Che Gevara - Che Guevara - Wikipedia

Che Gevara
Gerrillero Heroico Rasm tomonidan olingan Alberto Korda 1960 yil 5 martda, da La Coubre yodgorlik xizmati
Kuba sanoat vaziri
Ofisda 1961 yil 11 fevral - 1965 yil 1 aprel
Bosh Vazir	Fidel Kastro
Oldingi	Ofis tashkil etildi
Muvaffaqiyatli	Joel Domenech Benitez
Kuba Markaziy banki prezidenti
Ofisda 1959 yil 26 noyabr - 1961 yil 23 fevral
Oldingi	Felipe Pazos
Muvaffaqiyatli	Raul Cepero Bonilla
Shaxsiy ma'lumotlar
Tug'ilgan	Ernesto Gevara 1928 yil 14-may Rosario, Santa Fe viloyati, Argentina
O'ldi	9 oktyabr 1967 yil (39 yoshda) La Higuera, Vallegrande, Boliviya
O'lim sababi	Otib o'ldirish
Dam olish joyi	Che Gevara maqbarasi Santa Klara, Kuba
Millati	Argentinalik
Turmush o'rtoqlar	Xilda Gadea ​ ​ (m. 1955; div 1959)​ Aleida mart ​ (m. 1959)​
Bolalar	Xilda (1956-1995) Aleida (1960 yilda tug'ilgan) Camilo (1962 yilda tug'ilgan) Celia (1963 yilda tug'ilgan) Ernesto (1965 yilda tug'ilgan)
Ota-onalar	Ernesto Gevara Linch Celia de la Serna va Llosa
Olma mater	Buenos-Ayres universiteti
Kasb	Dori-darmonlarga qarshi kurash, Muallif, Partizan, Hukumat rasmiysi
Kasb	Shifokor
Ma'lum	Gevarizm
Imzo
Harbiy xizmat
Taxallus (lar)	Che
Sadoqat	Kuba Respublikasi [1]
Filial / xizmat	Kuba inqilobiy qurolli kuchlari Milliy ozodlik armiyasi (Boliviya)
Xizmat qilgan yillari	1955-1967
Birlik	26-iyul harakati
Buyruqlar	Qo'mondon ning Kuba inqilobiy qurolli kuchlari
Janglar / urushlar	Kuba inqilobi Cho'chqalar ko'rfazasi bosqini Kuba raketa inqirozi Kongo inqirozi Ñancahuazu partizan

Ernesto "Che" Gevara (Ispancha:[ˈTʃe ɣeˈβaɾa];^[2] 1928 yil 14-may^[3] - 1967 yil 9 oktyabr) argentinalik edi Marksistik inqilobiy, shifokor, muallif, partizan rahbar, diplomat va harbiy nazariyotchi. Ning asosiy figurasi Kuba inqilobi, uning stilize qilingan ko'rinishi hamma joyda mavjud bo'lib qoldi madaniyatga qarshi isyon va global belgilarning ramzi ommaviy madaniyatda.^[4]

Tibbiyotning yosh talabasi sifatida Gevara bo'ylab sayohat qildi Janubiy Amerika va u ko'rgan qashshoqlik, ochlik va kasallik tufayli radikallashgan.^[5][6] Uning Lotin Amerikasini kapitalistik ekspluatatsiya qilishini Qo'shma Shtatlar tomonidan ekspluatatsiya qilish deb hisoblagan narsani bekor qilishga yordam berishga bo'lgan istagi uning ishtirok etishiga turtki berdi. Gvatemala Prezident huzuridagi ijtimoiy islohotlar Yakobo Arbenz, kimning natijasi Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi tomonidan ag'darish buyrug'i bilan United Fruit Company Gevaraning siyosiy mafkurasini mustahkamladi.^[5] Keyinchalik Mexiko, Gevara uchrashdi Raul va Fidel Kastro, ularga qo'shildi 26-iyul harakati va suzib ketdi Kuba yaxtada Granma AQSh tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan Kuba diktatorini ag'darish niyatida Fulgencio Batista.^[7] Tez orada Gevara orasida mashhurlikka erishdi isyonchilar, qo'mondonning ikkinchi darajasiga ko'tarildi va Batista rejimini ag'dargan ikki yillik partizan kampaniyasida hal qiluvchi rol o'ynadi.^[8]

Kuba inqilobidan so'ng Gevara yangi hukumatda bir qator muhim rollarni ijro etdi. Bunga murojaatlarni ko'rib chiqish va urush paytida jinoyatchi sifatida sudlanganlarni otib tashlash otryadlari kiritilgan inqilobiy tribunallar,^[9] o'rnatish agrar er islohoti sanoat vaziri sifatida, butun respublikada muvaffaqiyatli boshlanishiga yordam beradi savodxonlik kampaniyasi, ham milliy bank prezidenti, ham ko'rsatma direktori sifatida ishlaydi Kuba qurolli kuchlari va Kuba sotsializmi nomidan diplomat sifatida dunyo bo'ylab yurish. Bunday lavozimlar, shuningdek, uni qaytarib olgan militsiya kuchlarini tayyorlashda asosiy rol o'ynashiga imkon berdi Cho'chqalar ko'rfazasi bosqini,^[10] va olib kelish Sovet yadro qurolli ballistik raketalar 1962 yilgacha bo'lgan Kubaga Kuba raketa inqirozi.^[11] Bundan tashqari, Gevara seminal yozuvchi va serhosil yozuvchi va diarist edi partizanlar urushi uchun qo'llanma, eng ko'p sotilganlar bilan bir qatorda xotira uning yoshligi haqida qit'a mototsikl sayohati. Uning tajribalari va o'rganish Marksizm-leninizm uni "pozitsiya" ga olib keldi Uchinchi dunyo "s kam rivojlanganlik va qaramlik ning ichki natijasi edi imperializm, neokolonializm va monopolistik kapitalizm, yagona chora mavjud proletar internatsionalizmi va dunyo inqilobi.^[12][13] Gevara 1965 yilda Kubani tark etib, ikkalasida ham qit'a inqiloblarini uyg'otdi Afrika va Janubiy Amerika,^[14] birinchi muvaffaqiyatsiz yilda Kongo-Kinshasa va keyinroq Boliviyada, u tomonidan qo'lga olingan Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi - yordamchi Boliviya kuchlari va qisqacha bajarilgan.^[15]

Gevara a-da jamoaviy tasavvurda qutblangan ham hurmatli, ham tahqirlangan tarixiy shaxs bo'lib qolmoqda tarjimai hollarning ko'pligi, xotiralar, esselar, hujjatli filmlar, qo'shiqlar va filmlar. Uning shahidligi tufayli she'riy da'volar sinfiy kurash va moddiy emas, balki ma'naviy rag'batlantiruvchi "yangi odam" ongini yaratish istagi,^[16] Gevara har xil kvintessensial ikonaga aylandi chap harakatlar. Aksincha, uning mafkuraviy tanqidchilari o'ng uni ayblash avtoritarizm va siyosiy raqiblariga qarshi zo'ravonlikni muqaddaslash. Qarama-qarshiliklarga qaramay uning merosi, Vaqt jurnal uni shu nomlardan biri deb nomlagan 100 ta eng ta'sirli 20-asr odamlari,^[17] esa bir Alberto Korda uning fotosurati, sarlavhali Gerrillero Heroico, tomonidan keltirilgan Merilend instituti san'at kolleji "dunyodagi eng mashhur fotosurat" sifatida.^[18]

Hayotning boshlang'ich davri

O'smir Ernesto (chapda) ota-onasi va aka-ukalari bilan, v. 1944 yil, uning yonida chapdan o'ngga o'tirgan: Celia (onasi), Celia (singlisi), Roberto, Xuan Martin, Ernesto (otasi) va Ana Mariya

Ernesto Gevara Ernesto Gevara Linch va Celia de la Serna y Llosa, 1928 yil 14-iyunda tug'ilgan.^[3] yilda Rosario, Argentina. U yuqori sinfdagi besh farzandning to'ng'ichi edi Argentinalik oilasi Ispaniya (shu jumladan Bask, Kantabriya ) va Irland onasining ajdodi tomonidan kelib chiqishi, Patrik Linch.^[19][20][21] Garchi Gevaraning tug'ilganlik to'g'risidagi guvohnomasida qonuniy ismi "Ernesto Gevara" bo'lsa-da, uning ismi ba'zan "de la Serna" va / yoki "Linch" bilan birga keladi.^[22] Che "notinch" tabiatiga ishora qilib, otasi "birinchi navbatda o'g'limning tomirlarida qonning qoni oqishini ta'kidlash kerak" Irlandiyalik isyonchilar ".^[23]

Hayotda juda erta bo'lgan Ernestito (u shunday nomlangan) "kambag'allarga yaqinlik" ni rivojlantirdi.^[24] Bilan birga oilada o'sgan chap Gevaraga suyanib, bolaligida ham siyosiy istiqbollarning keng doirasi bilan tanishdi.^[25] Uning otasi, tarafdorlari Respublikachilar dan Ispaniya fuqarolar urushi, ko'pincha Gevara uyidagi mojarolardan ko'plab faxriylarni qabul qildi.^[26]

O'tkir jarohatlarga duchor bo'lishiga qaramay Astma uni butun hayoti davomida azoblashi kerak edi, u sportchi sifatida o'zini ko'rsatdi, suzish, futbol, ​​golf va otishni o'rganishdan zavqlanib, shu bilan birga "charchamaydigan" velosipedchiga aylandi.^[27][28] U g'ayratli edi regbi ittifoqi o'yinchi,^[29] va o'ynagan uchib ketish uchun Buenos-Ayresning Universitario klubi.^[30] Uning regbi bilan o'ynashi unga "Fuzer" laqabini berdi - bu qisqarish El Furibundo (g'azablangan) va onasining familiyasi, de la Serna - tajovuzkor o'yin uslubi uchun.^[31]

Intellektual va adabiy manfaatlar

22 yoshli Gevara 1951 yilda

Gevara bilib oldi shaxmat 12 yoshidan boshlab mahalliy turnirlarda qatnashishni boshladi. O'smirlik davrida va butun umri davomida u she'riyatga, ayniqsa, she'riyatga ixlosmand edi. Pablo Neruda, Jon Kits, Antonio Machado, Federiko Gartsiya Lorka, Gabriela Mistral, Sezar Vallexo va Uolt Uitmen.^[32] U ham o'qishi mumkin edi Rudyard Kipling "Agar— "va Xose Ernandes "s Martin Fierro yurakdan.^[32] Gevara uyida 3000 dan ortiq kitob bor edi, bu Gevaraga g'ayratli va eklektik o'quvchi bo'lishiga imkon berdi, shu jumladan qiziqishlari bilan Karl Marks, Uilyam Folkner, Andre Gide, Emilio Salgari va Jyul Vern.^[33] Bundan tashqari, u asarlardan zavqlanardi Javaharlal Neru, Franz Kafka, Albert Kamyu, Vladimir Lenin va Jan-Pol Sartr; shu qatorda; shu bilan birga Anatole Frantsiya, Fridrix Engels, H. G. Uells va Robert Frost.^[34]

U ulg'aygan sari Lotin Amerikasi yozuvchilariga qiziqish paydo bo'ldi Horacio Quiroga, Ciro Alegriya, Xorxe Ikaza, Ruben Dario va Migel Asturiya.^[34] Ushbu mualliflarning ko'pgina g'oyalarini u o'z qo'li bilan yozilgan daftarlarida kataloglar, ta'sirli ziyolilar tushunchalari, ta'riflari va falsafalari. Bunga analitik eskizlar tuzish kiradi Budda va Aristotel, o'rganish bilan birga Bertran Rassel sevgi va vatanparvarlik to'g'risida, Jek London jamiyat va Nitsshe o'lim g'oyasi bo'yicha. Zigmund Freyd fikrlari uni o'ziga jalb qildi, chunki u turli mavzularda iqtibos keltirdi orzular va libido ga narsisizm va Edip kompleksi.^[34] Maktabda uning sevimli fanlari falsafa, matematika, muhandislik, siyosatshunoslik, sotsiologiya, tarix va arxeologiya.^[35][36]

Bir necha yil o'tgach, 1958 yil 13 fevralda e'lon qilingan Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasining "biografik va shaxsiy ma'lumotlari" Gevaraning ilmiy qiziqishlari va intellektining keng doirasiga e'tibor qaratib, uni "juda yaxshi o'qigan" deb ta'riflagan va "Che lotin uchun juda intellektual" deb qo'shgan.^[37]

Mototsikl safari

Gevara (o'ngda) bilan Alberto Granado (chapda) 1952 yil iyun oyida Amazon daryosi tomonidan sovg'a qilingan "Mambo-Tango" yog'och sal ustiga moxovlar kimni davolashgan^[38]

1948 yilda Gevara kirdi Buenos-Ayres universiteti tibbiyotni o'rganish. Uning "dunyoni o'rganish uchun ochligi"^[39] uni o'zining kollektiv mashg'ulotlarini o'zaro va Lotin Amerikasidagi zamonaviy iqtisodiy sharoitlarni tubdan o'zgartirib yuborgan ikkita uzoq introspektiv sayohatlar bilan aralashtirishga undadi. 1950 yildagi birinchi ekspeditsiya 4500 kilometr (2800 milya) yakkaxon sayohati qishloq viloyatlari bo'ylab yurish edi. shimoliy Argentina u kichik dvigatel o'rnatgan velosipedda.^[40] Buning ortidan 1951 yilda to'qqiz oy davomida Janubiy Amerikaning bir qismi orqali to'qqiz oylik 8000 km (5000 mil) qit'a mototsikl yurishi kuzatildi. Ikkinchisi uchun, u do'sti bilan birga borish uchun o'qishdan bir yil bo'shatdi Alberto Granado, yakuniy maqsadi bilan bir necha hafta davomida San-Pabloda ko'ngillilik qilish moxov kasalligi yilda Peru, ning qirg'og'ida Amazon daryosi.^[41]

Bilan Gevaraning 1952 yilgi safari xaritasi Alberto Granado (qizil o'qlar havo harakatiga to'g'ri keladi)

Yilda Chili, Gevara konchilarning mehnat sharoitlaridan g'azablandi Anakonda "s Chukikamata Mis koni va uning bir kecha-kunduz uchrashuvi bilan harakatga keldi Atakama sahrosi quvg'in bilan kommunistik Hattoki adyolga ham ega bo'lmagan er-xotin ularni "kapitalistik ekspluatatsiya jigari va qoni qurbonlari" deb ta'riflagan.^[42] Bundan tashqari, yo'lda Machu Picchu yuqori And, unga dehqonlar dehqonlar boy mulkdorlarga qarashli kichik er uchastkalari bilan ishlaydigan chekka qishloqlarning qashshoqligi ta'sir ko'rsatdi.^[43] Keyinchalik Gevara safari davomida moxov koloniyasida yashovchilar o'rtasidagi do'stlikdan juda ta'sirlanib: "Insonlarning birdamligi va sadoqatining eng yuqori shakllari bunday yolg'iz va umidsiz odamlar orasida paydo bo'ladi".^[43] Gevara ushbu sayohat davomida yozilgan yozuvlardan foydalanib, yozuv yozdi Mototsikl kundaliklari, keyinchalik a Nyu-York Tayms bestseller,^[44] va 2004 yilga moslashtirildi mukofotga sazovor bo'lgan shu nomdagi film.

Gevarani sayohat Argentina, Chili, Peru, Ekvador, Kolumbiya, Venesuela, Panama va Mayami, Florida, 20 kunga,^[46] uyga qaytishdan oldin Buenos-Ayres. Safar oxirida u Lotin Amerikasini alohida millatlarning to'plami sifatida emas, balki butun qit'ada ozodlik strategiyasini talab qiladigan yagona mavjudot sifatida qabul qildi. Uning cheksiz, birlashganligi haqidagi tushunchasi Ispan Amerikasi umumiy lotin merosini baham ko'rish, uning keyingi inqilobiy faoliyati davomida taniqli bo'lgan mavzu edi. Argentinaga qaytib kelgach, u o'qishni tugatdi va 1953 yil iyun oyida tibbiyot darajasini oldi va uni rasmiy ravishda "doktor Ernesto Gevara" qildi.^[47][48]

Keyinchalik Gevara Lotin Amerikasida bo'lgan sayohatlari davomida "qashshoqlik, ochlik va kasalliklar bilan yaqin aloqada" bo'lganligini, "pul etishmasligi sababli bolani davolay olmaslik" va "doimiy ochlik va jazo qo'zg'atadigan bema'nilik" bilan birga bo'lganligini ta'kidladi. bu otani "o'g'lining yo'qolishini ahamiyatsiz baxtsiz hodisa sifatida qabul qilishga" olib keladi. Gevara ushbu tajribalarni unga "bu odamlarga yordam berish" uchun tibbiyot sohasini tark etish va qurolli kurashning siyosiy maydonini ko'rib chiqish zarurligiga ishontirgan holda keltirdi.^[5]

Gvatemala, Arbenz va United Fruit

1953 yil 7-iyulda Gevara yana Boliviya, Peru, Ekvador, Panama, Kosta-Rika, Nikaragua, Gonduras va Salvador. 1953 yil 10-dekabrda Gvatemalaga jo'nab ketishdan oldin Gevara o'zining Beatriz xolasiga xabar yubordi San-Xose, Kosta-Rika. Gevara maktubida hukmronligini bosib o'tish haqida gapiradi United Fruit Company, bu kompaniyaning kapitalistik tuzumi dahshatli ekanligiga ishonch hosil qilgan sayohat.^[49] Bu g'azab uning ko'proq konservativ qarindoshlarini qo'rqitish uchun qabul qilgan tajovuzkor ohangini ko'tarib chiqdi va Gevaraning o'sha paytda yaqinda vafot etgani tasviriga qasamyod qilishi bilan tugadi. Jozef Stalin, ushbu "sakkizoyoqlar mag'lub qilinmaguncha" tinchlanish uchun emas.^[50] O'sha oyning oxirida Gevara prezident joylashgan Gvatemalaga etib keldi Yakobo Arbenz Guzman orqali demokratik yo'l bilan saylangan hukumatni boshqargan er islohoti va boshqa tashabbuslar, oxiriga etkazishga harakat qilar edi latifundiya tizim. Buni amalga oshirish uchun Prezident Arbenz a yer islohotining asosiy dasturi, bu erda ishlov berilmagan yirik yer egaliklarining barcha qismlari ekspspuratsiya qilinishi va ersiz dehqonlar uchun qayta taqsimlanishi kerak edi. Eng katta er egasi va islohotlardan eng ko'p zarar ko'rgan biri bu edi United Fruit Company, undan Arbenz hukumati allaqachon 225000 akr (91000 ga) dan ortiq ishlov berilmagan erlarni olib ketgan.^[51] Gevara xalq yurgan yo'ldan mamnun bo'lib, "haqiqiy inqilobchi bo'lish uchun o'zini kamol toptirish va zarur bo'lgan barcha ishlarni bajarish uchun" Gvatemalaga joylashishga qaror qildi.^[52]

Che Gevaraning 1953 yildan 1956 yilgacha bo'lgan sayohatlari xaritasi, shu jumladan uning bortidagi sayohati Granma

Yilda Gvatemala shahri, Gevara qidirdi Xilda Gadea Akosta, chap tarafdor Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA) a'zosi sifatida siyosiy jihatdan yaxshi aloqada bo'lgan Perulik iqtisodchi. Amerika Ommaviy Inqilobiy Ittifoqi ). U Gevarani bir qator yuqori darajadagi amaldorlar bilan tanishtirdi Arbenz hukumati. Keyin Gevara Kubaning surgun qilingan guruhi bilan aloqani o'rnatdi Fidel Kastro 1953 yil 26-iyulgacha hujum ustida Monkada kazarmalari yilda Santyago-de-Kuba. Ushbu davrda u argentinalikni tez-tez ishlatib turishi tufayli mashhur laqabini oldi plomba hece che (ko'p maqsadli nutq markeri, hece kabi "eh "Kanada ingliz tilida).^[53] Gvatemalada bo'lganida, Gevaraga boshqa Markaziy Amerika surgunlari yordam bergan, ulardan biri, Helena Leyva de Xolst, uni ovqat va turar joy bilan ta'minladi,^[54] Rossiya va Xitoyda marksizmni o'rganish uchun qilgan sayohatlarini muhokama qildi,^[55] va Gevara kimga "Invitación al camino" she'rini bag'ishlagan.^[56]

1954 yil may oyida piyoda va engil artilleriya qurollari jo'natildi Kommunistik Chexoslovakiya Arbenz hukumati uchun va kirib keldi Puerto-Barrios.^[57] Natijada, 1953 yildan buyon topshirilgan Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari hukumati Prezident Eyzenxauer Arbenzni ko'p qirrali Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi operatsion kodida kuchdan olib tashlash PBS muvaffaqiyati - Gvatemalani radio orqali Arbenzga qarshi tashviqot bilan to'yingan va varaqalar tashlagan va markirovka qilinmagan samolyotlar yordamida reydlarni boshlagan.^[58] Qo'shma Shtatlar, shuningdek, boshchiligidagi bir necha yuz gvatemalalik qochqinlar va yollanma askarlarga homiylik qildi Castillo Armas Arbenz hukumatini olib tashlashga yordam berish. 27 iyun kuni Arbenz iste'foga chiqishga qaror qildi.^[59] Bu Armas va uning Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi yordamidagi kuchlariga Gvatemala shahriga yurish va a harbiy xunta 7 iyulda Armasni Prezident etib saylagan.^[60] Natijada, Armas rejimi shubhali kommunistlarni to'plash va qatl etish orqali hokimiyatni mustahkamladi,^[61] ilgari gullab-yashnagan kasaba uyushmalarini maydalash paytida^[62] va avvalgi agrar islohotlarni bekor qilish.^[63]

Gevaraning o'zi Arbenz nomidan jang qilishni juda xohlagan va qurollanganlarga qo'shilgan militsiya Kommunistik Yoshlar tomonidan shu maqsadda uyushtirilgan, ammo guruhning harakatsizligidan hafsalasi pir bo'lgan u tez orada tibbiy xizmatga qaytdi. To'ntarishdan keyin u yana jang qilishga ko'ngillilar bilan murojaat qildi, ammo ko'p o'tmay Arbenz Meksika elchixonasida boshpana topdi va chet el tarafdorlarini mamlakatni tark etishni aytdi. Gevaraning bir necha bor qarshilik ko'rsatishga chaqirgani to'ntarishni qo'llab-quvvatlovchilar tomonidan qayd etilgan va u qotillikda ayblangan.^[64] Xilda Gadea hibsga olingandan so'ng, Gevara ichkaridan himoya izladi Argentina konsulligi, u erda bir necha hafta o'tgach xavfsiz harakatlanish kartasini olguncha qoldi va yo'l oldi Meksika.^[65]

Arbenz rejimining ag'darilishi va o'ng qanotli Armas diktaturasining o'rnatilishi Gevaraning AQShga nisbatan nuqtai nazarini mustahkamladi imperialistik Lotin Amerikasi va boshqa rivojlanayotgan mamlakatlarda mavjud bo'lgan ijtimoiy-iqtisodiy tengsizlikni tiklashga intilgan har qanday hukumatga qarshi chiqqan va ularni yo'q qilishga urinayotgan hokimiyat.^[52] Gevara to'ntarish haqida gapirganda shunday dedi:

Lotin Amerikasidagi so'nggi inqilobiy demokratiya - Jacobo Arbenz - AQSh tomonidan amalga oshirilgan sovuq oldindan rejalashtirilgan tajovuz natijasida muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi. Uning ko'zga ko'rinadigan boshi davlat kotibi edi Jon Foster Dulles, kamdan-kam tasodif tufayli, shuningdek, aktsiyador va advokat bo'lgan odam United Fruit Company.^[64]

Gevaraning qurolli kurash orqali erishilgan va qurolli aholi tomonidan himoya qilingan marksizm bu kabi sharoitlarni tuzatishning yagona yo'li ekanligiga ishonchi shu tarzda mustahkamlandi.^[66] Keyinchalik Gadea shunday deb yozgan edi: "Gvatemala uni nihoyat qurolli kurash va imperializmga qarshi tashabbus ko'rsatish zarurligiga ishontirdi. U ketguncha u bunga amin edi".^[67]

Mexiko shahri va tayyorgarlik

Gevara bilan Xilda Gadea da Chichén Itzá ularning asal sayohatida

Gevara 1954 yil 21 sentyabrda Mexiko shahriga keldi va allergiya bo'limida ishladi Umumiy kasalxona va Meksikadagi Infantil kasalxonasida.^[68][69] Bundan tashqari, u tibbiyot bo'yicha ma'ruzalar qildi Tibbiyot fakulteti ichida Meksika milliy avtonom universiteti uchun yangiliklar fotografi sifatida ishlagan Latina yangiliklar agentligi.^[70][71] Uning birinchi rafiqasi Xilda xotirasida Che bilan hayotim, Gevara bir muncha vaqt Afrikada shifokor bo'lib ishlashni o'ylardi va u atrofdagi qashshoqlikdan qattiq tashvishga tushgan.^[72] Bir misolda, Xilda Gevaraning o'zi davolayotgan keksa yuvuvchi ayolga bo'lgan munosabatini tasvirlab berib, uni "eng unutilgan va ekspluatatsiya qilingan sinfning vakili" deb bilishini ta'kidladi. Keyinchalik Xilda Chening keksa ayolga bag'ishlagan "yaxshi dunyo uchun kurashish, barcha kambag'allar va ekspluatatsiya qilinganlar uchun yaxshi hayot uchun kurashish va'dasi" ni o'z ichiga olgan she'rini topdi.^[72]

Shu vaqt ichida u Giko Lemez va Gvatemalada uchrashgan boshqa kubalik surgunchilar bilan do'stligini tikladi. 1955 yil iyun oyida Lopes uni tanishtirdi Raul Kastro, keyinchalik uni akasi bilan tanishtirgan, Fidel Kastro tashkil etgan inqilobiy rahbar 26-iyul harakati va endi diktaturani ag'darishni rejalashtirgan edi Fulgencio Batista. Gevara birinchi uchrashuvi kechasi bilan Fidel bilan bo'lgan uzoq suhbat chog'ida kubalikni qidirib topganining sababi va tong otguncha u a'zo sifatida ro'yxatdan o'tgan degan xulosaga keldi. 26 iyul harakati.^[73] O'zlarining "qarama-qarshi shaxslariga" qaramay, Che va Fidel shu paytdan boshlab o'zaro bir-biriga sodiq bo'lishlari natijasida, ikki tomonlama biograf Saymon Rayd-Genri "dunyoni o'zgartiradigan inqilobiy do'stlik" deb hisoblashlarini kuchaytira boshladilar. anti-imperializm.^[74]

Gevara hayotidagi ushbu nuqtaga kelib, u AQSh tomonidan nazorat qilinadi deb hisoblagan konglomeratlar butun dunyo bo'ylab repressiv rejimlarni o'rnatgan va qo'llab-quvvatlagan. Shu nuqtai nazardan u Batistani "AQSh qo'g'irchog'i uning iplarini kesish kerak edi ".^[75] U guruhniki bo'lishni rejalashtirgan bo'lsa-da jangovar tibbiyot, Gevara Harakat a'zolari bilan harbiy mashg'ulotlarda qatnashdi. Treningning asosiy qismi zarba berish va yugurish taktikalarini o'rganishni o'z ichiga olgan partizan urushi. Gevara va boshqalar pistirma va tez chekinish tartiblarini o'rganib, takomillashtirib, tog'lar bo'ylab, daryolar bo'ylab va zich o'tlar orqali 15 soatlik mashaqqatli yurishlarni o'tkazdilar. Gevara boshidanoq edi Alberto Bayoningniki berilgan sovrinlarning barchasida eng yuqori ball to'plagan o'quvchilar orasida "sovrinli o'quvchi".^[76] Kurs tugagandan so'ng, ularni o'qituvchisi general Bayo "uni eng yaxshi partizan" deb atadi.^[77]

Keyinchalik Gevara Kubani ozod qilishga yordam berish rejasini boshlashdan oldin 1955 yil sentyabrda Gadeaga Meksikada uylandi.^[78]

Kuba inqilobi

Bosqin, urush va Santa Klara

Kastroning inqilobiy rejasidagi birinchi qadam Meksikadan Kubaga qarshi hujum edi Granma, eski, sızıntılı idishni kreyseri. Ular 1956 yil 25-noyabrda Kubaga yo'l oldilar. Batista harbiylari qo'nishidan ko'p o'tmay hujumga uchraganlarida, 82 kishining aksariyati hujumda o'ldirilgan yoki qo'lga olinib o'ldirilgan; faqat 22 kishi keyinchalik bir-birini topdi.^[79] Ushbu dastlabki qonli to'qnashuv paytida Gevara tibbiyot buyumlarini qo'ydi va qochib ketgan o'rtog'i tashlab yuborgan o'q-dorilar qutisini oldi va bu Che hayotidagi ramziy moment ekanligini isbotladi.^[80]

Gevara xachir ustiga Las-Villas viloyati, Kuba, 1958 yil noyabr

Faqatgina inqilobchilarning kichik bir guruhi tubida tubsiz jangovar kuch sifatida qayta guruh bo'lib omon qoldi Sierra Maestra ular tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanadigan tog'lar shahar partizanlari tarmog'i Frank Pais, 26 Iyul harakati va mahalliy kempesinolar. Guruh Syerraga jo'nab ketgach, dunyo 1957 yil boshida intervyu bergan paytgacha Kastro tirikmi yoki o'likmi deb hayron bo'ldi. Gerbert Metyus ichida paydo bo'ldi The New York Times. Maqola Kastro va partizanlar uchun uzoq muddatli, deyarli afsonaviy obrazni taqdim etdi. Gevara intervyu uchun hozir bo'lmagan, ammo yaqin oylarda u ommaviy axborot vositalarining o'z kurashidagi ahamiyatini anglay boshladi. Shu bilan birga, etkazib berish va ruhiy holat kamayib, chivin chaqishi allergiyasi natijasida yong'oq kattaligi azoblanadi. kistalar uning tanasida,^[81] Gevara bu "urushning eng og'riqli kunlari" deb hisobladi.^[82]

Gevara davrida kambag'allar orasida yashirin yashagan yordamchi dehqonlar Sierra-Maestra tog'laridan u maktablar yo'qligini, elektr energiyasi yo'qligini, sog'liqni saqlashga minimal kirish imkoniyatini va kattalarning 40 foizdan ko'pini savodsiz.^[83] Urush davom etar ekan, Gevara isyonchilar armiyasining ajralmas qismiga aylandi va "Kastroni mahorat, diplomatiya va sabr bilan ishontirdi".^[8] Gevara granata ishlab chiqaradigan fabrikalar ochdi, non pishirish uchun pechlar qurdi va savodsiz kampesinolarni o'qish va yozishni o'rgatadigan maktablar tashkil etdi.^[8] Bundan tashqari, Gevara sog'liqni saqlash klinikalarini, harbiy taktikani o'rgatish ustaxonalarini va ma'lumot tarqatish uchun gazetani tashkil etdi.^[84] Odam kim Vaqt Uch yildan so'ng "Kastroning miyasi" deb nomlangan ushbu pog'onada reklama qilingan Fidel Kastro ga Komandante (qo'mondon) ikkinchi armiya kolonnasi.^[8]

Ikkinchi buyruq sifatida Gevara qo'pol intizomchi bo'lgan, ba'zida qochib ketganlarni otib tashlagan. Cho'llar xoin sifatida jazolangan va Gevara borishni istaganlarni ta'qib qilish uchun otryadlarini yuborishi ma'lum bo'lgan AWOL.^[85] Natijada, Gevara o'zining shafqatsizligi va shafqatsizligi uchun qo'rqib ketdi.^[86] Partizan kampaniyasi paytida Gevara ham javobgar edi qisqacha qatllar deb ayblangan bir qator erkaklarning informatorlar, qochqinlar yoki ayg'oqchilar.^[87] Gevara o'zining kundaliklarida Kubaning havo kuchlari hujumi uchun qo'zg'olonning pozitsiyasini bir necha bor bergani uchun o'n ming peso va'dasini qabul qilganligi aniqlanganda xiyonat qilganini tan olgan dehqonlar armiyasining yo'lboshchisi Evtimio Gerraning birinchi qatl etilishini tasvirlab berdi.^[88] Bunday ma'lumotlar Batista armiyasiga inqilobga xayrixoh dehqonlar uylarini yoqib yuborishga ham imkon berdi.^[88] Gerraning "uning hayotini tezda tugatishlarini" iltimosiga binoan,^[88] Che oldinga qadam qo'ydi va uning boshiga o'q otdi va shunday deb yozdi: "Vaziyat odamlar uchun va Evtimio uchun noqulay edi, shuning uchun men miyaning o'ng tomonida .32 avtomati bilan o'q uzib, o'ng tomonida teshik bor edi. vaqtinchalik [lob]. "^[89] Uning ilmiy yozuvlari va haqiqatni tavsiflashi, bitta biografga urushning shu paytgacha bo'lgan "zo'ravonlik bilan ajralib turadigan" guruhini taklif qildi.^[89] Keyinchalik Gevara ushbu voqea haqida "Xoinning o'limi" deb nomlangan adabiy hisobotni nashr etdi, u erda Evtimioning xiyonati va inqilob "o'z farzandlariga g'amxo'rlik qiling" degan qatl etish iltimosini "inqilobchiga" o'zgartirdi. masal qurbonlik orqali qutqarish to'g'risida ".^[89]

Uning partizan bazasida quvur chekish Escambray tog'lari

Garchi u talabchan va qattiqqo'lligini saqlagan bo'lsa-da, Gevara o'z qo'mondonining rolini o'qituvchilardan biri sifatida ko'rib, o'z tanaffuslari paytida odamlarni ko'ngil ochar edi. Robert Lui Stivenson, Migel de Servantes va ispan tilida lirik shoirlar.^[90] Ushbu rol bilan birgalikda va ilhomlangan Xose Marti Gevara "chegarasiz savodxonlik" printsipi asosida, isyonchi jangchilar o'zlari yashagan va o'qish va yozish uchun kurashgan o'qimagan kampesinolarni o'rgatish uchun har kuni vaqt ajratishini ta'minladi, Gevara "jaholatga qarshi kurash" deb atadi.^[83] Gevaraning qo'mondonligi ostida jang qilgan Tomas Alba keyinchalik "Che qattiq va talabchan bo'lishiga qaramay uni sevishgan. Biz u uchun jonimizni bergan bo'lar edik" deb aytgan.^[91]

Uning qo'mondoni Fidel Kastro Gevarani aqlli, jasur va "o'z qo'shinlari ustidan katta axloqiy hokimiyatga ega bo'lgan" namunali rahbar sifatida tavsifladi.^[92] Kastro Gevaraning juda ko'p tavakkal qilganligini, hattoki "bema'nilikka moyilligini" ta'kidladi.^[93] Gevaraning o'spirin leytenanti Joel Iglesias o'zining kundaligida bunday harakatlarni eslatib, Gevaraning jangdagi xatti-harakatlari hatto dushmanning hayratiga sabab bo'lganini ta'kidladi. Bir safar Iglesias jangda yarador bo'lgan vaqtini aytib berar ekan, "Che menga o'q uzgan holda yugurib chiqib, meni yelkasiga tashladi va meni u erdan olib chiqib ketdi. Soqchilar unga o'q otishga jur'at eta olmadilar." Keyinchalik ular menga uning xavfini hisobga olmagan holda to'pponchasini belbog'iga tiqib yugurib chiqqanini ko'rib, ularda katta taassurot qoldirganini aytishdi.^[94]

Ning yaratilishida Gevara muhim rol o'ynagan yashirin radiostansiya Radio Rebelde 1958 yil fevral oyida (isyonchilar radiosi) Kubaning xalqiga 26 iyul harakati bayonotlari bilan yangiliklar tarqatgan va taqdim etgan radiotelefon orol bo'ylab tobora ko'payib borayotgan isyonchilar ustunlari o'rtasidagi aloqa. Gevara, ehtimol samaradorligini kuzatish orqali stantsiyani yaratishga ilhomlantirgan edi Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi hukumatini siqib chiqarish uchun Gvatemalada radio bilan ta'minlangan Yakobo Arbenz Guzman.^[95]

Isyonni bostirish uchun Kuba hukumat qo'shinlari isyonchi mahbuslarni joyida qatl qilishni boshladilar va qo'rqitish taktikasi sifatida tinch aholini muntazam ravishda to'playdilar, qiynoqqa soladilar va otib tashladilar.^[96] 1958 yil martiga kelib, Batista kuchlari tomonidan davom etayotgan vahshiyliklar AQShni Kuba hukumatiga qurol sotishni to'xtatishga olib keldi.^[84] Keyinchalik 1958 yil iyul oyining oxirida Gevara muhim rol o'ynadi Las-Mersedes jangi uning ustunidan foydalanib, Kastro kuchlarini o'rab olish va yo'q qilish rejasida Batista generali Kantillo tomonidan chaqirilgan 1500 kishilik kuchni to'xtatish uchun. Yillar o'tib, Mayor Larri Bokman Qo'shma Shtatlar dengiz piyoda korpusi Chening ushbu jangga taktik baho berishini "yorqin" deb tahlil qildi va tavsifladi.^[97] Shu vaqt ichida Gevara, shuningdek, Batista armiyasiga qarshi urish va yugurish taktikasini boshqarishda "mutaxassis" bo'ldi va keyin armiya qarshi hujumga o'tmasdan qishloqqa qaytdi.^[98]

Keyin Santa Klara jangi, 1959 yil 1-yanvar

Urush davom etar ekan, Gevara so'nggi jang uchun g'arbga jo'natilgan yangi jangchilar kolonnasini boshqargan Gavana. Gevara piyoda sayohat qilib, 7 haftalik qiyin yurishni boshladi, faqat pistirmaga tushmaslik uchun tunda sayohat qildi va ko'pincha bir necha kun ovqat yemadi.^[99] 1958 yil dekabr oyining yopilish kunlarida Gevaraning vazifasi orolni olib, yarmini qisqartirish edi Las-Villas viloyat. Bir necha kun ichida u bir qator "yorqin taktik g'alabalarni" amalga oshirdi, bu unga viloyatning poytaxtidan boshqa shaharlarni boshqarish imkoniyatini berdi. Santa Klara.^[99] Gevara keyinchalik "o'z joniga qasd qilish guruhini" boshqargan Santa Klara hujumi, bu inqilobning so'nggi hal qiluvchi harbiy g'alabasiga aylandi.^[100][101] Jang oldidan olti hafta ichida uning odamlari butunlay qurshab olingan, qurolsizlanib, haddan oshib ketgan paytlar bo'lgan. Che ning 10: 1 hisobidan ustun bo'lishiga qaramay g'alaba qozonishi ba'zi kuzatuvchilarning fikriga ko'ra "zamonaviy janglarda ajoyib kuch-quvvat" bo'lib qolmoqda.^[102]

Rebelde radiosi Gevaraning ustunida bo'lgan birinchi xabarlarni tarqatdi Santa Klara oldi 1958 yil Yangi yil arafasida. Bu Gevaraning jang paytida vafot etganligi to'g'risida bir bosqichda xabar bergan kuchli nazorat ostida bo'lgan milliy axborot vositalarining xabarlariga zid edi. 1959 yil 1 yanvar kuni ertalab soat 3 da, uning generallari Gevara bilan alohida tinchlik muzokaralari olib borayotganligini bilib, Fulgencio Batista Gavanadagi samolyotga o'tirdi va qochib ketdi Dominika Respublikasi, birgalikda "payvandlash va to'lovlar orqali 300.000.000 AQSh dollaridan ko'proq boylik" to'plangan.^[103] Ertasi kuni, 2-yanvar kuni Gevara kirib keldi Gavana poytaxt ustidan yakuniy nazoratni o'z qo'liga olish.^[104] Fidel Kastro yana olti kunga etib keldi, chunki 1959 yil 8 yanvarda Gavanaga g'alaba qozonish yo'lida bir nechta yirik shaharlarda qo'llab-quvvatlanishni to'xtatdi. Ikki yillik inqilobiy janglarda o'lganlar soni 2000 kishini tashkil etdi.^[105]

1959 yil yanvar oyining o'rtalarida Gevara yozgi villada yashash uchun ketdi Tarara astma xurujidan qutulish uchun.^[106] U erda u Kubaning ijtimoiy, siyosiy va iqtisodiy rivojlanishining yangi rejalarini muhokama qilgan va shakllantirgan "Tarara Group" guruhini boshladi.^[107] Bundan tashqari, Che o'z kitobini yozishni boshladi Partizanlar urushi Tararada dam olish paytida.^[107] Fevral oyida inqilobiy hukumat Gevarani uning g'alabadagi rolini inobatga olib "tug'ilgan Kubaning fuqarosi" deb e'lon qildi.^[108] Qachon Xilda Gadea yanvar oyi oxirida Kubaga kelgan, Gevara unga boshqa ayol bilan aloqadorligini aytgan va ikkalasi ajrashishga kelishib olgan,^[109] 22 may kuni yakunlandi.^[110] 1959 yil 2-iyunda u turmushga chiqdi Aleida mart, 1958 yil oxiridan beri birga yashab kelgan Kubada tug'ilgan, 26 iyul harakatining a'zosi. Gevara iyun oyida Aleida bilan asal oyi uchun dengiz bo'yidagi Tarara qishlog'iga qaytib keldi.^[111] Umuman olganda, Gevaraning ikkita turmushidan beshta farzandi bor edi.^[112]

La Kabana, er islohoti va savodxonlik

(O'ngdan chapga) isyonchilar etakchisi Camilo Cienfuegos, Kuba Prezidenti Manuel Urrutiya va Gevara (1959 yil yanvar)

Birinchi yirik siyosiy inqiroz, qatag'onning eng yomoni bo'lgan asir olingan Batista amaldorlari bilan nima qilish kerakligi to'g'risida paydo bo'ldi.^[113] Batista diktaturasiga qarshi qo'zg'olon paytida Fidel Kastro boshchiligidagi qo'zg'olonchilar armiyasining umumiy qo'mondonligi uning nazorati ostidagi hududlarga 19-asrning jazo qonuni keng tarqalgan deb nomlangan. Ley de la Syerra (Sierra qonuni).^[114] Ushbu qonun Batista rejimi yoki inqilob tarafdorlari tomonidan sodir etilgan bo'lsin, jiddiy jinoyatlar uchun o'lim jazosini o'z ichiga olgan. 1959 yilda inqilobiy hukumat o'z dasturini butun respublikaga va inqilobdan keyin qo'lga olingan va sud qilingan jinoyatchi deb bilganlarga tarqatdi. Ga ko'ra Kuba Adliya vazirligi, ushbu so'nggi kengaytma aholining aksariyati tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlandi va xuddi shu tartibda amalga oshirildi Nürnberg sudlari tomonidan o'tkazilgan Ittifoqchilar Ikkinchi jahon urushidan keyin.^[115]

Gevara o'zining savdo belgisida zaytun-yashil harbiy charchoq va beret

Ushbu rejaning bir qismini amalga oshirish uchun Kastro Gevara qo'mondoni deb nomlangan La Kabana qal'asi qamoq, besh oy muddatga (1959 yil 2 yanvardan 12 iyungacha).^[116] Gevaraga yangi hukumat tomonidan Batista armiyasini tozalash va xoin deb hisoblanganlarga qarshi "inqilobiy adolat" talab qilish orqali g'alabani mustahkamlashda ayblashdi, chivatos (axborot beruvchilar) yoki harbiy jinoyatchilar.^[117] Gevara La Kabananing qo'mondoni sifatida inqilobiy tribunal jarayonida hukm qilinganlarning murojaatlarini ko'rib chiqdi.^[9] Tribunallarni 2-3 armiya zobiti, baholovchi va mahalliy obro'li fuqaro olib bordi.^[118] Ba'zi hollarda tribunal tomonidan berilgan jazo otishma bilan o'ldirilgan.^[119] Kuba Adliya vazirligining katta yurist-maslahatchisi Raul Gomes Tretoning ta'kidlashicha, o'lim jazosi fuqarolarning o'zlari adolatni o'z qo'llariga olishlariga yo'l qo'ymaslik uchun o'ldirish jazosi oqlangan, chunki bundan 20 yil oldin Machadoga qarshi isyon.^[120] Biograflarning ta'kidlashicha, 1959 yil yanvar oyida Kuba jamoatchiligi «linchin kayfiyatida» bo'lgan,^[121] va sud jarayonida 93% jamoatchilik tomonidan ma'qullanganligini ko'rsatadigan o'sha paytdagi so'rovga ishora qiling.^[9] Bundan tashqari, 1959 yil 22-yanvar, Universal Newsreel Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlarida efirga uzatilgan va rivoyat qilgan Ed Herlihy Fidel Kastro taxminan bir million kubalikdan qatl qilinishini ma'qullayaptimi yoki yo'qmi deb so'raganligi va shovqin-suron bilan kutib olinishi xususida "! Si!"(ha).^[122] Batista sheriklari qo'lida o'ldirilgan deb taxmin qilingan 20 mingga yaqin kubalik,^{[123][124][125][126]} va ayblanayotgan o'lim jazosiga hukm qilingan ko'plab aybdor harbiy jinoyatchilar qiynoq va jismoniy zo'ravonliklar,^[9] yangi vakolatli hukumat olomonning qichqirig'i bilan qatl qilingan "¡Al paredón!" ([devorga!),^[113] qaysi biograf Xorxe Kasteneda "hurmatsiz" deb ta'riflaydi tegishli jarayon ".^[127]

Hisob-kitoblar turlicha bo'lishiga qaramay, taxmin qilinishicha, shu vaqt ichida butun mamlakat bo'ylab bir necha yuz kishi qatl qilingan, Gevaraning yurisdiktsion o'limi La Kabanada 55 dan 105 gacha bo'lgan.^[129] Gevaraning La Kabandagi qatllarga nisbatan munosabatiga qarama-qarshi qarashlar mavjud. Ba'zi muhojiratdagi muxolifat biograflari uning otishma marosimlarini yoqtirgani va ularni ishtiyoq bilan uyushtirganligi, boshqalari esa Gevaraning iloji boricha ko'proq mahbuslarni afv etgani haqida xabar berishadi.^[127] Barcha tomonlar Gevaraning "qotib qolgan" odamga aylanganini tan olishadi, u o'lim jazosidan yoki xulosaviy va jamoaviy sudlardan qo'rqmaydi. Agar "inqilobni himoya qilishning yagona usuli dushmanlarini qatl etish bo'lsa, u insonparvarlik yoki siyosiy bahslarga chalg'imasdi".^[127] 1959 yil 5-fevralda Luis Paredes Lopesga xat Buenos-Ayres Gevara shubhasiz ta'kidlaydi: "otashinlar tomonidan qatl etish nafaqat Kuba xalqi uchun zarurat, balki xalqning majburlovidir".^[130]

"Inqilobiy adolat" ni ta'minlash bilan bir qatorda Gevaraning yana bir muhim platformasi agrar tashkil etish edi er islohoti. Gevara inqilob muvaffaqiyatidan deyarli darhol, 1959 yil 27 yanvarda o'zining eng muhim nutqlaridan birini o'tkazdi, u erda "isyonchilar armiyasining ijtimoiy g'oyalari" haqida gapirdi. Ushbu nutq davomida u Kuba yangi hukumatining asosiy tashvishi "ijtimoiy adolat" ekanligini e'lon qildi erlarni qayta taqsimlash olib keladi ".^[131] Bir necha oy o'tgach, 1959 yil 17-may kuni Agrar islohotlar to'g'risidagi qonun Gevara tomonidan ishlab chiqarilgan kuchga kirdi va barcha fermer xo'jaliklari hajmini 1000 gektargacha (400 ga) chekladi. Ushbu chegaralardagi har qanday egaliklar hukumat tomonidan ekspropriatsiya qilingan va 67 gektarlik (270,000 m) dehqonlarga qayta taqsimlangan.²) posilkalar yoki davlat kommunalari sifatida saqlanadi.^[132] Qonunda chet elliklar Kubaning shakar plantatsiyalariga egalik qila olmasliklari ham belgilangan edi.^[133]

Gevara bilan suhbatlashmoqda Tito tashrifi davomida Yugoslaviya

Gevara tashrif buyuradi G'azo sektori 1959 yilda

1959 yil 12 iyunda Kastro Gevarani uch oylik ekskursiyaga 14 kishidan iborat safarga yubordi Bandung pakti mamlakatlar (Marokash, Sudan, Misr, Suriya, Pokiston, Hindiston, Shri-Lanka, Birma, Tailand, Indoneziya, Yaponiya, Yugoslaviya, Gretsiya) va Singapur va Gonkong shaharlari.^[134] Gevarani Gavanadan jo'natish Kastroga Gevaradan va undan uzoqlashishi uchun ko'rinishga imkon berdi Marksistik hamdardlik, bu AQShni ham, Kastroning 26 Iyul Harakati a'zolarini ham tashvishga solgan.^[135] Ichida Jakarta, Gevara Indoneziya prezidentiga tashrif buyurdi Sukarno yaqinda muhokama qilish Indoneziyadagi 1945-1949 yillardagi inqilob va ikki mamlakat o'rtasida savdo aloqalarini o'rnatish. Ikki kishi tezda bog'lanib qolishdi, chunki Sukarno Gevaraning kuchi va uning norasmiy yondashuviga jalb qilingan edi; bundan tashqari ular inqilobiy bo'lishdi chap qarshi intilishlar g'arbiy imperializm.^[136] Guevara next spent 12 days in Japan (15–27 July), participating in negotiations aimed at expanding Cuba's trade relations with that country. During the visit he refused to visit and lay a wreath at Japan's Tomb of the Unknown Soldier commemorating soldiers lost during Ikkinchi jahon urushi, remarking that the Japanese "imperialists" had "killed millions of Asians".^[137] Instead, Guevara stated that he would visit Xirosima, where the American military had portlatilgan an atom-bomb 14 years earlier.^[137] Despite his denunciation of Imperial Yaponiya, Guevara considered Prezident Truman a "macabre clown" for the bombings,^[138] and after visiting Hiroshima and its Tinchlik yodgorlik muzeyi he sent back a postcard to Cuba stating, "In order to fight better for peace, one must look at Hiroshima."^[139]

Upon Guevara's return to Cuba in September 1959, it became evident that Castro now had more political power. The government had begun land seizures in accordance with the agrarian reform law, but was hedging on compensation offers to landowners, instead offering low-interest "bonds", a step which put the United States on alert. At this point the affected wealthy cattlemen of Kamaguy mounted a campaign against the land redistributions and enlisted the newly-disaffected rebel leader Xuber Matos, who along with the anti-Communist wing of 26 July Movement, joined them in denouncing "Communist encroachment".^[140] During this time Dominican dictator Rafael Truxillo was offering assistance to the "Anti-Communist Legion of the Caribbean " which was training in the Dominican Republic. This multi-national force, composed mostly of Spaniards and Cubans, but also of Croatians, Germans, Greeks, and right-wing mercenaries, was plotting to topple Castro's new regime.^[140]

Guevara in 1960, walking through the streets of Havana with his wife Aleida mart (o'ngda)

Such threats were heightened when, on 4 March 1960, two massive explosions ripped through the French freighter La Coubre, olib yurgan Belgian munitions portidan Antverpen, and was docked in Gavana porti. The blasts killed at least 76 people and injured several hundred, with Guevara personally providing first aid to some of the victims. Fidel Castro immediately accused the CIA of "an act of terrorism" and held a state funeral the following day for the victims of the blast.^[141] At the memorial service Alberto Korda took the famous photograph of Guevara, now known as Gerrillero Heroico.^[142]

Perceived threats prompted Castro to eliminate more "aksilinqilobchilar " and to utilize Guevara to drastically increase the speed of er islohoti. To implement this plan, a new government agency, the Milliy agrar islohotlar instituti (INRA), was established by the Cuban Government to administer the new Agrarian Reform law. INRA quickly became the most important governing body in the nation, with Guevara serving as its head in his capacity as minister of industries.^{[133][tekshirish uchun kotirovka kerak ]} Under Guevara's command, INRA established its own 100,000-person militia, used first to help the government seize control of the expropriated land and supervise its distribution, and later to set up cooperative farms. The land confiscated included 480,000 acres (190,000 ha) owned by United States corporations.^[133] Months later, in retaliation, US President Duayt D. Eyzenxauer sharply reduced United States imports of Cuban sugar (Cuba's main cash crop), which led Guevara on 10 July 1960 to address over 100,000 workers in front of the Prezident saroyi at a rally to denounce the "economic aggression" of the United States.^[143] Time jurnali reporters who met with Guevara around this time described him as "guid(ing) Cuba with icy calculation, vast competence, high intelligence, and a perceptive sense of humor."^[8]

Along with land reform, Guevara stressed the need for national improvement in savodxonlik. Before 1959 the official literacy rate for Cuba was between 60–76%, with educational access in rural areas and a lack of instructors the main determining factors.^[145] As a result, the Cuban government at Guevara's behest dubbed 1961 the "year of education" and mobilized over 100,000 volunteers into "literacy brigades", who were then sent out into the countryside to construct schools, train new educators, and teach the predominantly illiterate guajiros (peasants) to read and write.^[83][145] Unlike many of Guevara's later economic initiatives, this campaign was "a remarkable success". By the completion of the Kuba savodxonligi kampaniyasi, 707,212 adults had been taught to read and write, raising the national literacy rate to 96%.^[145]

Accompanying literacy, Guevara was also concerned with establishing universal access to higher education. To accomplish this the new regime introduced tasdiqlovchi harakat to the universities. While announcing this new commitment, Guevara told the gathered faculty and students at the University of Las Villas that the days when education was "a privilege of the white middle class" had ended. "The University" he said, "must paint itself black, mulatto, worker, and peasant." If it did not, he warned, the people were going to break down its doors "and paint the University the colors they like."^[146]

Marxist ideological influence

A qismi seriyali kuni
Marksizm
Nazariy ishlar Iqtisodiy va falsafiy 1844 yildagi qo'lyozmalar Feyerbax bo'yicha tezislar Nemis mafkurasi Ish haqi mehnat va kapital Kommunistik manifest O'n sakkizinchi brumer Lui Napoleon Grundrisse der Kritik der Politischen Ökonomie Uchun hissa Siyosiy iqtisodiyotni tanqid qilish Das Kapital Gota dasturini tanqid qilish Tabiatning dialektikasi
Falsafa Iqtisodiy determinizm Tarixiy materializm Marksning dialektikasi Marks usuli Tabiat falsafasi
Iqtisodiyot Poytaxt (to'planish ) Inqiroz nazariyasi Tovar Ekspluatatsiya Ishlab chiqarish omillari Mehnat vositalari Ishlab chiqarish vositalari Ishlab chiqarish usuli Osiyo Kapitalistik Sotsialistik Qiymat qonuni Ishlab chiqarish kuchlari Ilmiy sotsializm Ortiqcha mahsulot Ortiqcha qiymat Qiymat shakli Ish haqi
Sotsiologiya Alienation Asosiy va yuqori qurilish Burjua Sinf Sinf ongi Sinfiy kurash Sinfsiz jamiyat Tovar fetishizmi Kommunistik jamiyat Madaniy gegemonlik Proletariat diktaturasi Ekspluatatsiya Erkin uyushma Umumiy aql Inson tabiati Mafkura Immiseratsiya Lumpenproletariat Metabolik yoriq Proletariat Xususiy mulk Ishlab chiqarish munosabatlari Reifikatsiya Davlat nazariyasi Ijtimoiy metabolizm Ishchilar sinfi
Tarix Anarxizm va marksizm Sovet Ittifoqidagi falsafa Ibtidoiy to'planish Proletar inqilobi Proletar internatsionalizmi Jahon inqilobi Yosh Marks
Aspektlari Estetika Arxeologiya Kriminologiya Madaniy tahlil Feminizm Film nazariyasi Geografiya Tarixnoma Adabiy tanqid Marksizm va din
Variantlar Analitik Austro Budapesht maktabi Klassik Demokratik sotsializm Evrokommunizm Frankfurt maktabi Freyd Hegelian Humanist Impossibilizm Instrumental Ozodlik Autonomism Kengash kommunizm De-Leonizm Chap kommunizm Bordigizm Leninizm Marksizm-leninizm Maoizm Trootskizm Neomramsiyanizm Neo- Neue Marks-Lektüre Ochiq Pravoslav Siyosiy Post- Revizionist Praxis maktabi Ijtimoiy demokratiya Strukturaviy G'arbiy
Odamlar Karl Marks Engels Bebel Bernstein De Leon Kautskiy Eleanor Marks Debs Xardi Plexanov Zetkin Gorkiy Konnoli Lenin Lyuksemburg Libbekt Kollontai Pannekoek Buxarin Stalin Trotskiy Borochov Lukaks Korsch Xo Gramsci Benjamin Mao Horkheimer Ibarruri Reyx Aragon Brext Marcuse Fromm Lefebvre Adorno Sartr Rubel Bovuar Allende Dunayevskaya Tegirmonlar Hobsbawm Althusser Pasolini Zinn Miliband Parenti Bauman Guevara Kastro Debord Fanon Xarvi Volf Sankara Žižek Losurdo Varoufakis
Tegishli mavzular Tanqidiy nazariya Marksizmni tanqid qilish Kommunizm Kommunizm tarixi Chap siyosat Yangi chap Old chap Ijtimoiy anarxizm Anarxo-kommunizm Sotsializm Ozodlik Inqilobiy Utopik
Tegishli toifalar ► Karl Marks
Kontur  Kommunizm portali  Falsafa portali  Sotsializm portali

The merit of Marx is that he suddenly produces a qualitative change in the history of social thought. He interprets history, understands its dynamic, predicts the future, but in addition to predicting it (which would satisfy his scientific obligation), he expresses a revolutionary concept: the world must not only be interpreted, it must be transformed. Man ceases to be the slave and tool of his environment and converts himself into the architect of his own destiny.

— Che Guevara, Notes for the Study of the Ideology of the Cuban, 1960 yil oktyabr ^[147]

In September 1960, when Guevara was asked about Cuba's ideology at the First Latin American Congress, he replied, "If I were asked whether our revolution is Communist, I would define it as Marksistik. Our revolution has discovered by its methods the paths that Marx pointed out."^[148] Consequently, when enacting and advocating Cuban policy, Guevara cited the political philosopher Karl Marks as his ideological inspiration. In defending his political stance, Guevara confidently remarked, "There are truths so evident, so much a part of people's knowledge, that it is now useless to discuss them. One ought to be Marxist with the same naturalness with which one is 'Nyuton ' in fizika, yoki 'Pasteurian ' in biologiya."^[147] According to Guevara, the "practical revolutionaries" of the Cuban Revolution had the goal of "simply fulfill(ing) laws foreseen by Marx, the scientist."^[147] Using Marx's predictions and system of dialektik materializm, Guevara professed that "The laws of Marksizm are present in the events of the Cuban Revolution, independently of what its leaders profess or fully know of those laws from a theoretical point of view."^[147]

Economic vision and the "New Man"

Man truly achieves his full human condition when he produces without being compelled by the physical necessity of selling himself as a commodity.

— Che Guevara, Man and Socialism in Cuba^[149]

At this stage, Guevara acquired the additional position of Finance Minister, as well as President of the Milliy bank.^[150] These appointments, combined with his existing position as Minister of Industries, placed Guevara at the zenith of his power, as the "virtual czar" of the Cuban economy.^[143] As a consequence of his position at the head of the central bank, it became Guevara's duty to sign the Cuban currency, which per custom bore his signature. Instead of using his full name, he signed the bills solely "Che".^[151] It was through this symbolic act, which horrified many in the Cuban financial sector, that Guevara signaled his distaste for money and the class distinctions it brought about.^[151] Guevara's long time friend Ricardo Rojo later remarked that "the day he signed Che on the bills, (he) literally knocked the props from under the widespread belief that money was sacred."^[152]

Guevara meeting with French ekzistensialist faylasuflar Jan-Pol Sartr va Simone de Bovoir at his office in Havana, March 1960. Sartre later wrote that Che was "the most complete human being of our time". In addition to Spanish, Guevara was fluent in French.^[153]

In an effort to eliminate ijtimoiy tengsizliklar, Guevara and Cuba's new leadership had moved to swiftly transform the political and economic base of the country through milliylashtirish factories, banks, and businesses, while attempting to ensure affordable housing, healthcare, and employment for all Cubans.^[154] In order for a genuine transformation of consciousness to take root, it was believed that such structural changes had to be accompanied by a conversion in people's ijtimoiy munosabatlar va qiymatlar. Believing that the attitudes in Cuba towards race, women, individualizm, and manual labor were the product of the island's outdated past, all individuals were urged to view each other as equals and take on the values of what Guevara termed "el Hombre Nuevo" (the New Man).^[154] Guevara hoped his "new man" to be ultimately "selfless and cooperative, obedient and hard working, gender-blind, incorruptible, moddiy bo'lmagan va antiimperialistik ".^[154] To accomplish this, Guevara emphasized the tenets of Marksizm-leninizm, and wanted to use the state to emphasize qualities such as tenglik va fidoyilik, at the same time as "unity, equality, and freedom" became the new maxims.^[154] Guevara's first desired economic goal of the new man, which coincided with his aversion for wealth condensation va iqtisodiy tengsizlik, was to see a nationwide elimination of material incentives in favor of ahloqiy bittasi. He negatively viewed capitalism as a "contest among wolves" where "one can only win at the cost of others" and thus desired to see the creation of a "new man and woman".^[155] Guevara continually stressed that a socialist economy in itself is not "worth the effort, sacrifice, and risks of war and destruction" if it ends up encouraging "greed and individual ambition at the expense of collective spirit ".^[156] A primary goal of Guevara's thus became to reform "individual consciousness" and values to produce better workers and citizens.^[156] In his view, Cuba's "new man" would be able to overcome the "xudbinlik "va"xudbinlik " that he loathed and discerned was uniquely characteristic of individuals in capitalist societies.^[156] To promote this concept of a "new man", the government also created a series of party-dominated institutions and mechanisms on all levels of society, which included organizations such as labor groups, youth leagues, women's groups, jamoat markazlari va houses of culture to promote state-sponsored art, music, and literature. In congruence with this, all educational, mass media, and artistic community based facilities were nationalized and utilized to instill the government's official sotsialistik mafkura.^[154] In describing this new method of "development", Guevara stated:

There is a great difference between free-enterprise development and revolutionary development. In one of them, wealth is concentrated in the hands of a fortunate few, the friends of the government, the best wheeler-dealers. In the other, wealth is the people's patrimony.^[157]

A further integral part of fostering a sense of "unity between the individual and the mass", Guevara believed, was volunteer work and will. To display this, Guevara "led by example", working "endlessly at his ministry job, in construction, and even cutting sugar cane" on his day off.^[158] He was known for working 36 hours at a stretch, calling meetings after midnight, and eating on the run.^[156] Such behavior was emblematic of Guevara's new program of moral incentives, where each worker was now required to meet a quota and produce a certain quantity of goods. As a replacement for the pay increases abolished by Guevara, workers who exceeded their quota now only received a certificate of commendation, while workers who failed to meet their quotas were given a pay cut.^[156] Guevara unapologetically defended his personal philosophy towards motivation and work, stating:

Guevara fishing off the coast of Havana, on 15 May 1960. Along with Castro, Guevara competed with expatriate author Ernest Xeminguey at what was known as the "Hemingway Fishing Contest ".

This is not a matter of how many pounds of meat one might be able to eat, or how many times a year someone can go to the beach, or how many ornaments from abroad one might be able to buy with his current salary. What really matters is that the individual feels more complete, with much more internal richness and much more responsibility.^[159]

In the face of a loss of commercial connections with Western states, Guevara tried to replace them with closer commercial relationships with Sharqiy blok states, visiting a number of Marxist states and signing trade agreements with them. At the end of 1960 he visited Chexoslovakiya, Sovet Ittifoqi, North Korea, Hungary and Sharqiy Germaniya and signed, for instance, a trade agreement in East Berlin on 17 December 1960.^[160] Such agreements helped Cuba's economy to a certain degree but also had the disadvantage of a growing economic dependency on the Eastern Bloc. It was also in East Germany where Guevara met Tamara Bunke (later known as "Tania"), who was assigned as his interpreter, and who joined him years later, and was killed with him in Bolivia.

Whatever the merits or demerits of Guevara's economic principles, his programs were unsuccessful,^[161] and accompanied a rapid drop in productivity and a rapid rise in absenteeism.^[162] In a meeting with French economist Rene Dumont, Guevara blamed the inadequacy of the Agrarian Reform Law enacted by the Cuban government in 1959, which turned large plantations into farm kooperativlar or split up land amongst peasants.^[163] In Guevara's opinion, this situation continued to promote a "heightened sense of individual ownership" in which workers could not see the positive social benefits of their labor, leading them to instead seek individual material gain as before.^[164] Decades later, Che's former deputy Ernesto Betancourt, subsequently the director of the US government-funded Marti radiosi and an early ally turned Castro-critic, accused Guevara of being "ignorant of the most elementary economic principles."^[165]

Bay of Pigs, and missile crisis

On 17 April 1961, 1,400 U.S.-trained Cuban exiles invaded Cuba during the Cho'chqalar ko'rfazasi bosqini. Guevara did not play a key role in the fighting, as one day before the invasion a warship carrying Marines faked an invasion off the West Coast of Pinar del Río and drew forces commanded by Guevara to that region. However, historians give him a share of credit for the victory as he was director of instruction for Cuba's armed forces at the time.^[10] Muallif Tad Shulch in his explanation of the Cuban victory, assigns Guevara partial credit, stating: "The revolutionaries won because Che Guevara, as the head of the Instruction Department of the Revolutionary Armed Forces in charge of the militia training program, had done so well in preparing 200,000 men and women for war."^[10] It was also during this deployment that he suffered a bullet grazing to the cheek when his pistol fell out of its holster and accidentally discharged.^[166]

Guevara (left) and Fidel Kastro, photographed by Alberto Korda in 1961

In August 1961, during an economic conference of the Amerika davlatlari tashkiloti yilda Punta del Este, Uruguay, Che Guevara sent a note of "gratitude" to United States President Jon F. Kennedi orqali Richard N. Gudvin, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Inter-American Affairs. It read "Thanks for Playa Girón (Bay of Pigs). Before the invasion, the revolution was shaky. Now it's stronger than ever."^[167] In response to United States Treasury Secretary Duglas Dillon taqdim etish Taraqqiyot uchun ittifoq for ratification by the meeting, Guevara antagonistically attacked the United States claim of being a "democracy", stating that such a system was not compatible with "financial oligarxiya, discrimination against blacks, and outrages by the Ku-kluks-klan ".^[168] Guevara continued, speaking out against the "persecution" that in his view "drove scientists like Oppengeymer from their posts, deprived the world for years of the marvelous voice of Pol Robeson va yuborildi Rozenberglar to their deaths against the protests of a shocked world."^[168] Guevara ended his remarks by insinuating that the United States was not interested in real reforms, sardonically quipping that "U.S. experts never talk about agrarian reform; they prefer a safe subject, like a better water supply. In short, they seem to prepare the revolution of the toilets."^[169] Nevertheless, Goodwin stated in his memo to President Kennedy following the meeting that Guevara viewed him as someone of the "newer generation"^[170] and that Guevara, whom Goodwin alleged sent a message to him the day after the meeting through one of the meeting's Argentine participants whom he described as "Darretta,"^[170] also viewed the conversation which the two had as "quite profitable."^[170]

Guevara, who was practically the architect of the Soviet–Cuban relationship,^[171] then played a key role in bringing to Cuba the Sovet yadro qurolli ballistic missiles Bu yog'ingarchilik Kuba raketa inqirozi in October 1962 and brought the world to the brink of yadro urushi.^[172] A few weeks after the crisis, during an interview with the British communist newspaper the Daily Worker, Guevara was still fuming over the perceived Soviet betrayal and told correspondent Sam Russell that, if the missiles had been under Cuban control, they would have fired them off.^[173] While expounding on the incident later, Guevara reiterated that the cause of socialist liberation against global "imperialist aggression" would ultimately have been worth the possibility of "millions of atomic war victims".^[174] The missile crisis further convinced Guevara that the world's two superpowers (the United States and the Sovet Ittifoqi ) used Cuba as a pawn in their own global strategies. Afterward, he denounced the Soviets almost as frequently as he denounced the Americans.^[175]

Xalqaro diplomatiya

Countries Che Guevara visited (red) and those in which he participated in armed revolution (green)

In December 1964, Che Guevara had emerged as a "revolutionary statesman of world stature" and thus traveled to New York City as head of the Cuban delegation to speak at the United Nations.^[152] On 11 December 1964, during Guevara's hour-long, impassioned address at the UN, he criticized the United Nations' inability to confront the "brutal policy of apartheid " in South Africa, asking "Can the United Nations do nothing to stop this?"^[176] Guevara then denounced the United States policy towards their black population, bildirgan:

Those who kill their own children and discriminate daily against them because of the color of their skin; those who let the murderers of blacks remain free, protecting them, and furthermore punishing the black population because they demand their legitimate rights as free men—how can those who do this consider themselves guardians of freedom?^[176]

An indignant Guevara ended his speech by reciting the Second Declaration of Havana, decreeing Latin America a "family of 200 million brothers who suffer the same miseries".^[176] This "epic", Guevara declared, would be written by the "hungry Indian masses, peasants without land, exploited workers, and progressive masses". To Guevara the conflict was a struggle of masses and ideas, which would be carried forth by those "mistreated and scorned by imperializm " who were previously considered "a weak and submissive flock". With this "flock", Guevara now asserted, "Yankee monopoly capitalism" now terrifyingly saw their "gravediggers".^[176] It would be during this "hour of vindication", Guevara pronounced, that the "anonymous mass" would begin to write its own history "with its own blood" and reclaim those "rights that were laughed at by one and all for 500 years". Guevara closed his remarks to the General Assembly by hypothesizing that this "wave of anger" would "sweep the lands of Latin America" and that the labor masses who "turn the wheel of history" were now, for the first time, "awakening from the long, brutalizing sleep to which they had been subjected".^[176]

Guevara later learned there had been two failed attempts on his life by Kubalik surgunlar during his stop at the UN complex.^[177] The first from Molly Gonzales, who tried to break through barricades upon his arrival with a seven-inch hunting knife, and later during his address by Guillermo Novo, who fired a timer-initiated bazooka from a boat in the Sharqiy daryo da Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Bosh qarorgohi, but missed and was off target. Afterwards Guevara commented on both incidents, stating that "it is better to be killed by a woman with a knife than by a man with a gun", while adding with a languid wave of his cigar that the explosion had "given the whole thing more flavor".^[177]

Walking through Qizil maydon in Moscow, November 1964

While in New York, Guevara appeared on the CBS Sunday news program Xalq bilan yuzlash,^[178] and met with a wide range of people, from United States Senator Evgeniy Makkarti^[179] to associates of Malkolm X. The latter expressed his admiration, declaring Guevara "one of the most revolutionary men in this country right now" while reading a statement from him to a crowd at the Audubon balli zali.^[180]

On 17 December, Guevara left New York for Paris, France, and from there embarked on a three-month world tour that included visits to the People's Republic of China, North Korea, the United Arab Republic, Algeria, Ghana, Guinea, Mali, Dahomey, Congo-Brazzaville and Tanzania, with stops in Ireland and Praga. While in Ireland, Guevara embraced his own Irish heritage, celebrating Saint Patrick's Day yilda Limerik shahar.^[181] He wrote to his father on this visit, humorously stating "I am in this green Ireland of your ancestors. When they found out, the television [station] came to ask me about the Lynch genealogy, but in case they were horse thieves or something like that, I didn't say much."^[182]

During this voyage, he wrote a letter to Carlos Quijano, editor of a Uruguayan weekly, which was later retitled Socialism and Man in Cuba.^[155] Outlined in the treatise was Guevara's summons for the creation of a new consciousness, a new status of work, and a new role of the individual. He also laid out the reasoning behind his anti-capitalist sentiments, stating:

The laws of capitalism, blind and invisible to the majority, act upon the individual without his thinking about it. He sees only the vastness of a seemingly infinite horizon before him. That is how it is painted by capitalist propagandists, who purport to draw a lesson from the example of Rokfeller —whether or not it is true—about the possibilities of success. The amount of poverty and suffering required for the emergence of a Rockefeller, and the amount of depravity that the accumulation of a fortune of such magnitude entails, are left out of the picture, and it is not always possible to make the people in general see this.^[155]

Guevara ended the essay by declaring that "the true revolutionary is guided by a great feeling of love" and beckoning on all revolutionaries to "strive every day so that this love of living humanity will be transformed into acts that serve as examples", thus becoming "a moving force".^[155] The genesis for Guevara's assertions relied on the fact that he believed the example of the Cuban Revolution was "something spiritual that would transcend all borders".^[34]

Algiers, the Soviets, and China

Yilda Jazoir, Algeria, on 24 February 1965, Guevara made what turned out to be his last public appearance on the international stage when he delivered a speech at an economic seminar on Afro-Asian solidarity.^[183][184] He specified the moral duty of the socialist countries, accusing them of tacit complicity with the exploiting Western countries. He proceeded to outline a number of measures which he said the communist-bloc countries must implement in order to accomplish the defeat of imperializm.^[185] Having criticized the Soviet Union (the primary financial backer of Cuba) in such a public manner, he returned to Cuba on 14 March to a solemn reception by Fidel and Raúl Castro, Osvaldo Dorticós and Carlos Rafael Rodríguez at the Havana airport.

As revealed in his last public speech in Algiers, Guevara had come to view the Northern Hemisphere, led by the U.S. in the West and the Soviet Union in the East, as the exploiter of the Janubiy yarim shar. He strongly supported Communist Shimoliy Vetnam ichida Vetnam urushi, and urged the peoples of other developing countries to take up arms and create "many Vietnams".^[186] Che's denunciations of the Soviets made him popular among intellectuals and artists of the Western European left who had lost faith in the Soviet Union, while his condemnation of imperialism and call to revolution inspired young radical students in the United States, who were impatient for societal change.^[187]

In Guevara's private writings from this time (since released), he displays his growing criticism of the Soviet political economy, believing that the Soviets had "forgotten Marks ".^[188] This led Guevara to denounce a range of Soviet practices including what he saw as their attempt to "air-brush the inherent violence of sinfiy kurash uchun ajralmas o'tish kapitalizmdan to sotsializm ", ularning" xavfli "siyosati tinch yashash Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari bilan, ish g'oyasi tomon "ongni o'zgartirish" ga intilmasliklari va "erkinlashtirish "sotsialistik iqtisodiyot. Gevara pulni butunlay yo'q qilishni xohladi, qiziqish, tovar ishlab chiqarish, bozor iqtisodiyoti va "merkantil munosabatlar ": Sovetlar ilgari surgan barcha shartlar faqat qachon yo'qoladi dunyo kommunizmi erishildi.^[188] Ushbu ekstremalist yondashuvga rozi bo'lmagan Gevara tanqid qildi Sovet siyosiy iqtisod qo'llanmasi, agar SSSR bekor qilmasa, to'g'ri taxmin qilish qiymat qonuni (Gevara xohlaganidek), u oxir-oqibat kapitalizmga qaytadi.^[188]

Jazoirdagi nutqidan va Kubaga qaytganidan ikki hafta o'tgach, Gevara jamoat hayotidan chiqib ketdi va keyin umuman g'oyib bo'ldi.^[189] Uning joylashgan joyi Kubada juda katta sir edi, chunki u odatda hokimiyatda Kastroning o'zi uchun ikkinchi o'rinda edi. Uning g'oyib bo'lishini turli xil tarzda u sanoat vaziri sifatida ilgari surgan Kuba sanoatlashtirish sxemasining muvaffaqiyatsizligi, Gevaraning tarafdorlarini rad etgan sovet mulozimlari tomonidan Kastroga bosim o'tkazilishi bilan izohlanadi.Xitoy kommunistik pozitsiyasi Xitoy-Sovet bo'linishi va Gevara bilan amaliy Kastro o'rtasidagi Kubaning iqtisodiy rivojlanishi va mafkuraviy yo'nalishi bo'yicha jiddiy farqlarga.^[190] Gevaraning taqdiri bilan bog'liq xalqaro spekulyatsiyalarga duch kelgan Kastro 1965 yil 16-iyunda Gevaraning o'zi ularga xabar berishni xohlaganda odamlar xabardor bo'lishini aytdi. Hali ham Gevaraning qaerdaligi haqida mish-mishlar Kuba ichida ham, tashqarisida ham tarqaldi.

1965 yil 3 oktyabrda Kastro Gevara tomonidan unga taxminan etti oy oldin yozilgan va keyinchalik Che Gevaraning "xayrlashuv xati" deb nomlangan, yozilmagan tarixiy xatni oshkor qildi. Maktubda Gevara Kuba inqilobi bilan doimiy birdamligini yana bir bor tasdiqladi, ammo chet elda inqilobiy ish uchun kurashish uchun Kubani tark etish niyatini bildirdi. Bundan tashqari, u Kuba hukumati va kommunistik partiyasidagi barcha lavozimlaridan iste'foga chiqdi va o'zining faxriy Kuba fuqaroligidan voz kechdi.^[191]

Afrika Kongosi

Kongolik go'dakni ushlab turgan va boshqa hamkasbi bilan turgan 37 yoshli Gevara Afro-kubalik askar Kongo inqirozi, 1965

1965 yil boshida Gevara Afrikaga borgan va partizan sifatida o'z bilim va tajribasini taklif qilgan Kongoda mojaro. Jazoir prezidentining so'zlariga ko'ra Ahmed Ben Bella, Gevara Afrikani imperializmning zaif bo'g'ini va shuning uchun ulkan inqilobiy salohiyatga ega deb o'ylardi.^[193] Misr prezidenti Gamal Abdel Noser 1959 yilgi tashrifidan beri Che bilan birodarlik aloqalarida bo'lgan Gevaraning Kongoda jang qilish rejasini "aqlsiz" deb bildi va u "bo'lishini" ogohlantirdi.Tarzan "muvaffaqiyatsizlikka mahkum bo'lgan raqam.^[194] Ogohlantirishga qaramay, Gevara Ramon Benites taxallusi yordamida Kongoga yo'l oldi.^[195] U davom etayotgan Kongo inqirozidan chiqqan marksistik Simba harakatini qo'llab-quvvatlash uchun Kuba operatsiyasini boshqargan. Gevara, uning ikkinchi qo'mondoni Vektor Dreke va Kubaning boshqa 12 ekspeditsiyasi 1965 yil 24 aprelda Kongoga kelishgan va taxminan 100 kishi Afro-kubaliklar ko'p o'tmay ularga qo'shildi.^[196][197] Bir muncha vaqt ular partizanlarning etakchisi bilan hamkorlik qildilar Loran-Déziré Kabila, ag'darilgan prezident tarafdorlariga yordam bergan Patris Lumumba bir necha oy oldin muvaffaqiyatsiz qo'zg'olonga rahbarlik qilish. Gevara marhum Lumumbaning muxlisi sifatida uning "o'ldirilishi hammamizga ibrat bo'lishi kerak" deb e'lon qildi.^[198] Gevara, bilimi cheklangan Suaxili va mahalliy tillarga Freddi Ilanga ismli o'spirin tarjimon tayinlandi. Etti oy davomida Ilanga "qora tanlilarga xuddi oq tanlilarga nisbatan hurmat ko'rsatgan" mehnatsevar Gevaraga qoyil qoldi.^[199] Gevara tez orada Kabila qo'shinlarining yomon tartib-intizomidan hafsalasi pir bo'ldi va keyinchalik uni "hech kim uni zamonning odami ekaniga ishontirishga majbur qilmaydi", deb ishdan bo'shatdi.^[200]

Qo'shimcha to'siq sifatida oq yollanma qo'shinlar Kongo milliy armiyasi, boshchiligida Mayk Xare va Kastroga qarshi Kubalik uchuvchilar va Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanib, Gevaraning uning qishlog'i yaqinidagi tog'larda joylashgan lageridagi harakatlariga to'sqinlik qildi. Fizi kuni Tanganyika ko'li Kongoning janubi-sharqida. Ular uning aloqalarini kuzatishga muvaffaq bo'lishdi va shu sababli uning hujumlarini to'xtatib, etkazib berish liniyalariga to'siq qo'yishdi. Gevara Kongodagi mavjudligini yashirishga harakat qilgan bo'lsa-da, Qo'shma Shtatlar hukumati uning joylashgan joyi va faoliyatini bilar edi. The Milliy xavfsizlik agentligi bortidagi uskunalar orqali barcha kiruvchi va chiquvchi uzatmalarini ushlab turardi USNSOddiy askar Xose F. Valdez (T-AG-169), Hind okeanini doimiy ravishda suzib yuruvchi suzuvchi tinglash posti Dar es Salom shu maqsadda.^[201]

A tinglash Zenit Trans-okean qisqa to'lqinli radio qabul qilgich (chap tomonda o'tirganlar) Rogelio Oliva, Xose Mariya Martines Tamayo (Kongoda "Mbili" va Boliviyada "Rikardo" nomi bilan tanilgan) va Gevara. Ularning ortida Roberto Sanches turadi (Kubada "Lauton" va Kongoda "Changa"), 1965 yil.

Gevaraning maqsadi shu edi inqilobni eksport qilish mahalliy piyodalarga qarshi ko'rsatmalar berish orqaliMobutu Simba jangchilari Marksistik mafkura va foko nazariyasi strategiyalari partizan urushi. Uning ichida Kongo kundaligi kitobda u qo'zg'olonning muvaffaqiyatsiz bo'lishining asosiy sabablari sifatida Kongo isyonchilarining qobiliyatsizligi, murosasizligi va ichki kurashining kombinatsiyasini keltiradi.^[202] Keyinchalik o'sha yili, 1965 yil 20-noyabr kuni, azob chekdi dizenteriya O'tkir astma va etti oylik mag'lubiyat va harakatsizlikdan keyin ko'ngli qolgan Gevara o'zining 12 kishilik kolonnasidan olti kubalik omon qolganlar bilan Kongoni tark etdi. Gevara inqilobiy misol sifatida yaradorlarni Kubaga qaytarib yuborishni va o'limigacha yolg'iz Kongoda jang qilishni rejalashtirganligini aytdi. Ammo o'rtoqlari va Kastro tomonidan shaxsan yuborilgan ikkita Kubalik emissarlarning da'vatidan so'ng, u so'nggi daqiqada Afrikani tark etishga istamay rozi bo'ldi. O'sha kecha va tun davomida Gevaraning kuchlari jimgina o'zlarining bazaviy lagerlarini tushirdilar, kulbalarini yoqdilar va ular olib ketolmaydigan qurollarni Tanganika ko'liga tashladilar yoki tashladilar, tunda chegaradan qayiqda Tanzaniyaga o'tib, quruqlik bilan sayohat qildilar. Dar es Salom. Bir necha oy o'tgach Kongodagi tajribasi haqida gapirar ekan, Gevara o'limga qadar kurashishdan ko'ra chiqib ketdi, degan xulosaga keldi: "Inson unsuri muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchradi. Jang qilishga iroda yo'q. [Isyonkor] rahbarlari buzuq. Bir so'z bilan aytganda ... qiladigan hech narsa yo'q edi. "^[203] Gevara, shuningdek, "biz kurashishni istamaydigan mamlakatni o'zimiz ozod qila olmaymiz" deb e'lon qildi.^[204] Bir necha hafta o'tgach, u Kongo tashabbusi paytida saqlagan kundaligining muqaddimasini yozdi: "Bu muvaffaqiyatsizlikka uchragan voqea".^[205]

Gevara Kubaga qaytishni istamas edi, chunki Kastro allaqachon Gevaraning "xayrlashuv xati" ni - bu faqat uning o'limida ochilishi kerak bo'lgan maktubni - butun dunyo bo'ylab inqilobga bag'ishlash uchun barcha aloqalarni uzib qo'ygan edi.^[206] Natijada, Gevara keyingi olti oyni Kubaning elchixonasida yashirin yashadi Dar es Salom va keyinchalik Kubadagi seyfxonada Praga.^[207] Evropada bo'lganida, Gevara Argentinaning sobiq prezidentiga maxfiy tashrif buyurgan Xuan Peron muhojiratda yashagan Francoist Ispaniya u erda Peringa butun Lotin Amerikasini sotsialistik nazorat ostiga olish uchun kommunistik inqilobni shakllantirish bo'yicha yangi rejasi haqida ishongan. Peron Gevarani Boliviyadan boshlab butun Lotin Amerikasida kommunistik inqilobni amalga oshirish rejalari o'z joniga qasd qilish va befoyda bo'lishidan ogohlantirdi, ammo Gevaraning fikri allaqachon tuzilgan edi. Keyinchalik Peron Gevaraning "etuk bo'lmagan utopik ... lekin bizlardan biri edi", deb ta'kidladi. Men bunday bo'lishidan xursandman, chunki u Yankilarga chinakam bosh og'rig'ini beryapti.^[208]

Chet elda bo'lgan bu vaqt ichida Gevara Kongo tajribasi haqidagi xotiralarini yig'di va yana ikkita kitobning loyihalarini yozdi: biri falsafa, ikkinchisi iqtisod. Gevara Boliviyaga tayyorlanayotganda, 1966 yil 21 iyulda Kastroga tashrif buyurish uchun, shuningdek, rafiqasini ko'rish uchun va o'limidan so'ng besh farzandiga o'qish uchun oxirgi maktubini yozish uchun yashirincha Kubaga qaytib bordi. :

Eng asosiysi, har doim, dunyoning istalgan nuqtasida, kimgadir qarshi qilingan har qanday adolatsizlikni chuqur his etishga qodir bo'ling. Bu inqilobchining eng chiroyli sifati.^[209]

Boliviya

1966 yil oxirida Gevaraning joylashuvi hali ham ommaviy emas edi, garchi Mozambikning mustaqillik harakati vakillari FRELIMO, Gevara bilan 1966 yil oxirida Dar es Salamda uning inqilobiy loyihasiga yordam berish taklifi to'g'risida uchrashganliklari haqida xabar berishdi va ular oxir-oqibat rad etishdi.^[210] 1967 yildagi nutqida Xalqaro ishchilar kuni Gavanadagi miting, qurolli kuchlar vaziri vazifasini bajaruvchi mayor Xuan Almeyda, Gevara "Lotin Amerikasida biron bir joyda inqilobga xizmat qilmoqda" deb e'lon qildi.^{[iqtibos kerak ]}

Boliviyaga jo'nab ketishdan oldin Gevara o'zining tashqi ko'rinishini o'zgartirib, soqolini va sochlarining ko'p qismini qirib tashladi, shuningdek, uni Che Gevara singari tanib bo'lmaydigan qilib kul rangga bo'yaltirdi.^[211] 1966 yil 3-noyabrda Gevara yashirincha kirib keldi La Paz Montevideodan parvozda, soxta ism bilan Adolfo Mena Gonsales, o'zini urugvaylik biznesmen sifatida ishlayotgan o'rta yoshli Amerika davlatlari tashkiloti.^[212]

Boliviya qishloqidagi Gevara, o'limidan sal oldin (1967)

Boliviyaga kelganidan uch kun o'tgach, Gevara partizan armiyasini tuzish uchun La Pazdan mamlakatning janubi-sharqiy mintaqasiga yo'l oldi. Gevaraning birinchi baza lageri joylashgan tog 'quruq o'rmoni uzoq Zankaxuazu mintaqasida. Sanxuazu vodiysidagi lagerdagi mashg'ulotlar xavfli bo'lib, partizan armiyasini barpo etish yo'lida ozgina yutuqlarga erishildi. The Argentinalik - tug'ilgan Sharqiy nemis tezkor Haydée Tamara Bunke Bider, u tomonidan yaxshi tanilgan nom de guerre "Tania" Che ning asosiy agenti sifatida o'rnatilgandi La Paz.^[213][214]

Gevaraning 50 kishidan iborat partizan kuchlari^[215] va ELN sifatida ishlash (Ejercito de Liberación Nacional de Boliviya, "Boliviyaning Milliy ozodlik armiyasi "), yaxshi jihozlangan va tog'li qiyin sharoitda Boliviya armiyasi muntazamlariga qarshi bir qator dastlabki yutuqlarga erishgan. Camiri Gevara bo'linmalarining 1967 yil bahorida va yozida Boliviya qo'shinlariga qarshi bir nechta to'qnashuvlarida g'alaba qozonishi natijasida Boliviya hukumati partizan kuchlarining haqiqiy hajmini ortiqcha baholay boshladi.^[216]

Tadqiqotchilar Gevaraning Boliviyada inqilob qo'zg'atish rejasi bir qator sabablarga ko'ra muvaffaqiyatsiz tugagan deb taxmin qilishmoqda:

• Gevara u qabul qilmagan mahalliy dissidentlardan yordam va hamkorlik kutgan, shuningdek, Boliviya Kommunistik partiyasi rahbarligidagi ko'makni olmagan Mario Monje Gavanaga emas, balki Moskvaga yo'naltirilgan. Gevaraning vafotidan keyin yozib olingan o'zining kundaligida u bu haqda yozgan Boliviya Kommunistik partiyasi, u buni "ishonchsiz, bevafo va ahmoq" deb ta'riflagan.^[217]
• U faqat Boliviya harbiylari bilan muomala qilishni kutgan edi, chunki u kambag'al o'qitilgan va jihozlangan edi va Qo'shma Shtatlar hukumati Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi guruhini yuborgan Maxsus faoliyat bo'limi qo'zg'olonga qarshi kurashda yordam berish uchun Boliviyaga qo'mondonlar va boshqa tezkor xodimlar. The Boliviya armiyasi tomonidan o'qitilgan, maslahat berilgan va ta'minlangan AQSh armiyasining maxsus kuchlari shu jumladan AQShning elita batalyoni Rangers o'qitilgan o'rmon urushi bu Gevaraning partizanlari joylashgan joyga yaqin bo'lgan kichik shaharchada joylashgan La Esperanzada lager qurgan.^[218]
• U Gavana bilan radio aloqada qolishini kutgan edi. Ikki qisqa to'lqinli radio unga Kuba tomonidan berilgan transmitterlar nosoz edi; Shunday qilib, partizanlar aloqa qila olmadilar va ularni to'ldirib, ularni ajratib qo'ydilar va qoldilar.

Bundan tashqari, Gevaraning murosaga emas, qarama-qarshilikni afzal bilganligi, Kubadagi partizanlik urushi paytida paydo bo'lganligi, uning Boliviyadagi mahalliy isyonchilar rahbarlari bilan muvaffaqiyatli ish aloqalarini rivojlantira olmasligiga, xuddi Kongoda bo'lgani kabi.^[219] Ushbu tendentsiya Kubada mavjud edi, ammo Fidel Kastroning o'z vaqtida aralashuvi va rahbarligi tomonidan ushlab turilgan edi.^[220]

Natijada, Gevara yollashga harakat qilgan o'n bir oy davomida mahalliy aholini o'z militsiyasiga jalb qila olmadi. Ko'pgina aholi Boliviya ma'murlari va harbiylarini partizanlar va ularning bu erdagi harakatlari to'g'risida xohish bilan xabardor qilishdi. Boliviya korxonasi tugashiga yaqin Gevara o'zining kundaligida "dehqonlar bizga hech qanday yordam bermaydilar va ular axborot beruvchiga aylanmoqda" deb yozdilar.^[221]

Qo'lga olish va o'lim

Gevara yodgorligi La Higuera

Feliks Rodriges, a Kubalik surgun o'girildi Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi Maxsus faoliyat bo'limi tezkor, Boliviyada Gevarani ov qilish paytida Boliviya qo'shinlariga maslahat bergan.^[222] Bundan tashqari, 2007 yilgi hujjatli film Mening dushmanimning dushmani buni da'vo qilmoqda Natsist harbiy jinoyatchi Klaus Barbi maslahat bergan va ehtimol Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasi Gevarani qo'lga olishda yordam bergan.^[223]

1967 yil 7 oktyabrda informator Boliviya maxsus kuchlarini Gevaraning partizan qarorgohi Yuro darasida joylashganligi to'g'risida shikoyat qildi.^[224] 8 oktyabr kuni ertalab ular hududni 180 askardan iborat ikkita rota bilan o'rab olishdi va Gevara yarador bo'lgan va asirga olingan jangni boshlash uchun jarga kirishdi. Shimoliy Sarabiya.^[225] Che ning biografi Jon Li Anderson Boliviya serjanti Bernardino Xuankaning yozishicha: Boliviya Reynjerslari yaqinlashganda, ikki marta yaralangan Gevara, quroli foydasiz bo'lib, taslim bo'lib qo'llarini tashlab, askarlarga baqirdi: "Otmanglar! Men Che Gevaraman va men qadrliman" Siz uchun o'likdan ko'ra tirikroq ".^[226]

Gevarani bog'lashdi va yaqin atrofdagi qishloqdagi xaroba loy maktabiga olib borishdi La Higuera 8 oktyabr oqshomida. Keyingi yarim kun davomida Gevara Boliviya zobitlari tomonidan so'roq qilinishdan bosh tortdi va faqat Boliviya askarlari bilan tinchgina gaplashdi. Boliviya askarlaridan biri, Xayme Nino de Guzman ismli vertolyot uchuvchisi Cheni "qo'rqinchli" ko'rinishda tasvirlaydi. Guzmanning so'zlariga ko'ra, Gevara o'ng buzoqdan otib tashlangan, sochlari ifloslangan, kiyimlari maydalab, oyoqlari qo'pol charm g'iloflar bilan o'ralgan. O'zining hayajonli ko'rinishiga qaramay, u "Che boshini baland ko'tarib, barchaning ko'ziga tik qarab, faqat chekish uchun biron narsa so'radi", deb hikoya qiladi. De Guzman "rahm-shafqat ko'rsatganini" va trubkasi uchun unga kichkina tamaki sumkasini berganini va Gevara jilmayib, unga minnatdorchiligini aytdi.^[228] Keyinchalik 8 oktyabrga o'tar kechasi Gevara, qo'llarini bog'lab qo'yganiga qaramay, Boliviya armiyasi zobitini kapitan Espinosa ismli shaxsni maktabga kirgandan keyin devorga tepib, Gevaraning trubasini esdalik sifatida og'zidan tortib olishga harakat qilgan. hali ham chekmoqda.^[229] Boshqa bir bo'ysunmaslik holatida, Gevara o'ldirilishidan bir necha soat oldin Gevarani so'roq qilishga uringan Boliviya kontr-admiral Ugartecening yuziga tupurdi.^[229]

Ertasi kuni, 9 oktyabr kuni Gevara qishloqning maktab o'qituvchisi, 22 yoshli Julia Kortez ismli ayolni ko'rishni iltimos qildi. Keyinchalik u Gevarani "muloyim va kinoyali qarashga ega odamga yoqimli odam" deb topganini va ular bilan suhbat chog'ida u "uning ko'ziga qarashga qodir emasligini" aniqladi, chunki uning "qarashlari chidab bo'lmas, teshuvchi va juda xotirjam edi". ".^[229] Ularning qisqa suhbati davomida Gevara Kortezga maktab binosining yomon ahvolini ko'rsatib, bu "aksilga qarshi" ekanligini ta'kidladi.pedagogik "kempesino talabalarining u erda ta'lim olishlarini kutish", hukumat vakillari esa haydashadi Mercedes avtomobillar "; Gevara" biz bunga qarshi kurashamiz "dedi.^[229]

Manzil Vallegrande Boliviyada

9 oktabr kuni ertalab Boliviya Prezidenti Rene Barrientos Gevarani o'ldirishga buyruq berdi. Xabarlarga ko'ra, AQSh hukumati Gevarani qo'shimcha so'roq qilish uchun Panamaga olib borishni istashiga qaramay, buyruq Gevarani ushlab turgan qismga Feliks Rodriges tomonidan etkazilgan.^[230] Gevarani o'ldirishga ixtiyoriy ravishda jallod bo'lgan Mario Teran, Boliviya armiyasining 27 yoshli serjanti yarim mast Gevarani otishni so'radi, chunki B kompaniyasidagi uchta do'sti, hammasi "Mario" ning ismini olishgan, bir necha kun oldin Gevaradagi partizanlar guruhi bilan bo'lgan otishmada o'ldirilgan.^[9] O'q jarohatlari Boliviya hukumati jamoatchilikka etkazishni rejalashtirgan voqeaga mos kelishi uchun, Feliks Rodriges Teranga Gevaraning boshiga o'q uzmaslikni emas, balki Gevaraning harakat paytida o'ldirilganligini aniq ko'rsatishni buyurdi. Boliviya armiyasi bilan to'qnashuv.^[231] Gevarani qo'lga kiritgan Boliviya kapitani Gari Prado, Barrientos Gevarani zudlik bilan ijro etishni buyurgan sabablari, Gevaraning qamoqdan qochib qutulish imkoniyati bo'lmagani va shu sababli dramaning yo'qligi haqida gapirdi. salbiy reklama bo'lishi mumkin bo'lgan ommaviy sud.^[232]

Gevara o'ldirilishidan taxminan 30 daqiqa oldin, Feliks Rodriges undan hozirda ozodlikda bo'lgan boshqa partizan jangchilarining qaerdaligi to'g'risida so'roq qilishga urindi, ammo Gevara indamay davom etdi. Bir necha Boliviya askarlari yordam bergan Rodrigez Gevarani oyoqqa turg'azishda yordam berdi va uni boshqa Boliviya askarlari oldida parad qilish uchun kulbaning tashqarisiga olib bordi, u erda Gevara bilan birga govara bilan uchrashdi. suratga olish imkoniyati bu erda bir askar Grigara yonida turgan Rodriges va boshqa askarlarning fotosuratini oldi. Shundan so'ng, Rodriges Gevaraga uni qatl etilishini aytdi. Biroz vaqt o'tgach, Gevaradan o'zini qo'riqlayotgan Boliviya askarlaridan biri u o'zining o'lmasligi haqida o'ylayaptimi, deb so'radi. "Yo'q", deb javob berdi u, "men inqilobning boqiyligi haqida o'ylayapman".^[233] Bir necha daqiqadan so'ng, serjant Teran uni otib tashlash uchun kulbaga kirdi, keyin Gevara o'rnidan turdi va Teran bilan oxirgi so'zlari haqida gaplashdi: "Men sizni o'ldirishga kelganingizni bilaman. Otish, qo'rqoq! Sen faqat o'ldirmoqchisan erkak!" Teran ikkilanib turdi, so'ng o'zini o'zi yuklashini ko'rsatdi M2 karbini^[234] Gevarada o'q uzib, uni qo'llari va oyoqlariga urgan.^[235] Keyin Gevara qichqiriqdan qochish uchun bilaklaridan birini tishlagancha, erga o'tirganida, Teran yana bir marta otib yubordi va uning ko'kragiga o'lik holda jarohat etkazdi. Rodrigezning so'zlariga ko'ra, Gevara mahalliy vaqt bilan soat 13: 10da o'lgan deb e'lon qilindi.^[235] Gevarani Teran to'qqiz marta o'qqa tutdi. Besh marta uning oyoqlarida, bir marta o'ng yelkasida va qo'lida, yana bir marta ko'krak va tomog'ida.^[229]

Bir necha oy oldin, uning so'nggi ommaviy e'lon paytida Uch qit'aviy konferentsiya,^[186] Gevara o'zi yozgan edi epitefiya, bayonotida: "O'lim bizni qayerda ajablantirishi mumkin bo'lsa, uni mamnuniyat bilan qabul qilaylik, agar bu bizning jang faryodimiz qulog'imizga etib borsa va qurolimizni ishlatish uchun yana bir qo'limiz cho'zilsa."^[236]

Post-ijro va yodgorlik

Qatl qilinganidan bir kun o'tib, 1967 yil 10 oktyabrda Gevaraning jasadi Vallegrande kasalxonasining kir yuvish xonasida ommaviy axborot vositalarida namoyish etildi. (Freddi Alborta surati)
        Yuz     Yon burchak    Poyafzal

Qatl qilinganidan keyin Gevaraning jasadi vertolyotning qo'nish joyiga urilib, yaqin atrofga uchib ketgan Vallegrande, u erda Nuestra Señora de Maltaning kir yuvish xonasida beton plita ustida yotgan fotosuratlar olingan.^[237] Uning shaxsini tasdiqlash uchun bir nechta guvohlar chaqirilgan, ular orasida ingliz jurnalisti ham bor Richard Gott, Gevara bilan tirikligida uchrashgan yagona guvoh. Ko'rgazmada namoyish eting, chunki yuzlab mahalliy aholi jasad oldidan ariza topshirganida, Gevaraning jasadi ko'pchilik tomonidan "Masihga o'xshash" ko'rinishni anglatadi, ba'zilari hattoki yashirincha sochlaridagi sochlarini ilohiy yodgorliklar sifatida qirqib olishgan.^[238] Bunday taqqoslashlar ingliz san'atshunoslari yanada kengaytirildi Jon Berger Ikki hafta o'tgach, o'limdan keyingi fotosuratlarni ko'rgach, ular ikkita mashhur rasmga o'xshashligini ko'rdilar: Rembrandt "s Doktor Nikolaes Tulpning anatomiya darsi va Andrea Mantegna "s O'lgan Masih uchun nola.^[239] Gevaraning jasadi Vallegrandega kelganida to'rt nafar muxbir ham bor edi, shu jumladan Byörn Kumm shved Aftonbladet, sahnani 1967 yil 11-noyabrda tasvirlab bergan Yangi respublika.^[240]

1967 yil 11 oktyabrgacha deklaratsiya qilingan memorandum Amerika Qo'shma Shtatlari Prezidenti Lyndon B. Jonson undan Milliy xavfsizlik bo'yicha maslahatchi Uolt Uitmen Rostou, Gevarani o'ldirish qarorini "ahmoqona", ammo "Boliviya nuqtai nazaridan tushunarli" deb atadi.^[241] Qatl etilgandan so'ng, Rodriges Gevaraning bir nechta shaxsiy buyumlarini, shu jumladan, ko'p yillar o'tgach kiyishni davom ettiradigan soatni olib, ko'pincha keyingi yillarda jurnalistlarga ko'rsatib turardi.^[242] Bugungi kunda ushbu narsalarning ba'zilari, shu jumladan uning fonarlari Markaziy razvedka boshqarmasida namoyish etilmoqda.^[243] Harbiy doktordan keyin parchalanib ketgan uning qo'llari, Boliviya armiyasi zobitlari Gevaraning jasadini noma'lum joyga ko'chirishdi va uning qoldiqlari ko'milgan yoki yoqilganligini aniqlashdan bosh tortishdi. Qo'llar barmoq izlarini aniqlash uchun Buenos-Ayresga yuborilgan. Keyinchalik ular Kubaga jo'natildi.^[244]

Plaza de la Revolución, Gavanada, Kuba. Bir paytlar Gevara ishlagan Ichki ishlar vazirligi binosidan tashqari uning yuzining 5 qavatli temir tasviri bor. Tasvir ostida Gevaraning shiori, ispancha ibora: "Xasta la Viktoriya Siempre" (Inglizcha: G'alabaga qadar, har doim).

15 oktyabr kuni Gavanada, Fidel Kastro Gevaraning o'lganligini ommaviy ravishda tan oldi va butun Kuba bo'ylab uch kunlik motam e'lon qildi.^[245] 18 oktyabrda Kastro Gavanada bir millionga yaqin motam egalari oldida nutq so'zladi Plaza de la Revolución va Gevaraning inqilobchi xarakteri haqida gapirdi.^[246] Fidel Kastro o'zining maqtov so'zlarini shunday yopdi:

Agar biz kelajak avlodlari erkaklar bo'lishini istagan narsamizni ifoda etmoqchi bo'lsak, shuni aytishimiz kerak: Ular Che kabi bo'lsin! Agar biz bolalarimiz qanday ta'lim olishlarini xohlayotganimizni aytishni istasak, ikkilanmasdan aytishimiz kerak: Biz ularni Che ruhida tarbiyalashlarini xohlaymiz! Bizning zamonamizga emas, balki kelajakka tegishli bo'lgan odamning modelini istasak, yuragimning tubidan aytamanki, bunday model, xulq-atvorida biron bir dog ', uning harakatlarida biron bir dog' bo'lmasdan, bu Che!^[247]

Shuningdek, Gevara qo'lga olinganida uning 30000 so'zdan iborat, qo'lda yozilgan kundaligi, shaxsiy she'riyat to'plami va qo'rquvni engishga o'rgangan yosh kommunistik partizan haqida yozgan qisqa hikoyasi olib tashlandi.^[248] Uning kundaligida Boliviyadagi partizan kampaniyasining voqealari,^[249] birinchi kirish bilan 1966 yil 7-noyabrda, Chankahuazuda fermer xo'jaligiga kelganidan ko'p o'tmay, va oxirgi 1967 yil 7-oktyabrda, qo'lga olinishidan bir kun oldin. Kundalikda Boliviya armiyasi tomonidan kashf etilganligi sababli partizanlar qanday qilib muddatidan oldin operatsiyalarni boshlashga majbur bo'lganligi, Gevaraning ustunni keyinchalik aloqani qayta tiklay olmagan ikkita qismga bo'lish to'g'risidagi qarori tushuntirilgan va ularning umuman muvaffaqiyatsiz harakatlari tasvirlangan. Shuningdek, Gevara va Boliviya Kommunistik partiyasi o'rtasidagi kelishmovchilik qayd etiladi, natijada Gevarada dastlab kutilganidan ancha kam askar bor edi va Gevaraning mahalliy xalqdan yollashda katta qiyinchiliklarga duch kelganligi, qisman partizan guruhi o'rganganligi sababli Kechua, mahalliy til aslida a ekanligini bilmagan Tupi-Guaraní til.^[250] Kampaniya kutilmagan tarzda yakunlanishiga yaqinlashganda, Gevara tobora kasal bo'lib qoldi. U astma xastaligining tobora kuchayib borishi bilan azob chekdi va so'nggi hujumlarining aksariyati dori-darmon olish maqsadida amalga oshirildi.^[251] Boliviya kundaligi tez va qo'pol tarjima qilingan Devorlar jurnali va dunyo bo'ylab tarqaldi.^[252] Hech bo'lmaganda to'rtta qo'shimcha kundalik mavjud - Isroil Reyes Zayas (taxallus "Braulio"), Garri Villegas Tamayo ("Pombo" ), Eliseo Reyes Rodriges ("Rolando")^[213] va Dariel Alarkon Ramirez ("Benigno")^[253]- ularning har biri voqealarning qo'shimcha tomonlarini ochib beradi.

Frantsuz intellektual Régis Debray 1967 yil aprel oyida Boliviyada Gevara bilan birga qo'lga olingan, 1968 yil avgust oyida Gevarani qo'lga olish sharoitlari to'g'risida qamoqxonadan intervyu bergan. Gevaraning partizanlar guruhi bilan qisqa vaqt birga yashagan Debray, uning fikriga ko'ra, ular "o'rmon qurbonlari" bo'lgan va shu tariqa "o'rmon yeyishgan".^[254] Debray Gevara odamlari to'yib ovqatlanmaslik, suv etishmasligi, poyabzal yo'qligi va 22 kishilik oltita adyolga ega bo'lgan qashshoq vaziyatni tasvirlab berdi. Debray Gevara va boshqalarning "kasallikka" chalinganligi, ularning qo'llari va oyoqlari "go'sht uyalariga" shishib ketishiga sabab bo'lganini, ularning qo'llaridagi barmoqlarni farqlay olmasligingizni aytadi. Debray Gevarani befoyda vaziyatga qaramay "Lotin Amerikasi kelajagiga umidvor" deb ta'rifladi va Gevaraning "o'limi o'ziga xos qayta tiklanish davri bo'lishini bilgan holda o'lish uchun iste'foga chiqarilganligini" ta'kidladi va Gevaraning o'limni va'da sifatida qabul qilganini ta'kidladi. qayta tug'ilish "va" yangilanish marosimi ".^[254]

Gevaraning majoziy tirilishga bo'lgan ishonchi ma'lum darajada amalga oshdi. O'lgan Gevaraning suratlari tarqatilayotgan va uning o'limi sabablari muhokama qilinayotgan paytda Che afsonasi tarqalishni boshladi. Uning "o'ldirilishiga" qarshi norozilik namoyishlari butun dunyoda bo'lib o'tdi va uning hayoti va o'limi haqida maqolalar, o'lponlar va she'rlar yozildi.^[255] Gevarani qo'llab-quvvatlovchi mitinglar "Meksikadan Santyago, Jazoir Angolaga va Qohira ga Kalkutta ".^[256] Aholisi Budapesht va Praga Gevaraning o'tishini sharaflash uchun shamlar yoqdi; Londonda va Parijda jilmaygan Che rasmlari paydo bo'ldi.^[257] Bir necha oydan keyin tartibsizliklar boshlanganda Berlin, Frantsiya va Chikago va tartibsizlik Amerika kollejlari talabalar shaharchasiga tarqaldi, yigitlar va qizlar Che Guevara futbolkalarini kiyishdi va ularning norozilik marshlari paytida uning rasmlarini ko'tarishdi. Harbiy tarixchi nazarida Erik Durschmyed: "Ularda 1968 yilning bosh oylari, Che Gevara o'lmagan edi. U juda tirik edi. "^[258]

Qoldiqlarni olish

Che Gevara yodgorligi va maqbarasi yilda Santa Klara, Kuba

1995 yil oxirida nafaqaga chiqqan Boliviya General Mario Vargas oshkor qildi Jon Li Anderson, muallifi Che Gevara: Inqilobiy hayot, Gevaraning jasadi a yaqinida yotgan Vallegrande aerodrom. Natijada bir yildan ortiq davom etgan qoldiqlarni ko'p millatli qidirish bo'ldi. 1997 yil iyul oyida kubalik geologlar jamoasi va argentinalik sud antropologlari ikkita ommaviy qabrda etti jasad qoldiqlarini, shu jumladan qo'lsiz bir kishini (Gevara kabi) topdi. Boliviya hukumatining Ichki ishlar vazirligi rasmiylari keyinchalik qazilgan tishlar Cheoning tishlari uning Kongo ekspeditsiyasidan oldin Kubada ishlab chiqarilgan gips qolipiga "to'liq mos tushganda" Gevara ekanligini aniqladilar. Keyin "klinker" argentinalik sud-antropolog Alejandro Inchaurregui qo'lsiz kadavr yonida qazilgan ko'k ko'ylagi ichidagi yashirin cho'ntagini ko'zdan kechirganda va trubadan yasalgan kichkina sumka topilganida keldi. Boliviya vertolyot uchuvchisi Nino de Guzman Chega kichkina tamaki sumkasini bergan, keyinroq u "jiddiy shubhalar bor edi" va "kubaliklar shunchaki eski suyaklarni topib, uni Che deb atashadi" deb o'ylardi; ammo "tamaki sumkasi haqida eshitgandan so'ng, menda shubha yo'q".^[228] 1997 yil 17-oktabrda Gevaraning qoldiqlari va oltita jangchining qoldiqlari maxsus qurilgan binoda harbiy sharaf bilan dafn etildi. maqbara Kuba shahrida Santa Klara, qaerda u buyruq bergan qat'iy harbiy g'alaba ning Kuba inqilobi.^[259]

2008 yil iyul oyida Boliviya hukumati Evo Morales Gevaraning ilgari muhrlangan ikki eskirgan daftarda, kundalik daftarida va bir nechta oq-qora fotosuratlarda yozilgan kundaliklarini ochib berdi. Ushbu tadbirda Boliviya Madaniyat vitse-vaziri Pablo Groux yil davomida qo'lda yozilgan har bir sahifaning fotosuratlarini nashr etish rejalari borligini bildirdi.^[260] Shu bilan birga, 2009 yil avgust oyida Boliviya Adliya vazirligida ishlaydigan antropologlar Boliviya shahri yaqinida Gevaraning beshta o'rtoq partizanining jasadlarini topdilar va topdilar. Teoponte.^[261]

Meros

Che qoldiqlarining topilishi metonimik ravishda bir-biriga bog'liq bo'lgan birlashmalarni faollashtirdi - isyonchi, shahid, pikaresk sarguzashtidagi nayrangchi, xaloskor, radikal, ekstremist - ular orasida qat'iy bo'linish bo'lmagan. Amaldagi sud sudi Cheni uni adashgan isyonchi, korusatatsiya bilan yorqin partizan faylasufi, shamol tegirmonlarida qatnashayotgan shoir-jangchi, jabduq jangchi sifatida burgutga tashlagan, jirkanch jangchi deb qarashni davom ettiradi. uning avliyoligiga paeans yoki har bir harakati zo'ravonlik bilan o'ralgan intiqom oluvchi farishtaning qiyofasida kiyingan ommaviy qotil - fanatik terroristik arxetip.

— Doktor Piter Maklaren, muallifi Che Gevara, Paulo Freire va inqilob pedagogikasi^[262]

"El Che Vive!" Yozuvi ostidagi bayroqdagi Gevara yuzining stilize qilingan grafigi. (Che yashaydi!)

Gevaraning hayoti va merosi munozarali bo'lib qolmoqda. Uning hayotining turli davrlarida uning axloqiy tushunchalarining ziddiyatlari "qalam va avtomatni bir xil mahorat bilan ishlata oladigan" ikkilikning murakkab xarakterini yaratdi, shu bilan birga "eng muhim inqilobiy ambitsiya odamni ko'rish edi" ozod qilingan uning begonalashishi ".^[263][264] Gevaraning paradoksal holati uning bir-biriga qarama-qarshi ko'rinadigan fazilatlari tufayli yanada murakkablashadi. A dunyoviy gumanist va dushmanlarini otishdan tortinmagan tibbiyotning xayrixoh amaliyotchisi, nishonlangan internatsionalist majburlash uchun zo'ravonlikni targ'ib qilgan rahbar a utopik falsafasi jamoaviy yaxshi, an idealistik intellektual adabiyotni yaxshi ko'radigan, ammo muxolifatga yo'l qo'ymaydigan, an antiimperialistik Marksistik isyonkor u eskirgan apokaliptik kulga qashshoq bo'lmagan yangi dunyoni yaratishga tubdan tayyor edi va nihoyat, ochiqchasiga anti-kapitalistik kimning tasviri bo'lgan tovar. Che tarixini qayta yozish va tasavvur qilish davom etmoqda.^[265][266] Bundan tashqari, sotsiolog Maykl Lyov Gevara hayotining ko'p qirralari (ya'ni doktor va iqtisodchi, inqilobchi va bankir, harbiy nazariyotchi va elchi, chuqur mutafakkir va siyosiy ajitator) "Che afsonasi" ning yuksalishini yoritib berdi, bu uning ko'p qirralarida o'zgarmas kristallanishiga imkon berdi. metanarrativ rollari "Qizil Robin Gud, Don Kixot kommunizm, yangi Garibaldi, Marksistik Avliyo Just, Cid Campeador ning Yerning badbaxtlari, Ser Galad tilanchilarning ... va Bolshevik butun dunyo bo'ylab boyvachcha, to'ntarish mansabdorlarining tushlarini ta'qib qiladigan shayton ".^[263]

Quyidagi rasmlardan so'ng Chening yuzini o'z ichiga olgan rasmning yonishi 1973 yilgi to'ntarish o'rnatgan Pinochet rejimi Chilida

Shunday qilib, turli taniqli shaxslar Gevarani maqtashdi; masalan, Nelson Mandela uni "ozodlikni sevadigan har bir inson uchun ilhom manbai" deb atagan,^[227] esa Jan-Pol Sartr uni "nafaqat bizning intellektual, balki bizning zamonamizning eng to'liq insoniyati" deb ta'riflagan.^[267] O'zlarining hayratlarini bildirganlar orasida mualliflar ham bor Grem Grin Gevaraning "gallantriya, ritsarlik va sarguzashtlar g'oyasini anglatishini" ta'kidlagan^[268] va Syuzan Sontag, "[Che ning maqsadi insoniyatning o'zi uchun hech narsa emas edi" deb taxmin qilgan.^[269] In Pan-afrikalik jamoat faylasufi Frants Fanon Gevarani "bitta odam imkoniyatlarining dunyo ramzi" deb tan oldi,^[270] esa Qora kuch rahbar Stokli Karmayl "Che Gevara o'lmagan, uning g'oyalari bizda" deb maqtab qo'ydi.^[271] Maqtov siyosiy spektrda aks etgan, bilan ozodlik nazariyotchi Myurrey Rotbard Gevarani "bizning davrimiz va hatto asrimizning har qanday odamidan ko'ra ko'proq inqilob printsipining hayotiy timsoli bo'lgan" qahramon shaxs "sifatida maqtash;^[272] jurnalistlik paytida Kristofer Xitchens "[Che ning] o'limi men uchun juda katta ahamiyatga ega edi va o'sha paytda men kabi son-sanoqsiz edi, u biz uchun imkonsiz bo'lsa ham, o'rnak bo'lgan edi burjua romantiklar u inqilobchilar nima qilishni xohlasa - u borib, uning e'tiqodi uchun kurashgan va o'lgan.^[273]

Muallif Maykl Keysi qanday qilib qayd etadi Che tasviri kabi taniqli logotipga aylandi Nike swoosh yoki oltin kamarlar.^[187]

Aksincha, surgun qilingan muxolifat muallifi Yakobo Machover Gevaraning barcha maqtovlarini rad etadi va uni jallod jallod sifatida tasvirlaydi.^[274] Kubalik surgun qilingan sobiq mahbuslar orasida ham shunday fikrlar bildirilgan Armando Valladares Gevarani o'nlab odamlarni sudsiz qatl etgan "nafratga to'la odam" deb e'lon qilgan,^[275] va Karlos Alberto Montaner, Gevarada "a Robespyer mentalitet ", bu erda inqilob dushmanlariga qarshi shafqatsizlik fazilat edi.^[276] Alvaro Vargas Llosa ning Mustaqil institut Gevaraning zamonaviy izdoshlari "afsonaga yopishib, o'zlarini aldashadi" deb taxmin qilishgan va Gevarani "marksist" deb ta'riflashgan. Puritan "u qattiq kuchini muxolifatni bostirish uchun ishlatgan va shu bilan birga" sovuqqonlik bilan o'ldirish mashinasi "sifatida ishlagan.^[165] Shuningdek, Llosa Gevaraning "aqidaparastlik kayfiyatini" Kuba inqilobining "sovetlashtirilishi" ning asosiy belgisi sifatida ayblaydi va u "haqiqatning ko'r mafkuraviy pravoslavga to'liq bo'ysunishini" taxmin qilmoqda.^[165] Ibratli darajada, Hoover instituti ilmiy xodim Uilyam Ratliff Gevarani ko'proq uning tarixiy muhitining yaratilishi deb hisoblaydi va uni "qo'rqmas" va "boshi kuchli Masihga o'xshash shaxs" deb atagan, bu esa uning samarasi bo'lgan. shahid - xursand Lotin Amerikasi madaniyati qaysi "odamlarni izlashga va ularga ergashishga moyil qildi paternalistik mo''jizaviy ishchilar ".^[277] Ratliff, bundan tashqari, mintaqadagi iqtisodiy sharoit Gevaraning "ko'p asrlik zolimlarni tor-mor qilib, ezilganlarga adolat o'rnatish" majburiyatiga mos kelishini taxmin qilmoqda; Lotin Amerikasini nimaga duchor bo'lgan deb ta'riflagan Moisés Naím tengsizlik, qashshoqlik, ishlamay qolgan siyosat va ishlamayotgan institutlarning "afsonaviy zararli kasalliklari" deb nomlanadi.^[277]

Braziliya prezidenti Janio Quadros bilan bezatilgan Gevarani Janubiy xoch buyrug'i 1961 yilda.^[278]

In a mixed assessment, British historian Xyu Tomas opined that Guevara was a "brave, sincere and determined man who was also obstinate, narrow, and dogmatic".^[279] At the end of his life, according to Thomas, "he seems to have become convinced of the virtues of violence for its own sake", while "his influence over Kastro for good or evil" grew after his death, as Fidel took up many of his views.^[279] Similarly, the Cuban-American sociologist Samuel Farber lauds Che Guevara as "an honest and committed revolutionary", but also criticizes the fact that "he never embraced socialism in its most democratic essence".^[280] Nevertheless, Guevara remains a national hero in Cuba, where his image adorns the 3 peso banknote and school children begin each morning by pledging "We will be like Che."^[281][282] In his homeland of Argentina, where high schools bear his name,^[283] numerous Che museums dot the country and in 2008 a 12-foot (3.7 m) bronze statue of him was unveiled in the city of his birth, Rosario.^[284] Guevara has been muqaddas by some Bolivian campesinos^[285] kabi "Saint Ernesto ", who pray to him for assistance.^[286] In contrast, Guevara remains a hated figure amongst many in the Kubalik surgun va Kuba-amerikalik community of the United States, who view him as "the butcher of La Kabana ".^[287] Despite this polarized status, a high-contrast monoxrom graphic of Che's face, created in 1968 by Irish artist Jim Fitspatrik, became a universally merchandized and objectified image,^[288][289] found on an endless array of items, including T-shirts, hats, posters, tattoos, and bikinis,^[290] ga hissa qo'shish iste'mol madaniyati Guevara despised. Yet, he still remains a transcendent figure both in specifically political contexts^[291] and as a wide-ranging popular icon of youthful rebellion.^[273]

Hurmat

Guevara received several honors of state during his life.

• 1960: Buyuk xochning ritsari Oq sher ordeni^[292]
• 1961: Buyuk xochning ritsari Janubiy xoch buyrug'i^[293]

Arxiv ommaviy axborot vositalari

Video lavhalar

• Guevara addressing the Birlashgan Millatlar Tashkilotining Bosh assambleyasi on 11 December 1964, (6:21), public domain footage uploaded by the UN, video klip
• Guevara interviewed by Xalq bilan yuzlash on 13 December 1964, (29:11), from CBS, video klip
• Guevara interviewed in 1964 on a visit to Dublin, Ireland, (2:53), English translation, from RTÉ Libraries and Archives, video klip
• Guevara reciting a poem, (0:58), English subtitles, from El Che: Investigating a Legend – Kultur Video 2001, video klip
• Guevara showing support for Fidel Castro, (0:22), English subtitles, from El Che: Investigating a Legend – Kultur Video 2001, video klip
• Guevara speaking about labor, (0:28), English subtitles, from El Che: Investigating a Legend – Kultur Video 2001, video klip
• Guevara speaking about the Cho'chqalar ko'rfazi, (0:17), English subtitles, from El Che: Investigating a Legend – Kultur Video 2001, video klip
• Guevara speaking against imperializm, (1:20), English subtitles, from El Che: Investigating a Legend – Kultur Video 2001, video klip
• Guevara interviewed in Parij and speaking French in 1964, (4:47), English subtitles, interviewed by Jean Dumur, video klip

Ovoz yozish

• Guevara interviewed on ABC's Savollar va javoblar, (22:27), English translation, narrated by Liza Xovard, 24 March 1964, audio klip

Ingliz tilidagi asarlar ro'yxati

Shuningdek qarang

Adabiyotlar

Yuborilgan ishlar

Tashqi havolalar