically, rising from 305,000 in 1994 to a high point of 405,000 in 1998.[144]
John Smith died suddenly on 12 May 1994 of a massive heart attack, prompting a rahbariyat saylovi for his successor, likely to be the next Prime Minister. With 57% of the vote, Toni Bler won a resounding victory in a three-way contest with John Prescott and Margaret Beket. Prescott became deputy leader, coming second in the poll whose results were announced on 21 July 1994.
Yangi mehnat
Kelib chiqishi
"New Labour" was an alternative branding for the Labour Party, used primarily during the period under Toni Bler rahbariyat. Being used first as a slogan, its first appearance in party literature was the 1996 draft manifesto, New Labour, New Life For Britain. The rise of the name coincided with a rightwards shift of the British political spectrum; for Labour, this was a continuation of the trend that had begun under the leadership of Nil Kinnok. "Old Labour" is sometimes used by commentators to describe the older, more left-wing members of the party, or those with strong Trade Union connections.
Tony Blair, Gordon Braun, Peter Mandelson, Entoni Giddens va Alastair Kempbell are most commonly cited as the creators and architects of "New Labour". Blair proposed a rewrite of IV modda of the party constitution, abandoning the party's commitments and what Blair referred to as "state socialism" (as opposed to ethical socialism ). The party became an advocate of the shift in European ijtimoiy demokratiya during the 1990s, known as the "Uchinchi yo'l ". Although this policy was advantageous to the Labour Party in the eyes of the British electorate, it alienated many grassroots members by distancing itself from the ideals of socialism in favour of free market policy decisions.
The "modernisation" of Labour Party policy and the unpopularity of John Major 's Conservative government, along with a well co-ordinated use of PR, greatly increased Labour's appeal to "middle England ". The party was concerned not to put off potential voters who had previously supported the Conservatives, and pledged to keep to the spending plans of the previous government, and not to increase the basic rate of income tax. The party won the 1997 yilgi saylov with a landslide majority of 179. Following a second and third election victory in the 2001 yilgi saylov va 2005 yilgi saylov, the name has diminished in significance. "New Labour" as a name has no official status but remains in common use to distinguish modernisers from those holding to more traditional positions who normally are referred to as "Old Labour".
Many of the traditional grassroots working-class members of the Labour Party who became upset and disillusioned with "New" Labour, left the Party and went on to join political parties such as the Sotsialistik partiya, Sotsialistik Mehnat partiyasi va hatto Buyuk Britaniyaning Kommunistik partiyasi[iqtibos kerak ] – all parties claiming to never neglect the "ordinary British people". Devid Osler, the journalist and author of "Labour Party plc" seems to hint in his book that Labour's supposed steady shift from Socialism and its neglect of support for the working-class people of Britain began to show during the Party's years under Harold Wilson. In the book, Osler claimed that the Party is now only a socialist party and indeed a "Labour" party in name only and is a capitalism-embracing Party which differs little from the Tory Party. Other historians have also argued that Old Labour's record in putting its social democratic ideals into practice was less successful than comparable northern European sister parties.[118]
Hukumatda
The Labour Party won the 1997 general election with a landslide majority of 179; it was the largest Labour majority ever, and the largest swing to a political party achieved since 1945. Over the next decade, a wide range of progressive social reforms were enacted,[145][146][147] with millions lifted out of poverty during Labour's time in office largely as a result of various tax and benefit reforms.[148][149][150] Labour's time in office also saw a steady rise in living standards, with real earnings for all employees going up by about 18% between 1997 and 2009.[151]
Among the early acts of Tony Blair's government were the establishment of the milliy eng kam ish haqi, topshirish of power to Scotland, Wales and Shimoliy Irlandiya, and the re-creation of a citywide government body for London, the Buyuk London ma'muriyati, with its own elected-Shahar hokimi. Combined with a Conservative opposition that had yet to organise effectively under Uilyam Xeyg, and the continuing popularity of Blair, Labour went on to win the 2001 yilgi saylov with a similar majority, dubbed the "quiet landslide" by the media.[152]
Total funding per pupil was increased by over £300 million in real terms between 1997 and 2001, while the number of 5, 6, and 7-year olds taught in classes of over 30 was reduced by 450,000 during that same period. 5,000 more nurse training places were established from 1997 to 2001, while pay for nurses was increased by three times more than inflation during that same period of time. Charges on eye tests for older people were abolished, and the National Foundation of Youth Music was established to provide children with after-school musical activities and training. Supporters Direct was established to assist football fans in establishing mutual trusts to enable them to take "a greater financial stake in their clubs and have a greater say in how they are run". The average wait from arrest to sentencing for young offenders was reduced from 142 days to under 100 days, the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry was established, and new offences of racially aggravated violence, harassment and criminal damage were introduced.[153] The School Standards and Framework Act of 1998 included policy developments such as action to raise school standards, a new framework of community, foundation, and voluntary schools, and measures to reduce class sizes for 5-year olds.[154] As a means of improving primary school standards, a daily literacy hour and a National Numeracy Strategy were introduced.[155] In addition, free nursery places for four-year-olds were introduced.[156]
Pension Credit (an additional income benefit for senior citizens) was introduced, together with Educational Maintenance Allowances, which enabled students from poorer backgrounds to stay in education for longer. £37 billion was invested in a Decent Homes programme, aimed at improving the conditions of run-down council homes, with installations of central heating, new kitchens and bathrooms. As a result of this initiative, by 2009 8% of England's total social housing stock was considered to be unfit, compared with 39% in 2001. The New Deal programme found work for half-a-million long-term unemployed young people, although studies highlighted concerns over the effect of stricter conditions for unemployment benefit on single younger men. Between 1997 and 2009, cash spending on education was doubled, representing a real-terms increase of three-quarters. Across England, primary school expenditure on each pupil increased from £2210 in 1997–98 to £3580 by 2007–08 in real terms, a rise of a third. From 2000 onwards, spending on the NHS doubled in real terms, while Agenda for Change led to improved pay scales within the organisation. In addition, much was done to enhance the level of public services. As noted by one study
Labour bequeathed a public realm that shone. They renovated, restocked and rebuilt schools, hospitals and clinics, arts and sports venues, parks and museums. J.K. Galbraith once talked about private affluence and public squalor; now there was plenty of the former, despite the recession, but much less of the latter. Public spaces no longer felt second-best or the shabby poor relations of commerce. Sober academics talked of a renaissance of England’s northern cities, and you could say the same of Glasgow and Belfast. For years to come, civic buildings will stand as monuments to the Labour era.[157]
A perceived turning point was when Tony Blair controversially allied himself with US President Jorj V.Bush ni qo'llab-quvvatlashda Iroq urushi, which caused him to lose much of his political support.[158] The BMT Bosh kotibi, among many, considered the war illegal.[159] The Iraq War was deeply unpopular in most western countries, with Western governments divided in their support[160] and under pressure from worldwide popular protests. Da 2005 yilgi saylov, Labour was re-elected for a third term, but with a reduced majority of 66. The decisions that led up to the Iraq war and its subsequent conduct are currently the subject of Sir John Chilcot's Iroq bo'yicha tergov.
Tony Blair announced in September 2006 that he would quit as leader within the year, though he had been under pressure to quit earlier than May 2007 in order to get a new leader in place before the May elections which were expected to be disastrous for Labour.[161] In the event, the party did lose power in Scotland to a minority Scottish National Party hukumat 2007 yilgi saylovlar and, shortly after this, Tony Blair resigned as Prime Minister and was replaced by his Kantsler, Gordon Brown. Although the party experienced a brief rise in the polls after this, its popularity soon slumped to its lowest level since the days of Maykl Foot. During May 2008, Labour suffered heavy defeats in the London meri saylovi, mahalliy saylovlar and the loss in the Crewe and Nantwich by-election, culminating in the party registering its worst ever opinion poll result since records began in 1943, of 23%, with many citing Brown's leadership as a key factor.[162] Membership of the party also reached a low ebb, falling to 156,205 by the end of 2009: over 40 per cent of the 405,000 peak reached in 1997 and thought to be the lowest total since the party was founded.[144][163][164]
Finance proved a major problem for the Labour Party during this period; a "tengdoshlari uchun naqd pul " scandal under Tony Blair resulted in the drying up of many major sources of donations. Declining party membership, partially due to the reduction of activists' influence upon policy-making under the reforms of Neil Kinnock and Tony Blair, also contributed to financial problems. Between January and March 2008, the Labour Party received just over £3 million in donations and were £17 million in debt; compared to the Conservatives' £6 million in donations and £12 million in debt.[165]
In 2010 yilgi umumiy saylov on 6 May that year, Labour with 29.0% of the vote won the second largest number of seats (258). The Conservatives with 36.5% of the vote won the largest number of seats (307), but no party had an overall majority, meaning that Labour could still remain in power if they managed to form a coalition with at least one smaller party.[166] However, the Labour Party would have had to form a coalition with more than one other smaller party to gain an overall majority; anything less would result in a minority government.[167] On 10 May 2010, after talks to form a coalition bilan Liberal-demokratlar broke down, Gordon Brown announced his intention to stand down as Leader before the Mehnat partiyasi konferentsiyasi but a day later resigned as both Bosh Vazir and party leader.[168]
Qarama-qarshilikda
Ed Miliband
Harriet Xarman ga aylandi Muxolifat lideri and acting Leader of the Labour Party following the resignation of Gordon Brown on 11 May 2010, pending a rahbariyat saylovi[169] subsequently won by Ed Miliband. This period has to date witnessed a revival in Labour's opinion poll fortunes, with the first Labour lead recorded since the commencement of Gordon Brown's premiership in 2007 being reported in a YouGov uchun so'rovnoma Quyosh 2010 yil 27 sentyabrda[170] davomida 2010 Labour Party Conference. This phenomenon has been speculatively attributed to the sharp decline[171] yilda Liberal-demokrat support since May 2010, with disillusioned Liberal Democrat supporters defecting their support to Labour.[172] Such poll leads, up to 6% above the Konservatorlar in a 20 December 2010 opinion poll,[173] are in contrast to Ed Miliband's low public satisfaction ratings;[174] +1% in an Ipsos MORI poll, interpreted by a spokesperson for the said pollster as "...bad news for Ed Miliband. We have to go back to Michael Foot who led the party to a crushing defeat in 1983 to find a lower satisfaction rating at this stage".[175] Foot, in fact, had actually enjoyed a lead in the opinion polls over the Tories wide enough to win an election with a majority of up to 130 seats immediately after becoming leader in 1980,[176] although that lead was wiped out in 1981 following the advent of the Sotsial-demokratik partiya.[177] In September 2010 the party reported a surge of 32,000 new members since the general election;[178] at the end of 2011 this figure had reached 65,000 new members.[179][180]
The Parlament Mehnat partiyasi voted to abolish Soya shkafi elections at a meeting on 5 July 2011,[181] ratified by the National Executive Committee and Party Conference. Henceforth the leader of the party chose the Shadow Cabinet members.[182] Natijada 2010 Shadow Cabinet election oxirgi edi.
Miliband emphasised "responsible capitalism" and greater state intervention to change the balance of the UK economy away from financial services.[183] Tackling vested interests[184] and opening up closed circles in British society[185] were also themes he returned to a number of times. Miliband also argued for greater regulation on banks and the energy companies.[186]
Moviy mehnat was a recent[187] ideological tendency in the party that advocates the belief that working class voters will be won back to Labour through more konservativ policies on certain social and international issues, such as immigratsiya va crime,[188] a rejection of neoliberal iqtisodiyot[189] in favour of ideas from gildiya sotsializmi va kontinental korporativlik,[190] and a switch to local and democratic community management and provision of services,[191] rather than relying on a traditional ijtimoiy davlat that is seen as excessively 'bureaucratic'.[192] These ideas have been given an endorsement by Ed Miliband who in 2011 wrote the preface to a book expounding Blue Labour's positions.[193] However, it lost its influence after comments by Maurice Glasman in the Telegraf gazeta.[194]
Despite its years in opposition, Labour has nevertheless continued to be active on a local level, introducing measures such as free breakfasts in schools, schemes to tackle fuel poverty, new apprenticeship opportunities, financial support for students in education, and the building of social housing units.[195] The party's performance held up in mahalliy saylovlar in 2012 with Labour consolidating its position in the North and Midlands, while also regaining some ground in Southern England.[196]
Labour's decline in Scotland's parliamentary election in 2011 presaged greater losses as part of the party's defeat in the 2015 yilgi umumiy saylovlar. With the party bidding to return to government in Westminster under the leadership of Ed Miliband, Labour gained more than 20 seats in England and Wales, mostly from the Liberal-demokratlar shuningdek, dan Konservativ partiya,[197][198] although several of its MPs lost reelection to Conservative challengers, including Ed to'plari.[199] However, the fall of what was popularly dubbed Labour's "Scottish fortress"[200] uchun Scottish National Party turned out 40 Labour MPs from their seats, including Shotlandiyalik leyboristlar rahbar Jim Merfi.[201] Discounting pickups, the party lost 48 seats in total throughout Buyuk Britaniya, falling to 232 seats in the House of Commons.[202]
Jeremi Korbin
The day after the 7 May 2015 election, Miliband resigned as party leader. Harriet Harman again took charge as interim leader.[199] Keyingi a rahbariyat saylovi, Jeremi Korbin was announced as the new party leader on 12 September 2015. Corbyn, then a member of the Sotsialistik tashviqot guruhi and a fixture of the party's left,[203] was considered little more than a fringe hopeful when the contest began, but benefited from a large influx of new members as well as the registration of significant numbers of the new affiliated and registered classes of voting supporters introduced under Miliband.[204] Corbyn received the backing of only 16 of the party's MPs.[205] Membership numbers continued to climb after the start of Corbyn's leadership.[206]
Tensions soon developed in the parliamentary party over Corbyn's leadership. Keyingi Evropa Ittifoqiga a'zolik bo'yicha referendum more than two dozen members of the Soya shkafi resigned in late June 2016,[207] and a no-confidence vote was supported by 172 MPs against 40 supporting Corbyn.[208] On 11 July 2016 an official leadership election deb nomlangan Angela Eagle launched a challenge against Corbyn.[209] She was soon joined by rival challenger Ouen Smit, prompting Eagle to withdraw on 19 July 2016 in order to ensure there was only one challenger on the ballot.[210] On 24 September 2016 Corbyn retained leadership of the party with an increased share of the vote.[211] By the end of the contest Labour's membership had grown to more than 500,000, making it the largest political party in terms of membership in Western Europe.[212]
Following the party's decision to support the Evropa Ittifoqi (Chiqish to'g'risida xabarnoma) qonun loyihasi 2017 yil, at least three shadow cabinet ministers, all representing constituencies which voted to remain in the EU, resigned from their position as a result of the party's decision to invoke 50-modda under the bill.[213] 47 of 229 Labour MPs voted against the bill (in defiance of the party's uch qatorli qamchi ).[214] Unusually, the rebel frontbenchers did not face immediate dismissal.[215] Ga ko'ra Yangi shtat arbobi, approximately 7,000 members of the Labour Party also resigned in protest over the party's stance;[216] this number has been confirmed by senior Labour sources.[215]
On 18 April 2017, the Bosh Vazir Tereza Mey u kutilmagan narsani qidirishini e'lon qildi navbatdan tashqari saylov 2017 yil 8-iyun kuni.[217] Korbin Mayning taklifini mamnuniyat bilan qabul qilganini va partiyasi 19 aprelda e'lon qilingan parlament ovoz berishida hukumatning harakatini qo'llab-quvvatlashini aytdi.[218][219] Zarur uchdan ikki qismining juda ko'pligi ning 522 tasi erishilganda erishildi 650 Members of Parliament voted in support.[217] Ba'zilari ijtimoiy so'rovlar had shown a 20-point Conservative lead over Labour before the election was called, but this lead had narrowed by the day of the 2017 yilgi umumiy saylovlar, natijada a hung parliament. Despite remaining in opposition for its third election in a row, Labour at 40.0% won its greatest share of the vote since 2001, made a net gain of 30 seats to reach 262 total MPs, and achieved the biggest percentage-point increase in its vote share in a single general election since 1945.[220] Immediately following the election party membership rose by 35,000.[221]
Following the large increase in party membership with Corbyn becoming leader, membership fees became the largest component of party income, overtaking trade unions donations which had previously been of most financial importance. This increase made Labour the most financially well-off British political party in 2017.[222] This large membership also in 2018 ensured that the NEC was firmly under pro-Corbyn control, when all nine constituency members were elected from the pro-Corbyn slate; previously such control had not been entirely secure.[223]
Within 10 days of 2019 general election's campaign beginning, Labour reached over £1 million in small donations and a small rise in membership. In the first two days of the campaign, the party raised almost as much as it did in the first fortnight of the 2017 election campaign.[224] On 12 November, the Party's website was hit by a cyber-attack, believed initially by security officials to be from a "non-state actor".[225]
On 18 December, former Prime Minister Toni Bler accused current Mehnat partiyasi Rahbar Jeremi Korbin of not having a clear position on Brexit unlike his Konservativ raqib Boris Jonson kim qo'llab-quvvatladi chekinish dan Yevropa Ittifoqi va Liberal-demokratlar that were strictly Evropa tarafdori, thus dividing voters who supported Remain in the 2016 yilgi referendum esa Brexit partiyasi ostida Nayjel Faraj did not do the same with Ovoz qoldirish, ending up without seats in the Jamiyat palatasi despite achieving a decisive g'alaba ichida Birlashgan Qirollik saylovlar uchun Evropa parlamenti.[226]
Keir Starmer
Following Labour's heavy defeat in the 2019 yilgi umumiy saylov, Jeremy Corbyn announced that he would stand down as Leader of the Labour Party. Starmer announced his candidacy in the keyingi rahbariyat saylovi on 4 January 2020, winning multiple endorsements from MPs as well as from the trade union Unison.[227] He went on to win the leadership contest on 4 April 2020, beating rivals Rebekka Long-Beyli va Liza Nendi, with 56.2% of the vote in the first round,[228] and therefore also became Muxolifat lideri.[229] In his acceptance speech, he said would refrain from "scoring party political points" and that he planned to "engage constructively with the government", having become Opposition Leader amid the Covid-19 pandemiyasi.[230] He appointed his Soya shkafi the following day, which included former leader Ed Miliband, as well as both of the candidates he defeated in the leadership contest. Shuningdek, u tayinladi Anneliese Dodds kabi G'aznachining soya kansleri, making her the first woman to serve in that position in either a ministerial or shadow ministerial position.[231]
During the April pandemic lockdown, Starmer warned that the government was "in danger of being slow on their exit strategy" and called for "a roadmap to lift restrictions in certain sectors of the economy".[232][233] But, despite various criticisms, he said that "the government is trying to do the right thing. And in that, we will support them."[234]
On 25 June 2020, Starmer sacked his former leadership rival, Rebecca Long-Bailey, from her post as Ta'lim bo'yicha soya davlat kotibi. Long-Bailey had refused to delete a tweet calling the actress Maksin Pik an "absolute diamond" and linking to an interview in Mustaqil in which Peake said that the practice of kneeling on someone's neck by US police, as used in the Jorj Floydni o'ldirish yilda Minneapolis, "Isroil maxfiy xizmatlari bilan seminarlardan o'rganilgan". Maqolaning asl nusxasida "Isroil politsiyasi buni rad etdi" deb aytilgan.[235] Starmerning so'zlariga ko'ra, ushbu maqola "antisemitizm fitnasi nazariyalarini o'z ichiga olgan", chunki u Long-Beyli bilan bo'lishmasligi kerak edi.[236][237] Long-Beylini ishdan bo'shatish to'g'risidagi qaror tanqidga uchradi Sotsialistik tashviqot guruhi, uning a'zolari qaror to'g'risida Starmer bilan uchrashuv o'tkazdilar.[238] Qaror mamnuniyat bilan qabul qilindi Yahudiy guruhlarni o'z ichiga oladi Deputatlar kengashi va Yahudiylarning ishchi harakati. Starmer "yahudiylar jamoati bilan ishonchni tiklash birinchi o'rinda turadi. Antisemitizm har xil shakllarda bo'ladi va biz hammamiz bunga qarshi hushyor bo'lishimiz kerak" dedi.[239][240] 27 iyun kuni u uni o'rniga qo'ydi Keyt Grin.[241]
Shuningdek qarang
- Konservativ partiyaning tarixi (Buyuk Britaniya)
- Buyuk Britaniyadagi kasaba uyushmalarining tarixi
- Liberal-demokratlar (Buyuk Britaniya) § Tarix
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Tarixnoma
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