Buddizmga bo'lgan ishonch - Faith in Buddhism

Ushbu maqola buddizmga bo'lgan ishonchning aqliy sifati haqida. Buddist dindorlik amaliyotlarining tavsifi uchun qarang Buddist sadoqat.

Budda tasviri, yon tomonlarida ikkita shogird tasvirlari bor.
Shogird Andananda (chapda) Buddaning sodiq shogirdining an'anaviy namunasidir.
Ning tarjimalari
Iymon
Sanskritchadradhā
Palisaddha
Bengal tiliশ্রাদ্ধের
(shreddher)
Xitoy信 (T&S)
(Pinyin: xìn)
Yapon信
(rōmaji: shin)
Kxmerសទ្ធា
(sateya)
Koreys믿음
(RR: o'rtacha eum)
Sinxala‍රද්ධා
Tibetདད་ པ
(Uayli: dad pa
THL: dat pa)
Tailandchaศรัทธา
(RTGS: satthaa)
Vetnamđức kalay
Buddaviylik lug'ati

Yilda Buddizm, imon (Pali: saddha, Sanskritcha: dradhā) amaliyotiga sodiq bo'lgan majburiyatni anglatadi Budda kabi ma'rifatli yoki juda rivojlangan mavjudotlarga ta'lim berish va ularga ishonish Buddalar yoki bodisattva (Budda bo'lishni maqsad qilganlar). Buddistlar odatda bir nechta e'tiqod ob'ektlarini tan olishadi, lekin ko'plari, xususan, bitta Budda singari bir narsaga bag'ishlangan. E'tiqod nafaqat insonga sadoqat bo'lishi mumkin, balki samaradorligi kabi buddaviy tushunchalarga nisbatan mavjuddir karma va imkoniyati ma'rifat.

Iymon dastlabki buddizm ga qaratilgan Uch marvarid ya'ni Budda; uning ta'limoti ( dharma ); va nihoyat, ma'naviy rivojlangan izdoshlar jamoati yoki ma'rifat izlayotgan monastirlar jamoasi ( saṅgha ). Sodiq fidoyi an upasaka yoki upāsika, rasmiy tashabbus talab qilinmaydigan holat. Dastlabki buddizm ruhiy haqiqatni shaxsan tekshirishni bunday haqiqatga erishishda eng yuqori baholagan va o'qituvchiga muqaddas bitiklar, aql yoki ishonchni unchalik qimmat bo'lmagan hokimiyat manbalari deb bilgan. Imon qanchalik muhim bo'lsa, bu shunchaki yo'lda birinchi qadam edi donolik va ma'rifat va ushbu yo'lning so'nggi bosqichida eskirgan yoki qayta aniqlangan. Dastlabki buddizm tinch yo'l bilan qurbonlik qilishni axloqiy jihatdan qoralamagan xudolar. Buddizm tarixi davomida xudolarga sig'inish, ko'pincha Buddizmgacha bo'lgan va animist kelib chiqishi, edi o'zlashtirildi yoki buddistlik amaliyoti va e'tiqodiga aylantirildi. Ushbu jarayonning bir qismi sifatida, bu xudolar hali ham markaziy rolni ushlab turgan Uch marvaridga bo'ysunuvchi deb tushuntirildi.

Buddistlar tarixining keyingi qatlamida, ayniqsa Mahayana buddizmi, imonga juda muhim rol berildi. Mahayana Buddalarga sadoqatni taqdim etdi va bodisattva yashash Sof erlar va sadoqatning kuchayishi bilan Amithaba Budda yilda Sof er buddizmi buddistlik amaliyotida e'tiqod markaziy rol o'ynadi. O'qituvchilar ostida toza er buddizmining yapon shakli Hōnen va Shinran, faqat ishongan imonni topshirish Amitabba Budda tomon samarali turmush tarzi bo'lgan, chunki u turmush qurmaslik, meditatsiya va boshqa buddaviy amaliyotlarni samarasiz yoki e'tiqod fazilatiga zid deb hisoblaydi. Sof er buddistlari iymonni ma'rifatga o'xshash, o'z-o'zini inkor etish va kamtarlik hissi bilan davlat deb ta'rifladilar. Mahayana sutralari, masalan Lotus Sutra, ibodat ob'ektlariga aylandi va ushbu sutrani o'qish va nusxalash katta xizmatni yaratganiga ishonishdi. Buddist dindorlikka bo'lgan ishonchning ta'siri hal qiluvchi ahamiyatga ega bo'ldi ming yillik bir necha buddaviy mamlakatlardagi harakatlar, bu ba'zan qirol sulolalarining yo'q qilinishiga va boshqa muhim siyosiy o'zgarishlarga olib keldi.

Shunday qilib, buddizm tarixi davomida e'tiqodning o'rni oshdi. Biroq, XIX asrdan boshlab, Shri-Lanka va Yaponiya kabi mamlakatlarda, shuningdek G'arbda, Buddist modernizm buddizmda e'tiqodning ahamiyatini pasaytirib, tanqid qildi. Buddizmga bo'lgan e'tiqod hanuzgacha zamonaviy Osiyo va G'arbda o'z rolini o'ynaydi, ammo an'anaviy talqinlardan farqli o'laroq tushuniladi va aniqlanadi, zamonaviy qadriyatlar va eklektizm yanada muhimroq bo'lish. The Dalit Buddist jamoa, xususan Navayana harakati, buddistlik tushunchalarini siyosiy vaziyat nuqtai nazaridan talqin qildi Dalits, unda modernistik ratsionalizm va mahalliy sadoqat o'rtasida ziddiyat mavjud.

Buddist ta'limotidagi o'rni

Imon Buddaning ta'limotining samarasi bo'lishiga bo'lgan tinch ishonch deb ta'riflanadi.[1][2] Buddalar yoki kabi ma'rifatli yoki juda rivojlangan mavjudotlarga ishonch va taslim bo'lishdir bodisattva yoki hatto juda hurmatga sazovor rohiblar yoki lamalar ba'zan tirik Buddalar sifatida qaraladi.[1][3][4] Buddistlar odatda bir nechta e'tiqod ob'ektlarini tan olishadi, lekin ko'pchilik, ayniqsa, bitta Budda singari biron bir e'tiqod ob'ektiga bag'ishlangan.[1] Biroq buddizm hech qachon biron bir markaziy hokimiyat atrofida, na shaxs sifatida yoki na bir oyat sifatida tashkil etilgan. Muqaddas Yozuvlar odatda qo'llanma bo'lib xizmat qilgan va amaliyotlar to'g'risida kelishuv munozara va munozaralar orqali yuzaga kelgan.[5]

Buddizmda kognitiv va ta'sirchan jihatlarga ega bo'lgan imon uchun bir nechta atamalar qo'llaniladi:[2]

  • Dradhā (Sanskritcha; Pali: saddha; klassik xitoy: wen-hsin) birovga sodiqlik yoki unga ishonish hissi yoki amaliyotga bo'lgan sadoqat va sadoqatni anglatadi.[1][6] Buning an'anaviy namunalari - rohiblar Andananda, Gautama Buddaning xizmatkori va boshqa shogirdi Vakkali. Dradhā ko'pincha ongdagi yomon niyatlarning kontagenti sifatida qaraladi.[7][8] Ning teskarisi dradhā bu āśraddhya, bu o'qituvchiga va ta'limotiga bo'lgan ishonchni rivojlantirish qobiliyatining etishmasligini va shuning uchun ruhiy yo'lda energiya rivojlana olmasligini anglatadi.[9] So'z dradhā ildizlardan kelib chiqadi śrat, "ishonchga ega bo'lish" va dha, "qo'llab-quvvatlash",[eslatma 1] va shu tariqa, dinshunoslik bo'yicha olim Sung-bae Parkning fikriga ko'ra, "qat'iy rioya qilish ma'nosida ishonchni saqlab qolish, barqaror qolish yoki ishonchni qo'llab-quvvatlash".[11]
  • Prasada (Sanskritcha; Pali: pasada; klassik xitoy: ching-hsin) nisbatan ta'sirchanroq dradhā. Marosimlar va marosimlarga nisbatan ishlatilganda, bu o'z sadoqati ob'ekti barakalari va buyukligini tinch qabul qilish tuyg'usini anglatadi.[12] So'z prasada prefiksdan kelib chiqadi pra va ildiz sad, "cho'kish, o'tirish" degan ma'noni anglatadi va Park tomonidan "aniqlik va osoyishtalik holatiga mahkam o'rnashgan" deb ta'riflanadi.[11] Shunday qilib, prasada bag'ishlovchining ongining diqqat markaziga, sadoqatiga va yuqori sifatiga ishora qiladi.[13] Ga nisbatan ko'proq o'z-o'zidan paydo bo'ladi dradhā.[14]

Imon odatda bilan bog'liq Uch marvarid, bu Budda, dharma (uning ta'limoti) va saṅgha (jamiyat). Shunday qilib, imon ko'pincha ba'zi bir shaxslarni ob'ekti sifatida qabul qilishi mumkin, ammo boshqa hind dinlaridagi sadoqatdan farq qiladi (baxti ) u karma ishi va samaradorligi kabi shaxssiz narsalar bilan bog'liq xizmatni o'tkazish.[15] A ga e'tibor qaratish yoki unga olib borish ko'rinadi to'g'ri ko'rinish yoki Budda ta'limotining ishlash kabi asosiy jihatlarini tushunish karma, savob va qayta tug'ilish.[16][17][18] Uch marvarid haqida gap ketganda, e'tiqod Budda, dharma va saṅgha xususiyatlariga e'tibor beradi va bundan quvonadi.[19] Karma ishiga kelsak, imon amallarning ta'sirga ega bo'lishiga, yaxshi ishlar ijobiy ta'sirga va noto'g'ri ishlarning salbiy bo'lishiga ishonchni anglatadi.[20] Shunday qilib, imon xayriya, axloq va diniy fazilatlar hayotini boshqarishda ko'rsatma beradi.[21] E'tiqod, shuningdek, borliq tabiati, uning kabi g'oyalarni qamrab oladi doimiylik va shartli tabiat Va nihoyat, Buddanikidir ma'rifat yoki Nirvana va Nirvanaga olib boradigan amaliyot yo'li.[16][17][18] Imon Nirvanaga erishgan va uni o'rgatishga qodir odamlar borligiga ishonchni keltirib chiqaradi.[22]

Tarix

Xajime Nakamura buddaviylikdagi ikkita oqimni ajratib turadi, u o'zini bag'ishlanish yondashuvi va "ichki bilim" yondashuvi deb ta'riflaydi.[5] Antropolog Melford Spiro muhokama qiladi baxti (sadoqat) bir tomondan va magga (qutqarish yo'li) boshqa tomondan.[23] Buddizmda e'tiqod tushunchasini rivojlantirishda ikkita tarixiy qatlamni ajratish mumkin: dastlabki buddizm va keyinchalik Mahayana buddizm. Yigirmanchi asrning boshlarida ba'zi olimlar, masalan Louis de La Vallée-Poussin, Artur Berrideyl Keyt va Kerolin Riz Devids, Shri-Lanka olimlari tomonidan ikkalasini etarlicha ajratmagani uchun tanqid qilingan.[24][25]

Dastlabki buddizm

Asosiy maqola: Dastlabki buddizm

Kabi dastlabki buddistlik matnlarida Pali matnlar, saddha odatda "imon" deb tarjima qilinadi, ammo inglizcha so'zdan farqli ma'noga ega.[26] Ba'zan u ta'limotga bo'lgan ishonch kabi "ishonch" deb tarjima qilinadi.[18][27] Dastlabki buddizmga bo'lgan ishonch, olim Jon Bishopning so'zlari bilan aytganda, "teoistik bo'lmagan holda diniydir".[28] Yo'q dinning markazi sifatida Xudoga e'tibor bering.[29] Aksincha Vedik brahmanizm Buddaviylikdan oldin paydo bo'lgan dastlabki buddaviylik g'oyalari tashqi xudoga yo'naltirilgan emas, balki o'rganilgan va amalda bo'lgan ta'limotlar bilan ko'proq bog'liqdir.[30] Bu buddizmning voqelikdagi yondashuviga boshqa urf-odatlar ta'sir qilmagan degani emas: buddizm vujudga kelgan paytda bir nechta hind diniy jamoalari haqiqatni tushunishda tanqidiy yondashishni o'rgatishgan.[31]

E'tiqod - bu faqat bir qator printsiplarga bo'lgan aqliy majburiyat emas,[32] shuningdek, ta'sirchan sifatga ega.[2][33] Dastlabki buddizm olimlari imonni quyidagicha ajratadilar quvonch va xotirjamlik, ongni yuqori darajaga ko'tarish;[33] va imon energiya vasvasalar bilan kurashish va o'z-o'zini boshqarish uchun zarur bo'lgan o'ziga bo'lgan ishonchni ishlab chiqarish.[2][34] Imon chalkashliklarni olib tashlashga yordam bergani uchun, u fidoyiga ilhom beradi va energiya beradi.[35]

Buddist shunday qilib Uch marvaridga, ya'ni Budda, ga ishonishga intiladi dharma saṅgha, shuningdek, intizomning qiymati. Dastlabki buddizm matnlarida imon dushmanona munosabat yoki boshqa xudolarni tan olmaslik degani emas. Budda hayvonlarning qonli qurbonligini rad etsa-da, u o'zi xudolarga tinch yo'l bilan qurbonlik qilishni qoralamaydi, balki ularni monastir saṅgaga qilingan sadaqa qurbonligidan ancha kam foydaliroq deb hisoblaydi.[36][32] Shunday qilib, har bir narsaning foydasi iyerarxiyasida o'z o'rni beriladi, unda axloqiy xatti-harakatlar marosim va marosimlarga qaraganda ancha yuqori baholanadi.[37]

E'tiqod bu abadiylik va azob-uqubatlarni oqilona idrok etishning natijasidir (duxha ). Azob-uqubat va doimiylik haqida mulohaza qilish bag'ishlovchilarni his qilish tuyg'usiga olib keladi qo'rquv va qo'zg'alish (Pali: saṃvega), bu ularni Uch marvaridda qochqin olishga va natijada imonni rivojlantirishga undaydi.[38] Keyin imon ko'plab boshqa muhim aqliy fazilatlarni yo'lga olib boradi Nirvana, quvonch, konsentratsiya va tushuncha kabi.[39] O'ziga bo'lgan ishonch, hech qachon erishish uchun etarli deb hisoblanmaydi Nirvana.[40][41]

Yashil tekisliklar.
The saṅgha "deb ta'riflanadixizmat sohasi "chunki buddistlar ularga qurbonliklarni ayniqsa karmik jihatdan samarali deb hisoblashadi.[42]

Sadoqatli buddist oddiy ayol yoki ayol ayolga deyiladi upāsaka yoki upāsika navbati bilan. Oddiy odam bo'lish uchun rasmiy marosim talab qilinmaydi.[43][44] Biroz Pali Canon parchalar, shuningdek keyingi sharhlovchilar kabi Buddaxosa, buddaviy oddiy odam osmonga faqat Buddaga bo'lgan ishonchi va unga bo'lgan muhabbat kuchi bilan borishi mumkinligini aytadi, ammo boshqa qismlarda imon sadoqatni jannatga olib boruvchi fazilatlar sifatida axloq kabi boshqa fazilatlar bilan birga keltirilgan.[45][46] Nima bo'lishidan qat'iy nazar, e'tiqod buddaviy oddiy odamlar idealining muhim qismidir, chunki ular saṅgha-ni ko'rish, ularning ta'limotlarini tinglash va eng muhimi saṅgaga sadaqa berish odatiga ega. Saddha oddiy hayot bilan chambarchas bog'liq dana (saxiylik): sodiq sovg'a ma'naviy jihatdan eng muhim sovg'adir.[47]

E'tiqod oddiy odamlar uchun fazilatlar ro'yxatiga kiritilgan va shuning uchun sadoqatli kishilar uchun progressiv fazilat sifatida tavsiflanadi, chunki buddaviylik dinida yangi bo'lgan sadoqat "sadoqat bilan yosh" sifatida tavsiflanadi.[48] Shunday qilib, iymon kiritilgan turli xil fazilatlar ro'yxati mavjud,[49][45] va boshqa dastlabki urf-odatlar, shuningdek, imonga muhim rol o'ynagan, masalan Sarvastivada an'ana.[2] Bundan tashqari, dastlabki buddizm dinni muhim fazilat deb ta'riflaydi oqimga kiruvchilar, ma'rifatdan oldingi holat.[50][51] Odamlarning standart tavsiflarida chiqib ketish (ruhoniy sifatida tayinlanishni qabul qilish), imon muhim motivatsiya sifatida qayd etilgan. Ushbu rolga qaramay, ba'zi indologlar André Bareau va Lily De Silva, dastlabki buddizm, ba'zi boshqa dinlarda, masalan, nasroniylikda bo'lgani kabi, e'tiqodga teng qiymat bermasligiga ishongan. Baroning ta'kidlashicha, "buddizmda nasroniylikdagi kabi sof e'tiqod bilan taqqoslanadigan [g'oya] yo'q, ... ko'r-ko'rona e'tiqod, ustoz so'ziga mutlaqo ishonish, dastlabki buddizm ruhiga mutlaqo ziddir".[52][53] Tarjimon Kerolin Riz Devids ammo bunday bayonotlar bilan rozi bo'lmay, "imon bu nomga loyiq bo'lgan barcha dinlar uchun ahamiyatli bo'lishidan kam emas" degan.[54][55] Indolog Richard Gombrich buddizm buyurmaydi deb ta'kidlaydi aqlga zid keladigan darajada kimgadir yoki nimagadir ishonish. Shuningdek, Gombrich Budda o'z shaxsiga sadoqat bag'ishlaydigan dinni yaratishni maqsad qilmagan deb hisoblaydi, garchi u bunday sadoqat Budda tirikligida boshlanganini tan oladi.[56][57] Gombrichning ta'kidlashicha, dastlabki Muqaddas Bitiklarda imon qanchalik muhimligini ta'kidlaydigan ko'plab materiallar mavjud,[58] ammo "buddistlik marosimlari va marosimlarning ko'payishi, albatta, butunlay edi", deb ta'kidlaydi kutilmagan oqibat Buddaning va'zi to'g'risida ".[59]

Boshpana

Asosiy maqola: Qochoq (buddizm)
Bangkokda uyushtirilgan tadbirda bir necha ming rohiblarga sadaqa berish
In Pali Canon, Buddist rohib orasida imonni targ'ib qilish va qo'llab-quvvatlashda muhim rol o'ynaydi oddiy odamlar.[60][61]

Dastlabki buddaviylikdan boshlab, bag'ishlovchilar o'zlarining e'tiqodlarini boshpana topish orqali bildirdilar, ya'ni uch marta. Bunda u Buddaning ikkala odamning ham o'qituvchisi sifatida rolini belgilab, nihoyatda uyg'ongan mavjudot sifatida asoslanadi. devas (samoviy mavjudotlar). Bunga ko'pincha o'tmishdagi boshqa buddalar va hali paydo bo'lmagan buddalar kiradi. Ikkinchidan, boshpana topish Buddaning haqiqati va samaradorligini sharaflaydi ma'naviy ta'limot xususiyatlarini o'z ichiga olgan hodisa (Pali: saṅxara) ular kabi doimiylik (Pali: anikka) va ozodlik yo'li.[62][63] Boshpana topish, ularning munosibligini qabul qilish bilan tugaydi ma'naviy rivojlangan izdoshlar jamoasi (saṅgha), bu asosan monastirlar jamoasi deb ta'riflangan, ammo oddiy odamlar va hatto o'z ichiga olishi mumkin devas agar ular bo'lsa deyarli yoki to'liq ma'rifatli.[42][64] Dastlabki buddizm o'z ichiga olmagan bodisattva Uchta qochqinda, chunki ular hali ham ma'rifat yo'lida deb hisoblangan.[65]

Dastlabki matnlarda sagha "xizmat sohasi ", chunki dastlabki buddistlar ularga qurbonliklarni ayniqsa karmik jihatdan samarali deb hisoblashadi.[42] Sadoqatli odamlar saggani qo'llab-quvvatlaydilar va hurmat qiladilar, chunki bu ularga xizmat qiladi va ularni ma'rifatga yaqinlashtiradi.[66] Shu bilan birga, buddist rohibga oddiy odamlar orasida imonni targ'ib qilish va qo'llab-quvvatlashda katta rol beriladi. Kanonadagi ko'plab misollarda o'zini yaxshi tutgan rohiblar haqida eslatib o'tilgan bo'lsa-da, rohiblarning o'zini tutish holatlari ham mavjud. Bunday hollarda, matnlarda Buddaning oddiy odamlar idrokiga katta sezgirlik bilan javob berishi tasvirlangan. Budda yangi qoidalarni belgilaganda monastir kodi monastirlarining noto'g'ri ishlarini ko'rib chiqish uchun u odatda bunday xatti-harakatlarga chek qo'yilishi kerakligini aytadi, chunki bu "imonsizlarni ishontirmaydi" va "imonlilar yuz o'giradilar". U rohiblar, rohibalar va yangi boshlovchilardan nafaqat o'zlarining manfaatlari uchun ma'naviy hayotni boshqarishni, balki odamlarning ishonchini qo'llab-quvvatlashni ham kutadi. Boshqa tomondan, ular ikkiyuzlamachilik yoki noo'rinlik darajasida imonni ilhomlantiradigan vazifani, masalan, monastirlikdan tashqari boshqa kasblarni egallash yoki oddiy odamlarga narsalar berish orqali ne'matlarga murojaat qilish orqali qabul qilishlari shart emas.[60][61]

Shunday qilib, boshpana topish - bu Triple Gem bilan o'z hayotini boshqarishga intilishning bir shakli. Boshpana topish qisqa formulada amalga oshiriladi, unda Budda, Dharma va Saggha deb qochqinlarni nomlaydi.[67][64] Dastlabki buddizm yozuvlarida boshpana topish Buddaning yo'lidan yurishga qat'iy qaror qilishning ifodasidir, ammo javobgarlikdan voz kechish emas.[63]

Tekshirish orqali

Hindistonning Bihar shtati Kesariya shahridagi buddist stpa
Buddist stūpa yilda Kesariya, Bihar, Hindiston, sharafiga qurilgan Kalama Sutta

Imon amaliyotchilarni Uch marvariddan panoh topishga undashi mumkin, bu esa ularni ilgari ular uchun noma'lum bo'lgan yangi ma'naviy tajribalarga ochib beradi. Bu imonning bag'ishlangan yoki sirli tomoni. Biroq, oqilona jihat ham bor, chunki boshpana berishning qiymati shaxsiy tekshiruvga asoslangan.[5] In nutq (sutta) deb nomlangan Kalama Sutta, Budda muqaddas hokimiyat, urf-odat, mantiq ta'limotiga rioya qilish yoki o'qituvchilarni o'zlarining ustozlari ekanligi uchun ularni hurmat qilishga qarshi.[68] Bunday manbalardan olingan bilimlarga asoslanadi ochko'zlik, nafrat va aldanish va Buddist fidoyilar bunday bilimlarni ko'r-ko'rona emas, xolisona ko'rib chiqishlari kerak. Biroq, barchasi ham rad etilmasligi kerak. Ular ta'limning to'g'riligini ma'naviy haqiqatni shaxsiy tekshirish orqali bilib olishlari kerak, nima baxt va foyda keltirishi, nima bo'lmasligini farqlashlari kerak.[69][70][2-eslatma] Budda bunday yondashuvga misol keltirgan holda, ochko'zlik, nafrat va aldanishni tark etish amaliyoti karmik jazo va qayta tug'ilish kabi narsalardan qat'i nazar, amaliyotchiga foyda keltiradi deb ta'kidlaydi.[71] Shunday qilib, Budda va buddizmni qabul qilishda shaxsiy tajriba va hukm ta'kidlanadi. Biroq, inson donolarning maslahatiga quloq solishi kerak.[45]

Deb nomlangan nutqda Canki Sutta, Budda odamlarning e'tiqodlari ikki xil ko'rinishda bo'lishi mumkinligiga ishora qiladi: ular haqiqiy, haqiqat va yanglishmasliklari mumkin; yoki bekor, bo'sh va yolg'on. Shunday qilib, inson ma'lum bir e'tiqodga ega bo'lganida, "Faqat bu haqiqat, boshqa narsa yolg'ondir" degan xulosaga kelmasligi kerak, aksincha "Bu mening ishonchim" xabardorligi bilan "haqiqatni saqlab qolish" kerak.[72][70][3-eslatma] Shunday qilib, nutq boshqalar qatorida tanqid qiladi, ilohiy vahiy, an'ana va hisobot, "asossiz imon" ga olib keladigan va ma'naviy bilim yoki haqiqatni egallashning to'liq bo'lmagan vositasi sifatida.[45][73] Ammo Sandaka Sutta, Budda shuningdek, haqiqatni anglash vositasi sifatida shunchaki mulohaza yoki mantiqni tanqid qiladi.[72][73] Buning o'rniga, haqiqatga erishish uchun shaxsiy va to'g'ridan-to'g'ri intuitiv bilim talab etiladi, agar bunday bilimga xolislik ta'sir qilmasa.[74][75] Shunday qilib, boshqa diniy urf-odatlar imonni nazarda tutadigan ma'naviy masalalarda ham, ishonch va e'tiqod haqiqatga erishish uchun etarli deb hisoblanmaydi. Budda Muqaddas Bitiklarga yoki o'qituvchilarga ko'r-ko'rona ishonishni talab qiladigan urf-odatlarga qo'shilmaydi.[24][75] Bir nutqda, Budda o'z ta'limotini qaysi hokimiyatga asoslaganligi to'g'risida so'raganda, u ularni an'analar, e'tiqod yoki aqlga asoslamayman, aksincha hokimiyat manbai sifatida shaxsiy tajribaga asoslanmaydi, deb javob beradi.[76]

Buddaning rahbari
Budda bir nechta nutqlarda, jumladan Vimasaka Sutta, shogirdlari uni uzoq vaqt kuzatib, haqiqatan ham ma'rifatli va yurish-turishi pokmi yoki yo'qligini tekshirishlari kerak.[77][78]

Xulosa qilib aytganda, buddist sadoqatli shaxs axloqiy hukm va haqiqatni shaxsiy tajribasi bilan tekshirishi kerak. Bu keyinchalik "haqiqatni saqlab qolish" deb nomlangan vaqtinchalik qabulga olib keladi. E'tiqod ta'lim bilan tanishib, o'rganishga va sinab ko'rishga tayyor bo'lgan ochiq munosabat bilan yonma-yon yuradi. Shaxsiy tekshirish orqali insonning e'tiqodi chuqurlashadi, natijada haqiqatni "saqlash" dan "kashf etish" tomon o'zgaradi.[45][70] Ushbu tekshirish jarayoni odatiy tajribani o'z ichiga oladi, ammo yogic ongni etishtirish tajribasi.[79][80] Bundan tashqari, Budda ushbu mezonlarni o'zining ta'limotiga taalluqlidir: u o'z dharmasini o'rgatishga qodir, chunki u buni o'zi uchun tasdiqlagan, boshqadan o'rganmagan yoki asoslab bermagan.[81] Budda bir nechta nutqlarda, jumladan Vimasaka Sutta, shogirdlari uni uzoq vaqt kuzatib, haqiqatan ham ma'rifatli va pok yurish-turishini tekshirishlari kerak.[77][78] Pali Canon-da Buddani shu tarzda kuzatayotgan va asosli e'tiqodga ega bo'lgan bir necha kishi tasvirlangan.[77] Biroq, bu Budda o'z shaxsiga nisbatan hech qanday hurmat-ehtirom ko'rsatmalarini qabul qilmasligini anglatmaydi: u xudojo'ylik amallari oddiy amaliyotchilarning ongini ko'tarish va ularga yaxshiroq qayta tug'ilish va ma'rifat yo'lida yordam berishi mumkinligini o'rgatadi.[82] Shuning uchun sadoqat jiddiy amaliyotchining qiziqishini talab qiladigan mavzudir.[83]

Dastlabki qadam sifatida

Imon - bu ruhiy o'qituvchi sifatida Budda uchun dastlabki ishonch va Buddaning ta'limotlarini dastlabki qabul qilishdir. Imon buddaviylik ta'limotining boshlang'ich amaliyotchisi uchun katta foyda keltiradi.[5][34] In Cula-hatthipadopama Sutta, Budda ma'rifat yo'lini unga ishonishdan boshlagan, lekin fazilat, meditatsiya va donolik amaliyotini davom ettirib, ma'rifatga erishish bilan ta'riflaydi. Shunday qilib, dastlabki imon yakuniy maqsadga erishish yo'lini davom ettirishga ishonchni ta'minlaydi,[84] va shu sababli dastlabki buddizm ta'limotlarida iymon odatda fazilatlarning ilg'or ro'yxatlaridagi birinchi sifat sifatida qayd etilgan.[48]

Bundan tashqari saddha, boshqa so'z, pasadava unga tegishli sinonimlar pasanna va pasidati, ba'zida "imon" deb tarjima qilinadi, ammo undan yuqori qiymat beriladi saddha. Saddha kimdir ma'naviy yo'lda rivojlanganda chuqurlashadi va dastlabki matnlarda ba'zida buni quyidagicha tasvirlash mumkin pasada,[85][86][87] ba'zan esa baxti.[21] Pasada bu imon va o'qituvchiga jalb qilishdir, lekin aqlning ravshanligi, beparvoligi va tushunchasi bilan birga keladi.[87] Amaliyotga tatbiq etayotgan shogird imonini rivojlantiradi va barqaror qiladi, uni ma'naviy idrokga asoslaydi.[34][88] Bu uning imonini "sarsılmaz" bo'lishga olib keladi.[89][90]

Shunday qilib, najotga erishish uchun imon o'zi etarli emas, balki bu yo'lga boradigan birinchi qadamdir donolik va ma'rifat.[91] Dastlabki buddizmdagi ko'pgina ta'limotlar imonni birinchi qadam, zukkolik esa oxirgi qadam deb eslatib o'tishadi.[92][93] Buddist yo'lning so'nggi bosqichida, erishish araxant, amaliyotchi imonni butunlay donolik bilan almashtirdi. O'sha paytda araxant endi umuman iymonga ishonmaydi,[94][95][41] garchi bu bosqichda ba'zida amalga oshirilgan imon shakli tasvirlangan bo'lsa ham.[96] Shuning uchun Budda shogirdlarining ko'pchiligini imonidan ko'ra donoligi uchun maqtaydi. Bundan tashqari, Budda "imon keltirganlarning eng oliysi" deb maqtagan rohib Vakkali ham Budda tomonidan Buddaning shaxsiga emas, balki ta'limotga e'tibor berishga o'rgatadi.[34][95][41] Budda xuddi shu tarzda o'z shogirdi Anandaga nasihat qilayotgani ko'rinib turibdi.[97]

Pali kanonida imonning turli xil yondashuvlari tasvirlangan. Birovning shaxsiga, hattoki Buddaning o'ziga bo'lgan ishonchni rivojlantirish, agar u tashqi ko'rinish kabi yuzaki xususiyatlar bilan juda bog'liq bo'lsa va Buddaning ta'limoti bilan juda oz bo'lsa. E'tiqodga bunday yondoshish mehr va g'azabga olib keladi va boshqa kamchiliklarga ega deyiladi. Buddaning zinapoyalarida yurish va ma'rifatga erishishga to'sqinlik qiladi, masalan Vakkali misolida. Imon va sadoqat har doim tuyg'u bilan yonma-yon yurishi kerak tenglik.[98][99][100]

Mahayana buddizmi

Avadana afsonalari tasvirlangan sahnalar bilan Gautama Budda bilan rasm chizish
Gautama Budda dan sahnalar bilan Avadana afsonalar tasvirlangan

Davrida imperator Ashoka (miloddan avvalgi III-II asrlar) buddistlar e'tiqodga ko'proq e'tibor berishgan, chunki Ashoka o'z imperiyasini birlashtirish uchun buddizmni ommabop din sifatida rivojlantirishga yordam bergan. Ushbu yangi tendentsiya ko'proq sig'inishga olib keldi stūpalar va ortishi Avadana e'tiqodga asoslangan adabiyot.[101][102] Milodning ikkinchi asrida Buddani tasvirlar orqali tasvirlash odatiy holga aylandi va unda diqqat o'zgarishi yuz berdi Hind dini tomonga hissiy bag'ishlanish. Bu buddizmda qisqacha bayon qilingan yangi istiqbollarga olib keldi Buddist tadqiqotlar olim Piter Xarvi "rahm-shafqat, imon va donolik" sifatida. Ushbu istiqbollar paydo bo'lishiga yo'l ochdi Mahayana Buddizm.[103][104]

Umuman olganda, Mahayana buddizmidagi e'tiqodning roli Teravoda singari[86][23]- ikkalasida ham imon amaliyotning muqarrar qismidir.[71] Pali buddizmidan kelib chiqqan hozirgi Theravada buddizmida ham an'anaviy buddistlik jamiyatlarida e'tiqod hanuzgacha muhim ahamiyatga ega. Teravadinlar Triple Gem-ga ishonishni kundalik hayotda himoya kuchi deb bilishadi, ayniqsa a axloqiy hayot.[105] Biroq, Maxayana buddizmining ko'tarilishi bilan, imonga oid ta'limotlarning chuqurligi va doirasi kuchaygan. Ko'p son bodisattva sadoqat va e'tiqodning markaziga aylanib, Mahayana buddizmiga "teistik" tomonni berdi.[106][107] Dastlabki buddizmda Buddaning va boshqa ma'rifatparvarlarning olamdan ustun bo'lgan tabiatga ega ekanligi to'g'risida ba'zi bir parchalar mavjud edi. Keyinchalik Teravadinlar bunga ishonishdi Maydon, kelajakdagi Budda ularni osmonda kutib turardi va ular uni asta-sekin ko'proq hurmat qilishdi. Shunga qaramay, mahayistlar bu g'oyani yanada oldinga surdilar.[108][109][110] Keyin Buddaning o'limi, Buddist jamoalar orasida Buddaning dunyoda yo'qligidan afsuslanish va Buddani "ko'rish" istagi paydo bo'lgan (Sanskritcha: darśana) va uning kuchini olish.[111][112] Mahayyanistlar Uch marvaridning ma'nosini osmonda yashovchi Buddalarni o'z ichiga olgan va keyinchalik ularni bular deb atashgan. samhogakaya Budda ("Dharma lazzatining timsoli").[112][113] Har doim va hamma joyda namoyon bo'ladigan ushbu samoviy Buddalarga bo'lgan e'tiborning kuchayishi Gautama Buddaning buddizm e'tiqodidagi rolini soya sola boshladi.[114][115] Sof er buddizmi asosan o'z e'tiqodini ushbu samoviy Buddalarga, xususan Budda Amitabhaga qaratgan.[116][117]

Samoviy Budalarga sodiqlikdan boshlab,[116][117] rivojlangan bodisattva Mahayana ideallarini ifodalovchi mavjudotlar asta-sekin keng ibodat va kultga aylandi.[118] Oltinchi asrga kelib, tasvirlangan bodisattva yilda Buddist ikonografiya keng tarqalgan bo'lib qoldi,[116] kabi bodisattva Avalokiteśvara shafqatni anglatadi va Manjusri donolik.[119] Haqida hisoblar bodisattva va ularning xayrli ishlari ko'pincha katta ulushlar bilan harakatlarni o'z ichiga olgan va ehtimol yozuvchilar bu voqealarni ibratli emas, balki ko'proq bag'ishlangan deb hisoblashgan.[120]

Shunday qilib, XII-XIII asrlarda Yaponiya buddizmida shaxsiy ma'rifatparvarlikdan asosiy e'tibor universal Budda tabiati bilan bog'lanish va buddalar yashaydigan sohalar.[121] Ning rivojlanishi bilan Madhyamaka fikrlash tizimi, Budda endi faqat tarixiy shaxs sifatida qaralmadi va barcha tirik mavjudotlardagi muhim birlik g'oyasi buddistlar nazariyasi va amaliyotining ajralmas qismiga aylandi.[122] Buddist olim Minoru Kiyotaning so'zlariga ko'ra, bu rivojlanish sof er buddizmiga sodiqlik harakatini keltirib chiqardi, Zen buddizmida esa uni izlashga urg'u berdi. Budda tabiati o'z ichida.[123]

Mahayana buddizmida asosan ishlatiladigan imon uchun atamalar mavjud Sin (Xitoycha) va shin (Yapon tili): bu atamalar ishonchga, shuningdek, o'z sadoqat ob'ektini so'zsiz qabul qilishga ishora qilishi mumkin. Ular ichida bo'lgani kabi, ular ham ishlatiladi Chan va Zen buddizm, Buddaning tabiati (tathāgatagarbha) o'z ongida yashiringan va aql odatlarini to'xtatib turganda topilishi mumkin.[12][124][2] Shunday qilib, Chan va Dzen buddistlar imonni ulardan biri deb hisoblashadi Uch asosiy narsa meditatsiya amaliyotida qat'iyat va shubha bilan birgalikda.[125][126] Boshqa tomondan, toza er buddistlari aqlning sodiq tomoni va Budda uchun sadoqat va kamtarlikni qo'llash orqali uyg'ongan tomonlarini ajratib turadilar. Amitabha sifatida tanilgan xinji (Xitoycha) yoki shinjin (Yaponcha); deb nomlanuvchi Budda Amitabha bilan uchrashish imkoniyatidan quvonch va ishonch xinfa (Xitoycha) yoki shingyō (Yaponcha).[124][127][128] Sof Yer an'analarida imonning uyg'onishi, avvalgi ma'rifat holatiga o'xshash transandantal tajriba sifatida tavsiflanadi.[129] Yaponiyaning toza er o'qituvchisi ta'limotida Shinran, "Nur" deb nomlagan bunday imon tajribasi (Yapon: kōmyō) jalb qilingan bag'ishlovchilar nafaqat Budda Amitabhadan ularni qutqarish uchun qat'iyatliligi va donishmandligiga ishonch hosil qilishadi, balki ularning shaxsiy qobiliyatsizligi sababli Amitabaga to'liq ishonishlarini his qilishadi.[130][131]

Mahayana buddizmining paydo bo'lishida sodir bo'lgan muhim voqealarga qaramay, Mahayana oldida hech qanday sadoqatli harakat mavjud emasligini aytish soddalashtirilgan bo'lar edi. Xuddi shu davrda devotionalizm matnlar va amaliyotlarda keng tarqalgan edi Abhidhamma matnlar Mahayana rivojlanishidan oldin ham tuzilgan.[132] Bundan tashqari, keyinroq Theravada Buddizm Budda va hagiografik yozuvlarni ta'kidlashni boshladi bodisattva ko'proq va ko'pgina ma'lumotlarga ko'ra Budda boshqalarning ma'rifatida katta rol o'ynagan.[133]

Tiantay, Tendai va Nichiren buddizmi

Asosiy maqola: Lotus Satra
Qo'lyozma parchasi
V asrda Sanskrit tilidan parcha Lotus Sutra dan qo'lyozma Rouran, Shimoliy Vey, topilgan Hetian, Shinjon viloyat. Ichida joylashganNanyue qiroli maqbarasi muzeyi.

The Lotus Satra, eng ko'p sig'inadigan matnlardan biri (Sanskritcha: sūtra) Janubi-Sharqiy Osiyoda,[134] iymon idealini qamrab oladi.[135]O'rta asrlarda Xitoy va Yaponiyada ko'plab mo''jizaviy afsonalar Lotus Sūtra bilan bog'liq bo'lib, uning mashhur bo'lishiga hissa qo'shgan. Olimlar buni sūtra's ota sifatida Budda-ga urg'u berish buni amalga oshirishga yordam berdi sūtra mashhur.[136]

Lotus Satra birinchi ikki asrda tuzilgan Umumiy davr. "QismiKitob kulti "Mahayaniistlar yodgorlik stupalariga sig'inishni sutrada aks etgan Dharma ibodati bilan almashtirdilar. Lotus Sitrani xuddi boshqa ko'plab Mahayana sutralari singari ulug'lashdi va sig'inishdi. stūpalar Mahayana buddizmi paydo bo'lishidan oldin. Ular Lotus Satrani ko'pchilikdan ko'proq sig'inishgan stralar. The sūtra o'zi unga bag'ishlanishning har xil turlarini - qabul qilish va saqlash, o'qish, o'qish, o'qitish va ko'chirish kabi narsalarni tasvirlaydi va aslida juda ko'p turli xil usullarda ibodat qilingan. Ba'zi nusxalarda, ulamolar Budda singari har bir harfni tasvirlab berishgan stūpa.[137][138][139][140]

Lotus Satraning nazariy natijalari an'anaviy olimlarga ta'sir qilgan bo'lsa-da, atrofidagi sadoqatli amaliyotlar sūtra buddizmga yanada ta'sir ko'rsatdi.[141] Xitoyliklar Tiantai maktab (VI asr) va uning keyingi yapon shakli, Tendai, Lotus Sitra-ga sajda qilishni yanada kuchaytirdi va Amitabha Buddaga sadoqat bilan qo'shildi.[142][143] Ushbu maktablar bunga ishonishadi sūtra Buddaning barcha ta'limotlari orasida ustun bo'lish va hozirgi hayotda ma'rifatga etaklash.[144] Ba'zi maktablar Kamakura davri (XII-XIV asr), Lotus Satrani hurmat qilishdi, chunki ular buni bitta vosita yoki dharmaning yo'li va yapon o'qituvchisi Nichiren (1222-82) faqatgina ushbu amaliyot jamiyatni ideal Budda eriga olib borishiga ishongan.[145]

Nichirenga ishonish va unga sig'inishni targ'ib qildi sūtra shu sababli, boshqa maktablarni va ibodat turlarini keskin tanqid qilish.[146][147] Ko'rish sutra o'z harakati missiyasining bashorati sifatida,[148][149] Nichiren bunga sadoqat orqali ishongan sutra a Sof er Mahayana buddizmidagi ma'rifat idealining tasviri bo'lgan er yuzida amalga oshirilishi mumkin edi.[150][151] U ibodat qilishni o'rgatgan sūtra amaliyotchini bilan birlashishga olib keldi ibtidoiy Budda, U barcha Buddalar namoyon bo'lishiga ishongan.[141] Nichiren sutraning unvonini "faqat imonga asoslangan holda" chaqirishni targ'ib qildi.[152] Lotus Satra-siga bo'lgan buyuk sadoqatiga qaramay, Nichiren sutrani o'rganishga ahamiyat bermadi, deb aytdi: sutraning nomi, yashovchilar uchun eng samarali amaliyot edi "Dharma pasayish yoshi".[153] (qarang § Sof er buddizm )

Hozirgi kunda qirqdan ziyod tashkilot Nichiren an'analarini davom ettirmoqda, ularning ba'zilari oddiy tashkilotlardir.[154][155]

Sof er buddizmi

Asosiy maqolalar: Sof er buddizmi va Shinjin
Amitabha Buddaning tasviri
Amitabha Budda

Ehtimol, bu "Sof er" da stralar bu imon va sadoqat cho'qqisiga chiqadi soteriologik ahamiyati. Mahayana buddizmida samoviy buddalarga sadoqat rivojlanganda, bu buddalar "Budda dalalarini" yaratishga qodir degan fikr paydo bo'ldi. Sanskritcha: budda-kṣetra) yoki toza erlar (Sanskritcha: suhovatiy).[104] Sof zamin buddizmida bu Budda Amitabhaning qutqaruvchi rahm-shafqatiga ishonish,[156] uning sof eriga kirib borishni chin dildan istashi bilan birlashganda, u erda najot topishi mumkin. Ushbu sof er bag'ishlovchini uyg'onish va Nirvanaga kirish uchun tayyorlaydi.[157][158] Sof er buddizmi o'sha paytdagi buddizmning shaxsiy harakatlari va o'zini o'zi egallash usullariga asoslangan ko'pgina shakllaridan farq qilar edi.[159]

Mahayyan buddistlari Amitabha (Sanskritcha, 'cheksiz yorug'lik') samoviy Budalardan biri sifatida.[104][160] The Suxavatívyūha Sitra uzoqroq Budda Amitabhani o'tgan asrda Budda ostida mashq qilib, o'zining ruhiy kuchlari orqali er yaratishga va'da bergan rohib sifatida tasvirlaydi. Ushbu ideal er orqali u ko'pchilikka osonlikcha yo'l-yo'riq ko'rsatishi mumkin edi tirik mavjudotlar yakuniy ma'rifatga.[161] Shuning uchun u bir marta erishganiga qasamyod qildi Buddaviylik, shunchaki uning ismini chaqirish jonli mavjudotlarning ushbu Sof zaminda tug'ilishi uchun etarli bo'ladi.[162] Yaponiyada, Koreyada, Xitoyda va Tibetda keng tarqalgan bo'lib, Buditaga sadoqat Amitabha Hindistonda eramizning boshlarida paydo bo'lgan.[160][163] Toza quruqlikdagi buddizm, hozirgi odamlar yashaydigan Dharma pasayish davri ()Xitoycha: mofa, Yapon tili: mappō) ning yakuniy bosqichi hozirgi Budda "s tarqatish.[157][158] Sof er buddistlari bu davrda odamlar najotga erishish uchun o'z imkoniyatlari bilan cheklangan deb hisoblashadi. Shuning uchun ular najot topish uchun tashqi kuchga (Budda Amitabha) ishonishlari va Nirvanani boshqa hayotga (sof erda qayta tug'ilishlarida) erishishni kechiktirishlari kerak.[157][158] Ushbu umumiy fikr zo'ravon fuqarolik mojarolari, ocharchilik, yong'inlar va monastir muassasalarining yemirilishi bilan bog'liq bo'lishi mumkin.[164] Ammo tashqi kuchga tayanish g'oyasi ham Mahoyananing Buddaning tabiati haqidagi ta'limotining natijasi bo'lishi mumkin, bu esa ma'rifatsizlar bilan masofani uzoqlashtirdi. Buddaviylik juda katta.[165]

Xitoylik ruhoniy va yozuvchi Shandaoning rasmlari
Xitoylik ruhoniy va yozuvchining rasmlari Shandao

Sof yer buddizmi o'qituvchi tomonidan muassasa sifatida tashkil etilgan Xuyuan (334-416 milodiy) kuni Lu tog'i ning tashkil etilishi bilan Oq Lotus Jamiyati.[112] Shandao (613-681) Amitabha Budda sharafiga mantrani o'qishni ta'kidlashni boshladi (Xitoy: nianfo; Yapon: nembutsu ), bir nechta boshqa amaliyotlar bilan birlashtirilgan.[166][129] There seems to have been a paradox in Pure Land faith from the start, in that two ideals were advocated simultaneously: on the one hand, Pure Land teachers taught that the bodisattva who created their Pure Lands were exemplary in their own efforts to make merits as an energy to create the Pure Land from, inspiring the devotee to follow this example. On the other hand, it was taught that practitioners should solely rely on their devotion to the Buddhas in the Pure Land, in particular Amitābha, who would come to their rescue. In Japanese Pure Land Buddhism, the latter ideal became prevalent.[167] But even in Japan, there was much debate as to what emphasis to give to The faol efforts of the devotee bir tomondan va passiv ishonch on Amitābha Buddha and his vow on the other hand.[168][169][4-eslatma]

Pure Land Buddhism is currently still one of the most popular forms of religion in East Asia, and is practised by most East Asian monks.[171][172][173] As of the 1990s, the older generation of Chinese people still used the Amitābha mantra in common everyday greetings.[174]

Yaponiya

The Tendai scholar Genshin (942–1017), Tendai priest Hōnen (1133–1212) and his student Shinran (1173–1262) applied Shandao's teachings in Japan, creating Pure Land Buddhism there as a separate school for the first time.[175][176][164] They believed and taught that mindfully reciting the nembutsu would be enough to secure the faithful person's entrance into the Western Paradise.[177][178] Although Hōnen had initially stated that ko'pincha repeating the mantra would make salvation more certain, Shinran later said that bitta utterance would be enough for salvation (Yapon: ichinengi).[5-eslatma] Subsequent repetitions would be mere expressions of gratitude to the Buddha Amitābha, which also held for other religious routines and practices. Deep understanding of the Buddha's teachings, moral practice and meditation were not necessary, Shinran concluded,[180][181] even considering some practices such as meditation as detrimental to reliance on Amitābha Buddha.[182]

The concept of faith that Shinran adopted originated with Shandao:[183] firstly, a sincere belief in the person of Amitābha Buddha; secondly, a deep trust in the vow that Amitābha Buddha had taken, and a conviction one's own low nature, and finally, a desire to dedicate the merits accrued from doing good deeds to be born in the Pure Land where Amitābha Buddha was believed to live. These three were together known as 'singleness of heart' (Yapon: isshin).[184][185] Shinran further taught that such full faith would make people equal to Maydon, the coming Buddha, because their full enlightenment would be irreversibly assured.[186][187]

Shinran took Hōnen's teaching to the extreme: since he was convinced that he was destined to fall in hell without the help of the Buddha Amitābha, devotion to the Buddha Amitābha and trust in his vow was the single way to salvation.[188][189] Whereas Hōnen had emphasized mostly devotion to the Buddha Amitābha, he did not do so exclusively: Shinran, on the other hand, taught a path of devotion to only the Buddha Amitābha.[190] Thus, Shinran's Pure Land Buddhism focused on a limited set of practices, in contrast to the many practices of Tendai Buddhism. Characteristic of this period in Japanese Buddhism was the selective nature of faith: Japanese Pure Land teachers such as Shinran taught that Pure Land was the faqat form of Buddhism that was the right path; other forms of Buddhism were criticized as ineffective for the Age of Dharma Decline. (This development of 'selective Buddhism', Yapon:senchaku bukkyō, would also affect Nichiren Buddhism.[191][192]) Thirdly, although early Buddhism already emphasized letting-go of self-conceit by practicing the dharma, in the later Pure Land tradition this was drawn further by stating that people should give up all "self-power" and let the healing power of Amitābha do the work of attaining salvation for them.[193][194] This power was even believed to transcend the law of karma. Moreover, whereas Honen had taught faith could be built up by the nembutsu practice, Shinran stated that faith needed to oldinda practice, and could not be built up through it.[195] A fourth characteristic of the movement was its democratic nature:[164][175] in some passages Shinran stated that "wicked" people have just as much chance of attaining to the Pure Land as "good" people, an idea similar to the Christian concept of "salvation of sinners ".[196][6-eslatma]

The old Buddhist orders highly condemned the movement, for starting a new school, distorting Buddhist teachings, and reviling Gautama Buddha. When the emperor felt that some of Honen's monastics acted inappropriately, Hōnen was banished to a remote province for four years.[198][199][200] When Shinran started to teach against the custom of celibacy, stating it indicated a lack of trust in Amitābha Buddha, he was banished as well.[198][201] Apart from Shinran, other priests that emphasized faith in their interpretations were also banished, as their teachings were often embraced by a following which did not accept the authority of the aristocrats in power.[169]

XV asrda, Rennyo (1415–99), a disciple of Shinran considered the second founder of Shinran's Jōdo Shinshu school, tried to reform the school. He opposed Shinran's idea that morality was not required to enter the Pure Land and meet Amitābha Buddha. He believed that morality should go hand-in-hand with faith, and was a way to express gratitude to Amitābha.[202][203] Jōdo Shinshu is still the most popular and largest Buddhist sect in Japan today,[204][205][206] surviving as the Nishi Hongwanji va Higashi Hongwanji urf-odatlar.[207][208]

Zen buddizm

Asosiy maqola: Zen buddizm
Yapon Dzen o'qituvchisi Dygenning rasmlari
Ning bo'yash Dygen, yapon Zen o'qituvchi

Just like in Jōdo Shinshu, some forms of Zen Buddhism arose as a reaction to Tendai Buddhism. Just like Pure Land Buddhism, faith also played a role here, that is, in Sōtō Zen. This form of Zen, also known as "farmer's Zen" because of its popularity in agrarian society, was developed by Dygen (1200–53). Apart from the focus on meditation practice which was common in Zen Buddhism, Dōgen led a revival of interest in the study of the sūtras, which he taught would inspire to a faith based on understanding. Inspired by Chinese Chan buddizm, Dōgen was attracted to a return of the simple life as exemplified by the Buddha in the sūtras. He further believed that sitting meditation was not only the path to enlightenment, but also a way to ifoda eting the Buddha nature within. The practitioner should have the faith that the Buddha nature is already within, Dōgen taught, although Dōgen did not believe this was in the form of a permanent self.[209] Dōgen believed enlightenment was possible in this life—even the secular life—and he did not believe in the idea of the Age of Dharma Decline.[210]

Avalokiteśvara

Asosiy maqola: Avalokiteśvara
Avalokitevaraning haykaltaroshligi, uning yuqori chetida beshta samoviy budda mavjud
Haykaltaroshlik Avalokiteśvara, with the five Celestial Buddhas on the top outer edge

In East Asian Buddhism, there has been a strong focus on worship of the bodisattva Avalokiteśvara. His cult originated in the northern borders of India, but he has been honoured for his compassion in many countries, such as China, Tibet, Japan, Sri Lanka and other parts of Southeast Asia, and among diverse levels of society.[211][212]

The text called the Avalokiteśvara Sūtra states that Avalokiteśvara will help anyone who speaks his name with faith, fulfilling many kinds of wishes, and awakening people to their compassionate Buddha nature.[213][214] Avalokiteśvara is strongly connected to the Buddha Amitābha, as it is believed that he lives in the same Pure Land, and will come to the rescue of those who invoke the name of the Buddha Amitābha.[215][216] Focusing on both mundane benefits and salvation, devotion to Avalokiteśvara was promoted through the spread of the Lotus Sūtra, which includes a chapter about him,[141][216][217] orqali Donolikning mukammalligi sūtras.[218] Avalokiteśvara's devotees often depict him as a female, and in this female form she is known as Guanyin in China, originating from an association with the female Buddhist deity Tara.[213][214][219] Presently, Avalokiteśvara and his female form Guanyin are among the most depicted figures in Buddhism, and Guanyin is also worshiped by Daoistlar.[220]

Other historical developments

Xudolar

Asosiy maqola: Buddist xudolar

In Buddhism, Buddhas and other enlightened beings are the main focus of honour, comparable to that of gods in other religions. Although Buddhism does recognize the existence of deities, Buddhas and other enlightened beings are considered to be different, in that they are seen as outside of the cycle of existence. This does not mean that worship of deities did not exist in Buddhism. However, worship of deities has often been considered a form of superstition or a form of mohirlik vositalari to guide the unenlightened to a better life, and not much more than that.[221]

In the history of the diffusion of Buddhism, the relation between Buddhism and local deities was an important aspect of success, but Buddhists have often denied this because of local movements for orthodoxy. Furthermore, scholars have paid little interest to the role of local deities, since it is not covered by any of the standard academic disciplines studying Buddhism, such as Buddhist studies or anthropology. Nevertheless, deities had a role in Buddhist cosmology from early onward. Buddhist traditions saw them, however, as subordinate to the Buddha, and related many stories of them embracing the Buddhist teaching and even becoming protectors of it. When Buddhist teachers adopted existing cosmologies, but placed the Buddha on top of these systems, a Buddist kosmologiya paydo bo'ldi.[222][223] Part of this process was depicting these deities as violent and disorganized, as opposed to Buddhism and its practitioners—this was not far from the truth, as Buddhist missionaries often came from more ordered and less violent cultures. In this way snake-like deities (naga ), bird-like deities va violent spirits which previously were the focus of pre-Buddhist cults became guardians of the Buddhist teaching.[224] This process of adopting deities as part of Buddhism often occurred when Buddhist devotees or monks did not fully renounce their former devotions when embracing Buddhism.[225] In the early Pāli scriptures, as well as in some customs in traditional Buddhist societies, traces can still be found of the period that Buddhism competed with naga worship and assimilated some of its features.[226]

In some Buddhist countries like Japan, a perspective arose of the human world as a mikrokosm of the macrocosmic realms of the Buddhas. This allowed for an increased tolerance of local traditions and xalq dini, which were seen as connected with this macrocosmos, and thus part of Buddhism.[124] All of these developments led Buddhism to include many deities into its system of faith, but each deity was given his place and role, subordinate to the Buddha.[227][228] Even the exclusive Jōdo Shinshu taught not to denigrate the worship of Sinto deities called kami, though the school did not allow the worship either.[229] Furthermore, in many Buddhist countries ritual specialists of pre-Buddhist traditions were given a duty besides Buddhist monks. These specialists were usually laypeople, who performed these functions besides their normal lay life.[230][63]

Buddhism did not only muvofiq deities into the religion, but also adapted its own teachings. According to religious studies scholar Donald Swearer, bodisattva, relic worship and hagiographies of Buddhist masters were ways for Buddhism to adapt to pre-Buddhist deities and animistik beliefs, by fitting these into the Buddhist thought system. East Asian Buddhist movements like the Chinese White Lotus were transformations of such animistic beliefs. Such transformation of pre-Buddhist beliefs also explains the popularity of movements like Japanese Pure Land Buddhism under Hōnen and Shinran, even though in their teachings they opposed animism.[231]

Millenarizm

Asosiy maqola: Millenarizm
Shuningdek qarang: Merit (Buddhism) § Phu Mi Bun movements

Buddhism is the strongest form of non-western millenarianism.[232] In many Buddhist traditions, there is a concept of a time when the world will end. A tushunchasi ming yillik figure arising in the world at an apocalyptic age exists in many Buddhist traditions. In Buddhism, the growth and decline of the world is believed to come in tsikllar, and the declining period is believed to end with the arising of the kakravartin and finally, the coming of the future Buddha who will start a new prosperous period. Devotion to such a masihiy Buddha figure has been part of almost every Buddhist tradition.[233] Millenarian movements are typically a form of cultural defiance of the dominant culture, resisting "the attempt to put reason and logic over faith", according to political scientist William Miles.[234]

East Asian traditions especially associated the end of the world with the coming of the future Buddha, that is Maitreya. The early Pāli texts only briefly mention him, but he features prominently in later Sanskrit traditions such as the Mahasāghika. China, Burma and Thailand, came to honour him as part of millenarian movements, and they believed that Maitreya Buddha would arise during times of suffering and crisis, to usher in a new era of happiness.[233][235] From the fourteenth century onward, Oq Lotus sectarianism arose in China, which encompassed beliefs in the coming of Maitreya during an apocalyptic age.[236] Devotees of White Lotus societies believed that their faith in the correct teachings would save them when the new world era would come.[237] White Lotus millenarianist beliefs would prove persistent, and survived all the way into the nineteenth century, when the Chinese associated the coming of Maitreya's age with political revolution. But the nineteenth century had not been the first century in which millenarian beliefs sparked political changes: during most of China's history, faith in and worship of Maitreya Buddha often inspired rebellions to change society for the better, to await Maitreya.[238][239] Some of these rebellions led to powerful revolutions and the destruction of royal dynasties.[232] Nevertheless, faith in the coming of a new era of Maitreya was not just political propaganda to incite rebellion, but was, in the words of Chinese Studies scholar Daniel Overmyer, "rooted in continuously existing cultic life."[240]

In Japan, millenarian trends can be observed in the idea of the Age of Dharma Decline, which was most prominent in Nichiren Buddhism. However, more full-fledged forms of millenarianism developed from the nineteenth century onward, with the arising of yangi dinlar.[241]

Zamonaviy ishlanmalar

Buddist modernizm

Asosiy maqola: Buddist modernizm

Although in pre-modern times some schools of Buddhism de-emphasized faith in Buddhist practice,[242] the role of faith really was only criticized widely in modern times. During the eighteenth century Ma'rifat, western intellectuals came to see religion as culturally relative, as opposed to the single truth of reason. By the end of the nineteenth century, this view on religion had informed how the West responded to Buddhism. Western writers such as Edvin Arnold began to present Buddhism as the answer to the contradiction between science and religion, as a rational religion devoid of culture. As western science and rationalism spread to Asia, intellectuals in Asian countries such as in Sri Lanka developed similar ideas.[243] Because of the threat of colonial powers and Christianity, and the rise of an urban middle class, at the end of the nineteenth century Sri Lankan Buddhism started to change. Described by present-day scholars as "Buddhist modernism" or "protestant Buddhism", westerners and British-educated Sri Lankans advocated Buddhism as a rational philosophy, free from blind faith and idolatry, congruent with science and modern ideas.[244][245][246] They saw traditional practices such as relic worship and other devotional routines as corruptions of an ideal, rational form of Buddhism,[247][248] while assimilating Viktoriya davri and other modern values and designating them as traditional Buddhist, often without awareness of their roots.[249]

Daisetsu Teitarō Suzuki fotosurati
Daisetsu Teitarō Suzuki, as photographed by Shigeru Tamura

In Japan, from the Meiji davri onward, the Japanese heavily attacked Buddhism as a foreign and superstitious belief system. In response to this, Buddhist schools such as Zen developed a movement called "New Buddhism" (Yapon tili: shin bukkyo ), emphasizing rationalism, modernism and warrior ideals.[250] Still in Japanese Buddhism, in the twentieth century, a critical response to traditional Buddhism arose, led by the two academics Hakamaya Noriaki and Matsumoto Shirō, called Tanqidiy buddizm. Noriaki and Shirō's school of thought has criticized Chinese and Japanese Buddhist ideas for undermining critical thinking, promoting blind faith and laxity to improve society. Sharqiy Osiyo tadqiqotlari scholar Peter Gregory comments, however, that the attempt of Critical Buddhists at finding a pure, unadulterated Buddhism, ironically, reeks with the very same essentialism it criticizes.[251][252] Other scholars have made similar arguments. Critical Buddhism criticizes blind faith and a belief in the Buddha Nature, but it does reserve a place for faith: Buddhist faith, states Noriaki, is the uncompromising critical capacity to distinguish between true and false Buddhism, and to commit to what is true Buddhism. Noriaki contrasts such true faith with the Japanese ideal of harmony (wa), which he believes goes hand-in-hand with uncritical acceptance of non-Buddhist ideals, including violence.[253][254]

Despite these widespread modernist trends in Asia, scholars have also observed decline of rationalism and resurfacing of pre-modern religious teachings and practices: From the 1980s onward, they observed that in Sri Lankan Buddhism devotional religiosity, magical practices, honouring deities as well as moral ambiguity had become more widespread, as the effects of Protestant Buddhism were becoming weaker. Richard Gombrich and anthropologist Gananat Obeyesekere have therefore spoken of post-protestant Buddhism to describe this trend.[255][256][257]

Twentieth-century Buddhism in the West

Bxikxu Bodhi
Bxikxu Bodhi

With the spread of Buddhism to the West in the twentieth century, devotional practices still played an important role among Asian ethnic communities, though much less so in Western "convert" communities. The influence of Buddhist modernism could also be felt in the West, where lay-led organizations often offered meditation courses without much emphasis on devotion. Yozuvchilar yoqadi D. T. Suzuki described meditation as a trans-cultural and non-religious practise, which greatly appealed to westerners.[258][7-eslatma] Thus, in Western, secular Buddhism, meditation was more emphasized than in traditional Buddhist communities, and faith or devotion less.[259][260] Just like in modern Asia, the rational and intellectual aspects of Buddhism were mostly emphasized in the West, as Buddhism was often favourably compared with Christianity.[261] The author and Buddhist teacher Stiven Batchelor has endeavoured to advocate a form of Buddhism which he believes to be original, ancient Buddhism, as it was before it became "institutionalized as a religion".[262]

In contrast to these typical modernist trends, it has also been observed that some western Buddhist communities show great commitment to their practice and belief, and for that reason are more traditional religious than most forms of Yangi asr spirituality.[263] Furthermore, several Buddhist teachers have spoken out against interpretations of Buddhism that do away with all faith and devotion, including translator and monastic Bxikxu Bodhi. Bhikkhu Bodhi argues that many Westerners have misunderstood the Kalāma Sutta (qarang § Verification ), as Buddhism teaches that faith and personal verification should go hand-in-hand, and faith should not be discarded.[264]

The latter part of the twentieth century has seen a unique situation arising with regard to Buddhism in the West: for the first time since Buddhism left India many Buddhist traditions are able to communicate in the same language. This has led to an increased eklektizm between the different traditions.[265] Furthermore, with the increase of scientific research in meditation methods, prominent Buddhist authors are pointing to scientific evidence to verify whether Buddhist practice is really effective or not, rather than referring to scriptural or monastic authority.[266]

Navayana

Asosiy maqolalar: Navayana va Dalit buddistlar harakati

In 1956, the Indian dalit (untouchable) and icon Ambedkar (1891–1956) led a mass conversion to Buddhism, starting a new Buddhist movement (Navayana). This new movement led to a pattern of mass conversions, some of them reaching up to 500,000 people, simultaneously converting. Dalits that were dissatisfied with the Indian kast tizimi took refuge in Buddhism as a way out. In the 2010s, violent incidents affecting dalits led to a revival of mass conversions in Gujarat va boshqa shtatlar. Some converts admit that the conversion is a political choice to reorganize themselves, as conversion could help them to no longer be classified by the Hindu caste system.[267]

Olimlar bayon qildilar Ambedkar's perspective on Buddhism as secular and modernist rather than religious, as he emphasized the atheist aspects of Buddhism and rationality, and rejected Hindu soteriology va ierarxiya.[268][269] Other scholars have interpreted Ambedkarism as a form of critical traditionalism, in which Ambedkar reinterprets traditional Hindu concepts rather than rejecting them altogether. Specifically, scholar Gauri Viswanathan [de ] states that Ambedkar's Dalit conversions give belief a more central, worldly role than it had before. Cross-cultural researcher Ganguly Debjani, however, points at religious elements in Ambedkar's description of the Buddha's life and teaching, and states that Ambedkar ilohiylashtirmoqda the Buddha as the "fount of Rationality". Several scholars have argued that the Buddha and Ambedkar are honoured by his followers through traditional devotional practices (Sanskritcha: baxti), such as story-telling, songs and poetry, festivals, and images, despite Ambedkar's rejection of such practices.[270][271]

Shuningdek qarang

Izohlar

  1. ^ Some scholars disagree with these glosses, however. Shuningdek, Vedalar dradhā is understood as an "attitude of mind based on truth".[10]
  2. ^ The discourse can be found online at The Kalāma Sutta, tarjima qilingan Soma Thera
  3. ^ The discourse can be found at: Bxikxu, Tanissaro. "Canki Sutta: With Canki". Olingan 2017-05-26.
  4. ^ Religious studies scholar Allan A. Andrews points out that apart from the mainstream lay devotee Pure Land Buddhism, monastic-oriented schools also existed. These emphasized visualization more than the reciting of Amitabha Buddha's name, and emphasized enlightenment in the present lifetime more than attaining to a Pure Land after death.[170]
  5. ^ Nevertheless, in some texts Shinran argued that the number of times the nembutsu was recited, whether once or many, did not provide a complete answer to the question of salvation.[179]
  6. ^ However, some scholars have downplayed the role of new movements like Pure Land Buddhism in the Kamakura davri, stating that reform also took place in old Buddhist schools, and that some of the new movements only gained significance much later.[197]
  7. ^ Haqiqatda, D. T. Suzuki made a point in some of his writings that Zen could not be separated from Buddhism.[258]

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